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ཞི༽
Cl A.JQURNAL the
i IT I ES
F P E R AD EN YA
2 & 1 NUMBERS ܝܝܝܝܝܝܝܝܘܡܬ-- `
è . ܂ ܠ ܠ
1985)

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The Sri I anka Journal of the Hun anitie Peradeniya and appears twice a year in a variety of scholarly and original artic Literature, Language, Relgion, the Arts : Will pertain mainly but not exclusively
to reach an audience that includes both
E DI
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A. D. P. Kalansuriya S U. P. Meddegama W P. D. Premasiri R
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Kingdom of Majapahit a learned man belonging Scholar who performed a spiritual and occasion,

es, is published by the University of June and December. It aims to publish les on History, Archaeology, Philosophy. and other related fields. The articles to Sri Lanka. The Journal is designed
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TOR
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T SRI L JOURNAL OF T
VOLUME VIII
1
CON
Prelude to the State: An Early Phase of Political Institutions in Ancient Sri
R. A. L. H. Gunawardana
Herodotus in the Jātakas
Merlin Peris
Of Love and Development: A Passage fresh connection - A*
Rajiva Wijesinha
Classical Sinhalese Narrative Prose : I and Prose Styles
Sarathchandra Wickramasuriya
Kingship in Sri Lanka: A. D. 1070 - 1
S. Pathmanathan
A Note on Three Old Sinhalese Palm
P. E. E. Fernando
Pānīyāvadāna
Ratna Handurukande
Symbolism in the Thirteen Principal U
Nirmala S. Salgado
The Dramatist at the Crossroads: A S. Drama Since 1950
U. P. Meddegama
Book Reviews:
Paifiasa-Jataka or Zimmé Pannasa (in
Vol. III (Jātakas 26-50) Edited by Padr
Ratna Handurukande
Buddhism and Christianity: Their Inner
A. D. P. Kalansuriya

-E
黛 HE HUMANFES
) 82
CENTS
in the Evolution
Lanka
o India in a
ts. Themes, Conventions
270
- Leaf Manuscripts
pani Sads
urvey of Sinhala
the Burmese Recension) manabh S. Jaini.
Affinity. Antony Fernando.
Page
40
66
88
120
146
158
52
74
188
94

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Page 5
PRELUDE TC
An Early Phase in the Institutions in A
The study of the development cf has to be based, to a considerable ext chronicles. The earliest chronicles, the the historian with a rich source of ma he has to proceed with great care, con the chroniclers present of conditions pri could have been coloured, even transfo) of their own times and of ideologies th were based on material collected at An' lived there when the island had been 1 kingdom. For them the whole island r well as politically, and the control of pura was the norm. It is clear from two chronicles, that its author represent on the maintenance of this unity as on the king. Another aspect of this ideol as the dhammadipa, “the island of the that its rulers had with Buddhism...? W
1 This paper was written in 1980 during a 1
Scholar at the University of Kyoto. The the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies fo The paper was subsequently presented at Discussion Paper No. 11 of 1983 and is d in a special issue devoted to the problem here were first outlined by the author in revised edition of the University of Ceylon F scholars who were expected to contribute t Asian Studies Discussion Paper No. 11).
2 The ideology of the chronicles of Sri Lank for instance, L. S. Perera, *“The Pãli Chiro of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, London, 1961 of Buddhist Historiography: Mahāvamsa ac Religion and Legitimation of Pouver in Sri Lank L. Smith, 'The Ideal Social Order as Pol 48-72. See also W. I. Siriweera, “The Du and R. A. L. H. Gunawardana, The Peop in History and Historiography' in Ethnicit

) THE STATE
Evolution of Political
Ancient Sri Lanka!
olitical institutions in ancient Sri Lanka nt, on evidence pereserved in the Pãli Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa, provide terial, but, in utilizing this information, stantly reminding himself that the picture evalent many centuries before their times med, under the impact of the conditions at influenced them The two chronicles Luradhapura and written by authors who uled for several centuries as a unified epresented a single entity, culturally as the island from the centre at Anuradhathe Mahavamsa, the more detailed of the ed an ideology which placed emphasis he of the primary functions expected of ogy concerned the destiny of the island true faith,' and the special relationship |riting at a time when the king and the
period of stay in Japan as Visiting Research author is grateful to the Director and members r their generous hospitality and encouragement. the seminar for Asian Studies, Peradeniya, as he to be published in Studies in History, Delhi, of state formation. The basic ideas presented 971 in the synopsis of a chapter for the proposed listory of Ceylon which was circulated among the o this volume (See Appendix to the Seminar for
a has ben examined by several scholars. see, nicles of Ceylon' in C. H. Philips ed., Historias , pp. 29-43; Heinz Bechert, The Beginnings | Political Thinking o in Bardwell L. Smith ed. a, Chambersburg PA, 1978, pp. 1-12; Bardwell trayed in the Chronicles of Ceylon.' Ibid., pp. țțhagāma ni - Ellāra Epirsode: A Reassessment” e of the Lion: The Sinhala Idenity and Idenlogy and Social Change in Sri Lanka, Colombo, 1984.

Page 6
2 PRELUDE T
greater majority of the people were Bu Mahavamsa saw a threat to the prevalel Indians of “false faiths.' The hero of battles declaring “Not for the joy of
striving has been) ever to establish the d heroic tales of Buddhist rulers who stru ever the ideal order had been disrupted, thought to be an inspiring model for cc
Consequently, it is difficult to find and evolutionary aspects of the early hist For the author of the Mahavamsa, even first dynasty, was a ruler who enjoyed (lahkam akhilan anusasamano), and the political unit eversince, except in time invasions by South Indians. It is eve probably a conscious attempt on the pal of imperial historiography in China, to to him on the conditions which prevaile. polity in Sri Lanka. As will be eviden which do not tally with the total pictu. could be detected in his account.
Despite the noteworthy progress in
the pioneers of modern historiography in inherited from the chroniclers has conti historical writings on the ancient period. to the History of Ceylon, sponsored by in 1959, drew attention to the need for in the chronicles, and his critical analysi about Pandukabhaya is an example of
However, it is noteworthy that his cha ''The Early Kings of Ceylon up to Mu University History which are relevant to S, Paranavitana. In these chapters Parana Mahavansa account on two important po sources as well as literary works like th he argued that the consecration rituals w time of Devanampiya Tissa ( 250-210B. of local rulers in the southeastern parts Devänampiya Tissa and Dutthagämani (1
Mahāvansa (hereafter Mv.), ch. 7, v.74. Mv., ch. 7, v.74. University of Ceylon History of Ceylon (UCHC), ed., S Ibid., Bk.2, chs. 2 and 3, pp. 125-163.
:

THE STATE
ldhists, the monk who composed the | social order from invasions by South his poem was a ruler who waged many sovereignty is this toil of mine, my octrine of the Sambuddha." In relating ggled to “re-establish the sasana,' whenthe chronicler was presenting what he ntemporaries and future generations.
in the chronicles a picture of the dynamic pry of political institutions in Sri Lanka. Vijaya, the mythical founder of the undisputed power over the whole island
island had been ruled as a single of rebellion in the provinces and possible to suggest that there was t of the chronicler, as in the case withhold information that was available before the emergence of a unified later, on close scrutiny, certain elements re that the chronicler tried to present
textual criticism evident in the work of Sri Lanka, the ideological framework nued to wield a deep influence on L. S. Perera, one of the contributors the University of Ceylon and published caution in the handling of material s of the Vijaya myth and the legends the methodology that he advocated. 5 pter was published under the title, asiva.' The two other chapters in the the present discussion were written by vitana questioned the veracity of the ints. Utilizing material in epigraphic : Vamsatthappakasini and the Dhatuvansa ere probably first introduced in the C.) and drew attcntion to the presence of the island in the period between 51-137 B. C.). 6 However, Paranavitana's
Paranavitana, Colombo, 1959, Vol. I, pp.98-111.

Page 7
R. A. L. H. GU
chapters follow the Mahavamsa closely i descriptions of minor episodes of questic pursue the implications of the evidence houses in the southeastern parts of Sri appear to be contradictory statements at houses and the lineage which ruled fr notes that the manner in which the inscriptions indicates that they ruled W another. 8 Yet, elsewhere, he suggests nowledged the paramountcy of Devanan) ruler of Ceylon.'
The fact that Paranavitana, who q account as regards two important points of the inscriptions he cited and oth available to him,' to question the tot points to an important characteristic fe was not alone among writers on the heavily on the easily available and d Despite his initial training as an epigra to supplement the chronicles and to co contradicted by the inscriptions. Howev the ideological framework provided by explained as the result of a mere lack Modern historiography developed in S the Sinhala ideology, which drew on those based on religion as well as on the Aryan identity, was gaining increas some of the proponents of this ideolo; attitude towards the Tamil-speaking Dutthagamani became a highly emotiv Buddhist-Sinhala hero who waged a vic of false beliefs. In the 1950s when ideology was at the height of its influ historians, to question the ideological History of Ceylon, Paranavitana present in the best traditions of Aryan chiva
-—ത്ത
7 See, for instance, ibid, pp. 139, 151, 158
8 Ibid., pp.155.
9 Ibid., pp.134, 141.
10 Some of the inscriptions cited below had
had been collected by the Arceaeological S
11 For a discussion of the development of th The People of the Lion: The Sinhala I The Sri Lanka Journal of Humanities, Vol. ν

NAWARDANA 3
n other respects, reproducing at times onable hitoricity. 7 Paranavitana did not he found on the presence of ruling Lanka and, in fact, he made what bout the relationship between these ruling om Anurādhapura. In one place, he local rulers are mentioned in their ithout acknowledging the supremacy of that the other rulers would have ackpiya Tissa whom he refers to as “the
uestioned the veracity of the Mahavamsa , did not proceed further, on the basis er records which were most probably al picture that the chronicle presents, ature of his methodology, Paranavitana ancient history of Sri Lanka to rely etailed information in the Mahavamsa. aphist he utilized the inscriptions mostly rrect the chronicles only when they are ter, the persistence of the influence of the chronicles cannot be satisfactorily of refinement in historical methodology. ri Lanka at a time when a new form of such traditional concepts of identity as more recently acquired racist ideas of ing influence. From about the 1920s, gy began to adopt a markedly hostile population in the island. For them : symbol representing the archetypal Aryantorious campaign against non-Aryan Tamils a particularly virulent form of the Sinhala lence, it was difficult, even for academic framework of the Mahavamsa. In the ed Dutthagamari as a prince brought up lry' who 'summoned the people to the
53.
already been published and most of the others
urvey of Sri Lanka.
e Sinhala ideology, see R. A. L. H. Gunawardana,
enty and Ideology in History and Historiography.'
1979, pp. 1-42.

Page 8
4 PRELUDE T
clarion call of religion.” He further s of this prince, **the first Siahalese dyn island and raised Buddhism once again
rarily lost.' It is noteworthy that th in presenting the campaigns of Duttha, the restoration of political conditions v of Devanarppiya Tissa
The contributors to the History of task of examining the process of the Lanka and assumed that, by the time Anuradhapura had already become the according to the accounts of the chron third ruler of the principality of An Neither Devänampiya Tissa nor his prec military conquests. The cycle of legend the demarcation of boundaries of villag one of his achievements.13 Perera and lity of these legends. 14 Further, the car waged, even if we were to accept their enough to support a claim to sovereign becomes clear from a study of the chro ruler credited with a series of campaig credence to a claim to paramountcy ove
Though the Mahavamsa seeks to pre in the island which had existed long b possible to recognize certain elements chronicle as remnants of a discordant tra situation. The fourteenth chapfer which Devanampiya Tissa to the Bo-sapling brou of the ksatriyas of Kajaragama and Ca gama can be identified with confidence
12 UCHC, Vol I, Pt, 1, pp.145, 156. Emphasis ac
13 Mv., ch. 10, v. 103.
14 See UCHC, Vol. I, Pt. 1, pp. 98-111; G. C. Me vansa.” Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Roy 81-4.
15 For the identification of the places mentio
W. Geiger, Colombo, I950, pp. 69-73.
16 Mv., ch. 19, vv. 54, 61-2.
17 The Vansathappakasini clearly located these p tasmi veva janapade Candanagämake. Varsatiha, 135, Vol. II, p. 407.

) THE STATE
ated that, as a result of the campaigns asty recovered its sovereignty over the whole to the preeminent position it had tempois interpretation follows the Mahavamsa
amani as having merely brought adout hich had prevailed earlier in the time
Ceylon did not address themselves to the mergence of a unified polity in Sri
of Devananpiya Tissa, the rulers at overeigns of the island. However, even clers, Devananpiya Tissa was only the uradhapura founded by Pandukabhaya. lecessor Mutasiva has been credited with s centering on Pandukabhaya mentions as scattered over the whole island as Mendis have demonstrated the unreliabimpaigns that this prince is said to have
historicity, do not cover an area wide ty over the whole island." In fact it nicles that Dutthagamani is the first ns of a magnitude that would give er the island.
sent a picture of a unified kingdom efore the time of Dutthagamani, it is lying scattered in the body of the dition which points to a totally different
recounts the reception accorded by . ight from Magadha makes special mention ndanagāma.6 Kājaragāma and Candanaas places located in Rohana.17 The
lded.
endis, **The Mahābhārata Legends in the Mahāal Asiatic Society, New Scries, Vol. V, 1956, pp.
ncd in the Mahavamsa, see The Mahāvansa, tr.
laces in Rohana: Roha na janabade Kāja ragāmake... bpakasini (Vap.), ed. G. P. Malalasekera, London »

Page 9
R. A. L. H. GU
twenty-second chapter titled ''The Birth pality at Kalyani under a ruler called
rary of Dutthagamani's father 18 A commentary on the Mahavansa, Tissa o who ruled over the Uttiyajanapada whi work does not mention their father by sons of Raja Mutasiva of Anuradhapur Devanampiya Tissa.19 Thus both these
lated at the same monastery, allude to
two generations after the time of I generally identified as the place of this but it is not possible to be certain tha this name.20 The chapter on the campai is perhaps the most interesting and n. between the picture that the chroniclers available to them. The Mahavihara
successors up to Dutthagamani as const ruled over the entire Rohana region. It or “lord of Rohana without hindran Vansatıhappakāsini states: akhileti sakalan over the entire Rohana.”22 On the oth gamani fought, is depicted as the ruler who, though he was known for his str believer with no knowledge of the valu faith (ratanatayassa guņasārata ajānanto campaigns of Duțțhagāmaņi in the Mah ing not only Eliāra but several other ru the chronicler states that Dutthagamani two Tamil rulers (evan davattimsa damil lankarajan akasi so).2 That there was mani as a warrior who waged an exten different princes is also evident fro) Sahassavatthupakarana. In two of the s finds mention as calling people to arm. the thirty-two Tamil rulers, in order to
18 Mv., ch. 22, vv. 13-22.
19 Vap., Vol. II, p. 431. 20 The term Kalanika occurs in an inscription
S. Paranavitana, Inscriptions of Ceylon (IC), C 21 Mv., ch. 22, v. 8. 22 Vap., Vol. II, p. 430. 23 Mv., ch. 21, v. 21. 24 Mv., ch. 25, v. 75. 25 Sahassavatthupakarana. ed. A. P. Buddhadatta,

NAWARDANA 5
of Prince Gamaqi” refers to a princiTissa who is described as a contempoccording to the Vamsatthappakasini the Kalyani had a brother called Uttiya h was situated by the sea. Though this name, it states that they were granda and that Tissa had been named after works, which represent traditions accumutwo principalities which evidently existed Devanarppiya Tissa. Kalyani has been name in the western part of the island t there was only one place which bore gns of Dutthagamaqi in the Mahavamsa oteworthy in reflecting the discordance sought to present and the source material tradition presents Mahanaga and his ituting a line of Buddhist princes who refers to Mahanaga as rohase issarokhile ce.'2 Explaining this phrase, the hi rohane, “without hindrance, that is er hand, Eļāra, against whom Duțțhaef the whole of the northern plains ong sense of justice, was yet an une of the three treasures of the Buddhist ).23 However, the description of the lavansa contains references to his defeatlers as well. In fact, in this chapter, unified the island after subduing thirty arājāno duhtagāmani ganhiva ekachatena a tradition which presented Dutthagaisive series of campaigns against many m an anthology of tales called the tories in this anthology Dutthagamani s by beat of durm to wages war against
unify the island.25
at Mandagala in the Hambantota District. See olombo, 1970, Vol. I, p. 44, No. 577.
Colombo, 1959, pp. 95, 104.

Page 10
6 PRELUDE T
It will have been evident from the anachronistic picture of political condit chroniclers were trying to present, it is altogether different political order charac principalities which had to be subdued mountcy over the entire island would b
The large corpus of Brahmi inscrip represents the most reliable source of i conditions in ancient Sri Lanka. Tho utilized by Paranavitana and other scho presented for the first time a systemati from 269 different sites in the island. under two categories on the basis of p were identified as records indited in th rest were classified as forming a later out, from about the time of Kutakanna indited in "'a developed form of the records of the Andhra kings found at reason in favour of dating the earlier g anterior to the time of Kuțakaņņa Ti terminus ad quem of this group of inscr A. D. In doing so, he appears to have the author of an inscription from Gona century A. D. As will be seen later on as the identification of the person m. doubt.27 It is noteworthy that neither a considerable number of rock inscripti sangha nor any other ruler who lived a rulers mentioned in any of the other in the Brāhmi script. While Uti, who bea in an inscription at Mihintale,28 can be dence with Uttiya who succeeded Devan cūlika Tissa (76-62 B. C.) is the last ru those mentioned in the early Brahmi rec Kutakanna Tissa's father in the Mahava an inscription at Demada Oya.29 Hence, rule out that there may be some record limits, it seems reasonable to suggest th indited in the early Brahmi script refle island in the period between the end o the first century B. C.
26 See IC, pp. lxi-lxii. 27 See infra pp. 10-12. 28 IC, p. 4, Nos. 46, 47. 29 IC, p. 64, No. 830.

THE STATE
preceding discussion that, beneath the ons more typical of their own times the
possible to detect indications of an terized by the presence of several minor before the claim of a ruler to para
accepted.
tions published by Paranavitana in 1970 nformation on the political and social igh some of these records had been ars in previous writings, this publication edition of 1289 inscriptions collected Paranavitana grouped these inscriptions alaeographical features: l l 59 inscriptions 2 earlier form of the script while the group of inscriptions. As he pointed TI issa ( 41-19 B. C. ), records have been Brahmi script, resembling that in the Nasik and elsewhere.'26 This is a strong roup of Brahmi inscriptions in a period ssa. However, Paranavitana fixed the iptions in the middle of the first century been guided by the identification of watta as a prince who lived in the first , the reading of this inscription as well entioned therein are open to serious Cutakanna Tissa who finds mention in ons as a generous patron of the Buddhist fter his time can be identified among scriptions indited in the early form of .rs the titles Devanapiya Maharaja Gamani identified with a fair degree of confianpapiya Tissa at Anurâdhapura, Mahâiler who can be clearly identified among 'ords. The latter, who is described as msa, is mentioned as Rajha Macudi in though it is certainly not possible to s which fall outside these chronological at the vast majority of the inscriptions cts conditions which prevailed in the if the third century and the middle of

Page 11
R. A. L. H. Go
At twenty-eight of the 269 sites o records set up by individuals who may be In these records they bear the titles 1 Aya. While the first two of these title ing the status of ruler, Paranavitana a traced the derivation of Aya and its P However, the Pali equivalent of the Sa terms, arya and ariya have been used and religious connotation, there is no used to denote political leadership. Th the greater majority of vocables in the parallels in Sanskrit and the Parakritic others may have a Tamil origin. The in the Mottayakallu inscription in the records from other areas of the island, to a Tamil origin.3 Marumakanake wa sense of “grandson” and is clearly rela its variant marukan. The latter has be. in the Pattiruppā ti u.32 Similarly, it is the Tamil terms ayyā (var. Kannaqda a The term ayya and its variants have be The term ai, which is represented by t has been used in certain instances to c Tirukkural, and in other instances as in Hence it seems very likely that Aya w the same meaning as Rajha and Gaman appears to have changed after the unif be used by kinsmen of the Anuradh governors or other functionaries, it is denoted the political leaders of settlem parts of the island. In fact, a record period of ruie” (rajhiyahi) of a certain and Raja have been generally translatec Pāli they have been used rather loosel; authority from incipient types of politi leadership of extensive empires as that titles Rajha, Gamani and Aya, cited in polities which cannot be described as )
30 IC, p. lxvi; T. Hettiarachchy, History of Kir 31 See IC, pp. 6 (No. 83), 23 (No 289), 37 (No 32 Pattiruppaltu, 63.16, quoted in the Tamil L.
and M. B. Emeneau. A Dravidian Etymologic 33 See Tamil Lexicon, Vol. I, pp. 109, 575; Bu 34 IC, p. 55, No. 736.

NAWARDANA - 7
ancient inscriptions are to be found dentified as rulers of minor principalities. ajha (var. Raja), Gamani (var. Gamini) or have been generally accepted as denotld other scholars who followed him have li equivalent Ayya to Sanskrit Arya.30 Inskrit Arya is Ariya. While both these in an honorific sense with a cultural vidence to suggest that they had been ough it may be correct to assume that ancient inscriptions of Sri Lanka have languages, it is quite likely that some erm marunakanake and its variants, found eastern part of Sri Lanka and in several are good examples of words traceable used in Sri Lankan records in the ted to the Tamil term marumakan and an used with the meaning 'descendant' possible to compare aya and ayya with ya, Malayalam ayyan, Tulu ayye) and ai. :en used as modes of addressing superiors. he ninth letter of the Tamil alphabet, lenote “‘lord' and “master', as in the the Cadaman inikanlu, to denote “ruler'.33 as a word of Tamil derivation which had i. Though the connotation of the term ication of the island, when it came to apura rulers who served as provincial possible to suggest that originally it ents which had been founded in different from Kolladeniya clearly refers to “the Aya Naga.3“ The terms Rajha, Raja as "king', but in both Sanskrit and to denote varying levels of political cal leadership reflected in the Rgveda to of Asoka. The individuals bearing the this paper, held sway over pre-state kingdoms in the strict sense of the word.
gship in Ceylon, Colombo, 1972, p.65.
487), 48 (No. 643), 56 (No. 744).
xícen, Madras, Vol. V, Pt. 1, p. 3039; T. Burrow
il Dictionary, Oxford, p. 312, No. 3860.
row and Emeneau, op. cit, p.13, No. 163.

Page 12
8 PRELUDE T.
The northernmost site where inscrip ruling houses are to be found is in th of sites further north has to be perh geologieal features of the land than a prevalent in ancient times. Almost ai records of donations of cave dwellings any caves to be found in the northern tone outcrops in this region are suitab inditing records. Of the sites in the is situated in the upper reaches of the the northeast of the modern town of five cave inscriptions in the early form records are to be found at Erupotana, The number of inscriptions suggests tha tuted one of the more important centre its expansion in the island. Four of th founded by Rajha Uti and his consort not given in these records, Abi Anurad Uti, and this may suggest that Naga w vitana was hesitant about expressing a Uti.36 On the other hand, C. W Nich specialized in the study of early Brahm rulers mentioned in the Periya Puliyank the chronicles, and they may have been 2nd centuries B. C.’ The only ruler o was Devanampiya Tissa's brother who him as Uttiya and three records at Mih records he bears the titles Deyanapiya, also reveal that his consort was Suman Abi Tisa. Theugh it is quite possible 1 other considerations which suggest that Uti be distinguished from his namesake in bore the title Rajha, the latter was refe records and by the titles Maharajaha an in contrast to the Periya Puliyankulama given precedence in the records set up Naga and Uti of the Periya Puliyankula the rulers of the Anuradhapura line. T which wielded power in the Periya Puli
35 IC, p. 27, Nos, 338-41.
36 See IC, pp. ii-liii.
37 C. W. Nicholas, “Historical Topography of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, Vol. VI,
38 Mo., ch 20, v. 29; IIC, pp. 3-4, Nos. 34, 46, 4

) THE STATE
tions indicating the presence of ancient Vavuniya District. However, the absence aps explained more in terms of the s an indication of political conditions l the inscriptions of this period are to Buddhist clerics. There are hardly most part of Sri Lanka, and the limesle neither for making caves nor for Vavuniya District, Periya Puliyankulama river Parangi Aru, about eight miles to Vavuniya. At this site there are thirtyof the Brahmi script. Twelve more which is about a mille from this site. t the Periya Puliyankulama area constiis of Buddhism in the initial period of le caves at Periya Puliyankulama were Abi Anuradi. While Uli's lineage is and her father are mentioned before as the more important ruler. Paranadefinite opinion on the identity of Rajha olas, another leading epigraphist vho i records, was of the view that the ulama records “are not identifiable in local rulers of the late 3rd or the early f Anurādhapura who bore the name Uti suoceded him. The Mahavamsa refers to in tale refer to him as Uti.38 In these Maharajha, and Gamani. These records adevi and that he had a daughter calleti that a ruler had two consorts, there are i of the Periya Puliyankulama records has to the Mihim tale record. While the former irred to by all his three titles in two d Gamani in the third record. Further, records, Uti of Mihintale is always by his daughter and his consort. Thus ima records appear to be distinct from hey probably represent two ruling houses yankulama area and its vicinity.
Ancient and Ceylon,' Jornal of Ceylon Branch of p. 86.
7.

Page 13
Matt Na
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♥ሪ 暴 Հ, f Periya Put R . S 苓
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44
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PRE - STATE POLITIES
jr
ANCIENT SRI LANKA
O 24 Mais
smuum
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Niccy3rmalai
Difiutagata
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e.
Rāja gata .Ꭿ> *
F¶ùስ፡yañgaስa 爱 *Baffibaraga a gal M9t .0* قة تتسمصريح
A.
Sa Baihui karda 宅送 V ૮. 8.vઢ
NRKaràragara
Stres of inscriptions sef up by Ranbers of ring tinages

Page 14
10 PRELUDE T
Four inscriptions in the early Brahm which lies to the east of Anuradhapura of these records was set up by Tisa (gamika) of the village Erakapi, was h succeeding his father. In his inscription are two symbols in this inscription (see other Brahmi record in the island. Th of a ruler in the southernmost part of Dama of the Näțțukanda record was a the area to the east of the Malvatu rl
i 毫 逝 Q 进
b
Fig. 1. Symbols in Brāhmī inscriptio c. Koțițadämūhela d. Kandēg:
Näcciyatrmallai is a site in the Trin about one and half miles to the southv road from Trincomalee to Pulmottai, C set up by Uti, son of Aya Daraka anc not legible. The second and third insc
record of the donation of a canal to t that these records have preserved for u over some settlements in the coastal reg likely though the information in these to draw any clear conclusions.
Clearer evidence pointing to the pri an inscription at Occappukallu, situated Anuradhapura, close to the river MOda works dependent on the water from Kudavilacciya reservoirs, are later work works in the basin of this river which south of the river Malvatu. Nicholas h in an inscription dated in the second the port Margana referred to by Ptole river Modaragam Aru.40 Six records in at this site, and one of them was set he shared his name 41 It seems likely
39 IC, p. 14, No. 168. 40 Claudius Ptolemaeus, Geographia, Strassburg
1966, p.52; Nicholas op. cit., p. 153. 41 IC, p. 9, No. 111.

O THE STATE
i script have been found at Nattukanda , outside the Malvatu river basin. One who, while being son of the leader imself a village-leader, probably after
Tisa mentions Rajha Dama. There Fig.1a) which are not found in any ough the name Dama occurs as the name the island, it seems more likely that nother ruler who wielded authority in rer basin.
i.
d e
ons: a. Näțțukanda b. Henannegala amakanda e. Mihintale & Kotadamuhela
comalee District, situated near the coast vest of the nineteenth milepost on the )ne of the inscriptions at this site was grandson of a ruler whose name is riptions at the site are copies of a he Buddhist sangha.39a The possibility s information on a lineage which ruled gion to the north of Trincomalee seems inscriptions is too meagre to enable us
esence of a minor polity is found in
about thirty miles to the northwest of ragam Āru. Though the major irrigation this river, like the Mahavilacciya and s, there are many minor-scale irrigation
flows into the sea about twenty miles as suggested that Magana-nakara mentioned century A. D., which he identified with my, was situated at the mouth of the the early Brahmi script have been found up by a scion of Rajha Kaga with whom that this area was of some importance
edition of 1513, ed. R. A. Skelton, Amsterdam,

Page 15
R A. L. H. GUN
in long-distance trade even at this early Brahmi script have been found at Aidi Modaragam Aru, and one of them recor by an individual who describes hims Bhojakata occurs as a place-name in a
the place where the Modaragam Aru flo coastal area of northwestern Sri Lanka that the rulers of this area participated
Inscriptions from Lenagala and Yat: evidence on a lineage which ruled for a are located about ten miles apart. Lena from the eleventh milepost on the Galig lies near Yaltogoda, close to the fortyroad. Tributaries of the rivers Maha O which is known for its fertile loam and single record at Lenagala Aya Duhatara the community of monks and also assig of the two settlements, Anudigama an himself as a son of Aya Siva and a g
Only two of the six inscriptions at cave-dwellings and all of them record monks who dwelt in these caves. Thus had been in occupation before the inscr. dowments were made by Gamani Siva Dus atara, grandson of Aya Siva and gr was a brother of Devanapiya.' This ge as follows:
Devanapiya
42 Bhojaktakasa návikasa paaagadini • IC, p. 8, No. 43 Lüders List, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. X, Appe 44 IC, p. 60, No. 786. 45 IC, pp. 60-1, Nos. 792, 793, 796a.

AWARDANA 11
date. Two inscriptions in the early agala on the northern banks of the is the construction of a flight of steps lf as “the mariner of Bhojakataka.'42 inscription found at Bharhut. Since
vs into the Indian Ocean is in the known for its pearl-banks, it is likely
in long-distance trade.
halena in the Kägalla District present t least four generations. The two sites gala is situated one and a half miles amuva-Ruvanvalla road, and Yatahalena second milepost on the Colomb - Kandy ya and Kālagi flow across this area highly productive rice fields. In the grants a cave called Manapadasane to ns them a “share’ (patake) from each di Batasanagara. The donor describes randson of Aya Duhatara.144
Yatahalena refer to the construction of endowments made for the benefit of
it is evident that some of these caves iptions were set up. Three of the enwho describes himself as a son of Aya eat grandson of Rajha Dusatara who inealogical information may be tabulated
i v Raja Dusatara
4. Aya Siva
Aya Dušatara (II)
Gamani siva (II)
OS. ndix, Pp 8, 22-3.

Page 16
12 PRELUDE '
It is evident from the Yatahalena reco
bore the names Dus atara and SViva. D name Duhatara in the Lenagala record
may be identified either with Dus'a Yatahalena record. It is noteworthy th: called Rajha or Gamani in one reco Devanapiya was a title borne by the ru Šiva does not mention the name of til the ruling house of Yatahalena was fo line need not be fictitious. It is note vihara, which Nicholas identified with Y in the legend about Mahanaga.46 Since at Anuradhapura to assume the title D could not have been earlier than him. the fourth generation, has to be dated or the early part of the first century B claims kinship links with the Anuradha indications that he acknowledged the a Anurādhapura.
Information on a polity which exis reaches of the river Mahavaili is foul situated about eighteen miles from Kar the four records in the early Brahmi s who described herself as the consort of Brahmana Kojhara, recorded the donati Another record at the site mentions a evidently located in this region Yet form of the Brahmi script is foun Bambaragala. Evidently, the scribe res site was not one of the most compete šajha, and, in another, he omitted a l In this record, Gamani Tisa, the dono descent. According to this informar grandson of Rajha Naga and great named Abaya was a son of anothe Paranavitana as Macuqdika 48 Paranavita Tissa mentioned in the Mahavansa, and Tissa, Mahadathika Mahanaga and An rulers lived in the first century of the
46 Mly., ch. 22. vv. 2-9; Nicholas, op. cit , p. 122 47 IC., p. 63, No. 814.
48 IC, p. 62, No. 813. 49 IC, pp. lxi-lxii.

O THE STATE
ds that this lineage of rulers alternatvld usatara is clearly the equivalent of the and the donor in the latter recory ara II or as a son of Siva II in the it in either case a ruler who has been 'd was called Aya in another record. lers of Anuradhapura. Though Game ni e sibling of his ancestor, the claim that unded by a scion of the Anuradhapura vorthy that the monastery Yahalayaagahalena, finds mention in the Mahavansa Devanappiya Tissa was the first ruler evanapiya, the brother of Siva's ancestor Henee Gamani Siva, who belonged to in the latter part of the second century C. It is interesting to note that Siva who pura lineage does not, however, give any uthority of the contemporary ruler at
ted in the montane regions in the upper nd in an inscription from Bambaragala, dy along the Teldeniya road. In one of cript at this site, a lady called Data, f Pocanirajha Naga and daughter of the on of a cave to the community of monks 47 settlement called Citanagara which was another record indited in the early di at Gõnavatta, about ten miles from ponsible for this single record at the nt. In one place he misspelt rajha as etter which he inserted only later on. r of a cave, presents his long line of ion he was a son of Rajha Abaya, grandson of Rajha Abaya. This last r rajha whose name was read by na identified Macudika with Mahaculika Macudika's descendants with Kutakanna landagamani Abhaya. The last of these : Christian era.

Page 17
R. A. L. H. GU
Paranavitana's identification of rule does not appear to be plausible for se characteristic of Anuradhapura rulers, l found in this record. Further, tho Abaya in some records, he is mei
Kutakana Abaya. Gamayi Tisa of this person mentioned in the chronicles. Pa was a prince who had retired to the m succesion in a struggle for the throne
an unusual practice for a donor t five generations, Paranavitana suggest of his right to the throne, and means of attracting support to his this was indeed the case, it would be to assign to his forbears the grander t the most serious ground for objection the palaeographical characteristics of th indited in the early form of the Brahm of records from the first century A. D record to a period later than the first admitted, even the inscriptions of Kuta identification, would be the grandfather inscribed in the more developed later difficulty, Paranavitana suggested that t in an earlier type of script because it indite inscriptions in caves in the early reasoning does not carry conviction. Th Paranavitana groups as later Brahmi in indited on caves. Hence it would apps cation is necessary.
On attempting to verify Paranavita the present writer found that the first Hence the reading ma, which Parana brackets, is a pure conjecture, Further, as di, is also a doubtful reading. It is estampage accompanying Paranavitana's three letters may be read as cunika. It reading was Pocunika, a variant of Po the Bàmbaragala inscription with the the Gõnavatta inscription. On palaeogr that the two inscriptions are from pe latter identification appears to be pref 50 IIC, p. lxi. 51 IIC, pp. lxi-lxii.
52 IC, p. lxii. 53 IO, see Plate LXXXIX.

NAWARDANA 13
rs mentioned in the GO navatta record eral reasons. It is noteworthy that titles ke Devanapiya and Maharajha, are not gh Kutakanga Tissa is referred to as itioned either as Putikana Abaya or
record cannot be identified with a 'anavitana presents the hypothesis that he
ontane regions after losing his right of of Anuradhapura. Noting that it was
D present a genealogy going back 2d that it was a public announcement must have been resorted to as a cause from the local people' 50 If a stronger reason to expect Gamani Tisa tles of the rulers of Anuradhapura. Perhaps to Paranavitana's identification would be is inscription. As mentioned earlier, it is 1 script, clearly different from the script ., and it is most difficult to assign this century B. C. As Paranavitana himself kanna Tissa who, according to the proposed of Tisa who set up this record, are Brahmi script.'s Confronted with this he Gonavatta record was deliberately indited was considered more appropriate “to form of the script,'52 but this line of e greater majority of the records that scriptions in this very volume are also 2ar that a re-examination of his identifi
na's reading at the site of the inscriptions, letter of the record is absolutely illegible. titana appropriately gave within square the third letter, which Paranavitana read clear even from the photograph of the edition that it is more like ni. Thus the seems plausible to suggest that the original cani, and to identify Pocanirajha Naga of first or the third ruler mentioned in aphic considerations, it does not seem likely iods five generations apart, hence the erable. On the basis of this identification,

Page 18
14 PRELUDE
the genealogical information in the two
Pocunikarajha
Raiha Abaya
Rajha Naga (Pocan.
Raiha Abaya
... 1 Gamani Tisa
Thus Ganani who set up the GO navatta century or the beginning of the first c scion of a ruling family which held sw montane regions near the modern city memory of polities which existed in th are found even in the Mahavamsa and i called Abhaya (Uddhacūļābhaya, or “Ab who ruled over the area around Mahiy Sahassavatthupakarana, too, has a story Dutthagamani and his followers against upper reaches of the river Mahavali.5
Three inscriptions in the early Bral to the northern foothills of the on another lineage of rulers. Two of by Aya Tisa, son of Pacinarajha, and third inscription was set up by another son of Rajha Abhaya and grandson of the following genealogy extending to thi
Pacin
Rajha Abhaya
Aya Tika
54 Mv., ch. 1, v. 40; Vap., Vol. I, p. 99. 55 Sahassavatthupakarana, pp. 106-7. 56 IC, p. 64, Nos. 831-833.

O THE STATE
records may be tabulated as follows:
Bamana Kojhara
rajha Naga) + Data
record in about the end of the second entury B. C., appears to have been a ray for about five generations over the of Kandy. Traditions which preserve the a upper reaches of the river Mahavaili ts commentary which refer to a prince haya with the upright knot of hair') angana. As we shall see later on, the which describes the campaigns waged by
foes in the montane regions in the
lmi script, found at Ambul-ambe, close Malaya ranges, provides information them are records of donations made by Raki who was Tisa's wife. The Aya Tis'a who describes himself as a Pacinarajha. Thus these records provide ree generations:
arajha
Aya' Tiśa + Raki

Page 19
R. A. L. H. GUN
Paranavitana believed that pacina in this gala inscription were related terms. It f was a variant of pacina which he consi Sanskrit term pracina, meaning 'ancient found in the chronicles as the name of fairly certain that the lineage mentioned the rulers of the Anuradhapura line. I Pacinarajha, Rajha Abhaya and Aya Tisa (who was described as Pocanirajha), Ra Gonavatta record, it would imply that had been brought under this line of ru inscriptions. However, this identificatio also possible to assume that the Ambul another line of rulers who wielded aut Malaya region and were probably relate gala area.
Piduragala is a rocky hill, situated Sigiriya and slightly less than twenty in early Brahmi inscription at the site, O cave made by two ladies, Tisadevi and daughter of Aya Majhima and grand-da noteworthy that while Majhima was as mentioned without a title. Most probab of a leader of a settlement (gama) had himself as the ruler of a larger groupir
Several other inscriptions in the ea bearing titles associated with political l sites in the northwestern and western p are found to the south of the river I Hiriyala and Devamädi Hatpattu divis inscription at Ranagirimada mentions AJ cave-dwelling to the community of mol is another reference Aya Uti in an insi a certain Parumaka Naga on behalf of monks.60 The records from these two the same period, do not, however, prov this ruler.
While the information from inscrip most limited, they present more form inscription found at Tittavela, about th
57 IC, pp. lxiii-bxiv.
58 IC, p. 67, No. 873. 59 IC, p. 75, No. 960. 60 IIC, p, 75, No. 958.

AWARDANA 15
inscription and pocani in the Bambaraact, he was of the opinion that pocani ered to have been drived from the '.7 Like pocani, pacina, too, is not
a ruler or a dynasty, and one can be
in these inscriptions is distinct from on the basis of Paranavitana's views,
were to be identified with Rajha Naga iha Abaya and Gamani Tis'a of the good part of the Malaya hill country ers by the time Tisa set up these is by no means certain, and it is - ambe records point to the presence of hority over the northern parts of the d to the ruling house of the Bambara
close to the well-known ruins at tiles from Ambul-ambe. There are two ne of them records the donation of a Madana. Tisadevi is described as a ughter of Siva of Kolagama. It is signed the title Aya, his father was bly, it reflects a situation where the son become powerful enough to set up ng of people.
tly Brahmi script, set up by individuals eadership, have been found at five more arts of Sri Lanka. Four of these sites )äduru, close to the borders of the ons of the Kurunägala District. An a Uti whose daughter Tisa donated a ks.' At Hipavuva, a nearby site, there :ription set up by his steward (ayaka), whose lineage a cave was donated to ites, which thus appear to belong to ide any information on the lineage of
ions at the other three sites is also idable problems of interpretation. An 'ee miles to the north of Ranagirimada,

Page 20
16 PRELUDET
records the donation of a cave, made a was ruling (gamazi abayasa rajhiyasi).9 the fourth site, Nuvarakanda, which
southwest of Tittavela, one of these in by a certain Aya Duhita.62 According t anther inscription at the site, a certain son-in-law of a Gamini Abaya Pitamahar personage with Vattagamani (19-77 B. C. to as pitiraja in the Mahavamsa. If th raise the question whether Gamani Abay be identified with this Anuradhāpura ru both Tittavela and Ranagirimada, it wo of Vattagamani, the principalities which brought under the control of Anuradhapu text with the photograph of the estamp; the crucial words Garnini Abaya Pitamah, Only the first two and the last six ch legible, and the intervening portion app vitana has not used square brackets t conjectural reading, but a remark he m was so.66 Hence the identification that 1 to Vatagamani appears to rest on a doubt. On the other hand, it is a dist to an early polity in this region.
There are only two inscriptions at the Palle Pattu division of the Colomb by Mahabi, daughter of Maharajha.67 It Maharajha were titles, but it would inscription in which only the titles of personal names, were given. The other Maha (Skt. mahah, “light, lustre, offering' record was set up by Abi Maha, the interpretation is accepted, this inscripti presence of a petty principality in this
61 IC, p, 75, No. 963.
62 IC, p, 72, No. 919.
63 IC, p. 71, No. 913.
64 Mv., ch. 33, v. 36; IIC, P. lx.
65 See IC, Plate C.
66 See IC, p. 71, note 2.
67 IC, p. 86, No. 11.03.
68 See Varman Shivaram Apte, The Practical Sensh
p. 1246.

THE STATE
t the time when a certain Gama ni Abaya
There are about twenty records at s located about three miles to the scriptions mentions a donation made Paranavitana's reading of the text of Kanatisa, who bore no title, was the jha.63 Paranavitana identified the latter , the Anuradhapura ruler who is referred is identification is accepted, it would a of the Tittavela record should also er. Since Nuvarakanda is close to uld further suggest that, by the time had existed in this area had been a. However, on comparing the published age, one notices that a good part of arajha is only a conjectural reading.65 aracters, Gami and tamaharajhaha are ears to have been damaged. Paranao indicate that he was presenting a akes in the fotnotes suggests that this the inscription at Nuvarakanda refers reading which is certainly not beyond inct possibility that these records refer
the fifth site, Koratoga, which is in o District. One of them was set up is possible to suggest that Mahabi and imply that this was a very unusual the donor and her father, and not their possible approach would be to consider 68) as a name and to suggest that the daughter Rajha Maha. If the second on may be taken as evidence of the area. KOratoga is situated about fifteen
rit English Dictonary, Revised version, Kyoto, 1978,

Page 21
R. A. L. H. GUN
miles from Kālaniya. According to the prince named Tissa had ruled at a pla
Records from the Rohana region, st of the ancient history of Sri Lanka, re in the southern and eastern parts of th power and influence, the house that ru Ganga and KumbukKan Oya was one Seven cave-inscriptions written in the at Bovattegala, a site located to the n Panama Pattu of the Ampare District. Aya Mahatiśa, son of Rajha Dama, st ज्ञ क्ल प्लॉक्ड लॉ wel inscription at the site Aya Mahati Sa li reference to his father." A third inscr this ruling house. In this record Abi . a daughter of Aya Abaya, grand-daught of Gamani.72 It is thus evident that R
of Gamaai.
Twenty early Brahmi records were located a few miles to the West of th these inscriptions record donations mac house mentioned in the Bovattegala in of Aya Mahatis'a and the grand-daught the consort of Aya Tisa, the son of A be easily identified with the individual titles in the Bovattegala inscription. F Tisa with Rajha Abaya and Gamani T lankanda.74 Alternatively, it is also p( consonance with the evidence, Aya At name and title who was the father of Tisa was a brother of this lady. Evel identification, it is important to note that it was this line of rulers mention records who were referred to as the k and as the princes of Kadaragama ( the chronicles seem to suggest, these
69 See supra, P.5.
70 IIC, p. 42, No. 549.
7 IC, p. 42, No. 551.
72 IC, p. 42, No. 550.
73 IC, pp 43-4, Nos. 556-559.
74 UCHC, Vol. I, Pt. 1, pp. 146-7; IC, pp. lvi
75 UCHC, Vol. I, Pt. 1, pp. 145-7; Mv., ch. 1
Sumedhankara, Colombo, 1930, p. 23

AWARDANA 17
: Mahavihara tradition cited above, a ace by this name.9
ome of which are well known to students flect the presence of several principalities e island. Among these polities of varying led over the river basins of the Manik of the oldest and most influential. arly Brahmi script have been discovered orth of the Kumbukkan Oya in the In one of these records the donor, ates that his father was the son of the re sons of a certain Ganayii.70 In another mits the genealogical information to a iption presents additional information on Anuradi, the donor, describes herself as er of Rajha Uti, and great grand-daughter ajha Uti was another of the ten sons
discovered at Kotadāmahela, a site e river Kumbukkan Oya. Fourteen of le by a lady belonging to the ruling scription. Abi Savera was the daughter er of Rajha Dama. Further, she was ya Abaya.73 Mahatisa and Dama can s mentioned by the same names and 'aranavitana identified Aya Abaya and Aya isa cited in an inscription from Kusaossible to identify, perhaps with greater baya with the personage of the same Abi Anuradi, and to suggest that Aya n if we do not accept Paranavitana's his valuable contribution in suggesting ned in the Bõvattegala and Koțțadämūhela satriyas of Kajaragama in the Mahavamsa Kataragama) in the Dhatuvamsa. If, as rulers did in fact have their political
lviii. ), vv. 54, 61-2; o Dhatuvamsa, ed. Dambagas-are Srí

Page 22
18 PRELUDE I
centre at Kataragama, on the banks ( likely that their power extended into th donations made by the members of thi and impressive examples of patronage
clerics at Bovattegala and Kotadamahe at the two sites were their donations.
available to them. The extensive patror ruling house to these monastic commun their donations in inscriptions containing reflect that, apart from religious zeal, ti prestige.
Inscriptions from Kusalankanda, Mo potana reveal the presence of another power in the area to the north of the gama. Kusalankanda is situated in the by the river Mundeni Aru notable for the seven inscriptions at the site record states that he was a son of Rajha Abaya Paranavitana suggested that Uparajha Na the brother of Devananpiya Tissa, who at Mahagama. He further identified Gothābhaya and Kākavaņņatissa who, ac dants of Mahanaga.77 Paranavitana's id been since then accepted by students of any reservations. However, a more rec Ampare District, edited by Paranavitana some aspects of his earlier identifications a site close to the eastern sea coast, t It records the construction of a monaste and grand-son of Uparajha Naga.78 The Uparaiha Naga, Rajha Abaya and Gamani the individuals bearing the same names kanda inscription. The Mottayakallu information on this lineage. Paranavita inscription as Dasabatikarana jhasvakanay follows: “Uparaja Naga, the Javaka lead discussion i on the inscription Pa with the ten brothers of the Katarag as a reference to people from a region
76 IC, p. 30, No. 389. 77 UCHC, Vol. I, Pt. 1, pp. 153-4; IC, p. lvi. 78 IC, p. 37, No. 487.
赞9 E, p. 37.
k0 , pp. lvi-lvii.

THE STATE
the river Manik Ganga, it is most 2 area to the west of this river. The lineage are clearly the most important xtended to the two communities of a. Seventeen of the twenty-seven caves This is a fair indication of the resources age extended by the members of this ties and the steps they took to publicise information about their lineage perhaps ey were also motivated by a desire for
ayakallu, Henannegala and Kal-tiducontemporary polity of considerable principality of the ksatriyas of KataraEravur Pattu of the Batticaloa District, ts considerable water resources. One of a donation made by Gamani Tisa who and a grandson of Uparajha Naga.76 ga should be identified with Mahanaga, is said to have founded a principality Rajha Abaya and Gamani Tisa with ccording to the chronicle, were descenentifications, published in 1959, have the history of Sri Lanka with hardly ently discovered inscription from the himself, throws doubt on at least
This record was found at Mottayakallu, o the south of the river Gal Oya. ry by Gamani Tisa, son of Rajha Abaya re is hardly any reason to doubt that Tisa of this record are identical with and titles mentioned in the Kusalanunscription provides some additional na read the initial portion of this a uparajha Naga and translated it has er of the ten brother kings.”79 In his ranavitana identified dasabatikarana gama lineage and the term Jhavaka in Malaysia.80 Paranavitana's reading

Page 23
R. A. L. H. GU
and interpretation confronted him with ten brothers of the Kataragama lineage bore the title Uparajha. The difficulty w suggestion that this Javaka leader was the Mahavamsa. Paranavitana tried to feat of speculation in suggesting that Commander of a Jävaka (Malay) battal Rohana rulers, or one who undertook in pursuance of mercantile enterprises." first letter of the word Jhavaka, on wh tions are based, is a doubtful reading brackets. Though the lines are not ve read this character as sa, than as iha, native reading of the whole phrase a kanaya may be considered to be a der kanjitha, kanitha), meaning junior" explained as denoting “the youngest of interpretation is consonant with the tit the information from the Bövattegala rec as the eldest (savajhetu). The evidence is crucial since it makes it clear beyon with the ruling family of the ten broth On the basis of our reading it is poss enjoyed power in the eastern parts of the Kataragama rulers. lt would th identification of Uparaiha Naga mention scion of the Anuradhapura line of rule
Like Kusalankanda, Henannegala, t Mundeni Aru river basin, in its upper northwest of the sixty-seventh milepost within the Bintanna Pattu of the Amp; records the transfer to the saigha of r this transfer was made by the father of This somewhat unusual wording probab up by Gamani Tisa after the demise o strikingly similar to those found in inscriptions (Fig. lc). Hence it appears individual of the same name and title the Mottayakallu records. It is likely
81 IC, pp. lvi-livii. 82 IC, p. lvii. 83 IC, see Plate LI. 84 IC, p. 32, N. 406.

NAWARDANA 19
the difficult task of explaining how the came to have a Javaka leader who as . further compounded by Paranaviana's the same as Mahanaga mentioned in overcome these difficulties by yet another Mahanaga would have been either “the ion, which had taken service under the voyages to the Javaka (Malay) regions However, it is noteworthy that the ich these highly speculative reconstrucas indicated by the use of square y distinct, it appears to be easier to and it is possible to present an alters dasabatikarana savakanaya. The term ivation from the Pāli term kanitt ha (Skt. or younger" and the phrase may be all the ten brothers.' This second le Uparajha assigned to Naga and with :ords wherein another brother is described pressented in the Mottayakallu inscription ld doubt that Uparajha Naga was connected hers mentioned in Bovattegala records. ible to suggest that the lineage which the island was a collateral branch of us appear that Paranavitana's original led in the Kusalankanda record as a rs may have to be revised.
he third site, is also located in the reaches, and is about six miles to the on the Badulla-Batticaloa road. It is ire District. The Henannegala inscription ights over six settlements. It states that Gamani Tisa and by Rajha Majhima.”84 ly indicates that the inscription was set f his father. It bears two symbols (Fig. 1b) the Bovattegala and Kottadamihela safe to identify Gamani Tisa with the mentioned in the Kusalankanda and that Rajha Majhima was a younger

Page 24
20 PRELUDET
brother of Rajha Abaya and that he Abaya.
The fourth site, Kal-udu-potana,
Kusalánkanda and is within the same 1 cave-inscriptions at the site and two of who bore the title Parumaka, and by his donation at the time “when Aya Aba contribution, the present writer has sugg leaders.86 A remarkably large number ol donors in inscriptions in the early Bra resources during this period and their r acts of conspicuous generosity. The alm Sadana refers to the current ruler, with reflects the nature of the prevailing rel Parumakas. Though Parumaka Sadana wa of words, it is quite clear that he acce his period of rule" (rajhiyasi) is specif enables us to recognize clearly that the higher than that of Parumaka. Sadana r Abaya and not as Rajha Abaya, but, the palaeographic features of the inscri ruler with Gamalai Tisa, the son of Rajh record sfrom this area.
The genealogical information from Koțțadämūhela, Kusalānkanda, Mottayaka as well as the Mihintale inscription whic as follows: -
Gan
The eldest (Kavajhetu) Rajha U
Rajha Dama Aya Ab
Aya Ma hatiśa Aya Asalisa Aya Tisa Abi śavera
An inscription from Situlpavuva records
Anuradi who describes herself as a daug
85 IC, p. 31, No. 396. 86 See R. A. A. L. H. Gunawardana, “Social F. State Fotmation in Irrigation Society." Indian.

| THE STATE
uled either conjointly with or after
is located between Henannegala and ver valley. There are three early Brāhmī
them record donations made by Sadana,
wife. Sadana states that he made his a's son was ruling." In a previous sted that Parumakas were probably clan individuals bearing this title figure as um script, reflecting their access to notivation of gaining prestige through st casual manner in which Parunaka out giving his title or name, perhaps ationship between the ruler and the is not particularly respectful in his choice pted the authority of the ruler since ically mentioned. The inscription also
title Aya represented a level of authority efers to the father of his ruler as Aya
on consideration of the location and ption, it is reasonable to identify the la Abaya, mentioned in the three other
the inscriptions found at Bovattegala allu, Henannegala and Kal-udu potäna • h will b2 discussed later,may be tabulated
ακι
Jti 7 others Uparaiha Naga
(The youngest)
aya
Abi Auuradi Rajha Abaya Rajha Majhima
Gamagi Tiśa
a donation made by a lady called Abi ghter of Parumaka Pušadeva and the
unction and Political Power: A Case Study of Hietorical Review, Vol. IV, No. 2, 1978, pp.259-273.

Page 25
R. A. L. H. GU
consort of Aya Pušadeva,57 Like Katal river Mäņik Ganga and, hence, Parana a scion of the Kataragama line of rul is also important for the additional lig the Parunakas and the rulers of these
logical information on Aya Puśadeva, i in the table listed above. However, lik he and his wife probably belonged to descendants from Gamayni.
The genealogical information tabula these rulers who traced their descent t substantial part of the Rohana region. appear to have formed a single politic dants of the eldest son of Gamaai an of the two rivers Kumbukkan Oya anc junior ruler in this southern polity, bu independent polity in the north. Evider power of this collateral branch had sp chiefdom of Kataragama. Gamai Tisa Aru, and his authority extended beyond the upper reaches of this river valley It is very likely that Dīghavāpi, ment contexts suggestive of the importance o was within the range of Ganani Tisa's from Kuduvil, about ten miles to the Dighavapi.9 Parker who assumed that of an irrigation reservoir with a partic Mahakandiyavāva in the Ampare Distric reservoir.92 However, the name Dighav or the shape of the reservoir, and it i derived from the person who took th Mahakandiya reservoir was most probat came into use, and not in the period
87 IC, p. 49, No. 655.
88 IIC, p. lxxxi.
89 See infra. p. 23.
90 Mv., ch. 24, v. 58; Vap., Vol. II, p. 470.
9 IC, p. 37, No... 440.
92 Henry Parker, Ancient Ceylon: An Account of th
1909, p.396.
93. Such instances are to be seen in names of
94 The Government Agent of the Eastern Prov 9, 1900 to study thr feasibility of restoring i sluices in ruins.' The Sri Lanka Government came into use by about the second century, Engineering in Ancient Sri Lanka: The C Volume, ed. P. L. Prematilleke et al., Leiden,

NAWWAR DANA 21
agama, Situlpavuva is in the basin of the vitana’s suggestion that Aya Puśadeva was ers is quite plausible. The inscription ht it throws on the relationship between early polities. In the absence of geneat is not possible to determine his position e other patrons of Buddhism in this area, the fourth or the fifth generation of
ted above carries the implication that ack to a common ancestor controlled a However, this whole area does not al unit. The inscriptions of the desceni of Rajha Uti are limited to the basins | Mänik Ganga. Probably, Naga was a t his sons seem to have ruled over an tly, by the time of Gamani Tisa, the read over an area even wider than the controlled the basin of the river Mundeni | the river Gal Oya in the south, though appear to have been outside his control. 89 ioned in the Mahavihāra tradition in f surplus grain produced in this area, 90 authority. In fact, an early Brahmi record northwest of Mottayakallu, refers to the name Dighavapi indicated the existence ularly long embankment suggested that the it should be identified as the Dighavapi ipi need not necessarily reflect the size is equally possible that the name was e initiative in its construction.9 The bly constructed after the “cistern sluices” of the early Brahmi inscriptions. However,
e Aborigines and Part of the Early Civilization, London,
reservoirs like Abhayavapi and Tissavapi.
ince, who visited the site of this reservoir on May t, reported that there were "two large bisokotuwa Archives. File No. 72.1658. Sluices of this type A. D. See R. A. L. H. Gunawardana, "Hydraulic istern Sluices,' Senarat Paranavitana Commemorations
1978, pp 61-74.

Page 26
22 PRELUDE
the Kuduvil record certainly points to
most probable that the rulers of Gamay activities and thereby provided the basis productivity in this region.
While the southern and the eastern the chiefs of Kataragama and , their nori there were several more minor polities : There are seventeen inscriptions at Mutu Mahaväli in the Egoqja Pattu of the Pol text of one of these inscriptions as (A) cave of Aya Siva.”95 However, it is no and the leter A is a conjectural reading. occurs as a donor in another inscription bility that he may have been the donor south of Mutugalla as the crow flies is where four early Brahmi records have b by Abi UỞpala, the consort of Aya Surati came under the control of Suratisa.
Further south, whithin the same sub.
a site known as Kandegamakanda where found. One of these mentions the donat Tisa who is described as the leader of mention his father, but he states that he was also a leader of a village. It is intere which points to Tamil influence, was us states that his grandfather was the stew: (ayaka) under Aya Maha, son of Aya 2 about ten miles to the northwest of that Aya Tis'a is identical with Gamani ' Kandegamakanda is in the basin of the banks, and the inscription at the site ca appears to be an astral symbol. These the other early Brahmi records of Sri L. Gamika Tisa provides information on pol father's time and the generation precedin condition in his own time.
95 IC, p. 24, No. 304. 96 IC, Plate XXIX.
97 IC, p. 25, No. 313. 98 IC, p. 22, No. 272. 99 IC, p. 23, No. 289.

D THE STATE
rrigation activity in this area, and it is Tisa's lineage took an interest in these for the development of the agricultural
areas of Rohana were being ruled by hern collateral branch, it appears that in other parts of the Rohana region. galla, which is situated close to the river onnaruva District. Paranavitana read the a Sivaha lene and translated it as “the t possible to detect a letter before ya 96 A person by the name Asiya ' Siva
at the site, and this raises the possiof both caves.97 About six miles to the the group of caves at Dimbulagala :en discovered. One of them was set up sa. It is likely that Mutugalla, too,
division of the Polonnaruva District, is
ten early Brahmi records have been ion of a cave-dwelling by a certain a village. In this record Tisa does not was the grandson of Mahatisa who sting that here, too, the term marumakana, ed to denote “grandson'. Tisa further ard or functionary in charge of income risa.99 Kandegamakanda is situated Henannegala, but it is not likely Tisa who ruled over the latter area. river Mãduru Oya, close to its northern rries two symbols (Fig. 1d), one of which two symbols are not found in any of . anka. It is rather unfortunate that while litical conditions prevalent in his grandg it, he makes no reference to political

Page 27
R. A. L. H. G.
Evidence on the presence of anoth tions from Olagangala in the Bintanna these inscriptions was set up to record The second document was indited by a the following genealogical information:
Rajh
Aya
Aya
While the Occappukallu inscription exar father and son sharing the same name, generations of rulers bearing the same
distance from Mahiyangana and it is v ruled over settlements in the plains arc
To the southeast of Olagangala, in District, is to be found a site known l inscription in the early Brahmi script r by a lady named Sona. This' lady, wh wife of a Parumaka, states in her recor Aya Naga was ruling (rajhiyahi). 101 One the inscription would be to suggest tha Uparaiha Naga of the Kusalankanda insc grants to the sangha by members of th Naga's generation, have been found: all are from the second and third generati consistently refer to him as Uparajha, seems preferable to assume that the KC of another polity in this area.
The last two sites relevant to our Rohana are from Kirimakulgolla in the Kirindi Oya basin. There are two inscr on the right bank of the river and is District. One of these inscriptions recor by Aya Mahasiva, the son of Aya Kera any other contemporary record. Paranavi two rulers are distinct from the chiefs (
100 IIC, p. 57, Nos.756-757. 101 ІС, p. 55, No. 736. 102 IC, p. 58, No. 768, l03 IC, see note on p. 106.

NAWARDANA 23
r minor polity is found in two inscripKorale of the Badulla District. 100 One of donation made by a certain Rajha Siva.
grandson of this ruler and it provides
4. Siva 4. Siva
1. Siva hined earlier provided an instance of a this record reveals an instance of three name. Olagamgala is situated at a short 'ry likely that the house of the Sivas und Mahiyangana.
the Buttala Korale of the Monaragala by the name Kolladeniya where a single ecords the donation of a cave-dwelling o bore the title Parumaka and was the d that she made the donation at the time possible interpretation of the material in ut Aya Naga should be identified with ription. However, no inscriptions recording his ruling house, belonging to Uparajha
donative records of this ruling house ons after him. Further, his descendants and, on consideration of these facts, it lladeniya record points to the presence
review of political conditions in ancient Valave basin and Balahurukanda in the iptions at the first site which is located within the Mada Korale of the Ratnapura ds the donation of the cave Manapadasane .102 The name Kera does not occur in tana compared it with Keraļa. 103 These of Kataragama to whom the Kirimakulgola.

Page 28
24 PRELUDE TO
record makes no reference. Balahurukar twelve miles to the east of Kirimakulgc site were set up by donors who describ the third inscription Parumaka Tisa refe was the steward (ayaka) to Abi Upala.
name is not followed in this record. It consort of one of the rulers mentioned i in the absence of adequate evidence, it she belonged to that ruling house or t in the upper reaches of the Kirindi Oy
The epigraphic material from twenty paragraphs is of crucial importance for which prevailed before the emergence of of rulers controlling the island from Al of considerable value in enabling us to crept into the historical tradition of the
As mentioned earlier, inscriptions ir to the period between Devãnampiya Tis that some of the records examined abov regions near Kandy and those from Ki of the second century or the beginning reasonable to suggest that the majority that were prevalent before the time of be fairly certain that the records of Ga places in the eastern part of Sri Lanka campaigns of Du hagānai. According in this area that Duhagamani statione lived at Dighavāpi till he came to Anur to his brother, but, evidently his eldest probably in the capacity of a subordina Devanapiya Maharajha Gamani Tisa, who to have founded twenty-five cave dwelli Lafijaka Tissa.0. Rajagala is located vel and his predecessors held sway, and thi this time that area had come under the h
While Lajhaka's inscription reflects of Dutthagamani, the earlier inscriptions with records from other areas of the is conditions sharply different from the Mah
04 See Mfv., ch. 24. v. 58; ch. 32, v.2; Vap., Vol. 105 IC, p. 33, No. 428.

) THE STATE
da is situated at a distance of about lla. Two of the three records at the : temselves as leaders of villages. In rs to his father Parumaka Sumana who The usual practice of giving the husband's
is possible that this lady was the in the Kirimakulgolla inscription. However
is not possible to ascertain whether a separate line of chiefs who ruled a basin.
- nine sites reviewed in the preceding understanding the political conditions a unified kingdom with a single lineage nuradhapura. The inscriptions are also recognize the type of distortion that : Mahāvihāra.
the early Brahmi script may be dated sa and Kutakanna Tissa. It seems likely re, like those from the upper montane galla District, are from the latter part of the first century B. C., but it seems of these records represent the conditions the campaigns of Dutthagamani. We can maņi Tisa at Kusalānkanda and other
are from a period anterior to the o the Mahavamsa, it was at Dighavapi i his brother Saddha Tissa. Saddha Tissa adhapura to become the ruler in succesion son, Lañjaka Tissa, was left at Dighavāpi te ruler.10* Rajha Lajhaka, the son of claims in an inscription from Rajagala ngs at the site, can be identified with ry much in the area where Gamani Tisa s inscription clearly indicates that by segemony of the rulers of Anuradhapura.
conditions prevalent after the campaigns
from this area, when taken together sland, provide a picture of political tavamsa account of an island unified under
II, p. 470.

Page 29
R. A. L. H. Gl
Anuridhapura even before the time of Kataragama, to which Paranavitana dre the most important among them, but t to the Rohana region and were widely the island. ܐ
The absence of theoretical clarity c power, which may be described as one of many historical studies on ancient p source of a considerable amount of co The appearance of ceremonies of conse easily accepted by scholars as indicative state, and very little attention has been other aspects as the evolution of mecha
in the early Brahmi inscriptions of Sri
the point that while ritual played an i authority, the appearance of political consecration is not tantamount to the
The consecration of Devānampiya ". evolution of legitimizing rituals in anci where his political centre was located, possible to infer from the ruins of anc area that it was probably the largest c times. It is likely that in assuming the the rulers of Anuradhapura who control were laying claim to a status higher th However, it is equally clear from the is a long task ahead before this claim co the inscription from Kolladeniya, Paran by this prince is mentioned without a “Naga, thus was ruling Rohana,' Parai the authority of the Anurādhapura ki apply equally to the other inscriptions
Certain inscriptions from Mihintale some aspects of the relations that pre chiefdoms in other parts of the island. at Mihintale, fifty-eight are in the mai Mihintale was perhaps the most import of its early expansion in the island. H nity of religieux at the site attracted !
S06 UCHC, Vol. I, Pt. 1, p.470.

NAWARDANA 25
Devinappiya Tissa. The ruling house at v the attention of scholars, was one of nese polities were by no means limited distributed over many different parts of
in the relationship between ritual and of the common characteristic features olitical institutions of South Asia, is the Infusion in Sri Lankan historiography. ration has ben too often and too : of the emergence of kingship and the paid to the tasks of investigating such inisms of social control. The information Lanka is particularly useful in clarifying Important part in legitimizing political authority strengthened by rituals of emergence of the state.
fissa marked an important stage in the ent Sri Lanka. The Malvatu Oya basin,
has a large cultivable area. It is ient village-scale irrigation works in the :oncentration of population in ancient distinctive titles Devanapiya and Maharajha led these comparatively extensive resources an that of the other rulers in the island. nscriptions examined above that there was uld be translated into reality. Discussing avitana observed that the period of rule ny reference to a paramount sovereign.” havitana opined, “without acknowledging g.' 10 Paranavitana's comments would mentioned above.
are valuable for the light they throw on vailed between Anuradhapura and the Of the seventy-five inscriptions found in area occupied by the clerical community. ant centre of Buddhism during the period ence it is not surprising that the commuatrons even from distant parts of the

Page 30
26 PRELUDETC
island which lay outside the pale of a text of one of these records has been [jolasa) fisaha jhita savera famaniya lege square brackets, the fa is illegible, but of jha. Thus, though it is not possible reading appears to be plaüsible. He ha cave of the nun Savera, daughter of Ti Saigha.” Nicholas was of the view that reservoir Kanã (Pãli Khãnavāpi) located the rivulet Kanadarā which is a tributa, mentions a hospital that - King Dappull among his activities in Rohana.109 In Parakramabahu I (A. D. 1153-86), the Kanamula which appears to have been possible that there was more than one more likely that Rajha Tisa of the Mih further away from Anuradhapura than t
The second document from Mihinta inscription set up by Abi Maha, daught Diparajha as “King of the islands'.11a that Dipa was a personal name, informa the Pãli Canon supports Paranavita Sammohavinodani, a ruler of Anuradhapu between the first century B. C. and the son to ruler over Nagadipa or the Jaff be known as Diparaja.14 It is quite po borne by rulers of the Nagadipa area, island, it continued to be used by prin to govern this area.
One of the most noteworthy inscrip records the donation of a cave-dwelling Damarajha or Gamani Rajha Dama.113 А site, which reads from right to left, car not impossible that this was also a rec of the same lineage. Dama does not oc
107 IC, p. 2, No. 14. 108 Nicholas, op. cil., p. 160. 109 Ciulavamsa, ed. W. Geiger, London, Vol. I, 19 1 10 Ibid., ch. 72, v. 183. 11 IC, ". 4, No. 37. For on explanation of the na
11 a bid. - 112 Sammohavinodani, ed. A. P. Buddhadatta, Londc 113 IC, p. 2, No. 13.
114 IC, p. 5, No. 56.

THE STATE
thority of the Anuradhapura rulers. The read by Paranavitana as kaagama ra sagasa.107 Of the letters given inside it is possible to detect the upper part to be certain about the text, Paranavitana's translated the text as follows: “The ssa, King of Kanagama, is given to the Kanagama was in the vicinity of the to the north - east of Anuradhapura on ty of the Malvatu Oya.08 The Calavansa (ca. A. D. 659) built at Kanagama its description of the campaigns of same chronicle refers to a place called close to the Kala Oya.110 While it seems settlement with the name Kana, it is intale inscription was from an area he Kanadarâ Oya basin.
le, relevant to this discussion, is an der of Diparajha. Paranavitana interpreted Though it is also possible to suggest tion in the commentarial literature on na's interpretation. According to the ta, who probably belonged to a period 2 second century A. D., appointed his na Peninsula, and this prince came to ssible that Diparaja was originally a title and that, after the unification of the ces appointed by Anuradhapura rulers
tions at Mihintale is the one which
by Aya Asaliśa, the son of Gamayi nother fragmentary inscription from this tries the words gamani dama, and it is ord of a donation made by a member xcur in the Mahavamsa as the name of
25, ch., 45, v. 43.
me Maha, see supra. p. 16.
in, 1923, pp. 443-4.

Page 31
R. A. L. H. GUI
a ruler. As noted earlier, it occurs in and at Näțțukanda, but nowhere els Mihintale, it is significant that one of the grand-daughter of Rajha Dama i Mihintale inscription. Hence it is very inscription is identical with the membe the same name. This identification wol the Mihintale record was a brother of
It is noteworthy that the donors in or their kinsmen with titles associated any reference to the rulers of Anuradh was so close to Anuradhapura. There who came from afar to patronize the the suzerainty of the Anuradhapura rul Mihintale indicate that this religious c extended beyond the confines of the A the importance of Buddhism as a fact | who lived under different political lead
It is evident from the epigrap in the earliest historical phase of the 'e Lanka, the human settlements in variou by many different rulers. The polities r type and varied from those at an initi Piduragala, to the more established chi and Kataragama which were at a highe to greater energy resources. However, t established polities does not appear to of the scale it would be difficult to d Parumakas who may be described, using as Big Men. The political leadership may thus be described as representing d The inscriptions of these rulers suggest prestige. As in chiefdoms elsewhere, re important for securing prestige; political considered “conspicuocus generosity' to th of creating a favourable impression on th evolution of the chiefdoms had reached the ruler and the ruled was being em.
115 Marshall D. Sahlins, "Poor Man, Rich Ma and Polynesia.' Comparalive Studies in Societ

AWARDANA 27
the inscriptions of the Kataragama rulers 2. Though Nattukanda is closer to the symbols (Fig. 1e) used by Abi Savera, f : Kataragama, is also found in the 1ikely that Rajha Dama of the Mihintale
of the Kataragama lineage who bore ild imply that the Aya Asialisa who şet up Aya Mahatiša, the father of Abi Savera.
these inscriptions, who refer to themselves with the status of rulers, do not make apura, despite the fact that Mihintale is absolutely no indication that these men monks at this hallowed site had accepted ing house. The four inscriptions from entre had acquired an influence that nuradhapura chiefdom, and they point to or which stimulated contact between people
CTS
V
hic material examined earlier that, :volution of political institutions in Sri is parts of the island were controlled uled by these men were not of a uniform al stage of development, like the one at eldoms of Anurādhapura, Kusalãnkanda ir level of development and had access he range of authority of even the more have been extensive. At the lower end istinguish these minor rulers from the the terminology popularized by Sahlins, in the principalities mentioned above egrees of variation from Big Man to Chief. t that they were very concerned about distributory activities would have been eaders in ancient Sri Lanka appear to have e Buddhist clerics to be an important means e ruled laity and of gaining prestige. The | a point where the distinction between phasized. While the position of the ruler
n, Big Man, Chief: Political Types in Melanesia y and History, Vol. V, 1963, pp. 285-303.

Page 32
28 PRELUDET
s
had become hereditary, the rulers and
their records to mention their titles as in families which had produced rulers
office used by the rulers of Anuradhap Tissa, 16 it is likely that there were syn with the assumption of rulership. Perha time reflects diversity of ritual associat
As would be expected, the organiz would have varied according to the lev achieved. It is noteworthy that all but bere the title senapati or *commander { time of Datthagamani, if not Vatagama record of Jhuvaya or Tivaya may date tions of functionaries like keeper of th the elephants (ati-adeka) also appear to the campaigns of Dutthagāmani. 118 The treasury (badakarika) were probably the There are three inscriptions where a courie and an inscription at Periya Puliyanku the keeper of the horses (asa-adeka). 120 impression, that these elementary organi, chiefs were adequate for the centralized to maintain his power, the ruler probat on the support of the Parumakas. A g and, in the time of Duthagäman1, mo ranks of the Parumakas. The dependence was to last for about two or more centurie were related to their rulers by marriage.121 through long distance trade as is evident frc additions to the prestige of the ruler, his g have access to status goods and, proba
116 According to the Van sathappakāsini, consec1 the time of Devanampiya Tissa: a “new s pana idisam abhisekagahanan nāma nathi, keva pp. 306-7. 117 See IC., pp. lxx-lxxii, 26 (No. 322), 39 (No
79 (No. 1013). While Paranavitana read the C. W. Nicholas read it as Tivaya. See C.W. sity Library, Peradeniya. Vol. I, p. 104. 118 IC., see pp. 69 (Nov. 894, 895, 896a, 896b).
probably belongs to this period. 1 19 IC., pp. 10 (No. 131 ). 23 (No. 295), 83 (N. 120 IC., op. 28, No. 3) 5. 12 - IC., : pp. 49, (No. 655), 78 (No. 994). 122 - IC., pp. 28 (No. 355), 46 (No. 606)
22a IC., p. 3, ... No. 29.

) THE STATE
their kinsmen were generally careful in well as the fact that they had been born for several generations. Like the staff of ura before the time of Devanarppiya bols of authority and even ritual associated ps, the variety of titles current at the 'd with such assumption of rulership.
ational arrangements in these polities el of development each of them had one of the records of individuals who of forces' appear to be datable to the ln (82-772. C.), and even the Kudumbigala rom this later period. Similarly, inscrippalanquins (sivika -adeka) and keeper of be associated with a period later than steward (ayaka) and the keeper of the most common offices in the chiefdoms. r or envoy (dutaka) has been mentioned, 119 lam was set up by a person who was On the whole, one does not get the zational arrangements available to the exercise of anthority. Rather, in order bly depended to a considerable extent ood number of the stewards and treasurers st of the troop leaders, were from the of the ruler on this important social group. 's after his time. Some of the Parumakas They had access to prestige goods obtained om the fact that some owned horses.122 In generosity in enabling these Big Men to bly, force, such personal links would have
'ation rituals were not found in Sri Lanka before taff" was the symbol of office (Tato pubbe lan nawayashiya eva raijan kariamsu), Vap., Vol. 1,
500), 47 (No. 620). 50 (No. 665), 55 (Nos. 724-5), name of the persoragc in record No. 500 as Jhuvaya. Nicholas, Brāhmī Inscriptions of Ceylon. Ms. Univer
The Kaduruviiva record (p. 78, No. 993). too
p. 1054).

Page 33
R. A. L. H. G.
been important for winning over their
It is possible to suggest that these p embedded in kinship and bonds of
Yatahalena, founded by an individual r and the chiefdom of Kusalānkanda, wł Kataragama katriyas ruled, are instance scions of the more powerful ruling ho record of Loņapi Aya Siva also poin circumstances. According to the accoul Kālaniya also belonged to this category refer to the marriage atliances that D houses at Kalaniya and Girinuvara. H links, junior collateral branches usually and, as in the case of the Kusalánkanda more powerful than the senior branch.
The majority of the polities which exis in the Dry Zone area and were dependent ( likely that some of the minor irrigation wo the Dry Zone, date from this time. The coi small-scale works were within the capacity involvement of the rulers in giving leade Zone, even this was not necessary ir Bambaragala where the cultivators coul and arrangements for water control wh resources. It is also possible to sugg an element of inequality among settler the access they enjoyed to certain basi Yatahalena, Ambul-ambe and Kirimakul bearing ores like hematite, limonite surface. Nodular ironstone or ferricret surface level in the area close to Titta coastal belt has been known throughou Malaya mountian region has been eq The Yatahalena and Kirimakulgolla ch: deposits in the island. The Kolladeniy important gem fields of Buttala and ( chiefdoms close to the valley of the Am this area. The difference in ecological important resources were most certainly certain degree of specialzation in produc polities in the island.
123 See supra P. 5.
12 Mv., ch.22, vv.13-22; Dhåtuvansa, p.30.
25 This information on mineral deposits has to the Geology of Ceylon, Colombo, 1967, p.

NAWARDANA 29
allegiance as well as for retaining it. blities represented a system of power personal allegiance. The chiefdom of 2lated to the ruling house at Anuradhapura, ere princes claiming descent from the s of new chiefdoms being founded by uses. It is possible that the Mihintale is to a chiefdom founded urder similar ut in the Vannsatthappkāsini, the polity at .12 The Mahavasa and the Dhatuvamsa uhagaman's father forged with the ruling owever, in the absence of administrative
asserted their independence before long
line, sometimes they could even bacome
ted before the time of Dutthagamani were on reservoirs and canals for irrigation, It is rks, which are found in great abundance in struction and the maintenance of these of the village settlements. If there was some rship to irrigation enterprise in the Dry areas like Kālaniya, Yatahalena and i depend on the relatively high rainfall ich involved little investment of labour est that the physical setting introduced nents in various parts of the island in a resources. The chiefdoms of Kālaniya, golla were close to areas where ironand goethite were found close to the e is found extensively at or just below the vela and Ranagirimada. The northwestern it history for its pearl banks and the ually well-known for its precious stones. efdoms lay adjacent to the major gem a chiefdom was by the less extensive but Dkkampitiya. It is also likely that the Dan Ganga had access to gem deposits in setting and the inequality of access to factors which would have stimulated a cion and exchange of products among the
been extracted from P. G. Cooray, An Introduction b. 178-180, 196-224.

Page 34
30 PRELUDE TO
It is obvious from the early Brahmi drip-ledges and inditing inscriptions were a The fact that some of the inscriptions are well-made steel implements were in use. fact that one of the inscriptions at Anurad reflects the ability of the craftsmen of the granite but also to produce out of this di and a smooth surface. 26 References to irc (tabakara) are found in the early Brahm above testifies to the levels of craftsmans existence of a system of exchange invol their craft as well as probably the impl
That some form of exchange of p) references to traders (vanijha, vanica) fou in the Mahavamsa mentions a trader f Malaya region ”with many waggons to bri refers to ginger, honey, gold, silver and pr island. 130 There are seven references to il in early Brahmi reoords. One of them is was found in the Matale District. The rest a and Panikkankulama in the Anuradhapura Kurunigala District, one from Végiri in th close to Yațahalena aod the other froi inscriptions cited above are indicative of t like those at Anuradhapura, Kataragama valuable product. Since references to lap areas not known for gem deposits, these re of a system of exchange between chiefdor availability of pearls, gems and ivory in th prestige goods of foreign origin were conduc from Anurādhapura mentions a sailor (navi. Onesikritos, who accompanied Alexander t Sri Lanka, indicates the prevalence of con western parts of India. Onesikritos remark twenty days. Apparently he thought these vessels used at the time, he speaks of 66the poor quality of their sails.' Not long a time at the Mauryan court, reported that
26 IC, pp. cxxii - cxxiii.
27 IC, pp. 13 (No. 161d), 24 (No. 301), 28 (Nos. 3
128 IC, pp. 28 (Nos. 356-7), 37 (No. 480), 40 (No. 5
129 Mv , ch. 21. v. 21.
130 Goographia, p. 52. 13 ( IC, pp. (No. 74), 17 (No. 209), 42 (No. 546), 132 IC, p. 7, No. 94. 133 J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as Described in

THE STATE
records that tools adequate for cutting valable in a very wide area of the island. on granite points to the likelihood that Paranavitana has drawn attention to the apura, datable to the second centry B. C., period not only to carve letters on ficult material a slab with regular lines nsmiths (kabara) as well as coppersmiths records.127 While the evidence cited hip they attained, it also points to the ving the raw materials necessary for ments they produced.
oducts did take place is clear from nd in several inscriptions. A story om Anurädhapura who went to the ng ginger and other things."29 Ptolemy ecious stones among the products of the upidaries (manikara, lit. “maker of gems") from the time of Mahaculika Tissa, and re widely distributed: two from Mihintale Disitrict, one from Galagamuva in the e Kandy District, one from Mámpita in Köngala, near Bóvattagala.131 The he access enjoyed by certain chiefdoms and Yatahalena, to this commercially lidaries occur in inscriptions found in cords appear also to reflect the presence ns. It is possible to suggest that the e island and the local demand for other ive to long distance trade. An inscription ka) called Karava. 32 The fact that o India, heard about the elephants of acts between the island and the north(ed that voyages to this island took voyages were difficult. Referring to the
pecularity of their structure' and “the fterwards, Megasthenes, who spent some
Sri Lanka was a noteworthy source of
50-1), 54 (No. 720). 15). 45 (Nos. 585, 591), 49 (No.660), 70(No.897).
60 (No. 791), 62 (No. 807), 81 (No. 1033).
Classical Literature, London, 1901, pp. 30, 102.

Page 35
R. A. L. H. GU
gold and "pearls of great size. 134 The by Devānaqnpiya Tissa to Asoka took w conch-shell which spiralled to the right
The three types of gems are explained ( velariya, Skt. vaidarya ) and rubies pearls are said to be horse-pearls, elepl pearls, ring-pearls, kakudha (lumped, iri fissa's mission seems to be representativ accounted for a good part of long-d reference to Bhojakataka, cited earlier,
of India, and certainly by about the
region were important enough even to i in Sri Lanka. It is noteworthy that on a donation of a cave-dweiling made by denoted a corporation of merchants or
to a corporation of Kabojhiyas in an i Kurunagala District.137 Paranawitana ide from the northwestern parts of India at involved in trade. 138 However, it seems trade contacts were with South India a the goods of a North Indian origin ca Some of the traders mentioned in the
(Dameda).39 Horses probably represente goods brought to the island. As me. stables of horses with special functional mentions Tamils who brought horses fo the difficulties involved in transporting
seems most likely that the horses used
Lankan society were brought from Sout
134 Ibid... p. 102.
135 Mv, ch. 11, vv. 7–22. Indanila (Skt. indranila former is not found in Sri Lanka. The valued precious stones found in the island the 'cat's eye'' gemo There are two varie quartz. Similarly, thcre are two varieties
the more valued. See Cooray, op.cit., p. 1
136 IC, p. 42, No. 553. 137 IC, p. 77. No. 990. 138 IC, pp. xc-xci
39 See IIC, p. 28, Nos. 356-7. 140 - Mv., ch. 2, v. 10.

NAWARDANA 31
Aaharanya relates how the envoys sent th them three varieties of valuable gems, a and eight different kinds of pearls. as sapphires (indania ), 'cat's eyes' lohitahka ) while , the eight var ieties of ant-pearls, myrobalan-pearls, braceletegular?) pearls, and common pearls. 13 e of “gift exchange' which probably istance trade during this period. The indicates contacts with the western parts first century B. C., relations with this nfluence the development of the script of the inscriptions at Bovattegala records Kabojhiya mahapugi.136 Pugi (Skt. puga) artisans. There is yet another reference nscription found at Kaduruvava in the ntified Kobojhiyas with the Kambojas ld suggested that they were probably reasonable to believe that the closest nd it is very likely that even some of me to Sri Lanka through South India. early Brahmi inscriptions were Tamils d an important item among prestige ntioned earlier, some chiefs maintained lies to look after them. The Mahavamsa r trade in Sri Lanka, 140 On considering horses by sea over long distances, it by the leading elements in ancient Sri h India.
} denoted both lapis lazuli and sapphire, but the blue sapphire (corundum) is one of the most Veliriya or validiirya was a common term for
ties of this gem in the island: chrysoberyl and pf rubies: corundum and spinel, the former being
97.

Page 36
32 PRELUDE TO
As Polanyi emphasised, long distan in the ancient world. The production o levels of skill, probably constituted only in the agrarian chiefdoms of ancient S trade as a factor in political evolution with migrations and movements of r associated with trade, it provided channe of political concepts. Status goods obtai of the leadership. Perhaps one of the distance rade in this period was that i goods like pearls and gems and places 1 special importance that would be reflecte times.
The early Brahmi inscriptions show language and script. There are a few in marumakanake occurs in five early B1 Anuradhapura while the other four are the term Aya is more widespread. Since as kinship and political organization, it the island were considerable. However, island were not homogeneous and were believe that there were certain fundamen culture which were common to peop Common terms denoting political and se from all different parts of the island. and Abi Savera were generous patrons O allocation of resources, in all these recc paternal descent. It is particularly signi lists in these rocords, a common p( different parts of the island several ge extended to the Buddhist faith were set (Skt. Tisya) and Anuradi (Skt. Anurådha) to interest in astronomical phenomena a belief in astrology. The popular name N by itself and as a part of compound na of Naga cults.' Though a proper asses in different parts of the island during basis of material from archaeological ex Brahmi inscriptions seems to suggest tha traits in common which were conducive on a higher scale.
14 Karl Polanyi, "Traders and Trade' in Jerem
Ancient Civilization and Trade, Alberquerque,
42 For detailed information on the pre- Buddhist
vitana, 'Pre-Buddhist Religious Beliefs in Cey Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXI, No. 82, 1929, pp.

THE STATE
ce trade was a discontinuous phenomenon f prestige goods, though requiring high a small part of the economic activities i Lanka. However, the importance of should not be underestimated. Together. ligieux which were often phenomena ls of communication for the transmission ned through trade enhanced the position most important consequences of longt endowed the areas which produced hrough which the goods moved with a di in the political activities of subsequent
remarkably little regional variation in dications of cultural diversity. The term ahmi records: one of them is from
from the Rohana region. The use of these terms relate to such critical areas is likely that the Tamil influences on even if the cultural influences on the of diverse origin, there are reasons to tal features of Social organization and le from different parts of the country. ocial status are found in inscriptions Though certain women like Abi Anuradi if Buddhism who exercised rights in the ords, ancestry was always traced through ificant that, according to the genealogical pol of personal names was in use in nerations before records of patronage
up. Some of these names like Tisa
are names of constellations: they point nd are suggestive of astral cults and aga (Pāli and Skt. Naga), which occurs ames, probably reflects the prevalence sment of the cultural conditions prevalent
this period can only be made on the cavations, the evidence from the early it the chiefdoms shared several cultural
to the development of a political unity
y A. Sabloff and C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1975, p. 144. .
culture of the people of Sri Lanka, see S. Parana rlon, "Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal 302-28.

Page 37
R. A. L. H. GUN
Our identification of Asalisa, the is useful for understanding the changes before the time of Dutthagamani. As not and Abi Anuradi, members of the fourt Kataragama, were the first amongst records as patrons of Buddhism. Aya A to the same generation. While this may visit to Mihintale, he took the initiativ the new faith in the south, it certainly ind by members of this generation. While the Anuradi are found in the Kumbukkan O. the Mundeni Aru and Gal Oya rivers, generation, Gamani Tiśa, who occurs pro inscriptions in the region. However, i inscription points to the possibility that hi Majhima who were members of the third g Buddhist clerical community. This may sugg Aru basin in the time of Abaya and Majhin to the Kuimbukkan basin by the nex sequence of the expansion of Buddhism in R of Abi Śavera in the Mäņik Gañga basin. patron of Buddhism among members belonged to the fifth generation of her lin the expansion of Buddhism brought ab significant paychological orientation am towards a place beyond the bounds of faith. Inscriptions set up by Asalisa and ment which attracted pigrims and pat to Mihintale long before they came to CcatrC.
V
Dutthagamani, whose campaigns m evolution of ancient Sri Lanka, is descri scion of a line of rulers at Mahagama His father is credited with the constructi Tissamahâvihära, Cittalapabbtavihära, Galı His ancestor Mahānāga is also describec who built the Nagamahavihara, the monasteries' in Rohana. The present
143 Mo., ch. 22, vv. 23—4. 144, Mo., ch. 22, vv. 9, 10.

AWARDANA 33
donor of a cave-dwelling at Mihintale, in religious life that were taking place ed in an earlier context, Aya Mahatiśa h generation of the ruling lineage of their kinsmen to appear in historical salisa of the Mihintale record belonged not necessarily imply that, after his fe in promoting the propagation of icates the support extended to Buddhism inscriptions of Aya Mahatiśa and Abi a area, further north, in the basins of it was again a member of the same minently as a patron of Buddhism in t is noteworthy that the Henannegala s predecessors, Rajha Abaya and Rajha eneration had also been benefactors of the gest that Buddhism reached the Mundeni na and steadily expanded further south it generation. Such a hypothesis on the ohana is further supported by the records This lady, who was the most generous of the Kataragama ruling house, age. It is also possible to suggest that bout a culturally as well as politically ong the converts, making them look their polities as the centre of their new several others reflect this new developrons from different parts of the island accept Anuradhapura as their political
ark a crucial point in the political bed in the Mahavihara tradition as a who were devoted patrons of Budhism. ion of several monasteries including the mitthava.livihāra and the Kitālivihāra. 14 i as an ardent supporter of the faith Jddhakandaravihara and "many other Writer has pointed out elsewhere that

Page 38
34 PRELUDE
the claim to descent from the lineage element of the concept of legitimacy w chapter on the birth of Dutthagaman, of Pandukabhaya, who, according to th first prince of Sakya descent who ascer
Of all the ruling houses mentioned it is the lineage of Kusalankanda whicl information on the predecessors of Dutth. that Mahānāga, Gothābhaya and Kākav Uparaiha Naga, Raiha Abaya and Gama inscription appears to be plausible. 146 It raises serious doubts on the veracity of important points. Firstly, it casts doub a brother of Devanāmpiya Tissa and ca was a scion of a collateral branch of t ruling house at Anuradhapura. Secondly the power base of this lineage was in earlier, Gamini Tisá’s inscriptions are foi and Gal Oya river basins. None of his of Tissamahäräma which has been inden gama. Though the Mahavamsa states tha the Cittalapabbata (Situlpavuva) monaste been found among the many donative the other hand, this monastery, which w of Kataragama, was patronized by m. Kataragama lineage. Like Gamani Tisa to the community of Buddhist monks in the rulers of this line, Dutthagāman w tions found in the area to the south of that it was the expansion of his power the main ruling house of Kataragama paladin Mita is found at Situlpavuva.18 kanda also belongs to his period of r centre shifted southwards with the expa. are strong reasons to believe that the M its position as the critical power base context, Saddha Tissa governed Dighav
145 R. A. L. H. Gunawardana, "The Kinsmen o
Ancient and Early Medieval Kingdom of Sri Lanka, pp. 96-107.
146 See supra pp. 18-9.
147 See supra pp. 20-1.
148 IC, p. 47, No. 620.
149 IC, p. 50, No, 672.

O THE STATE
of the Buddha formed an important ich evolved at a later time. In the Mahānāga ia presented as a descendant myths in the Mahavamsa, was the led the throne of Anuradhapura.
in the early Brahmi records of Rohana most closely matches the genealogical gamani. Hence Paranavitana's suggestion anna Tissa should be indentified with i Tisa mentioned in the Kusalănkanda is noteworthy that this identification the Maharansa account on two other ts on the description of Mahānāga as rries the implication that Dutthagaman he Kataragama lineage and not of the , it also implies that, at least intially, he eastern parts of Sri Lanka. As noted und in or close to the Mundeni Äru records has been found in the vicinity tified as the site of the ancient Mahat Kakavanna Tissa was the founder of ry, no records of Gamani Tisa have inscriptions discovered at the site. On 'as located a few miles to the southeast embers of the senior branch of the , even his predecessors made donations the Mundeni Aru river basin. Among is the first to be mentioned in inscripMottayakalu, and it appears likely which brought about the final collapse of
An inscription of Dutthagamani's It is likely that a record from Silavale.149 However, even if the political ision of Dutt hagamani's power, there ..undemi Aru-Gal Oya area soon regained in Rohana. As noted in an earlier api when his brother was ruling at
the Buddha: Myth as Political Charter in Sri Lanka,' Religion and Legitimation of Power in

Page 39
R. A. L. H. GUI
Anurādhapura. After Saddhā Tissa succe appears to have become the ruler in til at Rajagala, which is located to the na south of Kusalankanda, are an indicatic in this area and the forty-eight donativ of the patronage it attracted. The supp from members of the ruling family lik tant factor in the rise of its importanc prominent patron in the records at this
at Situlpavuva. Had the politicai centre in the Tissa mahārāma area, it would ha abandon such a well-established base. ( both the predecessors and the successor area between the rivers Mundeni Aru ai focus of their activities. Unfortunately,
less attention from archaeologists than t rama is located. Though more archaec before it is possible to arrive at a def seems very likely that it was a ruling h area in the eastern parts of Rohapa wh early political evolution of Sri Lanka.
Paranavitana was the first scholar to Dhatuvansa, a later chronicle, to a conf of Duhagamani, and the princes of K Gothabhaya annihilated them. Rajha A a contemporary of Rajha Dama of Kata inscriptions at Bovattegala and Kotadan continued for at least two or more gene annihilation of the Kataragama princes a probably reflects a clash which occurred asserted its independence.
The description of political conditio presented in the Dhatuvamsa differs fron to the presence of contemporary rulers Abhaya of Giri who later moved to Sõ to this interesting account, Kakavanna the first three rulers mentioned above a Tissa had also forged matrimonial allia Kalani. It is not possible to identify L - rulers who bore the name Siva, but if
150 See IC, pp. 33-5.
51 UCHC, Vol. II, Pt. 1, p. 146

JAWARDANA 35
ded his brother, his son Lañjaka Tissa e Dighavapi area. The extensive ruins rthwest of Mottayakalu and to the n of the importance of Buddhist activity inscriptions at the site are indicativ3 ort that this monastic community received e Lafijaka Tissa, was certainly an impor.15. While Lafijaka Tissa occurs as a site, none of his records has been found
of this line of rulers been for long ve been rather strange for them to Dn the other hand, the inscriptions of s of Dutthagamani indicate that the nd Gal Oya was the more important this area has received comparatively he Hambantoa District where Tissamahalogical research is certainly necessary inite conclusion on this problem, it ouse based in the Mundeni Äru-Gall Oya ich ushered in a critical phase in the
) araw attension to a reference in the lict between Gothabhaya, a predecessor ataragama. According to this chronicle, baya of the Kusalāmkanda record was ragama. It is quite clear from the huhela that the main line of Kataragama rations. Hence the statement about the ppears to be unhistorical. The story when the collateral line in the north
ns in the time of Kakavanna Tissa the Mahavamsa. The Dhatuvassa refers ike Siva of Seru, Mahanaga of Lбna, ma, and Tissa of Kālani. According issa used clever means to intimidate nd to reduce them to client status. nces with Abhaya of Giri and Tissá of ona, Giri or Soma. There were several Seru is the same as modern Seruvila,

Page 40
36 PRELUDE T
this may point to the extension of Tis Oya. In the South, rulers of this gen issuing inscriptions in the Bovattegala gation of Kataragama took place at a
provide any information on these develc
According to the Mahavansa accoun Mahagama for Anuradhapura and, a different places on the way, he faced ) said that he fought the final battle defeated a nephew of Eara's paladin C troops to support his uncle. The victori remorse at the thought of having sent so into a deeply pious man who spent the r edifices including the great monument,
It is clear from the distribution of th inscriptions that any ruler who intenc to wage not one but several campaigns context, it is noteworthy that the informa found in certain tales in the Sahassavat the account in the Mahāvamya. Accordi presents, these campaigns do not end w on, Dutthagámani is said to have order to the upper reaches of the river Mahav place called Kolamahamala. Theraput tab accomplished this mission and then vent Peak) where he defeated a ruler named with parks and ponds, at a place callec lord. Dutthagamani arrived there and, at to subdue rulers at various places (tas Anuradhapura.132. It is clear from this a presented by the Mahavamsa, there was a capture of Anuradhapura was followed b areas including the montane regions in 1 In the light of evidence from the early savatthupakarana version which appears to traditions.
Both the Mahavasma and the Sahas of Dutthagaman as Tamils. The for "unbelievers' as well. If these statemen they would imply that Tamil rulers were plains in Sri Lanka but also in the Mal
1S2. Sakassavatthupakarara, pp. 106 - 7.

THE STATE
a's influence to the north of Maduru ration, like Mahatisa and Tisa, were rea, Hence it is likely that the subjulater date. The literary sources do not pments.
of Dutthagamani's campaign, he left fter winning battles fought at eighteen lara whom he killed in a duel. It is at the port of Mahatittha where he ighajantu who had come with Tamil us Buddhist, who was then struck with many to death in battle, metamorphosed est of hls life constructing many religious the Mahathtipa.
e polities mentioned in the early Brāhmi led to subdue them would have had in different parts of the island. In this tion on the campaigns of Dutthagámani thupakaraya is markedly different from ng to the version that this anthology ith the capture of Anurādhapura. Later 'ed a detachment of forces to proceed täli and to subdue hostile elements at a haya, one of the leaders of his troops, ured beyond the Sumanakuta (Adam's Palatthi. Then he built a palace, complete | Balhagamatala, and sent word to his ter resting for some time, set forth nin tasmin thane), before returning to :count that, in addition to the version nother tradition which held that the y campaigns against rulers in several he upper reaches of the river Mahavali. Brahmi inscriptions, it is the Sahas
be the more acceptable of the two
avathupakarana refer to the adversaries er work emphasjses that they were ;s were to be accepted without question in power not only in the northern aya highlands and at several places in

Page 41
R. A. l. H. GU
Rohaga including Dighavapi and sites gana to Kacchatittha. Here again, the entirely different. As we observed earli parts of the island as well as other ir to have shared several cultural traits in in the Brahmi script and in a languag what later developed into the Sinhala sure that these rulers were all Buddhist their families were certainly patrons of it appears that while some of the foe were probably Tamils, a considerably 1 different from his own forces as regarc standable that such a picture would un later writers who were trying to convey all Buddhists against non-believing alie a contemporary colouring more suitable
Through his extensive campaigns of rudimentary polities which had existed probably trying to forge a higher politi control not only the more densely po basin but also commercially important a its gems and the Mannar coastal belt v pearl banks. There are some inscription information on the extent of his author Situlpavuva and Silvakanda mentioned a from Rajagala which refers to Mahara rule. Paranavitana has assigned an in Inscriptions in the early Brahmi script bore the titles Devanapiya, Maharajha an and KOSavakanda in the Anuradhapura District, and at Sasseruva and Kumburl difficult to ascertain whether this rule Vattagamani, but Nicholas was of the be assigned to the latter. The epigra of Dutthagamagi among individuals me! evinced a keen interest which was not reasonable to accept their identifications Situlpavuva. Vâla-elli-godakanda and M above are from the modern administrat Puttalam, Ampāre, Monarāgala and Ha.
S3 IC, p. 33, No. 429. lS4 IC, pp. lv-lvi. f5S IC, pp. 3 (No. 29), 16 (No. 193), 69 (Nos. 8 156 Nicholas, op. cit., pp. 98, 106. 157 - IC, pp. lxx — lxxii.

NAWARDANA 37
along the river Mahavali from Mahiyaninscriptions present a picture that is r, the rulers of the polities in different dividuals who issued inscriptions appear common. They issued these inscriptions 2 which was clearly the early form of anguage. And, even if we cannot be s, the greater majority of them and the Buddhist clerical community. Thus s against whom Dutthagamani fought arge proportion would not have been ls language and religion. It is underdergo a transformation in the hands of the message of the need for the unity of ls, giving events from the remote past
for their purposes.
unprecedented scale, waged against the
up to his time. Duhagamani was cal unity which would bring under his pulated regions like the Malvatu Oya reas like the Malaya region valued for with the port of Mahatittha and the ls which provide a limited amount of ity. Apart from the inscription from bove, it is likely that an inscription jha Abaya dates from his period of scription from Rițigala to this time. 13“ which mention a king called Abaya, who ld Ganani, have been found at Mihintale
District, at Tonigala in the Puttalam lena in the Kurunāgala District. It is r was Duthgaman or his descendant opinion that the last two records should phists who tried to identify the paladins ntioned in the early Brahmi records have often tempered by caution, but it seems at least as regards records from Gonagala ahakaccatkodi.57 The records mentioned ive districts of Vavuniya, Anurādhapura, mbantota.
394, 895), 78 (No. 994), 82 (Nos. 1051, 1052).

Page 42
38 PRELUDE
Dubagāmaņi located his political position of the subordinate ruler of the appointed Saddhā Tissa who was to su appointing his own son. Evidently, this the problems which could arise from th to assert their independence: it ensured remain under the same ruling house. H the complete unification of Sri Lanka ( within one generation. If, in the cou coerce most of the rulers of the petty suzerainty, evidently, his attempts to su with much success. As noted earlier, th Kandy and from Yatahalena in the Kä ruling houses in these areas continued
Like many ancient rulers who have combined seemingly incongruous traits o he was a ruthless warrior who came to (Pāli duțha, Skt. dusta), he was also a mansion adorned with copper plates tha was an impressive contrast to the humb Mahathupa, completed by his brother, world for a long time. Adjoining the l another monastery, the Mariccavittivihar: were politically significant activities whic the ruler and enhanced the importance ritual for Buddhists living in all parts with its catalytic effects on the process Sri Lanka appears to have slowed dow arrested in times of political disorder, proesses of societal change and the dev communication. It is only in about the it becomes possible to detect the present institutionalization of coercive force a enabled the rulers of Anuradhapura to were implemented in the distant parts (
158 For a discussion on the territorlal limits of th
See Hettiarachchy, op. cit., pp. 144-62.
159 There are several inscriptions which testif Anuradhapura rulers to implement their decisi (A. D. 112-34): S. Paranavitana, "The Epig G, Vol. II, Colombo. 1933, p. 187, 197; C Yala East Wild Life Reserve, "Sir Paul Pia

TO THE STATE
çentre in the Malvatu Oya basin. To the critical Mundeni Äru-Gall Oya area, he cceed him, and the latter followed suit by clever arrangement helped them to avoid e usual tendency of collateral branches that the two main 'core regions' would owever, despite the size of the island, joes not appear to have been accomplished Irse of his campaigns, Dutthagamani did principalities in the island to accept his bjugate the montane regions did not meet le records from the Baibaragala area near galla District seem to suggest that the for some time longer.
left their imprint on history, Dutthagamani f behaviour. If, in his quest for power, be known as “Gamapi, the Wicked' generous patron of Buddhism. The t he built for monks at Anuradhapura bler cave-dwellings of an earlier era. The was the largest monument in the Buddhist Mahavihara, to its southeast, he founded a, with a prominent stilpa of its own. These :h extended the mobilizatory powers of of the capital as the foremost centre of of the island. After this burst of activity
of state formation, political evolution in 1. It was a long drawn out process, often and its pace was determined by the slow relopment of channels of administrative
second century of the Christian era that ce of a mature state characterized by the und an administrative apparatus which ensure that decisions taken at the capital of their kingdom.159
le authority of the successors of Dutthagâmani,
7 to the development of the capacity of the ons. See, for instance, the inscriptions of Gajabāhu raphical Summary,' Ceylon Journal of Science, Sec. W. Nicholas, "'The Brahmi Inscriptions in the is Felicitation Volume, 1956, p. 64.

Page 43
R, A. L., HI. Gl
The study of state formation in Sc long time based on a diffusionist appr who studied the past of countries whic emanating from the Indian subcontinen peripheral” areas as the result of the from the centres of Indian culture. 160 institutions in the 'centre' and the “p. approach failed to recognize internal fa simplify, highly diverse and complex pro important in the political evolution of , titles of Indian origin. From the time ceremonials were introduced, the ruling Mauryan title Deyanapiya. However, the Oya basin, with little administrative m Mauryan title points to the validity of ti radically dissimilar things in different c titles and ritual could be borrowed, it political institutions from one social sel he Pandyas of South India, located in Sri Lanka also, the state appears too to the Mauryan impulse. Though exterr factor, it appears that the evolution of phenomenon.
160 George Coedés, Les éstats hindouisés -d'Andoc| this approach. For two excellent critiques Writing on Indonesia (Early Period." London, 1962, pp. 21-163 and Paul Wh Civilization and Trade, pp. 227-283.

UNAWARDANA 39
uth and Southeast Asia has been for a oach. Pioneer scholars like George Coedés, h had come under cultural influences t, interpreted state formation in these transplantation of concepts and institutions By glossing over the differences between eriphery' the advocates of the diffusionist ctors in state formation and tended to ocesses. Indian concepts were certainly ancient Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan rulers bore of Devānāmpiya Tissa, when consecration g house at Anuradhapura adopted the incongruity of a ruler of the Malvatu achinery at his command, bearing the he truism that the same term can denote :ontexts. It underlines the fact that, while was infinitely more difficult to transplant tting in another. As among the Colas and the border areas of Mauryan activity, in late to be interpreted as a mere response hal influence was certainly an important thc state was, in essence, an indigenous
R. A. L. H. Gunawardana
line et d'Indonésie (Paris, 1947) is an example of of this approach, see J. G. de Casparis, Historical
in D. G. E. Hall, ed. Historians of Southeast Asia,
eatley, "Satyangta in Svarnadvipa' in Ancient

Page 44


Page 45
HERODOTUS IN
Among the Greek story-motifs whic great compendium of the Buddhists, the in the Histories of Herodotus. Already the fable of the dancing peacock of the anecdote which tells of how Megacles fellow-citizen, came to marry Agariste, d Another is ihe Ucchanga Jataka (No. 67 of saving only one member of her fam adducing the same arguments which II before the King of Persia, when she was a similar choice.2
These two parallels, together with
Herodotus with a jātaka, which I have observed and commented upon in the co Western scholars became acquainted wit in the Pali by Prof. Fausböl 14 and it various hands under the editorship of jātakas, which I bring into discussion i recognized as reflecting motifs from the Jaitaka and the Ucchanga, though I find them in passing.
My point, however, is that if all c will do here, their consensus would ha exists between the jatakas and the Aesc respective birth-stories had been familia historian or, conversely, whether the ar
1. vi. 127 - 130
2 iii. 118 - 119
3 ii. 121. See W. R. Halliday Greek and Ror
also his Indo-European Folk Tales and Greek story, which appears in the Jaitakas and ir East: it is one of the tales which passed The motif appears in a Sri Lankan folk-t Harrantika'; see his Village Folk-Tales of C in p. 43 - 46. W. Goonetilleke gave the S
4 The Jataka: together with its Commentary, fir: for the Pali Text Society, London (1962).
5 The Jataka vols. I - VII Cambridge (1895)
6 “Herodot. VI. 126” Hermes vol. XXIX (189

THE JATAKAS
n have parallels in the stories of that Jataka Book, no less than four appear well-known is the striking similarity of Nacca Jataka (No. 32) to the Herodotean
of Athens and not Hippocleides, his aughter of Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon. 1 ), in which a woman. given the choice Lily from death, opts for her brother, ntaphernes” wife in Herodotus adduced faced with a similar predicament and made
another of the Rhampsinitus story in : so far failed to discover, have been insideration of their original source, since n the Jatakatthavannana after its edition as translation into English afterwards by Prof. E. B. Cowell.5 The other two in this paper, have not been as popularly : Herodotean story material as the Nacca
that S. J. Warren had observed one of
of them were considered together, as I ve raised a similar question as now pica, whether the Buddhist authors of the r with the work of the great Greek ecdotes, which had found their way into
an Folklore London etc. (1927) p. 107 - 108 and Legend Cambr. (1933) p. 49. He writes, “The other Indian collections, is evidently old in the with Buddhism from India to Tibet and China'. le, which Parker entitles *The Thief called ylon London (1914) p. 41 - 42 and the variant ory in The Orientalist vol. I. p. 59. t published by Trubner & Co. (1899); reprint vol. VII is the Index to the Jatakas.
4) p. 478,

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4. HERODOTUS Il
his work, has somehow been inspired jatakas, which had made their way to The first of these jatakas I refer to is which emulates in part Herodotus” sto1 from his money during a voyage home restoration of Polycrates' ring, cast into fish who had swallowed it. The othe builds upon a detail of the life of Ae: alluded to in Herodotus,o but, ıf so, s. audience was quite familiar with it. lt a trumped-up charge of having stolen a and his death at the hands of the Del subjected to discussion to decide the d borrowing was accepted as against coin than not, considered individually and c like a detailed examination of their fe indicate. For instance, the plurality of jātakas and Herodotus must not only r the fables of Aesop and Greek myths literary dependence, one way or the oth considerations beside the multiplicity of except in a very few instances, of Simi the two diverse cultures as owing to t dence was a popular enough explanatio motifs known, or at least known to th between.10 Other scholars, including Ma the spread of some story-motifs through Aryans, perhaps in the form of proverbs, blown myths, fables or historical anecdo
If such theories are not tenable any it is due to the sheer number of the in addition to this, their conformity in
i. 23 - 24 iii. 40 - 43 ii. 134 See Max Müller Selected Essays on Language, - 513; J. Jacobs History of the Aesopic Fables with Aesop in jatakas 30, 32, 34, (with 4 383 and 426); H. T. Francis and E. J. T A. B. Keith A History of Sanskrit Literature op. Ait. p. 46. He finds it difficult to bel invented more than once independently in 11 op ci. p. 508 - 510. Müller cites as exam V− retrorsum for common fables of some creat seeing footprints leading to it but none c and the proverb of the Randyana, that ev a brother. 12 See my “Greec Motifs in the Jatakas' in
vol. XXVIII (1983)
i

| THE JATAKAS
by motifs from story-prototypes of the Greece from India in greater antiquity. the Macch-Uddana Jataka. (No. 288), y of how the poet, Arion, was separated by ship, in part the story of the the waters of the sea, by means of a is the Manicora Jataka (No. 194), which op himself, which, true enough, is only mply because he could take it that his concerns the arrest of the fabulist on gold cup from the god at Delphi phians. Where these parallels have been rection of borrowing - if a theory of cidence - they have been, more often ursorily, with little attempt at anything atures or contexts to see what they such parallels as exist between the ule out coincidence, as they do with In general, but suggest some degree of er, to account for the phenomenon. Other such parallels rule out the hypothesis, lar motifs appearing in the stories of heir common Aryan heritage. Coinciin when the examples of such parallel 2 particular writer, were few and far x Miller, suggested as an alternative diverse lands with the migration of the which in time germinated into fullteS.
longer, except in exceptional instances, parallels that have come to light,12 and, detail as well, not just in motif alone.
Myth and Religion vol. I. London (1881) p. 512 vol. I, London (1889) p. 108. (He refers to parallels 5), 136, 143, 146, 189, 215, 294, 308, 374 lomas ed. Jātaka Tales Cambridge (1916) p. 5-6; lot don (1920) p. 355 etc. But see Halliday eve that one particular fable would have been different areas. ole the possibility of a proverb Pulla vestigia 1re warned of danger lurking in a place by oming back. In this connection see p. 52-53 :n Parjatya (g(d of rain) cannot rain down
Isurnal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Cylon Brancy)

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Sometimes such conformity of detail has as, for instance, between our own fou and the adventure of Odysseus with C: most number of parallels are struck be Aesop, quite a number also refer to C representation in tragic drama, om occ to which such adaptation can go is exe the use of the Greek myth of the Tro story based upon its motif - the cap ruse of the wooden elephant. 15
It may be thought that historical a fable in the claim to evolving motif. A anecdote is generally based on an ever we treat here from Herodotus must have in the fables and stories of their resp. Agariste, Intaphernes' wife's remarkable fateful ring and the incrimination of th personalities and would have taken pl rise to the formulation encountered b Indian stories would have seized upon fact, as the birth-stories of the Buddha.
Unfortunately no writer is prepared t of these Herodotean anecdotes than tha unrecognizable happening or basic idea have dressed them up. The romantic fable and myth themselves and may in with fact in the tradition in which the were not the work of the historian him.
Thus, on the face of it, the claim motifs of our four stories as against this contention appears to be little bet
13 See my "Greek Elements in the Vijaya L (Ceyton Branch) vol. XXVI (1982) p. 43-66. 14 Compare for instance the seventh and eig Mahisupina Jataka (No. 77) and the paintin of Hades in the murals of Polygnotus in Delphi (Paus. x.29 and 31). See also W. vol. I (1890) p. 409. I have discussed thi Motifs' accepted for publication in the fort the Punjab University of Patiala. 15 See my 'The Ujjain Elephant and the Tri
II no. 1 (1976) p. 32 - 43. 16 See for instance W. W. How and . We 117 m. to vi. 126: “The fact of the wedi is doubtless historical, the details are ov, for lies and inventions (pseus mata kai plasma 854f, 866c and 867b.

N PERIS 42
been surprisingly extensive and intimate Indation myth of Vijaya and Kuvanna irce in the Homeric saga. 13 While the :tween the jatakas and the fables of reek myths, sometimes following their asion even as paintings. 14. The extreme implified in a frieze from Gandhara in jan Horse itself to express the Buddhistic ture of Prince Udena of Vatsa by the
necdote has precedence over myth and and indeed it should be so, since such ut in fact. In which case the four stories 2 evolved the motifs, which then reappear ective jataka versions. The wedding of choice, the story of Polycrates and his le fabulist. Aesop, all involve historical ace in exactly that way or at least gave by the historian, and the imaginative them and represented them, fiction from
o concede anything more to the historicity t of the participants and perhaps some devoid of the romanticism which may treatment may be no less fiction than ileed be secondary elaboration interwoven historian encountered them - that is, if it Self. 16
of Greek history to priority in the that of the Buddhist birth-stories on ter than that of the Greek fables or
egend in Journal ef the Royal Asiadie Society
hth dreams of the sixteen the king dreams in gs of Ornus and the ass and the water-carriers the club - house (lesche) or the Cnidians at H. D. Rouse "A Jataka in Pausanias' Folklore s in an article Three Jatakas with Greek Mythhcoming issue of The Journal of Religious Studies of
ojan Horse' Sri Lanka Journal of Humanitiev vol.
lls. A Commentary on Herodotus vol. I. (1912) p. ding of the daughter and heress of Cleisthenes iously fictitious”. On Herodotus as responsible ta) see for instance Plutarch De Herodoti Maligtiniate

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Greek mythology. Thus it is necessary to an actual examination of the severa their respective jataka parallels, to dete. borrowing and, in connection with this, and closer look at the counterparts, til anecdotes in Herodotus, and the Indian moral-stories, seems to me as relevant the Jatakathavannana as do the fables gompilation.
1. To begin with the wedding of . parallel in the jatakas, as mentioned be of the Nacca Jataka. In brief, both acc cost a suitor the hand of the maiden thereupon betrothed by her father to sor
Herodotus teils his story in a cha Alcmaeon, occasioned by the gossip, wh the Alcmaeonidae who were responsible with a shield during their invasion o “Is it likely that these men, who we even Callias, the son of Phaenippus, fal to see Athens ruled by Hippias under
With this he launches into two episc which brought them wealth and pres humorous story of how Alcmaeon, offer Lydia as much gold as he could carry loaded himself up to appear so grotesq laughter and give him as much gold ag
In the next generation, says Herodotus, before through the distinction conferred up and goes on to tell the story of interes Agariste, whom he wished to give in m So, by an announcement made at the ( who thought himself worthy to be his Sicyon within sixty days or sooner, following the sixtieth day, to betroth he suitors began to arrive - every man of ( be proud of, whether in his country or of the distinguished suitors from various interest for us just now, except Alcmaeon, and Tisander’s son, Hippocll man in Athens.' For a year Cleisthene
17-wi,121

THE JATAKAS 43
to turn from such a priori considerations L ancedotes in Herodotus, along with mine the likelihood of the direction of
the probable date. At any rate, a fresh he Greek, which appear as historical , which appear as imaginative Buddhist an exercise a propos the historian and of Aesop in thc light of the Indian
Agariste, the Herodotean story has its fore, in the fable of the dancing peacock ‘ounts tell of how his unseemly dance he had all but won and how she was meone else.
racteristic digression on the house of ich he strongly repudiates, that it was for treacherously signalling the Persians f Greece in 490 B.C.; for, asks he, re obviously greater tyrant-haters than ther of Hipponicus, should have wished foreign control '? 17
des in the history of the Alcmaeonidae, tige. In the first of these he tells the ed as a reward by King Croesus of out of his treasury on his person, ue that it made the monarch burst into gain as he had brought out.
the family became even more famous than bon it by Cleisthenes, the master of Sicyon, t to us here. Cleisthenes had a daughter, arriage to the best man in all Greece. Olympic Games, he invited any Greek son-in-law to make his presence at because he intended, within the year r to her future husband. Presently the Greek nationality who had something to
in himself. Here follows a description Greek cities, who, however, have no the two Athenians, Megacles, son of eides, “the wealthiest and best-looking s kept them in his house, testing their

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ability in conversation, temper, accom case of those who were not too old, important test of all was to be their
For one reason or another it w Cleisthenes most favourably, and of the “not only for his manly virtues but al Corinthian family of Cypselus.”
At last, when the day came, which Cleisthenes held a great banquet, to w. of note in Sicyon was invited. Of w translation Herodotus” own words. 18 “W to compete with each other in music a assembled company. In both these a proved by far the doughtiest champion, was drunk, he asked the flute-player t it. Now it may well be that he dance however, who was watching his perform the wholc business. Presently, after a table; the table was brought and Hippi some Laconian dances, next some Attic head and beating time with his legs in were bad enough; but Cleisthenes, thou having a son-in-law who could behave restrained himself and managed to Hippocleides beating time with his legs Tisander,’ he cried, “you have danced aporchēsao ge men ton gamon). “Hippoc kleide) was the cheerful reply; and it v its origin.'
As for the girl, Agariste, Cleisthen son of Alcamaeon.
Turning to the Nacca Jataka, it wi pannavathu, or “story of the present, w Buddha was supposed to have narrated (No. 6), a jätaka which itself has elen
18 vi. 29
19 Footsteps leading down to a pool but no born as a prince, that it is the haunt of it. Cf. Aesop's fable of The Lion and til the fox was warned by the same clue th and devoured all who came to visit him. permitted him to take any who failed to in the Oedipus-legend.

N PERIS
blishments, manners, virtues - and in the their athletic prowess; but the most behaviour at the dinner-table.
as the two Athenians who impressed m, Tisander's son came to be preferred, so because he was related to the noble
had been appointed for the betrothal, hich not only the suitors but everyone that transpired at this banquet I give in When dinner was over, the suitors began and in talking on a set theme to the ccomplishments it was Hippocleides who until at last, as more and more wine o play a tune and began to dance to 2d to his own satisfaction; Cleisthenes, ance, began to have serious doubts about brief pause, Hippocleides sent for a ocleides, climbing on to it, danced first : ones, and ended by standing on his the air. The Laconian and Attic dances gh he already loathed the thought of so disgracefully in public, nevertheless avoid an outburst; but when he saw , he could bear it no longer. “Son of away your wife!” (O pai Teisandrou, leides doesn’t care !” (Ou phrontis Hippovas hence that the common saying had
es gave her in marriage to Megacles, the
ll be found that it borrowed its paccup
which sets out the context in which the the jataka, from the Devadhamma Jaitaka
hents common with Greek story. 19
one returning (see n. 11 above) warn the Bodhisatta, a water-demon, who devoured all who went into he Fox (C.196, H.246, P.142, Hs.147), where at the lion, who pretended to be ill, had killed
As for the riddle asked by the demon, which answer it, compare the Sphinx and her riddle

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The incident concerned is one in W for possessing more than the wherewithal lost his temper, tore off even the cloth before the Exalted One, exclaiming, " everyone cried “Shame!' he ran away a Afterwards the Master said to his mon only loss his shamelessness caused him; a wife just as now he has lost the jew Master told them the story of the dan
It seems the Golden Goose (svarna daughter, to whom he promised to gra she asked was that she be allowed to fulfilment of his promise, the king sum country of the Himalayas. All the bi swans, peacocks, and all other sorts, a bare rock. The king then asked his da own heart. As the fair gosling reviewe upon the peacock, with his neck of jew she chose him, saying, “Let this be m overwhelmed by his extreme joy, exclai talented I am, and in breach of all began to dance in the midst of the va himself. The royal Golden Goose was neither modesty in his heart nor dece certainly not give my daughter to one all who were gathered there he recited
A pleasing note is yours, a right r Almost like opal in its colour is y A fathom length your outstretched But because of your dance I will (naccena te dhitaram no dadāmi)
So saying he bestowed his daughter to for the peacock, covered with shame at straight up into the air and flew away.
The similarity bctween the motifs o anecdote and the Indian beast- (or birdfathers who wish to give their daughter eligible suitors to a venue and a select outstanding in looks and talent, when, story, elated by his selection, in the bridegroom begins a dance - a dance w and vulgar, which so infuriates the girl performance, that he declares (the expr similar) that he has “danced his bride

THE JATAKAS
ihich a monk, brought before the Buddha prescribed by him and questioned by him, es he was wearing and stood stark naked Then I'll go about like this!' When Lnd reverted to the state of a layman. ks, explaining, “Brethren, this is not the
for, in bygone days he lost a jewel of rel of the faith.' And so saying, the cing peacock.
hamsa), king of the birds, had a lovely nt any boon she might ask. The boon choose a husband for herself. So, in moned all the birds together in the rds thereupon made their appearance, nd assembled upon a great plateau of ughter to choose a husband after her 'd the crowd of birds, her eyes lighted velled sheen and tail of varied hue, and y husband.' Thereupon the peacock, med, “Up to now you haven't seen how
modesty he spread his feathers and st assembly - and in dancing he exposed shocked. And he said, “This fellow has incy in his outward behaviour! I will so shameless!' And in the presence of
this stanza: esplendent back, four neck,
tail-feathers reach, give you no daughter of mine
a young goose, a nephew of his. As not getting the fair gosling, he rose
f the two stories, the Greek historical ) fable, is unmistakable. Here are two S in marriage; each invites a host of ion is arrived at of one who is most for one reason or another (in the Indian
Greek by inebriation) the prospective nich turns out to be most indecorous 's father, who had been watching the 'ssions in the two stories are strikingly away. The variation in the reaction to

Page 51
Fragiiients Irron1 t he railing r t-liefs ( ! , thie 13I ātika fi. . - Nicca ātika, Abe - ir Golden Goose; below - the elated reacock, his gosling. Line reproductions hy K. II. Jayátiloke af
7 år skrift af Hhafslui. Benares (1962).
 

arhut, Stupa depicting a scene from the Harns: the assellibly of birds summoned by the royal
t:li!-lehthers sained out, da Ilce bcfort: the fir ter a plate and line drawing in A. Cunninքliam's

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this rejection between Hippocleides and little to the point and, if anything, und of the motif. Hippocleides may have c had become an end in itself and more whom he had begun to perform it in are told that he departed in the shame noted that thereafter the father betrothe second best.
Though the author of the Paficatant dancing peacock from the jatakas in h stanza occuring in what may perhaps b Berlin ms.2. On the other hand, at translation of the first forty jatakas, c Jataka, Rhys Davids was unaware of th consequently we are deprived of his o little doubt he would have accepted pri the Greek. 22. This was also the view W. R. Halliday 24 and T. R. Glover, 25 wh fables such as this and that of the account of the Indian Uttarakuru, who found their way into Herodotus. A full of the wedding of Agariste and the however, appears in the edition of Herc had been drawn to the jataka by the
Macan found it unacceptable “that was carried to India in the days of Al of time, transformed and degraded into in course of time, moralized into a Bl the soul of the peacock was reincarnat one that degraded himself in the pre formerly inhabited the body of the sai hypothesis, he says, would place a historian and mythologist. According to an Indian fable had reached Hellas anc Herodotus, than that a page of Herodo and carried to India in the train of dessicated into a bird-fable.' For, says face and front the more primitive stam imaginative, poetical, pragmatic.”
20 op. cit. p. 477 21 Pantschatantra Leipzig (1859) i. 98 (p. 280). 22 Buddhist Birth-Storier London (1880) p. 294 23 India and the Western World Cambridge (191 24 op. cit. p. 48 - 49; see also his Greek and R. 25 Herodotus California (1924) p. 119. 26 Herodotus London vol. JI (1895) append. xi

| PEIRIS 46
the peacock (observed by Warren)2 is erlines the close similarity of the rest ontinued the dance, which, from a means
to hus fancy than the girl, to win the first place. As for the peacock, we
of defeat. In both stories it would be his daughter to another, at best a
ra made no use of the fable of the is work, there is reference to it in a e its oldest recension, contained in the the time of the publication of his one of which happens to be the Aacca Le existence of its parallel im Herodotus; pinion on the matter, though there is ority for the Indian story as against of G. H. Rawlinson 23 and others like o followed him in thinking that Indian Ucchanga Jataka, including also the had their home in the Himalayas, had er discussion of the Herodotean anecdote (ndian fable of the dancing peacock, dotus by R. W. Macan, 26 whose attention Pali scholar, Arnold C. Taylor.
thc Greek story, as told by Herodotus, lexander the Great, and there, in course a beast- (or bird-) fable, to be again uddhist birthstory (according to which e in the person of a luxurious monk, sence of the Master, whose soul had me royal Golden Goose)'. Any such severe strain upon the conscience of him, it is infinitely more probable that i been historicised before the days of tean history, so to speak, was torn out Alexander, and there “dissolved and
he, “the fable wears upon its very p: the Herodotean story is transparently
n.1 6) p. 25 oman Folklore p. 106 - 107.
w p. 304 — 311.

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Theorizing thus that the fabulous ele neither directly nor indirectly from the and remoter source, Macan sets out to peacock-fable from India would have area by the date assignable to the intro to find that the epiphany of the bird i while Herodotus himself nowhere mentio as a story-genre may antedate historical that other forms of narrative could not in the folk medium of a different cult Icarus reappears transformed into a b Jātakas (Nos. 381 and 164) 28 and I ca the Phaethon-motif at the bottom of th Hamsa Jataka (No. 476), who tried to joints of their wings were afire - thoug rash youth by the Bodhisatta, born as
It is true that thc fibulous elem: in leaves the historical substance unaffe Megacles were the chief, perhaps only, daughter. But those who suggest that the fable-motif from India, or wherever have the onus of explaining in some doesn't care" (ou phrontis Hippokleidè) al It is too much to think, however, that other event, and perhaps some other H (not consequence) of the metamorpho dancing Eupatrid. Despite calling the Indian stories a “coincidence (Ubereir to the idea of a borrowing from India. antiquity of the story (which he, 1. beyond the third century B. C.) and th to be selected, which he found reminis i. e. the girl or her father makes th Suitors. 29
In the strictest sense svayamvara ( for the girl to choose for herself - w granted his daughter, even though it w serious consideration than the superficia swept the fair gosling off her feet, rejected
27 The bird was known to his contemporarie
Acharn. 63, Birds 102, 269, 885; cp. Athen: 28 Discussed in my 'Three Jatakas with Gre 29 op. eit.

| THE JATAKAS 47
ment in the Herodotean story is derived Jatakatthayatanand but from an earlier determine the time about which this made its advent within the European bduction of the bird to the West, only In Athens does not antedate Herodotus, 27 ns it. On the other hand, while fable anecdote, there is no reason to think have been deliberately reduced to fable ure. For instance, the Greek myth of ird-fable in the Migalopa and Giijha innot help thinking that there is also e story of the two geese of the Jayana fly with the sun and felt as if the h they were saved from the fate of that a goose himself.
of the tale of the wedding of Agariste cted - namely, that Hippocleides and suitors for the hand of Cleisthenes' it was Herodotus himself who worked , into the texture of the historical event, other way the saying “Hippocleides ready popular in Greece in Herodotus” day. this saying had grown out of some ippocleides as well, and was the cause sis of the dancing peacock into the concordance between the Greek and Lstimmung), Warren too was inclined , both on the grounds of the seeming ke Macan, however fails to establish Le manner in which the bridegroom was cent of the Indian practice of svayamvara Le choice from among the assembled
self-choice) must mean the privilege nich is the boon King Golden Goose as he who ultimately, and from a more 1 appearance of the peacock, which had her choice and chose some other for her.
s; see Eupolis apud Athenaeus p. 397, Aristophanes seus loc. cit. ek Myth-Motifs”

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Birds and beasts assembling at one : for some other purpose is popular in Aesop as it does in the jatakas and Hitopadeša in India. In fact the Golde in this way in the Uluka Jataka (No. upon the rejection of the owl (on fabulous assemblies of birds and beast conduct, a democratic element replacing which is more akin, however, to the s also found in epic and familiar to the in fact, the mode of selection which f. known of course is the contest of the Odyssey. Grote however suggested that 1 Wooing of Helen, and Stein, that it cal
What is surprising and goes far to Greek or the Indian, borrowed from th motif, is the fact that a clear idea of with a father granting his daughters the selves - and, of all places, immediately of Agaristel 31 Besides, it is told of no Herodotus says the Alcmaeonidae rivalle says the historian, one of the three frequent mention by all' was the fact marriageable age, “he not only gave likewise attended to their desires so ml him of all the Athenians whom she he
Admittedly one could argue that H anecdote proper. In his devastating at Plutarch had already compared Herodot of “dancing away the truth’ and sayi think, however, that Herodotus would h but two prominent families of Athens, heard him - and, of all things, based This, and the well-grounded anapaestic cleides and his gay abandon, must belo itself.
There is yet another detail, however, w story; true, one that is not of great it re-echoes a qualification of the suitc Agariste. This is the relationship of th Goose chose for his daughter after reje the jataka, a kinsman of his, a nephe
30 A History of Greece London (1869) vol. II 31 νi. 122.

PEIRIS 48
pot to select one of themselves king or able throughout thc world; it occurs in other stories of the Paicatantra and n Goose had himself been selected king 270) and was himself a second choice in objection raised by the crow). Such are really an extension of human g the natural selection within a species, election by trial of prowess or talent
Greeks as much as to the Indians. and, gures in the Herodotean story. Wellsuitors for the hand of Penelope in the he wooing of Agariste imitated the epic me from an ode in Pindar. 30
wards suggesting that whatever story, the e other knew more of it than its central svayamvara figures in Herodotus as well, a boon of selecting husbands for themprior to the story he tells of the wedding less a person than the Callias, whom d in their hatred of the Persians. For, things for which the man “deserved that, when his three daughters were of them a most magnificient portion, but uch that he gave each in marriage to erself chose to select’.
erodotus is culprit here as well as in the tack on the honesty of the historian, us to Hippocleides himself, accusing him ng “ Herodotus doesn't care!” I cannot ave dared to roundly lie about not one
whose close descendants would have his lies upon a peacock-fable from India ally formulated proverb involving Hippong with some historical truth in Greece
hich links the Nacca Jataka with the Greek importance, but still remarkable in that or found most eligible for the hand of se young goose, whom the royal Golden ‘cting the peacock. He was, we are told in W. The same qualification, a particular
I p. 38 n. See How and Wells lloc. cit.

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49 HERODOTUS IN
kinship to someone, even if not to him for Hippocleides over Megacles as his
some generations back to the noble Co. has shifted from Hippocleides in the C Megacles of the jataka) and not to the it is after all present in both stories.
Herodotus has strained historical fact tá inessential one at that - of an imaginar
What really fascinates me and coul and originality of the Indian fable is, peacock features in it. It is a matter o is, as described by King Golden Goose, but there can be no doubt as to the bit her feet. What is more remarkable is th the fable - the bird's tendency, when fe not only to expose its rear end but to is best described in the words of Flan I presume, was totally unaware of the
This handsomeness of the peacock, exposure when dancing (naccanto appatic clinch the origin of the story to itself strongly matched in Greece by certain kordax of Old Comedy, were positively offending dances were, Cook conjectures, of Hippocleides' own. He refers to th
32 The peaeock's voice is here called pleasing counterpoint to the unseemliness of his dar Tertullian calls it, "raucus'. Flannery O' C Birds” Spam vol. XXIII no. 9 (Sept. 1982) of his tail with the raising of his voice. shock from the centre of the earth, which Eee- ooo - il Eee - 000 - il To the melanchol it is hysterical. To me it has always soun hen's call he compares to a mule's bray -
33 op. cit. p. 17. He writes. “The cock ope:
is gradually lifted in an arch round him. it, he swings around so that his back face to be insuit and by others to be whimsy. equally well satisfied with either view of h have been visited at least once a year by I am used to this group chorus as the underwear!' This "underwear' is a stiff g. beneath it a puff of black feathers that w - a Cleopatra or a Clytemnestra — to use to peacock, O'Conner says (p. 18): “The cock, him, will turn this way and that, and with ground, will dance forward and backward, glittering”.

THE JATAKAS
self, figured in Cleisthenes' preference on-in-law; for Hippocleides was related inthian family of Cypselus. That this reek story to the young goose (the peacock, is nothing to the fact that And here again I cannot think that make it conform to a detail - and an y fable from India.
l be used to argue for the genuineness of course, the aptness with which the f opinion whether the cry of the peacock “a pleasing note” (rudam manuññaria), 32 d's beauty, which swept the fair gosling off e exactitude with which its dance fits inning out its tail-feathers in the dance, turn it towards those watching. This nery O'Conner, a peacock-rearer, who, jataka when he did so. 3
coupled with its tendency for indecent hanno ahosi), which may be thought to and India, a land of peacocks, is, however, lance-forms (schemata), which, like the y unseemly and vulgar. Hippocleides’
*Theban figures,” if not improvisations he fragment of a pella of local fabric
along with his glamorous appearance merely as ce. In fact, however, the bird's cry is, as 'onner, who rears peacocks, says ("The King of p. 18) “Frequently the cock combines the lifting He appears to receive through his feet some travels upwards through him and is released: y this sound is melancholy and to the hysterical ded like a cheer for an invisible parade'. The zeehaw, heehaw, aa - aawww. ns his tail by shaking himself violently until it Then, before anyone has had a chance to see s the spectator. This has been taken by some I suggest it means only that the peacock is imself. Since I have been keeping peafowl, I first-grade school children, who learn by living
peacock swings around, “Oh look at his 'ay tail, raised to support the larger one, and ould be suitable for some really regal woman powder her nose'. Describing the dance of the his tail raised in a shimmering arch around his clay-coloured wing feathers touching the his neck Curved, his beak parted, his eyes

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found in the site of the Kabeirion in TI century B. C., which shows a man star table, with his feet in the air, while playing a flute. One wonders if, in c and beating time with his legs in the a shameless peacock of the jataka, expos in the presence of Cleisthenes' guests!
Herodotus” story does not seem t told by any other ancient writer and is wards, except by Dio Chrisostom (in h narrates it with such confidence as if who found the svayamvara Indian and quity for the Indian peacock-fable, had On the other hand, thc Nacca Jataka another jataka may perhaps - though not 1 of sorts among the other jatakas, even it verse stanza of the Nacca Jataka is def tarial birth-story with the canonical Jat contains only the verses. But the Nacca those depicted in the bas-reliefs on the the gosling is shown in profile, facing lower register and facing forwards, dar her, his tail-feathers beautifully spla Hansa Jaitaka (in characters of the thi story, for which this may have been a to around the middle of the third cen identified scenes are not explicable by their respective jātakas, it must be presa the verses, pre-dated the carvings and t
34 Hippocleides Dance' Classical Review vol. X
that Hippocleides' famous remark meant he did not care, and that Cleisthenes was Kabeiric capers as a proof of indecorous mistakes light-heartedness for downright in vol. XXI no. 7 (1907) p. 323. He rightly p intended to say Hippocleides had no cares ( (hypelabon eipe) (c) the expression became Cook's interpretation.
35 See A. Cunningham The Stupa of Bharhut Betia. sculpture is very much broken', he writes both sides being lost. Enough, however, (hansa) and the head and outspread tail o the accompanying label, as the Hansa Jatal Popular Acceptance of the Jatakas as sho the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch) vo undergone a name-change, not that what Davids Buddhist India 6th ed. Calcutta (195

T PERIS 50
nebes and datable to the end of the fifth ding on his hands on a three-legged
another, seated on his right, may be kecuting his dance, standing on his head ir, Hippocleides did not also, like the ; what decency required him to conceal
have been a popular one; it is not
in fact hardly referred to even afteris Troikos xi. 47). Yet the historian t really happened that Warren himself, the evidence bespeaking a greater anti
his doubts and remained undecided. 's re-use of the paccuppannavatthu of necessarily - imply that it is an interloper not much later in date than them. The nitive enough and links the commenaka Book, the Jatakathavannana, which Jataka is fortunate in being one of
railings of the Bharhut stupa. There left, while the peacock, on a slightly ces characteristically with his back to yed out. The scene, though entitled rd century B. C.), is clearly that of our in alternate title. 3. The stupa itself dates tury B. C., but since almost all its the verses alone that are relevant to umed that the narratives, which prompted he verses themselves; indeed, some of the
KXI no. 6 (1907) p. 169 - 170. Cook conjectures no more than that he had no cares, not that
perhaps unjust when he treated Hippocleides’ levity; posterity, he says, is still more So, if it pudence. But See L. Solomon Classical Review oints out that (a) the expression is strange if it b) he was retorting to Cleisthenes' rejection of him proverbial and (d) the joke loses its point in
res (1962) p. 69 (with plate XXVIII item 11). “ “The , “the whole of the lower half and portions of remains of the head and incck of the Goose f a Peacock to identify the story, even without a or “Goose Birth'. See also J. F. Dickson "The wn in Picture - stories and Sculptures' Journal of l. VIII. no. 28 p. 137. He thinks the jātaka has we have here is an alternate. But see Rhys 5) p. 110.

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51 HERODOTUS IN
carvings that remain unidentified may current in the community at the time Yet the Nacca Jataka is not likely to
tions categorized as Jātakam in the Nikayas, since in none of these is the with an animal (or bird), as he is in
the royal Golden Goose, father of the
Thus it would appear that the stol or compiled in the Buddhist jatakas at Bharhut and Sanchi stupas were decora but some time after the earliest compo period of time which encompasses at l arrival of the Greeks in India, during Herodotean history, torn and carried to well have “dissolved and dessicated int.
2. Herodotus” story of Intaphernes” both tell of a woman who, when offer who had been condemned to death, ch the same argument that she could alwa mother and father being dead, not anc
According to Herodotus, Intapherne: conspired against the Magi and seized Darius along with all his children and that he and his family were about to wife came to the palace and wept and king, moved by pity, agreed to spare th chose. Having thought the matter over, would grant her only the life of one her brother. The answer surprised Dari for the unexpected choice. “My lord,' another husband, and other children, w and mother are both dead, I can neve! told that Darius so appreciated the wo not only the life she asked, but also t family were all put to death.
It will be recalled that Sophocles, same argument in defence of her inten of burying Polyneices in defiance of th she was being led away to her rock-va
I would not have done the forbidc For a husband or son.
36 909 - 912.

THE JATAKAS
well be illustrative of jatakas which were but failed to be included in the texthave belonged to the earliest composiBuddhist literature recognized in the Buddha identified in his previous birth this jataka, where he is no less than
fair gosling.
y of the dancing peacock was composed
some time before the railings of the ted with scenes from the birth-stories, sitions called jatakas in the Nikayas, a :ast three-quarters of a century after the which - to use Macan’s words — a page of
India in the train of Alexander, could
a bird-fable'.
wife and the jataka called the Ucchanga ed the life of any one of her family, ooses brother over husband and son with ys get another husband or son, but, ther brother.
s, one of the seven confederates who power in Persia, was arrested by King
near relations on the strong suspicion raise a revolt. Thereupon Intaphernes' lamented outside the door, until the he life of any one of them, whom she the woman answered that, if the king member of her family, she would choose us, who then inquired of her the reason
she replied, “God willing, may get hen these are gone. But as my father possibly have another brother'. We are man's good sense that he granted her, hat of her eldest son. The rest of the
in his Antigone,oo makes Antigone use the se brother-love, when, caught in the act c edict of Creon, her uncle and king, ulted tomb. For she says:
len thing

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For why? I could have had anotl And by him other sons, if one w But father and mother dead, wher Another brother?
Sophocles is thought to have been a well be true. Evidence of this is part historian and partly the correspondence These are more than accidental in the least37 - that is, if the texts in the pri opinion that this particular passage in
Dindorf, who thought that what Antigone was what Intaphernes' wife said of he transgressed in favour of a son or hus but that her brother could never come
If the verses in Sophocles were an text at a very early date, for they app known to Aristotle. Some have therefo Iophon. Pischel, for one, was convinc and that the matter did not need furt that it was Sophocles who had borrowed thought otherwise;0 but it seems more than in Sophocles. As Blakesley obser in the play, introduced by the questior that it is difficult not to conceive it a rather than the home-growth of Sophoc truth in Plutarch's story in the De Mc recited a portion of his history before think that Sophocles adopted the argun way round.
Antigone’s words are strange and i utters them. It is natural to say, as I choose my brother before my husband brother, though I may have another hu “I pay rites to a dead brother, which son, because I could have others (to the loss of the son be linked with the she should expect another son from an
37 Hdt. ii. 35.2 and Oed. Col. 337 - 341; cf. Elect. 62 - 64; i. 31.4, vii. 46.3 - 4 and C
38 See L. Campbell and E. Abbot Sophocles 39 “Zu Sophocles Antigone 909 — 912” Herme 40 See C. W. Tawney 'A Folk-lore Parallel 41 See Tawney loc. eit.

N PEIRIS 52
er husband, re lost; e would I get
close friend of Herodotus, and this may y the poem Sophocles addressed to the s that there are in the works of the two. passage under review and one other at sent form are original. Some are of the Sophocles is an interpolation, notably should have said of her dead brother here living brother - that she would not have band, because such loss could be repaired,
back to life.3
interpolation, it must have got into the year to have been there in the Antigone, re ascribed the addition to the poet's son, ed that there was no interpolation here her proof; he thought it even less doubtful the argument from Herodotus.39 Donaldson natural in the context of the historian ves, “The argument comes in so Strangely tinos nomou de tauta pros charin lego (;) is taken from some popular imported story, :les' imagination'.' Thus, if there is any alignitate (862) and Herodotus had in fact the Antigone was written, it is easier to ment from the historian than the other
illogical in the context in which she intaphernes’ wife in Herodotus does, “I
or son, because I can never have another isband or son,' but less natural to say
I would not have paid to a husband or bay funeral rites tol)' Again, why must loss of the husband as well, so that other husband? - the two hypotheses of
also i. 33.5 and Oed. Tyr. 1530; iv. 95.4 and Ded. Col. 1225 f.
vol. II Oxford (1886) p. 212, n. to verses 905 f. s vol. XXVIII (1893)
The Indian Antiguary vol. X (1881) p. 370

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53 HERODOTUS IN
loss should have been kept separate 42 when expressed by Antigone, being “sor them, should not even the underlying
(thank heaven!) now that father and m knowing, as she did, how the children, born in incest? Besides, is she not also f she did have? There was Eteocles, even
The circumstances in which the But Jataka are as follows:
Some robbers had plundered folk ir victims, pursuing them, mistook three m son, who were ploughing on the edge ( them before the king of Kosala (who, i death). After some time there appeared with loud lamentation begged for “w misconstruing her request, sent her a sh was not what she meant; she meant a
Like kingless kingdoms, like a strea So, bare and naked is a woman set Who, having brothers ten, yet lacks
Pleased with her answer that the re the king granted her the freedom of an Whereupon the woman replied, “Sire, if another son; but as my parents are dea give me my brother, Sire".
The stanza relevant to this choice d but in the jataka proper, where the circu in that past life, except that the king v
A son's an easy find; of husband An ample choice throng public w Will all my pains another brother
Pleased with the woman's reply, the of Kosala, in the jataka King Brahmac prisoners - brother, husband and son.
Pischel argued for an Indian origin brother over spouse and som and drew at
42 R. Jebb and E. S. Shuckburgh The Antigs
909 f.
43 op. cit. p. 370.
44 I have adopted the translation of the stanz
45 loc. cit; see Randyana vi. 24. 7.8.

THE JATAKAS
Finally, quite apart from these sentiments, newhat unromantic', as Tawney calls thought of other brothers, unrelizable other are both dead, be repulsive to her, who had been born to them, had been orgetting that this was not the only brother
though he was also dead.
ldha is said to have narrated the Ucchanga.
the forest and made their escape. Their en - a man, his wife's brother and his of the forest, for the robbers and halled t is to be inferred, condemned them to at the king's palace a woman, who here-with to be covered”. The king, lift; but she refused it, saying that that husband. Here the sutta explains:
m run dry, til,
a mate.
:al covering for a women was a husband, y one of the three whom she chose.
I live, I can get another husband and d, I can never get another brother. So
oes not appear in the paccuppannavatthu mstances are said to have been identical was different.
S. too ays. But where
find ? 44
king (in the paccuppannavatthu the king latta of Benares) let her have all three
for this ratiocination in favour of a tention to a parallel in thc Ramayana.
one of Sophocles Cambridge (1924) p. 182, n. to
as from the Cowell ed. of The Jaitaka.

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Here, when Laksmana, the dear brothe) is killed in the battle for Lanka, Ram
Yarra kva cid bhaved bhäryā pu tam tu deśanim na pasyārmi yatra
Parjanyo varsate sarwam ityam y praya das' capi satyo, yan matra
6Somewhere can find a wif don't see a place where I can fin down all things from above - th proverb is also there, that he ca1
Old as the Ramayana may be, antiquity; and upon this and the pres Pischel bases his argument for its orig Intaphernes anecdote only confirms for which the Western world got most of
On the other hand, the latter poin the origin of the story must be in Pe1 India." As further evidence he cites an and fairy-tale collection belonging to t have been retold from a work two h proffers the same argument to a demon, his shoulder-blades threatened to consu when he granted her the life of any c argues, and so can take another man bear another son; but as her father an another brother. Dahak's humanity is the lives of all three.
Something close to the Intaphernes in Persia, with its volatile and eccentric for a Persian practice of punishing a individual in the Book of Daniel, 48 thou his Biblical namesake, had not arrested that the king, according to Herodotus, the eldest son; the rest, including her
Noeldeke asserts that Herodotus” ve be the evidence that lifts the story in But it also goes a long way to sugges story, " where all are spared, is mor
46 Keith puts the date of the work between who suggested it was older. See his argu (1915) p. 318 - 328, and for his conclusio 47 “Zu Herodot. 3, 119 (Sophokles Antigone 48 6.24

N PERIS S4
r and inseparable companion of the hero a complains: -- ۔ ۔ م۔ 'ro “nye 'pi ca bãndhavah sodarvam āpnuyām
aidikisrutih
jātanin na varşati. e, a son and all other relations; but I ld a brother. Parjanya (god of rain) sends (at is the teaching of the Veda; but this hnot rain down a brother'.
6 the proverb in it must be of greater 2nce of the notion in the Buddhist story in in India. The Persian context of the him that Persia was the land through its Indian fables and fairy tales.
it only serves to convince Noeldeke that 'sia itself, whence it made its way to Iranian story from the Marzbanname fablehe twelfth century A. D., but which may undred years older. In this a woman Dahak, when the serpents issuing from me her husband, Son and brother, and one of them. She is still young, she for husband, and by him be able to d mother are no more, she cannot have stirred by her reply and he grants her
story may very well have taken place ; oriental monarchs; there is also evidence whole family for the wrong of a single ugh the Darius here, more merciful than
the womenfolk. It will also be observed
spared only the woman's brother and husband, Intaphernes, Darius put to death.
:rsion is cruel; but this very point may the historian above the level of fable. st that, if anything, the late Persian e in affinity with the version in the
500 B.C. and 300 BC. as against Jacobs,
ment in “The Date of the o Ramayana’ JIRAS
n, p. 327.
903 - 913)” Hermes vol. XXIX (1894), p. 156.

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55 HERODOTUS IN
Ucchanga Jātaka (a fact Noeldeke obse1 story Herodotus sets in Persia itself. Th establish that this late Persian story ha spread of jataka story-motifs westward
construed) from an indigenous Persian st Intaphernes. Quite apart from the gap
between the Intaphernes story and the traces of the motif in Persia, the new Rühen), which takes the place of the k in the Intaphernes-version, and from it story as it appears in the Jataka Book source from which such stories emanat Tawney, who says that the stanza the King Brahmadatta to justify her preferel
Ucchange deva meputto, pathe dhāv tani ca desarin na passami yato soda
is less romantic even than the speech of An common heritage of the Aryan races. 50
in detail as well between the Greek and th between the two than can be accounted common motif. The same may be said direction, to Greece and India, from P account for how the Greek and Indian
so closely in material as well. Noelde Indians have ultimately got their story
however, concede that the Indian borrov
Pischel is not conclusive about India he suggests a common source for Gree of their having lit upon the idea indep Rāmāyana, which he remarks, cannot ho must be the oldest in which it is foun much as a century and a half at least. lance between the second stanza of the
tai ca defaris na passami yato soda
and the second of the four verses of the San taris tu desam na pasyāmi yatra s which is, as Pischel points out, nothing
I have my doubts, however, as to t over spouse or son in the Ramdiyana ar.
49 The woman here, like Antigone, says she c But in her case choice of one of the thre was merely faced with the problem of hov singly, and therefore needed to consider e: 50 op. Cit p. 371

THE JATAKAS
ves) than with the basic Intaphernes is point of concordance may furthermore i derved from the Buddhists in the in the middle ages than (as Noeldeke ory which Herodotus had found involving of over one and a half thousand years Dahak fable, during which there are no
element of compassion (menschliches ing's pleasure with the woman's reply
(in my opinion) even in the jātaka , must owe something to the Buddhist ed westwards in the later centuries. ' woman in the Ucchanga uttered before nce of her brother to husband and son,
antiyā pati, "iyam ānaye ti tigone, suggested the story was part of the Motif, perhaps. But the concordance e Indian suggests a more direct influence for by acquaintance with merely the for a theory of dispersal in either 'ersia, since at the end of it one has to versions come out reflecting each other ke may be right that the Greeks and from a Persian original, if he would, ving could be through the Greek.
a being the original source of the motif;
ce and India, or again, the likelihood
endently. The appearance of it in the
wever be treated lightly, since the work
d — and may antedate Herodotus by as Besides, there is undoubtedly a resembPali of the jätaka
riyam ānaye ti skrit from the Randyana given above: odarvam āpnuyām
but remarkable.
he priority of the argument for a brother ld suspect the similarity of the second
an have a new husband, and through him a son. e entailed the loss of both the others. Antigone v she was to replace any one of the three ach situation separately.

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line in language and the whole idea i inspired by nothing other than the co jitaka. On the other hand, the referent may constitute what Rama had said genuine material, free from the soph selfish contention, which has been attr. the context. soe
Quite apart from the date of H Jatakathavasand, once again it is the an accommodation of what may be a birth-stories. For is it not passing stra for “wherewith to be covered' (meanin even with ten brothers, but without a the life of a brother over husband and to the two stanzas themselves.
There seems no way, then, of esca of the story in the paccuppannavathu, the jataka proper and is commentarial grafted on to an existing one, in whic from the king with a riddling request, and, pleased with the wit thereof, gr all, had she not declared the need of brothers? How else can we explain her the story, in which she goes on to su as it were, and then ask for her bro earlier did not serve her need (of a c it is a weakness of the narrative as it st for her husband, the king should off woman ends by contradicting the inte palace. Warium et mutabile is hardly the his royal highness to make his generou
However, too much should not be Herodotean version is the original s spared, whereas in the oriental version, given their freedom. After all, in the they were innocent; it would have bee moral stories to which the Ucchanga punished, with death or otherwise. by her answer, therefore, was a divine had her plea doubly answered by a ki
50a I am obliged to my colleage, Wen Y. D. Studies of the University of Peradeniya f Waidya omits both these slokas (and the his The Ranayana vol. VI. Baroda (1971) p

N PEIRIS S6
the first two is an interpolation and responding stanza in the story of our e to the Veda and the ancient proverb in the original text - it looks old and istication of this rather feelingless and acted into the work from the nature of
erodotus and the compilation of the paccuppannavatthu that betrays signs of later composition into the bulk of the nge that a woman, who comes to a king g a husband) and feels bare and naked, mate, ends by requesting of the king son? The contradiction goes right back
ping the conclusion that the latter part which is also the part which constitutes to the second of the stanzas, has been ch a woman petitions for her husband which the king fails to solve correctly, ants her the life of her husband. After a husband more to her than having ten
right-about-turn in the second part of ggest that husbands are a dime a dozen, ther, ten of whom she had declared over) as did a single husband? Besides, ands that, when she has come explicitly er her a choice – a choice in which the nt with which she first came to the : character of the woman which impressed S. gesturel
made of Noeldeke's argument that the imply because in it only two lives are all three - husband, brother and son, are latter they deserved to be spared, since m tragic and mot in the character of the belonged, if any one of them had been What the woman in the jataka achieved dispensation; Intaphernes' wife merely ing’s whim. .
hammapala of the Dept. of Pali and Buddhist or drawing my attention to the fact that P. L. four others that follow) as later additions. See . 241. n. 796.

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57 HERODOTUS IN
So then the happening involving In taken place and in the same, or some passage into the pages of the Greek hi have reached India some time shortly a advent there to work itself into a birth true that it was the jataka that thereaf the demon, Dahak, in Persia, where centuries before, the cyclic passage of t us; the motif of the Mahi-Ummagga Jata circle will be found ot have done a circui
3: I now come to the third of the p Story-motifs from two anecdotes in his single story of the Buddhists here. In the digression in which he tells of the adventur and supposed inventor of the dithyramb,
It seems that, after making a great Arion was making his way back to Co the tyrant, Periander, when the crew of journeying, hatched a plot to throw hir however, got wind of it and begged th life. It was to no purpose; the sailors be buried ashore, in the alternative, to
Arion, seeing that their minds were on the after-deck, dressed in his singing himself overboard. They agreed to t dolphin picked him up and carried h Taenarum Arion made his way to Corir transpired. Later, when the ship put in tioned as to the absence of the poet, and sound at Taenarum. Thereupon Ari an unpleasant shock; the lie was detect
The first part of the plot of the 1 motif, even though what ends up in th and not its owner. Here, a younger b (the Bodhisatta) of his parcel of tho parcel full of gravel and put both awa. a boat and in the middle of the river to stumble against the side of the boat gravel, as he thought, but by some con he cried to his elder brother that the r
5 See my “The Tunnel-Maker and the Lab
Volane Leiden (1978) p. 147 n. 8.

THE JATAKAS
aphernes' wife, which may have actually imilar way, in Persia and found its storian. Herodotus, must be thought to fter Alexander's invasion and the Greek -story of the Buddha. If it were indeed ;er inspired the fable of the woman and the story had its origin in fact many his motif in antiquity need not surprise ka story of the judgement by the chalk t of far greater dimension and duration. 5
arallels between Herodotus and the jātakas. history have been used to compose the 2 very first pages of Herodotus occurs the e of Arion of Methymna, poet, musician
and of how he was robbed at sea.
deal of money in Italy and Sicily, rinth, where he had found favour with
the Corinthian ship, in which he was n overboard and rob his money, He, em to take his money but spare his bid him kill himself if he wished to jump into the sea.
made up, requested permission to stand g-robes, and sing a song before throwing his, but when he was in the water, a im on its back to Taenarum. From th, where he told Periander all that had
at Corinth and the sailors were ques
they lied that they had left him safe bn made his appearance and gave them 2d and further denial useless.
Macch-uddana Jataka makes use of this water in this Indian story is the money other, set on robbing his elder brother usand pieces of money, made a similar y. When, however, they were both aboard they were crossing, the younger pretended
and dropped overboard the parcel of fusion really the parcel of money. Then aoney was gone. There was nothing the
rinth-Buildero Senerat Paranapitana Commemoration

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elder brother could do but accept the l going home and discovering that it was the parcel of gravel that he had dropp anguish and disappointment.
The money, however, was restore Arion's was - but that is the second pal a different motif from Herodotus, one of Samos, and how his fabulous ring, c the belly of a fish. The parallel has a also the occurence of the same motif i only uses it to suggest the existence of dance between India and Greece.
To turn to the second motif - bef elder brother of the jataka, the Bodhisa remnants of his meal and given the met when the parcel of money was dropped in mistake for the parcel of gravel, the merit he had received, made a wide-mc happened to catch this fish and go arou and seven annas. No one bought it. B house and he inquired of them its prict seven annas. So he paid the money anc up for cooking. there was the parcel o river-spirit made his appearance and expl the Bodhisatta not to give his brother
money, he gave him five hundrcd.
The anecdote connected with Polycra narrating the rise of the tyrant. Am Polycrates, alarmed by the remarkable r advised him to throw away what he v would regret most. This happened to be emerald set in gold, the work of a San to sea in a vessel, he threw it into th caught a fine big fish and thought of 1 When, however. Polycrates' servants cut in its belly and took it to him triump sent back to him, he at once recognize and wrote to Amasis; whereupon Amas day die a miserable death, severed all the grief.
In aftertimes it happened that Pe Persian named Oroetes, murdered, and }The account of this appears in Herodo
52 op. eit. p. 478. See also Keith op. cit. 355

PERIS 58
ss. As for the younger brother, upon in fact the parcel of money and not !d into the river, his heart dried up in
d to its rightful owner, as no doubt t of the plot in the jaitaka and utilizes which involves another tyrant, Polycrates st into the sea, came back to him in ready been observed by Warren, 2 and n the Sakuntala of Kalidasa, though he more than one case of such concor
re their boat-trip across the river, the tta, had fed some fish in it with the it of his act to the river-spirit. Now. into the water by the younger brother
river-spirit, out of gratitude for the uthed fish swallow it. Later, fishermen nd hawking it for one thousand rupees ut when they came to the Bodhisatta’s , they offered it to him for just the bought it; and when his wife cut it f money he had lost. Thereupon the ained everything, and though he advised any part of the thousand pieces of
tes of Samos Herodotus tells us when asis, pharaoh of Egypt and friend of un of good luck Polycrates was enjoying, alued most and the loss of which he : a signet-ring he used to wear, an nian named Theodorus. So, setting out e water Some days later a fisherman making a present of it to Polycrates. up the fish, they found the signet, ring hantly. When Polycrates saw the ring d that the hand of God was in this s, surmising that the tyrant would one connections with him to spare himself
lycrates was lured to his death by a his dead body hanged on a cross. tus in no less a place than the pages
n. 3.

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59 HIFRODOTUS I
of his work, which immdiately follow emulated in its motif by the Ucchanga
In the first motif a man is separ. party who has designs on robbing him overboard so that rescue is effected thi on it, it is the man, Arion, who is by a dolphin. If in the jitaka it was accommodate this motif to the use of Polycrates. For, in this latter it is the the water and is brought back to its o friendliness of the dolphin in the Arior evoked by the poet's song) appears tra who made the fish swallow the parcel Polycrates-adventure the whole thing see divine agency there too, as Amasis and
Thus, in the running together of th separately in Herodotus, certain element other, which become evident when the addition to this a religious intention is story, which, though it owes itself to t is made, may reflect the divine dimens Polycrates. The elder brother (the Boc of the river he was intending to cros afterwards, inspite of the deity, who death of one of the fish to restore th also advised him not to give his you displayed a generosity incomparable, I Polycrates would have meted to the sail
Whatever degree of fiction there may history, which share motifs with the Ma
they engross factual details or popular belief in the first there is the historicity of t
of Corinth, together with the knowledge afterwards the Romans as well, of the if it be an exaggeration that one carrie
53 iii. 125.
54 Taras riding a dolphin was shown on coin
(1906) p. 175 plate II) and so also Arion Numorum 2nd ed. (1911) p. 561); Melicrate is told more fully in Plutarch Sept. Sap. ( See also J. G. Frazer Pausanias Description monument of Arion at Taenarum, see Pau heard the story there. A fable of Aesop wrecked monkey, thinking him to be a hu H.363, P.73, Hs.75); see also Pliny Lett a dolphin and a boy" ・ 。

N THE JATAKAS
his story of the wife of Intaphernes. Jitaka and discussed above). 5
ted from his money on a voyage by a of it, the one or the other being cast ough a fish. In the Greek story based thrown into the water; he is rescued he money that went overboard, it is to the second Greek one, found involving coveted valuable thing hat goes into wner in and through the fish. The -story (the implication is that this was sferred in the jataka to the river-deity, of money, though in the case of the ms to happen accidentally - or was there
Polycrates themselves thought?
he two motifs in the jataka, which appear s have been transferred from one to the y are extricated from each other. In
run through the texture of the resultant he Buddhist context in which the narrative ions found in Herodotus' anecdote of hisatta) showed concern for the deity is, and for its denizens, the fish - and quite unbuddhistically had caused the e money to the Bodhisatta and then nger brother a share of that money, am Sure, with whatever it was that ors who tried to do Arion out of his wealth.
be in the two anecdotes from Herodotus' cch-uddana Jataka, there is no doubt that is that are thoroughly Greek. For instance, he poet Arion and the tyrant, Periander , widespread among the Greeks and dolphin's friendliness towards men - even id Arion to shore on his back. The
is of Tarentum (G. F. Hill Historical Greek Coins on later coins of Methymna (B. V. Head Historia s was shown on a dolphin at Corinth. The story Con. 18f., where other dolphin-stories are given. of Greece London (1897) vol. II p. 398. On the s. iii. 25.5. Herodotus no doubt i saw this and tells of a dolphin taking upon his back a shipman being (The Monkey and the Dolphin C.305, ers ix. 33 for the story of a friendship between

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MERLI
signet-ring of Polycrates, made by t famous in antiquity; the donation o fishermen is emulated in the case of th times, which forms the subject of one that Polycrates had concluded a pact c perhaps also that the pharaoh had revoke have been the one suggested by Herodo one of the best illustrations of the doc a hos esti phthoneron ), coupled with th the Greeks, in which Herodotus was strongly Greek is the fear that an unbi in a great disaster, and the expectal Self-induced) might serve to avert it.
These anecdotes, then, look throug latter may have had as its basis a popul; with anonymous characters and reliev divergence in the Indian story is the sul ring. Yet it is the reappearance of the ring o Dushyanta in the motif in the Sakuntal show much Greek influence, that we ha in its Greek version that had also reache fish indeed, a mahamukho maccho, in th a thousand pieces of money and not j
4. The Manicora Jataka, which takes paccuppannavathu, is narrated by the B fact that "it was not this once only tha to do so before also and failed'.
When Brahmadatta was ruling in B a householder and came to marry a very the two of them set out in a waggon the good lady's parents. When they ent king, who happened to be on a circuit saw Sujata and was overwhelmed by d had a husband, he devised a ruse to g own jewelled crest and, while passing t
55 Sat. iv.
56 See Livy v. 21.15, the prayer of Camillus
incommodo publicoque populi Romani liceret. As misfortune; Plut. Cam. 5. But, like Polycr:
57 The alternate title of this play is The Rin Greek New Comedy; it was to identify he but at the crucial occasion she finds it m washing her hands. In the Prelude to AC when offering to sell it, and they discover large fish, which he had caught.

N PEIRIS 60
che Samian craftsman, Theodorus, was f an extraordinary catch to the ruler by le turbo E gifted to Domitian in later of Juvenal's satires; it is also history of friendship with Amasis of Egypt - d it for some reason - even if it may not tus” story. The story of Polycrates is trine of Divinity as jealous (to theion e notion of Nemesis prevalent among
himself an ardent believer. Equally 'oken run of good luck would terminate tion that a small calamity (natural or
hly homespun in Greece, even if the ar folk-tale. Quite apart from reappearing 'ed of historical details, a significant ostitution of the parcel of money for the f the tyrant Polycrates as the ring of King a of Kalidasa, a dramatist whose plays ve clearer proof that it was the fable d India, 57. It had to be a wide-mouthed ejātaka to swallow a parcel containing ust a ring!
off from a very brief and unimaginative uddha at Veluvana in example of the t Devadatta had tried to kill me; he tried
enares, the Bodhisatta had been born as beautiful wife named Sujata. One day loaded with cooked provisions to visit ered the city of Benares, however, the round the city, mounted on his elephant, esire for her. So, finding out that she et rid of him; he had a man take his he waggon, drop it surreptitiously into
ut eam invidiam lenire quam mínimo suo privato he prayed he fell - and interpretted it as a small tes, it did not help avert the subsequent calamity. g. The ring figures in it much as a “trinket in r to the king, who had lost all memory of her; issing - it had fallen into a river, when she was V, a fisherman is arrested by two constables, from him that he had found it when cutting a

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61 HERODOTUS I
the vehicle. This done the king raised of his crest, had the gates of the city search made. The crest was duly disco arrested, assaulted and condemned to d
From here on another motif becom death is for some reason not desired b in his place is found substituted sc Seasoning the miracle, the king himself F his back for his head to be struck off, Suja of the gods despite her own virtue anc Thereupon the attention of Sakka was coming down to earth, he miraculousl the executioner's axe and placing the upon the royal elephant's back. So it Sakka, making himself manifest, consec as the samodhana of our jataka here e wicked king'. く
If the two motifs of the Manicora and read separately, you would not fai two incidents which occur in the Old brother, Benjamin, on the trumped-up ch and God's miraculous substitution of a victim of Abraham's altar. 59 The chanc is, however, less than that of their havi Greek having been the prototypes for t would have appeared in the jatakas wi as far as I know, the judgement of Sc claiming a single child; it is remarkabl a similar situation in the prasna called Jātaka (No 546). 60 Those who were foi mination of a youth by a woman scor to the Biblical story of Potiphar’s wife closer correspondence the jataka has Hippolytus. 61
Herodotus does no more than alluc parallel of the main motif of the Main object in the property of someone, wh observed earlier, it is remarkable that t no less a person than Aesop himself, \ numerous and striking parallels to the inevitably comes up in any discussion c
58 Gen 44. 1 — 15. 59 Gen. 22.1 - 13.
60 Kings 3.18 - 28. See my “The Tunnel-Mal 61 See my 'Three Jatakas with Greek Myth

N THE JATAKAS
a hue and cry that he had been robbed shut to prevent anyone leaving, and a vered in the waggon, the householder eath.
es operative, in which a victim, whose y the gods, is miraculously rescued and me other creature - here, with justice or, when the Bodhisatta was thrown upon tā lamented in despair at the unconcern the injustice that was being perpetrated.
drawn to what was happening and, y switched roles, putting the king under Bodhisatta, in the regalia of the king, was the king's head that rolled, while :rated the Bodhisatta king. Of course, plains, “at that time Devadatta was the
Jataka are disentangled one from another to observe their striking similarity to Testament i.e. Joseph's arrest of his large of having stolen a gold cup, 58 ram in place of Isaac as the sacrifical :e that these Biblical stories reached India ng influenced the Greek, and then of the he Indian. The only Biblical story that thout the mediation of the Greeks is, olomon in the dispute between two women y reflected in Mahosadha's judgement in the “ “Son” (5) of the Mahā-Ummagga r tracing the story of the false incrined in the Mahā-Paduma-Jātaka (No.472) : have, however, failed to observe the in its details to the Greek myth of
le to the incident, which is the Greek icora Jataka - the planting of a valuable o is thereafter condemned to death. As his centres on a detail of the life of whose fables have provided the most motifs of the jatakas and whose name of Greek influence in them.
ker and the Labyrinth Builder' p. 147 and n. 8. Motifs'.

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I mentioned earlier that, even whe parallelism were discovered, some scho by theories which, for the most part, between Greece and India. Both the number of instances now recognized acquaintance, one way or the other, u the Buddhist birth -stories knew fables or Aesop (be he a single person or a a whole lot of the stories that ultimatel the Jataka Book. To find among the fabulist itself (and one that is well ev interesting and significant to the issue
Talking of the courtesan, Rhodopis who built the third pyramid of the G that this Rhodopis was a slave of Iad and fellow-slave of Aesop, the fable-w that Aesop was the slave of admon obedience to the oracle's command, rel and claim the compensation for the m was the grandson of Iadmon, a man c compensation.'
The circumstances of the killing of to the Greeks of his day that Herodot the oracle's pronouncement nor the nee There is, however, the very good evide that Aesop was accused by the Delphi the temple of Apollo and that in def fable of The Eagle and the Dung-Beetle, adds that the gold cup was planted themselves - which, though it looks su: and Benjamin, gives reason for the fabulist be compensated. That the c by the evidence of Plutarch, though he sacrilege nor the offence he had given implicated him falsely. 63 He was put t
62. 1446 - 1449.
63 Plutarch (De Ser. Wum. Vind. c. 12.557a) 1
to Delphi (see The Life of Aesop 98 - 100 Delphians, but that he he sent the money they executed him. Afterwards they suffer by paying compensation to Iadmon. That .known to Herodotus (cf. 1.154) and seems two men, Croesus and Aesop, into a rela

N PERIS 62.
so many as a dozen examples of such ars had sought to explain the occurence. voided any notion of direct influence
nature of the correspondence and the make anything short of an immediate tenable; either some of the authors of from the collection called after Aesop, class-name) knew in some form or other went to form the Buddhist compendium, se a detail from the “life” of the great idenced in early sources) is, then, most
, and an absurd rumour that it was she reat Pyramids at Giza, Herodotus says imon, son of Hephaistopolis of Samos, riter. Then he adds: “The clearest proof is the fact that when the Delphians, in beatedly advertised for someone to come urder of Aesop, the only one to do so f the same name; and he received the
Aesop must have been so well known us did not need to explain the reason for d for the Delphians to pay compensation. nce of Aristophanes' Wasps (422 B. C.) ans of having stolen a gold cup from ence of himself he narrated to them the 62 The scholiast on the Wasps ad loc.
in Aesop's baggage by the Delphians spiciously like the Bible-story of Joseph
oracle's demand that the death of the harge was trumped-up is also confirmed : does not specify the nature of Aesop's
the people of Delphi, for which they o death, it appears, by being cast down
ecords that Croesus had sent Aesop as ambassador also) to distribute four minae to each of the back to Sardis and that this enraged them and 'd from 'strange diseases' until they made atonement part of the story was obviously not the one no more inan a literary invention to bring the tionship.

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63 HERODOTUS I
from a rock, a manner of death wh Mahā Pad to ma, a jātaka - of similar ver indebted to a prominently Greek motif.
Fact or fiction, then, this tradition was well established by the middle of th could presume knowledge of it among could be said of the audience, which th: performance of Aristophanes' lively com
As for the motif of the miraculou the Histories of Herodotus to the even War and the episode of King Agamemnc at Aulis. Sent for from home on the Achilles, the maiden was laid upon the to propitiate the goddess and obtain a knife fel on her neck – so the version the sight and, when it cleared, there la the body of a hind. As for Iphigeneia, under the knife to Tauris, where she temple. 6.
Knowledge of the Trojan cycle of story. The Valahassa Jataka (No 196) co island of Lanka a number of island-a foundation-myth, the legend of Vijaya has been suspected the Greek hero's inc of the wooden elephant used to capture Gunadhya's Bihatkatha about the second the tale of the Wooden Horse of Troy a schist relief from Gandhara. 67 Some through the tragic dramas themselves. It staged in the military camp of Alexande Jhelum in Upper Punjab. Among the o vase, found in Peshawar, depicting a sc of Sophocles, while the Mahā Paduma J ment of the Hippolytus-Phaedra theme to
64 See p. 61 above. Prince Paduma, in this
(corapata), a form of execution not unkr failing to recall the barathron of Athens, which criminals were thrown. (Compare th 65 Aeschylus, in his Agamemnon, implies that s Cypria, followed by Euripides (lph. in Aulis 26 - 34 and 784 f.), is that in the nick a hind on the altar; or a she-bear (Scho 66 Seo my Greek Elements in the Vijaya Le 67 See the discussion in my article entitled ol

N THE JATAKAS
ich interestingly enough appears in the
... which, as mentioned before, is also
64
of the arrest and execution of Aesop fifth century B.C., so that Herodotus his hearers without qualms. The same ree or four decades later attended the edy, the Wasps.
s substitution, one has to step outside better known mythology of the Trojan on's sacrifice of his daughter, Iphigeneia, pretext of being given in marriage to altar of Artemis as a sacrifical offering wind for the Greek ships. But as the used by Euripides goes - a mist obscured y upon the altar, not the maiden but the goddess had whisked her away from was established as priestess of her
myths is not confined to this one Indian ompresses into a single adventure in the dventures of Odysseus, while our own and Kuvanna, reflects more closely than ividual adventure with Circe.66 The ruse Prince Udena, which had appeared in century A. D., was surely inspired by , a scene from which is the subject of of these myths may have got to India n the year 326 B.C. a play Agen (?) was r the Great on the bank of the river ther evidence is the fragment of a Greek ne from no less a play than the Antigone ataka must Surely have owed its treata great degree to its dramatized versions,
jataka, is hurled down from the thieves-cliff hown in India, but in the context also not a yawning cleft beyond the Acropolis, into he kaiadas of the Spartans). she was actually killed; but the story in the ; see 1577 - 1589, and Iph. in Tauris. see esp. of time Artemis carried her off, substituting ol. Arist. Lys. 645). See also Hyginus Fables 98. gend”. JRAS. vol. XXVI (1982). M The Ujjain Elephant and the Trojan Horse'.

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MERL)
perhaps the lost Hippolytus Kaluptomeno, rather than Euripides” extant Hippolytus
Individually and collectively, then,
history of the Greek Herodotus. writte century B. C., and the stories that ha as birth-stories of the Buddha, speak the other. The likelihood is that whoe had them from an oral recounting or a literary memory and not by direct reco rendition of the motifs in the local m even if deliberate.
As the first Greek writer about In seems fairly well-informed about the lan which smacks of credulity on his part. drawn from a lost narrative of Skylax explore the Indus, or from some oth Hecataeus, the geographer. Those who from India thus presumed that the indi into jätakas or birth-stories of the Bu during the time of Herodotus and via or soon afterwards, they transformed th anecdotes that were typically Greek. Th them of the Persian route by which th while the fable-form of these, like the a more primitive genre than the histori them have (as we have seen) appeared
Fable undoubtedly is more primitiv Herodotus and elsewhere and may be c fact remains that, even if Herodotus” s was not as lax in his historical moralis historical record alien material he hims audience would have been familiar with of such personalities as the Alcmaeoni imposition on his part would not have alternative, then, is to think that the
in the motifs derived from the orient uncritical receiver of borrowed and tran
one or two story motifs in Herodotus, true. But where they are more nume direction, no matter how Greece hersel may even have got there from India)
68 For the view that fable as such is of or which remains a classic; but for Hasrau vol. VI. ii. p. 1704 - 1736 s. v. “Fabel”.

N PERS 64
of Euripides or even Sophocles” Phaedra
these parallels that subsist between the n during the third quarter of the fifth found compilation in the Jataka Book or some degree of influence one way or rer derived these motifs from the other s part of the paraphernalia of his own urse to the written work as such. The itaphor, detail and context is consummate,
lia, whose account has survived, Herodotus l, even if there is much in his description
Some of his information he may have of Caryanda. whom Darius had sent to *r first-hand evidence, some of it from were for the idea of a Greek borrowing an stories, which were later to be developed ddha, had 1 eached the Greeks before or
Persia and that in the course of this, emselves into myths, fables or historical he Ucchanga is thus valuable evidence for e Indian stories had made that passage,
peacock fable, speaks for their being of cal anecdotes at least, in which some of in Herodotus,
e in genre than the historical anecdote in lder in India than in Greece. 68 But the tandards of historical criticism were lax, he y as to have deliberately interwoven into if knew was exotic fable. Many in his the background, factual and romantic, dae, Polycrates or, Periander, so that any failed to raise many an eyebrow. The historian found his material already cast
and that at worst he was an innocent and sformed property. Were this the case with
it would be understandable, perhaps even rous, the cumulate points in the other f came by these motifs (and one or two in the first place.
.ental origin, see intro. of Benfey’s Pantschatantra th's uncompromising defence in Pauly–Wissowa

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65 HERODOTUS
There is no evidence of the respec their motifs. in India before the last quart precise. before the invasion of Alexand of Greeks, however, it would indeed be with the writing of Herodotus. It may would have been confined to the Indothese Indo-Greeks joined the sangha of the great interest in the very regions of In
If anything, such an event would ac Greek literary and artistic influence p distinct cultural milieu popularly recogni some of the jatakas we have in the co as truly Graeco-Buddhist as the tableau: very reliefs on the Bharhut and Sanchi As for historical anecdote being reduce is a far more facile thing (since fable ignoring fact) than that of straining framework of a fable and dishing it out to of receptivity. If some of these derivati face and front a primitive stamp,' it s mutors, who had so quickly come to a: story. Such jatakas hold about them th sculptured art of India, where perfect s Greek influence stops and Indian begins
69 Seet M. Winternitz A History of Indian Lit Greeks ruled North-Western India from 3, remained an influential community in the See Mahavamsa xxix.39 for record of a (nc monks from Alasanda (Alexandria) in that of the Ruwanveli Stüpa in Sri Lanka du great extent Greeks were familiar with t through the teachings of their own re Academics.

IN THE JATAKAS
tive stories of the Jataka Book, let alone er of the fourth century B.C. – to be more r. With his advent in India with a host surprising if the contrary were the case be that for some time such knowledge -Greeks, but it could well be that some of Buddhist faith, which was then exciting dia into which the Greeks had moved.69
count for how, within less than a century ermeated Buddhist work to produce a ized by the term Graeco-Buddhist. Thus mpilation known as the Jataka Book are k of sculpture from Gandhara or the stupas, which tell these jatakas pictorially. d to fable, even beast- or bird-fable, it is pure fiction and does not offend in historical fact and personality into the a public who are in quite a different mood ve fables of the jataka "'wear on their peaks for the ingenuity of their transssimilate the spirit and flavour of Indian e same mystery as the Graeco-Buddhist yncrasis prevents the distinction of where
Merlin Peris
erature vol. II Culcutta (1933) p. 125-126. The 26-305 B.C. and again from 190-90 B. C. but
intermediate period under ther Mauryan kings. ) doubt hugely exaggerated) number of Greek region attending the inauguration of the building ring the second period of Greek rule. To a he fundamental concepts found in Buddhism ligious sects, the Orphics, Pythagoreans and

Page 72
Of Love and A Passage to India
One may as well begin with the homc
He would not — and this wat women when the only sex ti He loved men and always h; embrace them and mingle his man who returned his love ha (Maurice, ch 10)
Such an admission is what Philip F : Where Angels Fear to Tread, fails to m absurd suggestion that he is in love v heroine. She, more brave, doubtless be convention, declares that she is in lov symbol of life (an expression Forster Philip heard himself remark Rather! on to say, “You're taking it wrongly. off - I mean it crudely - you know w , Laugh at love?' (Where Angels Fear out that he too is in the same boat.
In 1905 he scarcely could have. For But the consequence is an unfortunate "For what is it about? - apart, that is, perforce to tell. In terms of developm for consideration apart from Philip and and reveals hidden depths that were a is meant to be crucially affected, who importance of values apart from those to him twice, once before the action of t enlightened him to a limited extent, co the influence of Gino and his manifestat which Philip had come to associate th of this internal process are left shro unavoidable reticence about what Phili is a limply unsatisfactory one.
The internal process itself seems t so after the critical stimulus provided and works: the spur to Philip's develo he watches Gino eating spaghetti, in

Development: in a fresh connection
sexuality.
the test - pretend to care about hat attracted him was his own. ad loved them. He longed to being with theirs. Now that the .d been lost, he admitted this.
Herriton, in Forster's first published novel, Lake. The novel ends instead with the with Caroline Abbot, its spinster turned cause she can be so in accordance with 2 with Gino, the novel's coarse Italian would perhaps have found pleonastic). love him tool'' but when Caroline goes
I'm in love with Gino - don't pass it hat I mean.'', all Philip can reply is,
to Tread, ch. 10) He forbears to point
ster cannot be blamed for his omission. muddle about the theme of the novel. from the story which every novel has ent of character there are no candidates Caroline; and she indeed simply discovers ready there in herself. It is Philip who is educated into acknowledgment of the with which he started out. This happens he book begins, when his first visit to Italy nsequently in the course of the novel under on in a concrete form of the life with e country. But the actual consequences uded in uncertainty, due to Forster's actually felt, the final impact of the novel
o me quite obvious, the more expressibly by the revelation of Forster's secret life
pment is clear in the first scene in which
the pleasure he derives frame Gagib

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67 A PASSAG
apology, in the enchantment he calls indeed in the concluding description o Caroline in its juxtaposition against the physical aspect of love is presented ne actual effect Gino has on Philip is no quence that it is very unclear in wha Forster declares in the penultimate cha desire to be good through the example but the question remains, from what? ) of the novel, and even before as it wou very much backbone, There is no re backbone would develop because Caroli Gino. He would go on being helpful hensibly, subservient to his mother, conventionally in love with Miss Abbo required little alteration in Italy and c will be almost as powerless to express saved long ago; what was required was fact to others and therefore stir up th him into their unamiable scheme of th for Caroline is scarcely going to be ab
I referred above to the physical as is what 1s important since it is throug acknowledgment of it, that emotional been of effect in Philip's case was son taken him out of the confines within would have in effect liberated him. Spi enough for this. Hence the declaration go to Italy once a year to visit Gino; register a substantial change in his rela description early on in the book of inspiring visit to Italy could very wel described, is an inessential one, and th effects would be permanent or far-rea
Quite the contrary of the resolutio where the protagonist abandons home greenwood with his lover. The prepo seems to me to be alleviated by its de here with the facile distinctions betwe first three novels the nature of apostol emphasize what being saved actually mystical sense. That he is dealing with of the novel, but the essential point h assertion in the interests of a higher hu

TO INDIA
rom the meeting with him at the opera,
his love by the spiritual path' for growing intimacy with Gino. But the ther steadily nor whole, so that the t adequately considered; with the conse
way Philip has in fact developed. pter that “There came to him an earnest of this good woman...He was saved', He had, at least from the very begining ld seem, been an amiable youth without ason whatsoever to suppose that the he rescued him from being murdered by to his sister Harriet and, even reprewhile claiming to be hopelessly but t: the basic amiability within, which loes not seem to have received much, itself as it was before. Philip had been that he would be able to express this e complacency with which they fitted ings, and that a mere platonic passion ble to let him do.
pect of love - because that, for Forster, h that alone, or at any rate through the development occurs. What would have he sort of commitment that would have which he had hitherto functioned, that ritual affinity with Miss Abbot was not that Philip would live in London and
but such hints are not enough to tions with an oppressive society. The his relapse into chains after the first l prove apt once more. The saving, as ere is no reason to suppose that its ching.
n in the posthumously published Maurice, and associates and vanishes off to the terousness of this conclusion, however, sperate honesty. Forster is not concerned en saved and unsaved that give to his ic propaganda. Rather, he is anxious to implies, and he does so in an almost
homosexuality may reduce the impact e is making, about the need for self manity, about the need to liberate oneself

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钱 RAJIVA W
from hypocritical social constraints, ab individuality and so on, remains a val
All the more is it to be regretted, 1 lacking in balance, that facile distinc Maurice is underwritten so wholeheartec to the underworld. Forster himself real
Henceforward Clive deteriorates, ment of him. He has annoyec for Maurice, for it accelerat toughens him there for the fin be unfair on Clive who intends flick of my whip in the final
But this avowal of care solely for Ma all, why was it that Forster tried in t create a character who was completely to be. someone handsome, healthy, bodi business man and rather a snob."
The answer may well be that it w of salvation could be extravagently dis called Clive and had Maurice decided homosexual, Clive would have had far find himself, one suspects; even despite importantly, the essential change of atti have been so great in his case. With temperament was normal' (Maurice, c intellectual had early on displayed sig appears to have seen as the desirable therefore it is only with Maurice as til progression can be described with inti business and residence in suburbia allo Forster can so pointedly make; the psychiatrists, whereby Forster can pinpo in the normal world, come fairly conv hardly be conceived of as embarking claustrophobia which Forster rather tou would not have been able to develop i
So we have both the suffering and tellingly: not only does Forster take enemy's territory by making his protag unthinking public schoolboy, he also su to be made between two worlds, which with someone more articulate such as

TIJESINHA 68
out the undeniable claims of love and d one.
herefore, that the book seems somewhat tions again arise, that the salvation of lly while Clive is summarily despatched zed that he had been unfair to Clive -
and so perhaps does my treatme...This works well enough es his descent into Hell and al reckless climb. But it may
no evil and who feels the last chapter. (Maurice, Terminal Note)
urice is not explanation enough. After he first place in Maurice anyway to
unlike myself or what I supposed myself ly attractive, mentally torpid, not a bad
as so that the full extent of the process played. Had, for instance, the novel been half way through that he were not less strenuous a journey to make to his early insistence on platonism; more tude to the world called for would not Maurice, “Except on one point his h. 26) whereas Clive the conscientious ins of the independence that Forster corollary of the homosexual temperament; he protagonist that the whole satisfying mate detachment. His involvement in w for the contrasts and criticisms that woeful procedures with doctors and int the essential lack of understanding incingly to Maurice whereas Clive can upon them; even further, perhaps, the chingly shows as overwhelming Maurice n the open spaces which Clive inhabited.
its alleviation brought before us more the battle right into the heart of the gonist the large and otherwise ordinary ggests that it is necessary for a choice would not readily have been the case Clive. Another might, after a long or a

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short pilgrimage, have acknowledged un; it took a Maurice to abandon the
wholeheart2dly. Hence, it seems to me, might have called the prophetic contex greenwood. Rejection of constraints, li broader and better world is what Forst novels, and with Maurice and his other last do so openly. As for those novels, of them, “Even so did they speculate it it disorganise domesticity, but in enoug And until yesterday he had cringed to
advent of Alec Scudder, albeit in detac Maurice and his creator ceased to cring
It is, I would suggest, as the comp Clive ends up so badly: the acknowledg its rejection must corrupt. Clive's morb his conversion, his callousness, his patr very unnatural in the impetuous underg discreet outside hall. Doubtless people not only is everything relatively sudden deriving in large measure from the alte attempt to live up to that to the ful Maurice's sister Ada, on Clive's visit to his trip to Greece, is redolent with ins: we meant to see as the cause of this firmly on the other side from Maurice? throughout the rest of the book: attem emotionally from Maurice registers him would be useless to complain that all ti recognized that himself. But it meant II that he was writing not a realistic nové world of absolutes, of blacks and white unnatural love, the beloved republic. C. this crusading viewpoint: in abandoning iniquity.
This might at first sight seem surpr anxious to make Maurice as unlike him Clive would to some extent have been : appeared in the Paris Review indicates, be a mistake. Forster suggests there th Philip Herriton, Rickie Elliot in Tha L Cecil Wyse in A Room i rith a View. Tl not of course, enough in itself since M seems to me to be a decisive differen mentioned inasmuch as they are all, e.

TO NOIA
shamedly to himself his homosexuality; rest of the world in clinging to it the acceptable nature in what Forster of his work of the escape into the beration of self and commitment to a r had been trying to express in his early wise hidebound respectability he can at Maurice himself might well have said a little vice - not in too much, lest h to show that their virtue was sham. them. (Maurice, ch. 42) With the open hment from the rest of the world, both
34
lement of this new fullbloodedness that ment of homosexuality saves, therefore ld sexual diffidence in every respect after onising social confidence - all these seem aduate who had been passionately inchange, undergraduates in particular; but in Clive's case, it is also presented as ration in his sexual nature and his ll. The extraordinary scene involving confess his changed condition after ensitivity and umkindness; and what arè out Clive's attempt to establish himself Correspondingly with Clive's behaviour pt after attempt to distance himself as more and more appalling. But it his is very unconvincing. Forster obviously lothing to him, for the simple reason :l but a myth: he was writing about a s, where adulation was reserved for live is merely an unfortunate victim of such love he descends to the depths of
ising because, since Forster was apparently self as possible, it may be thought that self-portrait. The 1953 interview that however, that such a supposition would at the self-portraits in his work are ongest Journey and, to a lesser extent, he fact that Clive is not mentioned is aurice was not then public. But there ce between Clive and the characters 'en Cecil, extremely diffident, even shy

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in their relations with other men - whi in Forster, and not only in the presen as passive, Clive, who is active and ir sort of alter ego of Forster, even in d romanticism. In addıtion, not being ab The Longest Journey, is, he is the more have proved ideally congenial but didn love that annoys Forster here, not mer
With regard to Forster himself, of occurred; with him there would only h already and will note again, in conside himself- or acceptance, such as there i For, despite the disclaimer, there are diffidence, the devotion, the susceptibili the redemption to be apparent, howev intellectual differences. Hence - implyin there is the absence of Forster from th with the theme that in one way or an
But let us go back now, to The Lo novel, and to Rickie Elliot who Forster other of his characters; and who marri
Nature has no use for us; she sons, loving husbands, responsi and if we are friends it must were sorrowful, yet their seed the politics of Europe at this all that survives of David Jon
In that he marries, Rickie is like Cli and appallingly. But, perhaps because l turning his back to begin with, he is a
And, like Maurice now, being rede with “a powerful boy of twenty, admir: his height' (Longest Journey, ch. 10) - it built -- though I dare say English s' (Where Angels, ch. 2). Unfortunately for going to be resolved: Stephen Wonha The consequence is that the relation d dissolved in an excess of alcohol: in Even in a book in which nearly half is really no very good reason to be s to be content with fudging the real i Rickie carrying on. Naturally Stephen sort of epicene relationship it was that

VIJESINHA 70
ch, it may be suggested, is what is relevant : context - and might even be described petuous, seems to me therfore to be a espite of his intellectuality and his early rasive in the way Risley or Ansell, in alien simply by virtue of what might t. It is, in effect, the actual failure of ely its non-existence.
course, such failure would not have ave been repression, as we have noted ring the other characters he likened to s to be seen in the case of Maurice. hints of Forster in Maurice, in the ty to being led. For the full impact of r, there had to be basic social and g, one is tempted to add, his presence - nis, his only novel that deals explicitly other dominates so much of his work.
ngest Journey, Forster's second published said represented himself more than any ed, even though he recognized that
has cut her stuff differently. Dutiful ble fathers — these are what she wants, be in our spare time. Abram and Saria became as sand of the sea, and distracts moment. But a few verses of poetry is athan. (Longest Journey, ch. 7)
ve and like Clive he degenerates rapidly he did not quite know on what he was llowed a chance of redemption.
‘emed he goes off into the greenwood ably muscular, but rather too broad for
may be recalled that Gino was **wel) tandards would find him too short'' Rickie, the muddle in his case is not m is not his lover but a half-brother. oesn't really get off the ground and is saving Stephen's life Rickie loses his own. the characters die, this is sad. But there ad. In a world in which his creator had ssue there was not very much point in was bound to get bored with whatever t Rickie was trying to establish with him

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was bound to go off on his own and time'; going back to Agnes his wife, w
left to him, was of course unthinkable,
or emotionally, Rickie could only die.
It could perhaps be objected that of Rickie's problems, not so much with that there does not seem to have been but with regard to the attachment to argument is an inductive one. My the discussing first is that they are con conditioned by sexual awarenss and as d in opposition to social conventions that Maurice welcomes Alec and rejects soc plaudits, when Philip associates with so but when he achieves intimacy with h and albeit to a limited extent, as bei regard to Rickie it is apparent that the perverted his natural goodness into di rejection she forces him to of Stephen. my view is that it would be uncharact not follow.
And they do, with a vengeance. T enunciation of the basic situation occurs dead first love Gerald; for we rememb begun when his enthusiasms “transfigure who was still alive' (Longest Journey, cl narrative insofar as it concerns the ph feeling for Agnes confirms the point chapter in which Agnes discerns Gerald begins to be conscious of his need of terms of the brotherhood he had earlier said Stephen, already out in the mist people did years back? We're alive togethe ch. 31). It is after that that, when Stel goes along with him' and doubtless has railway journey - replete with tender flir later, a thoroughly pleasant if sexless farther, and accordingly it comes to an
A Room with a View, on the other versially so, for in this case Forster ha object, not so obscure here, of desire an a strong young man. Naturally, he is “p predictably perhaps he appears to is of heavy build, with a fair, shaven

δ. TO INOIA
leave Rickie bankrupt for the second hich it seemed was the only alternative Unfulfilled and unfulfillable, sexually
r
am leaping to excess in this analysis regard to the homosexuality since of much doubt over the last few years, Stephen. It is certainly true that my is with regard to the four novels I am cerned with emotional development as isplayed by the assertion of individuality preclude sympathy and sensitivity. Thus, iety to the accompaniment of authorial ciety in opposing Gino he is condemned, im he is shown, in theory at any rate ng on the side of the angels, with : dominant symbol of his wife's having omestic shallowness is meant to be the Given these common social connotations, aristic of Forster did the sexual ones
he subtlest, and really quite splendid, when Agnes sees in Stephen her long ber that Rickie's love' for Agnes had d a man who was dead and a woman h. 6). The further ambiguities in the ysical and emotional basis of Rickie's that account suggests. Certainly, the in Stephen is also that in which Rickie Stephen's love, and that not merely in rejected - “Come with me as a man,' 6Not as a brother; who cares what er, and the rest is cant”” (Longest Journey, phen calls upon him to come, Rickie , in the period which culminates in the ting - which the two take some months honeymoon. But the affair can go no
abrupt and tragic close.
hand, has a happy ending; uncontroad made his protagonist a woman. The d thereby the means of salvation remains ersonable'; not so naturally but equally be stocky and childlike - his father face and large eyes. There was something

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RAJIVA
childish in those eyes, though it which is followed by “Of course, he h ch. 1); the repeated references to hin confirm the identification with the mu subjected to before.
And there is another association whi tive. Forster evidently failed to realize would not sound quite so convincing; have concentrated itself on two facets, of speech, and he attached this last cl his catalytic figures whose social positi culacy of the rustic figures we have no particularly illuminating; in A Passage te wallah extraordinaire of the symbol of to me to achieve its greatest success, fc able nor allowed to open his mouth; adduced in the case of George to keep diffidence had to be attributed - and the George tedious and even, at times, woc
In addition to these correspondences man considered already, there is also a from Lucy: he works on the railways, a and when to that is added his father's Lucy's decision to marry him as some cular aspect of things is underplayed; p it unwise to put George utterly beyond marry him and the book to be publishe another very interesting reason. Had G. that would have been the reason for L. world in which she had hitherto lived woul have guided the reader's sympathi to the break.
As it is, though I grant that it wo does not in general endorse her rebirth cannot be ignored. Philip's, admittedly world, Rickie's of Agnes and hers - bot of Clive and his are all thoroughly anc in part because of the ghastly character and those worlds, in part because the choice, of the protagonist. With Lucy a different: Lucy does not want to turn to have George; it is that world that 1 have been previously presented as very considering whether there is not here s to the consequences of the mixture as

IJESINHA 72
as not the childishness of senility' s all his father's mannerisms'' (A Room,
as Michaelangelesque seem to me to cular children of nature we have been
h I would suggest is even more instruchat a gardener's boy by any other name is fascination with the breed appears to compactness of body and incoherence aracteristic as well to the one amongst in rendered it improbable. The inartited already is readily acceptable if not
India, with the apotheosis into punkah che simple bodily life, the formula seems r that individual is necessarily neither ut since social distinctions could not be
him quiet, morbid melancholia and se have the unfortunate effect of making den.
between George and the other young n attempt to distinguish him socially t which the genteel middle classes sniff, unconventionality it is possible to treat sort of social revolution. Yet this partiartly doubtless because Forster thought the pale since Lucy was destined to :d, but partly I would also suggest for eorge been totally unacceptable socially, ucy having to break decisively with the when she married him; and such a reason es unequivocally towards Lucy with regard
uld be excessive to suggest that Forster there are in this novel ambiguities that vague, rejection of his family and their h of these called Sawston - and Maurice's conclusively underwritten. This arises , as presented by Forster, of those people rejection is a deliberated and deliberate ind A Room with a View the situation is away from her world, she merely wants ejects her and, moreover, its inhabitants decent people. As such, it is worth ome slight difference in Forster's attitude before. w ,

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My own view is that there is, and that the protagonist here is a woman. at the way in which Forster registers ) With regard to Mrs. Honeychurch and Forster’s basic approval: they are natur, placed in opposition anyway to the va rescues Lucy. For this very reason, it perhaps thereby be removed from being itself, what they are held to condemn tandable in itself in that Lucy could h to have muddled everyone up by her r herself, and to have treated Cecil unfai for breaking off her engagement to him actually a bit more to the disapproval be connected with the attitude of Mr have influenced “them so much at Wi
Mr. Beebe indeed provides the grea Bartlett. He, most of the way through man, broadminded, generous, enthusiasti frustrated spinster, determined to quell anxious to enforce celibacy like her ow last few chapters it is Mr. Beebe who in the very last chapter it is suggested could, and certainly so at the crucial together. These surprises may be expla clergymen on principle and had to unsound, whereas the kindly ambiguities approval for Miss Bartlett. Yet such as fact that Mr. Beebe is associated at th as to whom Forster cannot be claime therefore of taking an easy way out and in the last few pages, it would be illu whether a consistent ambiguity may not whether, along with the previously admi himself disapprove of the marriage - wh by the hitherto ghastly Miss. Bartlett. W the passage that gives The Longest Jour marriage destructive of the finer sympal
But besides the general point there any rate. Forster, arguably in the intere incomprehensible attitude by means of a rei I would argue that there is more than a jealousy of Lucy with regard to George characteristically Forsterian baptism with More pointedly, when Lucy finally, a

E TO INDIA
that for the very reason noted above, Let us, however, first take a closer look ucy's disjunction from her original world. Freddy, there can be no doubts about ill and charming and had previously been lues from which George's appearance may be supposed, so that they might thought to disapprove of her alteration in is her past hypocrisy. This is undersave been thought to have behaved badly, efusal to be honest with them or with rly in deceiving him about her reasons But I would suggest that there is of the Honeychurches; and that this can , Beebe who is stated in this respect to indy Corner.” (A Room, ch. 20)
: surprise in the book; he, and Miss the story, had seemed the model clergy2. She had seemed the epitome of the any zest for life in those around her, in upon her young cousin. But in the appears as the Votary of celibacy, and that Miss Bartlett had done what she moment, to bring the young couple ined on the grounds that Forster disliked show that Mr. Beebe was intrinsically of his nature demanded some sort of explanation takes no account of the e conclusion with the Honeychurches, d to harbour any animosity. Instead supposing the inconsistencies of prejudice iminating I believe to consider here be discerned in Forster in this regard; rable people in the book, he did not ich is why he permits it to be precipitated We know after all from Forster's use of ney its name that he may have thought hies of the soul.
is more, in the case of Mr. Beebe at sts of propriety, explains his otherwise ference to a religious belief in celibacy; but hint that his opposition arises from a basic ... We had seen him before enjoying a
George and Freddy in the magic pool. cknowledges her affection for George,

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when it might have been thought th remain celibate that would have upset longer interests me" (A Room, ch. 19) had fallen into the clutches of the acid despair; George, deprived of Lucy and did' ', may well have fallen into Mr. E that this was Mr. Beebe's conscious i aware that Mr. Beebe was, from rathe his attitude to the other sex, and enthralled" (A Room ch. 3); far then maniacally indiscriminate sort, Mr. Beeb whom Forster sympathized right througl stout young fellow wasted in marriage.
It was not, however, Mr. Beebe wil interview mentioned above, but Cecil V wholehearted as in the cases of Philip a represented him and that Cecil had so apparent with regard to the patronizing plishments. But, though it may have t Forster felt himself susceptible, it is m could recognize such a danger, with re. their engagement, Cecil is not even recog suggest, in fact, that for any close cor must look to the latter part of the bo vely awful while engaged to Lucy t acceptance of Lucy's breaking off of th
In this, indeed, he might even be to Forster of his characters, who achie from Agnes. After all it may be recal of Cecil that Mr. Beebe said.....Mr. V cute. asked him what he meant. detached." (A Room, ch. 8) - for whic disapproved of the engagement at firs Cecil and is glad primarily on that ac but there may have been right from t continue like him. After Lucy's engagen so cynical about women" (A Room, c version of the clergyman and it is in takes him under his wing and advan. suggested before, in addition to in the actual moment at which Lucy broke o was drawing out all that was finest it Philip, who was saved from going so far, further, Cecil was not made for marriag comes in - and that is why, in Forster's

"IJESINHA 74
t it would have been her refusal to him, his dismissive remark is, “he no it may be recalled that Mrs. Emerson clergyman Mr. Eager when she began to therefore going under “As his mother 'ebe's. It would be too much to suggest tention. But we have long been made profound reasons, somewhat chilly in referred to be interested rather than from being a religious celibate of a 2 seems to me rather someone with , even to his disappointment at seeing a
h whom Forster compared himself in the yse - though the comparison was not as nd Rickie: Forster simply said that Philip mething in him of Philip. This last is use Cecil makes of his aesthetic accomaken into account a danger to which arkedly Philip and not the Forster who gard to outrageous bullying of Lucy after nizably Philip, let alone Forster. I would relation between Cecil and Forster we ok: there the Cecil who had been positibecomes almost ideal, notably in his heir engagement.
said to approximate to Rickie, the closest ved salvation after he had broken away led that Freddy had reported early on 'yse is an ideal bachelor.' I was very He said: “Oh, he's like me - better h reason it was perhaps that Mr. Beebe t; later certainly he comes to dislike count when the engagement is broken off, he start the anxiety that Cecil should lent to George, certainly, having “turned h. 20), Cecil has become an exaggerated this mood that Forster, so to speak, *es the identification. But it had been hints cited above with regard to the if the engagement - By a cruel irony she his disposition.” (A Room, ch. 17). Like and like Rickie, who unfortunately went . That is where the resemblance to Forster only novel to end in a conventionally

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happy fashion, the ambiguities are s protagonist into a woman meant that Lucy was liberated as Maurice was go bachelors remains to remind us that For
Howards End seems at first sight been considered so far: to put it at it whereas those were about men and boc we consider the consequences of love in the case of Howards End Margaret gonists had been concerned, had been Margaret it is a means of development appear was good enough to start with prerogative of Henry Wilcox - and, tho paragraph of the penultimate chapter re in terms of the whole novel. Previous a sense, to the real source of life or keeps pointing out in relation to her as and she is accordingly an active instr connections for others.
Yet there do seem to me to be assoc and in the sense that there is some so must undergo; and I Would even go so almost claim imperceptibly, as this part is aesthetically the most satisfying in th identification with such of Forster's ten on that might not find general accepta that Margaret Schlegel does originally d the world of the Wilcoxes: when she d after, as she puts it, “I’ve spoilt you spoiled. Mrs. Wilcox spoiled you'' ( absurd to suppose that Forster underwr. content. Its considered effect is to ma damnably weak with her husband in th Harriet and Rickie with Agnes and Luc ought to have been clear even earlier c when Henry refuses to help the Basts : thing must be arranged for the Basts li the moment...Henry must have it as hl day she would use her love to make hi - it is no coincidence that Margaret br speech after her transfiguration: what w had ignored it for so long before.
In this aspect of her behaviour, of part of the diffidence about identifying

E TO INDIA
) marked. The transformation of the he Forsterian vision of love grew awry: ng to be, but in this case a chorus of iter had his reservations about the pairing.
ery different form the works that have s simplest, it is about women and values lies. The distinction bacomes clear when vith regard to the principal protagonist, Schlegel. Love, as far as previous protaa means of their own development; for
of the loved one. She herself it would
and advancement in the book is the ugh the process is but sketched, the last gisters graphically how important it is protagonists had had to be connected in
whatever, Margaret's roots, as Forster sociation with her sister, are firm enough ument of salvation herself, to provide
iations between this work and the others, rt of development that the protagonist
far as to say that, subtly, some might icular pilgrim's progress is presented, it Le corpus - for it does not presuppose ets about the life of the body and so nce. I base my argument on the fact lisplay deficiencies in her dealings with oes finally turn on her husband it is long enough. All your life you have been Howards End, ch. 38) It seems to me ote this speech merely in terms of its ke it clear that Margaret has been e past - just as Philip had been with y with Charlotte Bartlett. And this fact n, if only from the scene at Oniton and Margaret puts up with this “Someater on, but they must be silenced for e liked, for she loved him, and some im a better man.' (Howards End, ch. 28). ings up the matter of the Basts in the e are to see as regrettable is that she
course, she resembles Mrs. Wilcox, and Margaret's weakness springs from the

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idealization of Mrs. Wilcox to which i This seems to me a classic case of buy to confirm the accuracy of the first: it for the understandable reason that they that Forster was uncritical about the about the other. If, however, one accep about the other Wilcoxes - and one n recognize and condemn the drawbacks clearly how harsh she can be at a fail not at once accept enthusiastically the bit of such harshness towards those wh lack of imagination, would have been Of course it could be argued that she and that she believed much was to be been given, whereas the ranks of the know from Margaret's crucial outburst ignored, how much panic and emptiness flourish unchecked. The Forster who pre explosion in a boarding school dining 1 not thought that it was the role of educate where such was necessary. As her husband; and Margaret herself was not fate dramatically intervened.
So that we are able to discern, in just as Philip and Rickie and Lucy had to prevent them from relapsing into an only in her case the catalytic process h young man is not quite as obviously st is more recognizably, if not unequivocal the other cases the class barrier had or - as I have suggested with George, other cases - the demands of propriety; lower social status that denies Leonard
One guessed him as the third gen or ploughboy whom civilization h of the thousands who have lost til the spirit. Hints of robustness sul of primitive good looks, and M might have been straight, and the c wondered whether it paid to giv for a tail coat and a couple of
It is, therefore, once again a masculine elemental world who prompts to a critic that involved indulgence to reprehensibly

7IJESINHA. 76
has been held that Forster subscribed. ng a second copy of the morning paper is Margaret who idealizes Mrs. Wilcox, resemble each other; to hold therefore ne naturally leads to misapprehension is that there is a great deal of criticism Just -- it seems to me impossible mot to in Mrs. Wilcox. We are shown quite ure of imagination, when Margaret does nvitation to visit Howards End. A little deserved it much more, for complete hore salutary, one might have thought. recognized in Margaret a kindred spirit expected from those to whom much had benighted were to be ignored; but we how important it is that they not be they spread when they are allowed to 'sented with glee Stewart Ansell's violent oom can hardly be assumed to have a wife and a mother to instruct and Vargaret put it, Mrs. Wilcox had spoilt in grave danger of doing the same, had
some sense, the pattem as before - and, required the strong young man syndrome unfulfilled mediocrity, so does Margaret; appens at a remove, and the strong rong as before. On the other hand he ly, working class than previously for in been overlaid by race or relationship and which may also have affected the interestingly enough, it is precisely his strength -
eration, grandson to the shepherd ad sucked into the town; as one he life of the body and failed to "vived in him, more than a hint argaret, noting the spine that hest that might have broadened, 'e up the glory of the animal ideas. (Howards End, ch. 14)
reperesentative of another and more :al reappraisal of a previous way of life
limited peers. . . . . . . .

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Yet though it is Margaret who reg boys, it is her sister Helen who has 1. disjunction, however, it may be suggest as would be the case in Maurice, actu book - but it had to arise through hyst being quite the thing for the genteel t Margaret, balanced enough as she was way of life, was not going to be hyster Bast or to his umbrella; hence Helen. E it is not enough simply to look on 1 improvement. Helen is a protagonist in her has been made too little of in general by c. had as much of Forster in her as Marg musical and apocalyptic; she it was wł almost from the very beginning, through was to go throuh only in Helen's instinctive - she had seen right through that underlay their way of life. Even r who inherits. The last chapter of the Margaret, who loves Henry tenuously a Helen who loves her child; I don't sup about which one Forster would have a made clear in an interview that he dis people first and in this case, corresponc with already in which Gino and Steph Forsterian figure who is left, the social with the baby.
Yet like Philip Helen as a prota in essence because like him she is co almost: the opening chapter records her to Wilcox ways. She herself suggests th perhaps like Maurice she had to experi satisfactory not quite physical relationshi one; but with regard to that other she far as Leonard is concerned, and canno it. She had always remained vividly d even if she had not quite managed to As a consequence, it is Margaret who the main course of the book. Being a requires Helen's divisive pregnancy to b thereby publish, rather than merely abi but simply because she is therefore co1 that Helen had naver stopped doing, t
See K. W. Gransden E. M. Forster at .

TO INDIA
sters Leonard's relation to the gardener's le physical relationship with him. This d, also has its roots in propriety: just l sex was going to be required in this cria, an ordinary sexual relationship mot Lough cataclysmic novelist Forster was; to appreciate to some extent the Wilcox cal enough to succumb either to Leonard ut, this identification having been made, Ielen as an instrument for Margaret's own right, and one who it seems to me itics. She after all could be said to have ret did, certainly in terms of ideas both o judged the monstrous Wilcoxes right
a process of attraction just as Margaret case the repulsion had been swift and straight away to the panic and emptiness (hore importantly, perhaps, it is her child book makes clear the contrast between ld places much more than people, and pose there would have been much doubt ssociated himself with even had he not agreed with Margaret and himself put ling to the scenes we have been presented en played with their children, it is the Lly undesirable Bast being disposed of,
gonist does not really satisfy, and that implete from the beginning - or, rather, brief and swiftly withdrawn indulgence at Leonard grew out of Paul Wilcox; ence the falsity that pervades a socially p before becoming fit to go on to the other is generally in control, at any rate as it be said to have developed through irect and decisive in her zest for life, arrange the practicalties of it satisfactorily. takes up our interest, and Forster's, for more balanced person than Helen she be able to act decisively herself and de by, her allegiance to the right values: mpelled to do something unusual of a sort her belongs the centre of the stage.
Eighty." Encounter, Jan. 1959.

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So the book ends with the hitherto colours nailed firmly to a humanist m' albeit at a distance, from a ploughboy, tatives of humanity who had not thems last distinguishes Margaret from Lucy - of Forster himself feeling no ambiguo husband she had got for herself. In ad there is a more vital aspect of the pai which has to do with the ostensible th asserted of the menage of Helen and F Howards End, it is not a question of : a doubt won, and won quite conclusivel and anger has caved in completely. 2
But, significantly, he is happy. Thi death of poor Leonard - Margaret declar that would not have sufficed “for us. Helen, it is a relief to read, remains d consequent imprisonment that cause Her which he becomes totally dependent on ultimate triumph for the life of the spirit, forces voluntarily submitting to its cont the result: not only has the protagonist instance but that world has also acknow one is tempted to suggest, that Mrs. W their hand. In any less dramatic circum quite so satisfactory a result.
Nevertheless, despite the melodrama, because he chose, to represent him, pro possible - and the more important one together his preoccupations more convin The weight being lifted off the bodies, equipped to fullfil the spiritual roles th oppositions are less harshly drawn than excepted, it is not quite as obvious as man dummies are being constructed onl consequence the exposure, when it occu as its catalysts arise more credibly from th in short, that before he moved on to t managed with Howards End actually to
2 Wilfred Stone, The Cave and the Mountain: Sec 5 exposes, the real situation succinctly. discussion of the early work, to omit as f This seems to me the less reprehensible in fined in critical books to separate chapters tha' this opportunity, however, to record my in illuminatingly with the whole crpus as ther

JESINHA 78
diffident Forsterian figure having its 1st, in possession of a child derived
in unanimity with the other represenlves derogated from the standard. This and it may have been the happy outcome us dissatisfaction about the particular dition to this minor detail, however, ticular nature of Margaret's marriage me of connection: whatever might be Henry Wilcox along with Margaret at sharing and synthesis; Helen has without y; the representative of the life of telegrams
s, perhaps, is what is held to justify the es that he got an adventure out of life But him." ' (Howards End, ch. 44) though ubious: it is Leonard's death and Charles’ ro's exhaustive collapse as a result of Margaret. This may be seen as the to have a leading light of the opposing "ol and being thoroughly satisfied with rejected the insensitive world in this wledged its own inferiority. No wonder Vilcox and Margaret had hitherto held nstances they would not have achieved
we ought not to complain. Perhaps tagonists as distant from himself as
the more distant - Forster has woven cingly and effectively than elsewhere. as it were, the characters are better ey have to sustain. Distinctions. and
before so that, Charles Wilcox always it had been in other books that inhuy that they might be exposed. As a rs, is the more acceptable - especially e basic characterization. I would claim, he extravagant myth of Maurice Forster produce a novel.
4 Study of E. M. Forster, Stanford, 1966, ch. 10 I have tried, and in particular in this general ar as possible references to secondary sources. asmuch as discussions of these are usually cort can readily be investigated. I ought not to omit debtedness to Stone's study, which deals most
available.

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:79. A PASSAG
What, then, of A Passage to India? novel or myth? - Perhaps confusingly m is that it is the myths that are about status by not being quite as singlemind regard to A Passage to India as with H complexities of presentation that preclu book is it may be easier first to e. varied are the claims that have been in not seem neeessary in this respect and cons have already been gone throu various interpretations. I shall content views with which I find myself in agree to the views I have expounded above - : us in similar fashion to find out what
The most absurd claim that has b it is a celebration of the Hindu religio disposed of ably by a number of critic so I shall content myself with conside been thought to deplore which he pres Godbole is in the novel the represental it is held comes into its synthesizing before that his contribution to the acti for the expedition to the Marabar Cavi had been to ignore its injurious outco We have seen before the criticism of E dangerous circumstances; we have recog and in Margaret for repudiating, for w and Leonard and also the endorsement a stand; is Godbole to be excused sim We have noted that Forster disagreed would end up caring most about a pla cannot be doubted that, sympathetically unanthropocentric spiritualities, the code was quite different. The fact therefore at a crucial moment Godbole fails (it goes on to mention the transformation off to establish at the vital time); so of the presentation of Godbole may ap no essential exaggeration in his charac He may be a divine clown, but to thi attitude to life shows woeful incompre:
The same sort of failure to act a1 also conclusively condemns Mrs. Moore
3 Frederick C. Crews, E. M. Forster: The Pe 4. Nirad C. Chauduri, "Passage To- and From

TO NOIA
Is it about the spirit or the flesh? Is it f view, it may have been noted above, he flesh; the one novel qualifies for that ed about its message as the others. With wards End it seems to me that there are le simple analyses. To discern what the (amine what it is not, so many and so lade on its behalf. Fortunately it does to argue at length, since the pros gh thoroughly with reference to the myself therefore with citing briefly the ment and considering rather their relation process which I trust will also enable the book is in fact about.
een made for A Passage to India is that n and its spiritual outlook. This been is, most succinctly by Frederlick Crews, 3 ing a consequence Forster might have ents as arising from that outlook. Professor tive, almost unrivalled, of Hinduism which own in the last section of the book. But on, after the minor effort of being late 2s so that its texture changed completely, me and abandon Aziz and run away. Rickie for abandoning Stephen in far less nized the inadequacies diagnozed in Lucy hatever ostensibly higher motive, George s of their finally being prepared to take ply because he is able to absorb a wasp? with Margaret's announcement that she ce and that he placed people first; it though he might be thought to present of values that he himself underwrote remains that, for whatever grand reason, also seems to me significant that Forster into a granary of the school he trotted that, though Nirad Chauduri’s criticism pear harsh at times, there seems to be terization of him as being a “clown 4. nk of the novel as exalting that particular hension.
nd assist at thc important time is what , on whose behalf too extravagant claims
trils of Humanism, Princeton, 1962.
India', Encounter, June 1954.

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RAJIVA V
have been made. Her actions and attit basic superiority to Mrs. Wilcox, with refusal to act after her experience in t is not wholly unsound. Whether her cat the Christian or of the liberal humanist have in essence is someone who, like Mrs. Wilox is so all the time and Mrs refuses to participate in the Marabar al implores her; given that she had suffer our exasperation with her must be less; though we may be prepared nevertheles: respect is eroded.
There remains to be cast in the rol the other two mentioned above who ha certainly behaves admirably at the crisis himself, for truth and justice and the ( is what has led to the suggestion that recorded, mentioned above, he might W did not, for consistent and illuminating add I believe Forster would have thoug trial and including it unequivocally adm books, as I hope I have shown, are co laid on individuals sticking out their ne than themselves in the face of all oppo only aspect of Godbole and Mrs. Moo retreat at the time of Aziz's trial, and is admirable. Yet in the final conc argued that, with regard to Cecil Vyse, with what we know of Forster and my tion despite this was that Forster was unmarried misogynist. Correspondingly, inclusion in the canon also by virtue told quite specifically, had declined fro the ranks of the saved -
He had thrown in his lot with An and he was acquiring some of its li at his own past heroism. Would he the sake of a stray Indian? (A Pas
5 Rose Macaulay, The Writings of E. M. For For an effective undermining of Mrs. Mc Martin, E. M. Forster: The endless journey,
6 J. B. Beer, The Achievement of E. M. Forste

"IJESINHA 80
ides earlier on in the novel show her whom she has been compared ; but her he caves indicates that the comparison atonic vision implies the inadequacy of attitude to life is immaterial; what we Mrs. Wilcox. is ineffectual. Of course Moore only obviously so when she fair in the advisory role to which Adela :d something, whereas Godbole had not, but the hard fact is that she fails and, to treat her with love and affection,
e of perceptive hero Fielding who unlike ve also been advanced for adulation, and stands up, at whatever cost to cambridge way of life. This doubtless to the list of self-portraits Forster had tell have added Fielding too. 6 Yet, he
reasons I would suggest. I hasten to ht Fielding's actions right up to the irable and vitally important. His other inclusive evidence of the positive stress he :cks on behalf of those more vulnerable osition; it is for this reason that the re that I have drawn attention to is their in comparison with them certainly Fielding :lusion he is flawed. I have already
the early depiction of him is at odds
explanation therefore for the identificaconsidering the figure, the mellowed would claim, Fielding is deprived of of his final state; for Fielding, we are m his once fine state, had fallen from
glo-India by marrying a countrywoman, mitations, and already felt surprised
to-day defy all his own people for sage, ch. 37)
rter, London, 1938 puts the difference concisely. ore’s claims to canonization, see John Sayre Cambridge, 1976.
r London, 1962.

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It would be insensitive to suppose that saved by abandoning a wife and Fieldi really suggesting that Forster thought th his employment of the verse that giv justify doubts abouts this); but I thi otherwise, of actually presenting rede It is for this reason that I would
wledged self-portraits but with Clive in confessedly grew out of sympathy towa detracting blemishes of both lay in the
It must however be granted that th this ease than in Maurice where, as Fol was due simply to prejudice; in A Pass tenets of Forster's criticicsm of the soc presence of wives vitiates it. Not sim though in the harsh but vivid character too is brought out; it is also a matter pressure on the man to adopt extravaga those attitudes It is for this reason Stella might be depicted as being, Field not demand from him the pomposity o' has yet got to conform more and to a race, with all the divisiveness that that
Fielding indeed suffers even more t with his wife are described in un as enjoying some sort of affinity with with the rest of the world. Field failing by the standards of the world h in that which he enters either (The bl union at the end through the form of does not seem to me very promising; h ing gap between his own aspirations an meant us to see this deprivation as de conscious decision to abandon the bette been grossly insensitive, had the justific physical change that parted him willy would suggest, Forster felt he had beer be parted from Aziz, the more obvious newly developed relationship with Adela that he ought too to have abandoned did; but he ought to have made a gre ship with Aziz and the rest of the In sympathy towads her. Indeed, it even he failed not simply because of his sy

TO INDA
it is simply coincidental that Rickie is g derogates in acquiring one. I am not : married incapable of redemption (though 's The Longest Journey its name may nk he was incapable, constitutionally or aption being achieved in such a state. equate Fielding not with the acknoMaurice with whom Forster clearly and ds the conclusion of the book the r marriages.
are are better reasons for the decline in ster suggests in his Terminal Note, it age to India it is one of the central al role Qf the British in India that the bly is this a matter of their attitudes, zation of for instance, Mrs. Turton this of their very existence which both puts int attitudes and appears too to justify that, however perceptive or admirable ing must nevertheless deteriorate. She may ther women are shown as requiring, but low himself to be absorbed by his own
entails.
han does Clive who, if his sexual relations ortunate terms, is nevertheless presented her and, through her and otherwise, ng, on the contrary, in addition to le abandons, does not seem to do so well essedness he is said to achieve for his reconciliation he goes through with Aziz e had just before emphasized the continud those of his wife) Forster possibly erved: Fielding had after all made a way whereas Clive, though he may have ation of an unexpected and unavoidable nilly from Maurice. With Fielding, I culpably weak in allowing himself to y so in that this had arisen through his I am not, I hasten to add, suggesting er when the rest of the British community liter effort to have preserved his relationilian community in the exercise of his seems to me that Forster indicates that npathy but through a misplaced sense of

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RAJIVA V
loyalty and comradeship. Certainly the
that improperly, not to demand compe sentiments of chivalry and an insensitiv compensated for the humiliation and di
Money, it might be objected, is n thing and Aziz had nothing: Fielding, i. him too of the love he required. No feels upset and appears to behave badly and was rewarded instead with commitr no commitment either. I am not by a a physical angle to the relationship be context of their social separation and th a situation in which the one can de and affection that, though less loaded however refuses and, in responding to need, loses his opportunity.
Ironically and I think importantly
of such a relation had already been su does not seem to me that, now at any
English criticism, there can be any dou Adela's fantasy in the caves - given thi sciousness of the physical base of love, and her uncertain questioning of him.
rarely noticed, is the corresponding phy, balanced awareness 7. A great deal has of the spiritual impact of the memory
to Adela and to the whole court, just
presentation here must also be taken in “a person who had no bearing officiall punkah. (A Passage, ch 24) Forster r appearince of this individual. Fantasy, but discreetly and within the limits the idiosyncratic excess almost passes to turn full circle: the nightmare began oppressive, of the sexuality both of an permits the reduction of sexuality to it to be placed in a less emotive co conscious of something that had irr Aziz was another, he was not quite detachment necessary in the presenee of wallah is quite different. Placed as h security - "Something in his aloofnes. England, and rebuked the narrowness o
7 I am indebted for this point to Beer, op argument; G. K. Das, E. A4. Forster's Indi
w

XVIJESINHA 82
whole business of influencing Aziz, amd nsation shows an adherence to irrelevant ity to the need of the Indians to feel sgrace they had undergone.
ot everything. Of course, but it is somen dividing his allegiances, had deprived wonder therefore that, like Scudder, he 7. But, where Scudder demanded money ment, Aziz gives up his money and receives ny means suggesting that Forster wanted tween Aziz and Fielding. But, in the heir racial characteristics, he has depicted mand and require from the other love than before, are equally decisive. Fielding
Adela's more immediate but less vital
what might be called the physical angle ggested with regard to Adela herself. It rate as opposed to in the days of imperial bt about the basis in physical desire of e presentation just before it of her conher awareness of Aziz as a sexual being, Much more important, and much more sical basis of her return to sanity and been made, to some extent justifiably, of Mrs. Moore on what happened, both before her recantation; but Forster's vital to account of and the adverb is important, y upon the trial: the man who pulled the efers more than once to the godlike I would suggest, is here given full rein, of psychological motivation, so that unnoticed. Thus the wheel is allowed with Adela's awareness, which became other; the image of the punkah wallah manageable proportions by enabling >ntext. With Aziz Adela was painfully egular social connotations for, though other enough to be viewed with the the facts of physical desire. The punkah he is, he makes clear to her her own S impressed the girl from middleclass f her sufferings.
p. cit. see pp. 150-3 for a development of the a, ondon l977.

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83 A PASSAC
Adela, if not quite completely at to a wider and more sympathetic visio even Maurice we are presented then wi participates in full measure in the quite physical, awakening. Adela is l protagonists, like Maurice she was the them, I would suggest, it is her fina underwrites. Though by force of sex í and does not come back, her state at than it had been whereas Fielding's is with this that, while Aziz's final word retrogressive from the stage that had b message to Adela is a positive one and that had been experienced towards her
But, it might be said, I have beer wrong sort, of importance to Aziz thr at any rate to attempt to justify this again the strong young man of the wo even more effectively than in previc humanizing catalyst on generally sympathe We have, in short Gino once more. As of Aziz sets a tone that has been hearc daintily put together but really very s is the essential otherness that Trilling
The mould for Aziz is Gino Carella unEnglishness, that is to say, of voli cruelty much warmth, a love of path of insincerity, Like Gino's, Aziz's ni ways mature: it is mature in its acc ... He is hypersensitive, imagining
because there have actually been so of contempt and, desperately wants heroes are the great chivalrous emp Aziz is a member of a subject rac
That is, Aziz is an inferior but c rouses interest and the desire to partic everyone would automatically apply all indeed to any other of the significant novels; but some of those attributes - see how they might be thought to be at once with regard to each separate ol time it must be granted that he diff proceed on certain shared assumptions
8 Lionel Trilling, E. M. Forster: A Study, Lo

E TO INDIA
first, is thus liberated quietly and effectively h of humanity. As with Howards End and h two protagonists, only one of whom tatutory, physically based if not always ke Helen the less balanced of the two less receptive to begin with; like both of development and attitudes that Forster nd circumstances she goes off to England the end of the novel is undeniably better clearly worse. It is perhaps in accordance to Fielding are negative and indeed een reached much earlier on, his final certainly much better willed tham anything before.
attributing far too much, or rather the oughout the above discussion and I ought attitude. My position is that we have rking classes, albiet one who is disguised bus cases, whose role it is to act as ic but fundamentally diffident protagonists. is to be expected, the physical account already - “He was an athletic little man, trong” (4 Passage, ch. 2), Further, there
draws attention to when he writes -
of the first novel. It is the mould of atility, tenderness, sensibility, hint of os, the desire to please even at the cost ature is many ways child like, in many 'eptance of child-like inconsistency. slights even when there are none many; he full of humility and full to be liked. He is not heroic but his ierors, Babur and Alamgir. ln short, :e, 8
ine with a vibrant life of his own that ipate in his superiors. I don't think the attributes Trilling lists to Gino, nor young men we have seen in the other and in their juxtaposition here we can necessarily connected - spring to mind he of Aziz's precursors. At the same ers form them: intimacy with him can as it could not with Gino; it can be
don 1944; Revised Edition 1967, p. 131.

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RAJIVA W
stimulating in every respect as it was of a problem that is a subject of inte George; correspondingly his need for lov purely moral grounds without the pe Leonard's relations with the superiors fi Alec, he can demand, intimacy open Forster is dealing with here is one that of intimacy he delighted in on exoteric basis.
The above statement requires qualifi apparently did not appeal to Anglo suitable reading for their voyage, only when they discovered the contents' 9 - w fact about A Passage to India, that it is appeared to ignore this above, but that it, that it was never intended primarily novel it has had a notable success'10 brings the discussion of the political as Had the main thrust of the novel b stress its deficiencies, the facts that jus to either side, that characters are largely are ignored in favour of , general socia despite these the novel proved effective for the successful development in a sto: tions.
For it is because his subject matter the spirit of the novelist, a spirit that so convincing an appeal in this book. of spiritual suffering the sensitive India masters than Alec apparently did when idea what his name was, no more than of Wilcoxes and even, at times, of Schl inconsiderate patronage extended to hin indignant about these relations. But his because, to quote what he said in Howa “We are not concerned with the very po be approached by the statistician or the need be felt no essential responsibility f whatever contacts exist in such situation involve some sort of conscious concess diminishes the demands that could justi
9 Beer, op. cit., p. 133. 10 Twentieth Century Interpretations of A Passage
Introduation, p. 2.

"IJESINHA 84
not with Stephen; his insecurity is part resting debate as was not the case with fe was one that could be satisfied on culiarities and akwardness inherent in om whom he sought comfort; and unlike y. In effect, the particular relation
allows for the creation of the sort a generally appealing and relatively
cation, however, inasmuch as the novel - Indians who bought the novel as to throw the copies overboard angrily thich brings us to the most important a great political novel. I may have was for the reason, as Rutherford puts as a political novel, but as a political This distinction, I believe, is what pects of the novel within my scope. been political, one would have had to tice does not appear to have been done caricatures, that basic political ideas l principles. As it is, in noting that politically, one can consider the reasons ry for once of Forster's personal predilec
so readily takes on a moral bias that demands sympathy and sensitivity, makes I would suggest, for instance, that in terms ns endured no more from their imperial he pointed out that Clive's mother had no the Basts did from the solipsistic behaviour egels; no more than Stephen did at the h by Mrs. Failing. Forster is certainly indignation has to remain idiosyncratic tradis End in a somewhat different context, por... They are unthinkable, and only to
poet' (Howards End, ch. 6). That is, there or them and their situation. In general, s between protagonists and their inferiors ion on the part of the former that fiably be made upon them; correspondingly,
Ed. Andrew Rutherford, Englewood Cliffs, 1970

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85 A PASSAG
the object of patronage may readily be some sort of sense to the inequalities c therefore is the less obviously acceptabl
But with India the case was empha there were those who looked on thi exercised over an inferior race that I by his balanced presentation of his cha concept. Inadequacies are about equal authoritative physical dominance the imp Indians, it is implied, could manage pe own disscasions would not be productiv shows a relation of patronage that is no and embitteringly repressive; and he sho admirable qualities in the Indians, more British to flourish. We have of course refusal to trust, to treat people as indiv tions to vitiate relations, to act upon lo and distancing. We have seen this most even Jackie to Schlegels and to Wilcoxe: however, it could have been argued that rate a matter of choice and that anyol refrain from them; in India on the oth because the British had arbitrarily plante obligation to adapt which Forster sugges
It is this deeply felt and unequivoc A Passage to India so important a book, of imperialism more accurately; as far say, may be thought to have understood mately; with regard to the concept of e have explored it more thoroughly; but A one of the most impressive works writt corrosive effect of that particular relatio races - and for that reason one of the n drawbacks of imperialism. As I have preconceptions; because those were for with personal relations but with those r
And it is both interesting and illun extent all this depends on Forster's own there is indubitably a pattern present; a when we consider A Passage to India in attitude there to Alec just before they he is, to vanish off into the greenwooc that prompt him to make extravagant d that he has not been taken undue adva

TO INDIA
thought to have consciously submitted in f the relation. A moral basis for claims
f
tically otherwise. Doubtless even in 1924 Empire as embodying a trust, one equired guidance and control. Forster, racters, shows that this was an absurd but because the British are in such act of theirs is much more harmful; the fectly well without the British and their e of hurt and brutality. In short, Forster t only oppressive but also both unnecessary ws as well how, while this stifles some dissastrously it allows the worst in the , seen this sort of thing before, the iduals without allowing one's preconcepve and affection rather than upon dogma. notably in the relation of Leonard and s, and also elsewhere. In other contexts, relations were, to some extent at any he who found them unbearable could er hand they were a matter of necessity d themselves there. Hence the moral sts is theirs.
:ally expressed moral aspect that makes Others may have expressed the facts as India alone is concerned Kipling, and depicted the country more consummpire Orwell, perhaps, may be said to Passage to India remains to my mind en in the imperial period about the in on people both as individuals and as aore effective denunciations of the essential said, this success rests on its moral Forster inextricably associated not simply elations as they exist in a social context.
hinating, therefore, to consider to what 1 peculiar predilections. As I have shown,
nd one that emerges the more clearly the light of Maurice and the protagonist's both decide, accepting the other for what i. Alec's own resentment and touchiness emands, simply perhaps to prove to himself ntage of, have their parallels too; but

Page 92
RAJIVA
more important, I would suggest, are N of, his anxiety not to place himself in
from answering letters (after he realize in a relation from which he could not terms of his own emotional needs), his his own sake. Underlying these, of co contact with the other had in a sense
and, vitally, the desperate need that he or love on his own account. It is, I
could understand and express these de to the British relationship to India, wh Forster would have identified finally mo
Significantly Maurice can only expr departure; perhaps because only that ca relationship. This foreshadows Aziz’s re: friends only after the British had left inevitably give rise to dissension, lacko and hostility. This indeed suggests a le tions to marriage than might have othe what he required, a relation based on course be argued that this is impractic insecurities that are more grave; but, in inperialism, Forster does register succinc security inasmuch as it leads to a fals
It is very probably that these perce that it was his affection for strong you to an appreciation of the inadequacy w conducted But, and in particular as h this appreciation in a universally illumi the need to put aside prejudice and co people becomes generally applicable; an those prejudices lead and the vast poss rise, he reinforces his moral view about exposition of the practical advantages o of it may sometimes be. Forster's visio necessary concomitants of freedom and one: only through a clearsighted apprec of oneself arise. It required the publica for this to be made clear in detail, Bu itself heard before; and, with A Passage imperialism the limiting spiritual conseq gone unrecorded,

WIJESINHA 86
aurice's own fear of being taken advantage the other's power which prevents him even that the first embrace had involved him escape, either in practical terms or in morbid diffidence about being loved for irse, were the liberation the first free provided him with, his own deep affection felt himself precluded from expressing would suggest, precisely because Adela per needs that Forster traces with regard ereas Fielding in the end could not, that re with her than with him.
ess himself because of Alec's imminent n give rise to the possibility of a free mark that he and Fielding could be India. Any forced association would f confidence and self-expression, insecurity ss idiosyncratic reason for Forster's objecwise been assumed: free commitment was nothing but mutual affection. It can of al and absurd and would give rise to extending his vision to the concept of tly the dangers inherent in any forced e view of individuals.
'ptions arose from Forster's homosexuality, ing men of the working classes which led fith which relations with such were generally is work matured, he was able to express nating manner. His message concerning nvention in order to deal properly with i, in indicating the sterility to which ibilities to which an open outlook gives
abandoning the limited outlook with an f doing so. Extravagant as his expression n of love and commitment as being the development thus becomes a convincing iation of others can a true understanding tion of the carefully suppressed Maurice it the spirit of the message had made to India, amongst the inheritors of an uences of which might otherwise have
Rajiva Wijesinha

Page 93


Page 94
Classical Sinhalese
Themes, Convention
The earliest extant Sinhalese writing inscriptions. These are either records o by pious individuals to the sangha), or 1 short at the early stages, they gradually twelfth century. These lithic records, thi in character, and need not be considerec
The earliest non-lithic prose works i tenth centuries. Of these, the Dampiya A (913-923 A. D.) and the Sikha Valafida Sikha Valla ñida Vinis a “, both c. tenth cen tradition at the time, indicate that prose of record and exegesis than as an instru three of these works are non-literary in are both exegetical, while the SV. is a 1 text by bhikkhus before their higher ordi
These and the other early, semi-liter appear to have contributed to the gradua several ways A. As time went on, the ea expanded in length and in scope to includ the use of simile, metaphor, and imager. elucidating the use of certain words and for synonyms (and the attempts at coini did not exist) led to the growth of the vo
1. Dr. S. Paranavitana states that the earliest ranging from approximately the last quarter the first century A. C.’ (Sinhalaya, Lake H a concise account of the contents and lite see ibid., pp.3-5. For an account of Sir Ananda Kulasuriya, Sinhala Sahiyaya, Vol. I, Sinhala Sahiya Vansaya, Colombo, 1961, pp. The Dhampiya Atuva Gatapadaya (abbreviated Dhamnapadattakathi. For details, see Kulasuri 3. For details regarding the Sikha Valafida (SV), s
op. cit., pp. 76-81. 4. For an account of the Sikha Valaida Vinisa (SV
gala, op. cit., pp. 67-70. 5. The Dumerous exegetical works in Sinhales aecessory glossarial or explanatory works v difficult or obsolete words, phrases and exp SA. In this paper 'narrative' prose is taken

Narrative Prose : Its s and Prose Styles
in prose comprise the cave and rock
f grants of caves (and other donations oyal decrees and proclamations; extremely grow longer between the fifth and the Iugh written in prose, are non-literary
further here.
in Sinhalese are dated to the ninth and tuva Gatapadaya 2 of King Kassapa V * (together with its commentary, the tury), if typical of the current literary
at the time was used more as a vehicle ment of creative literary activity, for all
purpose, The Dh. AG. and the SVV. manual of monastic discipline used as a nation.
ary exegetical and commentarial works 5 evolution of Sinhalese narrative prose in arly word-for-word glosses were gradually ile longer explanations, synonyms involving y, and even short passages of narrative
expressions in the originals. The search ng Sinhalese words where such synonyms cabulary of prose, and to the development
cave inscriptions "have been made in dates of the third century B. C. to about the end of ouse Investments Ltd., Colombo, 1967, p.4). For rary value of the rock and cave inscriptions, halese literature before the 10th century, see Colombo, 1961, pp. 37-49, and P. B. Sannasgala, 40-71. DH. A. G.) is a verbal commentary to the Pali iya, op. cit., pp. 76-81. ee Kulasuriya, op. cit., pp. 96-99, and Sannasgala,
V), see Kulasuriya, op. cit, 99-100, and Sannas
e from the DH. A. G. to the 18th century were which furnished easy Sinhalese equivalents for pressions in the original Pali texts.
to include "descriptive prose' as well.

Page 95
89 CLASSICAL SINHAUE
of a vocabulary suitable for lucid a translation (from the Pãli) helped to inscriptions referred to earlier had beer record and proclamation) into a flexible composition. For instance, in two of t and metaphors are employed to explicate and expressions:
කෙස කලායාණ නම්; සිනිඳු සරල් කෙරෙ කලායාණ නම්; රත් අතුල් පතුල් ඔට මස් ද අට්ඨි කලායාණ නම්; වීදුරු පෙළ බඳු දත් (
කුමුදපත්ත වර්ණණ- - කුමුදු පත්‍රයට බ, බඳු පැහැ ඇතිය යනුයි.
These explanatory portions are not are also couched in an emotive, figu writing; the words do not appear as a tions, indicating the existence of a liter
Apart from the glosses, there are a the style of these excerpts indicates tha narrative was almost exclusively made u any admixture of the Sanskrit element prose diction in and after the twelfth c the Dh. AG.:
මෙතැන සිට( හෙළටුවායෙහි සංවේපත්ව ගියේය, බුදුහු බණ කියුහ. බණ අසා දිවසර කියා මතුයෙහි බත් සිහියැ ගමට් ආ මහණුන් සේ කියූහු
මාගෙ රිය රන් රියෙයහැ, එයට දිලියෙන ( හිරු සඳු දෙපේනය(. ඔවුන් මට සක් සහළ තා ඇචිවු මෙම වැනියයි හඟවනුව වස් කී බැඳි
In these examples, too, the comple: employed, the easy rhythm and cadence relationships between words, phrases an indicate the existence of a well-develop is marked, once again, by the use of vocabulary. However, the scantiness of tenth century precludes further analysis in Sinhalese.
6. At though literary works composed before
has been adduced to indicate the probable the 9th century. See in this connection, c

E NARRATIVE PROSE
nd emotive description. The process of nrich Sinhalese prose, (which in the a denotative prose restricted to prosaic , connotative medium suitable for literary he earliest exegetical works, vivid similes the meanings of difficult Pãli terms
හ. ඡවි කලායාණ නම්; රන්වන් සිවි. මාස §. නහාරු කලායාණ නම්, තඹ නිය පෙළ;
SS
දු පැහැ ඇති--හෙළ ඇඹුලු මල් පෙත්තේ
only surprisingly lucid and simple, but rative language suitable for creative rchaic as those in contemporary inscripary style as early as the ninth century.
few short narrative portions in the Dh. AG.; t the vocabulary in current use for prose p of native Hela (Sinhalese) words without which was to enter en masse into Sinhalese :entury. The following fragments are from
( දෙව්පිත් දහසක් දෙව්සරන් පිරිවරයි බුදුන් කරා න් හය සැම(ග සෝවාන් පෙලෙහි පිහිටියයි පතිපූජිකාව පවත් ජාන( නිවන් තැන් පුළුවුත්
සක් සඟළක් වුව මැනැව මෙලෙවුහි පිලියෙනුවෙස් කොට දෙ''යි කියටි බමුණු පළමු පුත්හට වු නොදැන **බාලො බො ත්ව •' යන ගා කී.
xity of the sentence and clausal structures of the prose, the complex syntactic i clauses, and the inflections of the words ed narrative prose tradition; and this style an exclusively Hela (native Sinhalese) original prose works composed before the of this, the earliest, narrative prose style
the 9th century are not extant at present, evidence existence of a rich literary tradition even before specially Kulasuriya, op. cit., pp. 37-43.

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SARATHCHANDRA
The rise of Sinhalese narrative prose t of two contemporaneous writers whose to the twelfth century, Gurulugomi and of Gurulugomi and the Butsaraza of V the short narrative fragment to full-leng exegesis and explication in the form of literary narration using long continuous series of well-formed sentences made t syntactic connectives). Their transitio: varieties of styles that they display; the back to the pre-tenth-century pure-Hela already quoted) but also passages in a look forward to the “mixed' style which classical Sinhalese narrative prose.
The Dharmapradipikâva and the Buts almost all the major styles and narrativ subsequent Sinhalese prose writers from eighteenth century. Here is found, for which a complete Jataka story is telesco descriptive detail and direct speech. T narrative are quoted below:
කුණාල ජාතකයෙහි : පදිංච පාණඩවයන් ඔව්හට **තාගෙය මට ප්‍රිය පුරුෂයෙක් නැති, ' ප්‍රක්ෂාලනය කෙරෙමි’’ යි බැණ පංචපාණඩව, පුරුෂයෙක් නැති, මාගෙ ජීවිතය තට පරිතාපදී දෙමි” යි තමාගේ අසද්ගුණ කියන රාජ කනාස
තෙමිය කුමාරවැ අත පව් පුරා කරන මුළුල්ලෙහි සිතියම ඇඳි රුවක් සෙ නිග්වල තන්හි තමන් නොගොළු නොබිහිරි බව හඟව සැඩු “බුදුන් සරණ යෙමි” යි බුත්සරණ යා
This synoptic technique of narratior especially in the Daham Sarana, the S Saddharmalankaraya. In these attempts : sentence may be seen the beginnings o almost every Sinhalese prose classic : t the narrative is a long, amorphous, nev the successive clauses are strung togeth The synoptic single-sentence narrative g well as in complexity, incorporating wi and conversation, strings of similes, bac on, ending up ultimately in the amorph
7. See below, p. 104, for an example of th

WICKRAMASURYA 90
y full literary status is marked by the works writings are by common consent dated Vidyachakravarti. The Dharmapradipikaya dyachakravarti mark the transition from th extended narrative, from glossarial phrases and isolated sentences to full paragraphs (each made up of an orderly cohere by the use of inter-sentential Lal character is marked also in the y contain not only passages that look style in diction, (similar to the passages highly Sanskritic style and those which was to become the staple of later
arana in fact provide the prototypes for e forms that were to be employed by
the twelfth century upto the end of the instance, the short narrative summary in ped into a single sentence, often containing Wo examples of this type of synoptic
විසින් අතaප්තව( කුබ්ජයා හා ගෙවෙමථුන කොට රාජ පුත්‍රයන්ගෙ ගල ලොහිතයෙන් තා පාද යනට ද වෙන වෙන **තා හා සම මට ප්‍රිය ක්තය(, මා පියරජුහු ඇවෑමෙන් තට රජය 0ව සෙයින් බඩුයෙහි ගුණ වණනුවනු වැනියහ”.
රාජාසයෙහි කලකිරී, සොළොස් හවුරුද්දක් වැ හෙවැ, වළහැ ලා පියන්නට ගෙන ගිය වා මහ බිනික්මන් කොට සියලු ලොවට වැ
ge.
n is found in many later prose works, a figa Saraņa, the Pijāvaliya, and the at relating a complete story in a single f the style characteristic of portions of he periodic' style where the staple of ter-ending multi-clausal sentence in which er with the aid of non-finite verb forms. 7
radually begins to grow in length as thin its bounds longer stretches of dialogue :kground detail and description, and so hous, monstrously-lengthy periods each
is style.

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91 CLASSICAL SINHALE
consisting of a bewildering succession non-finite verb forms and phrases such having come"). Each such non-finite The fact that the use of the extremely been considerably developed even durin prose is exemplified in the first senten in Dharmapradipikava (pp. 326–328), run of the story of the Taming of Angulin pages; again, Vidyāchakravarti narrates 1 Manduka in single complex-compound pages each; the author of the Daham Vidyachakravarti by including, in his o' four and a half printed octavo pages. the use of the extremely long periodic hardened into a literary convention; eve or medium-length sentence as the norr considered it mandatory to open their sentences in order to display their erud sentence was also employed to create a faith and grandeur.
Themes and Conventions of Classical Sinh.
The Great Tradition of Sinhalese extends from Gurulugomi's Amavatura (t ratanikaraya (1417 A.D.). This narrativ homogeneity both in subject matter and to the identity of purpose of the write cept of literature as religious indoctrinal will be shown later, was, however, seri the eighteenth centuries probably as a r the country, and the consequent withdra had thrived during the time of the anc
There was a partial revival of liter under the leadership of Walivita Sarana produced no works of narrative prose v classics of prose such as the Amavatura Panas Jātakaya, Pūjāvaliya, and Saddharm before the fifteenth century. Indeed, slavish imitation of the afore-mentio thero and his pupils show unmistakal imaginative power.
8. See, for instance, the Saddharmaratandiwaliya, Jditakaya, pp. 1 —3, Piijdiivaliya, ch. 3, pp. 25 second sentence of Saddharmalankaraya. pp. 1

E NARRATIVE PROSE
f clauses strung together by the use of
as 25 2SG3, a zag 8 (having said, erb form leaves the sentence open-ended.
long periodic sentence for narration had ; the earliest known phase of Sinhalese ce-paragraph of the story of King Kosala ling to two pages, and the first paragraph ala in Butsaraza of one and a half he Chaddanta Jataka and the story of sentences extending to two and a half Saraya outdoes both GurulugOmi and pening chapter, a single sentence covering By the end of the Polonnaruwa period, sentence for narrative appears to have n writers of later works using the short n of narrative style appear to have works with long, decorative Sanskritised ition and virtuosity. The long opening tone, atmosphere and mood of religious
lese Prose Narrative
narrative prose spanning three centuries welfth century A. D.) to the Saddharmafe prose tradition exhibits a surprising style, one which is primarily attributable rs, and their highly circumscribed conion. The continuity of this tradition, as ously disrupted between the fifteenth and esult of the unsettled political state of wal of royal patronage on which literature ient Sinhalese monarchs.
ary activity in the eighteenth century, nkara thero; this revivalist phase, however, which can stand comparison with the , Butsarana, Saddharmaratanavaliya, Pansiya talankaraya, all of which were composed
in their tendency to plagiarism and ned classics, the works of Saranakara ple signs of decadence and lack of
pp. 3-7, the first three paragraphs of Ummagga -40, Pansiya Panas Jātakaya, pp. 1-2, and the -2.

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SARATHCHANDRA
Perhaps the most striking feature o upto the end of the eighteenth century character in theme, intention and subje every Sinhalese prose work from the D. to the Upasakajanalankaraya (1801) was comprised some aspect of the life-story Pajavaliya), stories of the previous birth Jatakaya, Umandava), stories of the Bud ratanivaliya), chronicles connected with Daladáā Pūjāvaiya, Dhātuvayasaya), the Bõd other places of worship enshrining th Attanagalu Vamsaya). All these narrative manner as to inculcate in the reader a in the Buddha, his doctrine and his di
The composition of literary works been largely in the hands of religious di Little is known about Gurulugomi an scholarship displayed in the works of t probably lay devotees (upasakas) whose perhaps even surpassed that of many la Pajavaliya, Bodhivansaya, Saddharmalan Sangrahaya, Milinda Prasnaya and Sri Saa by bhikkhus 10A. It is not surprising, the with the sole aim of religious edificatio almost exclusively from the Buddhist P subjects (except where themes such as in the Pali sources) were inevitably ex classical Sinhalese narrative prose was and scope, and ran along the same un seven centuries of its development. The also naturally resulted in a uniformity below. w
Another important aspect of clas derivative character. Under the then-pr not expected to exercise their inventive of translation, adaptation, selection and
9. Rather, the 'listener', for all the classical
and listened to, rather than to be read, a
10. For example, of the prose works, Pujavali
karaya, the Dhdituwan saya, the Sinhala Bodhi the Milinda Pra çnaya, the Sarartha Sangrahaya Marenda Charitāvalokanapradipikāva, the last c lated or adapted by Buddhist bhikkhus. M. were also translated by bhikkhus.
10A. The earliest datable prose work, the Dampi
layman.

WICKRAMASURIYA 92
the Sinhalese narrative prose tradition
is its totally religious and didactic t matter. The subject matter of almost ampiya Attuva Gatapadaya (tenth century) some aspect of Buddhism. The narratives
of the Buddha (e.g., Amavatura, Butsarana, s of the Buddha (e. g., - Pansiya Panas lha's disciples (Saigasarana, Saddharmahe Buddha's sacred relics (Dalada Sirita, ni tree (Bodhivarsaya), or stūpas and e Buddha's relics (Thüpavamsaya, Elu s were, moreover, presented in such a
sense of edification, devotion and faith sciples. 9
in ancient Sri Lanka appears to have gnitaries, especially Buddhist bhikkhus. 10 d Vidyā chakravarti, but the doctrinal nese two writers suggests that they were
knowledge of the Buddhist doctrine ter bhikkhus. The Saddharmaratanā valiya, kāraya, Saddharmaratanākaraya, Sārārtha dharmavavada Sangrahaya were all written 'refore, that such works were composed in, and that the Subject matter was drawn 'ali canon. Hence, lay themes and sexual relationships were already included cluded from literary treatment. Thus circumscribed fairly strictly in theme diversified conventional groove for nearly : uniformity of theme and subject matter of style and technique, as will be shown
isical Sinhalese narrative prose is its evailing concept of literature, writers were
faculties; rather, it was their faculties organisation which were most often
Sinhalese prose works were meant to be recited s will be described later in this paper.
'a, the Saddharmaratandvaliya, the SaddharmaratniWansaya, the Nikiya Sangrahaya, the Kuweni Asná , the Sri Saddharmāvavãda Sangrahaya, and the pmposed as late as 1834) were composed, transany of the Jātakas in the Pansiya Panas Jātakaya
ya Atuva Gatapadaya, however, was authored by a

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93 CLASS CAL SINHALE
called into play. The sources of the the re-telling in translation of the sam and collections of stories by different a thus most often vary only in style and Pansiya Panas Jātakaya is a translation,11 ratanāwaliya,* Pūjāvaliya, 13 Saddharmālankä (though not translations of single Pãli translated from Pali sources.
Almost all the classical works of the authors themselves as compendiums of the Buddha, histories of the Sangha only concept of literature (at least in early beginnings of literary activity thro centuries of composition. The Nikaya S church in Sri Lanka, refers to the larg works as ‘Dharma Vyakhyana” (“compil meant not for an ordinary reading pub or devoted men.' Moreover, the author their compositions as compendiums of 1 tion among (and the consumption of), therefore, the functions of literature anc times were almost completely different this is a very important fact that has revaluation and re-assessment of classic;
The author of the Saddharmaratana declares that his composition is meant wisdom, possess the intention of doing by learning the doctrine and engaging i the Piajivaliya likewise describes his wor be read by pious persons familiar with with the express purpose of inspirin
11. Of the Pãli Jãitaka!!hakatha. 12. Velivitiye Sorata thero traces every story in
W. Sorata, 1948, p. 192. On Gurulugomi's op. cit, p. 139. 13. The sources of each respective chapter are
Butsarana, Ed. Labugama Lankananda thero, 169-70. 14. The Saddharmaratanavaliya comprises stories a
Kulasuriya, op. cit., pp. 74-75. 15. He takes all his subject matter from the
made use of some matter from Sanskrit so Colombo, 1955, p. 64). 16. The stories in the Saddharmalankaraya are ta
other now untraceable sources. 17. On the sources of the Saddharmaratanakaraya, 18. Saddhammaratanālvaliya, p. 2.

E NARRATIVE PROSE
uddhist stories being limited, we witness body of stories in different anthologies thor–compilers. The different versions
extent of descriptive detail. The entire while Amavatura, Butsarana, Saddharmaraya,16 and Saddharmaratnākaraya 17 are all works), collections of stories selected and
Sinhalese prose were conceived of by of Buddhist doctrine (including lives or stories of sacred relics); this was the prose) current in Sri Lanka from the ughout its existence for nearly eight angrahaya, a chronicle of the Buddhist ; body of Sinhalese and Pali literary tions or compendiums of the doctrine'). sic as we now know it but for “pious of these works themselves referred to eligion meant specifically for dissemina“virtuous or pious men.' Quite clearly, l, naturally, of the Writer, during classical from their functions at the present day; to be always borne in mind when a al Sinhalese prose literature is attempted.
aliya, Dharmasena thero, for instance, for “those who, although lacking in good, and achieving salvation (Nirvana) n meritorious actions.' The author of k as a “religious compilation' meant to the Sinhalese language, and written g religious faith and devotion which
Amivatura to its Pali source. See Amitatura, Ed. sources in the Amavatura, see also, Kulasuriya,
indicated at the beginning of each chapter in the pp. 25-32. See also, Kulasuriya, op. cit., pp.
dapted from the Pali Dhammapadathakatha. See
Pali suttas and their commentaries...(and also) urces.” (C. E. Godakumbura, Sinhalese Literature,
ken principally from the Pali Rasavahini and
| See Sannasgala, op. cit, p. 251.

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SARATHCHANDRA
will enable them to attain the three-folk and the Sarvajnagunalankarayal are referr “Religious Treatises” (Dharmavyakhyana), the Upasaka Janilankaraya and the Saddh characterised as “Religious Treatises' (I authors.
The titles of the prose works the character as compilations of the B of the prose classics are compounds p (i. e., “true doctrine') as in Dharmapradi kāraya, Saddharmaratanākaraya, Sri Saddharmá Sangrahaya.
The fact that classical Sinhalese lite which we are concerned) was meant to b preacher (a bhikkhu, or sometimes a lay to by a huge concourse of lay devotees hall) of a Buddhist vihara lent the class thematic and stylistic characteristics. Ex “audience', (as opposed to the moder distraction' are common in most classic: doubt about the fact that these works w. rather than for silent, private reading. for instance, wishes his work “to be list who have a deep faith in the Triple G numerous virtues of the Lord Buddha in liya; it should be listened to with rapt author of the Pujavaliya. The author ( contemporary literary works were compo consumption when he requests his audie without distraction, and with the ears b{ to a listening public or audience are foun Attanagalu Vamsaya,?6 and the Vimana V work was composed in the late eighteen
The incantatory rhythm characteristic the rhythmic balance and cadences of th period permitting incantatory recitation, til
19. Piujāvaliva, p. 12. 20. Saddharmālainkāraya, p. 32. 21. Sarvajnagunālankāraraya, p. 9. 22. Daham Sarana, p. 92. 23. Pūjāvaliya, p. 15. 24. Thūpavamsaya, p. 1. 25. Pansiya Panas Jātakaya, p. 1. 26. Elu Attanagalu Vansaya, p. 2. 27. Vimäna Vastu Prakaranaya, p. 4.

WICKRAMASURIYA 94
bliss.”19 The Saddharmålankā raya 20 d to by their resp2ctive authors as while the Sri Saddharmavavāda Sangrahaya,
irmaratandikaraya are in the same manner harmavyakhyana) by their respective
hselves are a further index to their uddhist doctrine; most of the titles refixed by the morphemes sad-dharma, ikava, Saddharmaratanāwaliya, Saddharmālanvavāda Sangrahaya, and Saddharma Sārārtha
rature (at least the prose literature, with e read out aloud by a single reciter or
devotee, an upasaka) and to be listened gathered in the banama duva (preachingical literature most of its significant hortations to the listening public or h reading public) to “listen without all works of Sinhalese prose, leaving no ere meant for collective aural comprehension
The author of the Daham Sarana, 'ened to with veneration by virtuous men em.’22 66We intend to describe the a religious treatise entitled the Pujavaattention by the virtuous,' states the of the Thūpavanı saya, too, indicates that sed for oral recitation and collective nce to listen to his work “with attention, 2nt in my direction.'?' Similar references di in the Pansiya Panas Jātaka a,?5 Elu astu Prakaramaya? (the last mentioned th century).
of the bulk of classical Sinhalese prose, Le sentences, the use of the well-balanced he emphasis on alliteration and assonance

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95 CLASSICAL SINHALES
and, finally, the development of a “rh style or “prose having the fragrance of the partiality towards the use of bomba and compounds--all these features of c to the fact that these works were mean be read with the eye.
Two of the important factors which of Sinhalese narrative prose were the B sexual relationships, and (2) towards thi fiction. The typical majority attitude tow tatively and categorically in Gurulugõm referred to as “bonds that bind man t purgatory and away from ultimate salva (bonds or shackles' that bind the male; their five-fold weapons of beauty', etc.; v “deadly intoxicants, “two-tongued serpen with an exhortation to the male never with the female sex, who should be “s Finally, the beauteous form of the fem human excreta, personified and walking o දෙපයින් ඇවිදුනා අශුචි රාශියෙක( යි”)?1 an and again by later writers with additior
1t should be noted, however, that narrative prose adopted at all times an of disapproval towards the female sex women were sometimes eulogised as in and in the collection of Buddhist legenc kathi. The latter collection was incorpo
minor modifications and additions, as instances in classical Sinhalese literatur
tion for their upright moral qualities a benefactor, Visakha; and the incident
Buddha bewailing the fact that his que daughter, is consoled by the Buddha w O King, may prove even nobler than :
In spite of such attitudes of disapp Sinhalese authors were not averse to th matters; indeed, the Pansiya Panas Jāta the theme of sexual relationships, some
28. Dharmapradipikdva, p. 169.
29. Ibid., p. 170-71.
30. Ibid., p. 178.
31. Ibid., p. 182. See also Dahan Sarana, pp. Pansiya Panas Jatakaya, pp. 452, 1287.
3A.. I am indebted to Prof. A. S. Kulasuriya f

E NARRATIVE PROSE
ythmic prose' (called the Vritagandhi metre” when taken to its extreme), and stic and high-sounding Sanskritic words lassical Sinhalese prose style are traceable : to be heard with the ear and not to
influenced the course of development uddhist attitudes (1) towards women and : creation and the reading of works of ards the female sex was stated authori's Dharmapradipikava where women are o earthly life, dragging him down to tion.'28 Not only do women act as the . they also “lead men to death, using vomen are described variously as “thieves' Es' and “mirages'.29 Gurulugomi concludes to trust nor to , have any relationship purned like deadly gall or boiling oil.'80 ale is likened to a veritable “mass of n two legs,” (**හො ස්තී රූපයෙක් නොවෙයි, image that was to be employed again Lal embellishments.
not all writers of classical Sinhalese
exclusive and uncompromising attitude ... The morally edifying qualities of some of the stories in the Jataka Book ls known in Pali as the Dhammapadatharated into Sinhalese literature, with some
the Saddharmaratanavaliya. Two other where women are treated with approba
e: the story of the Buddha's chief female where King Pasenadi who came to the en Kosala-Mallika had given birth to a ith the rejoinder, “A female offspring,
male.’31A
roval towards women, bewever, classical le recitation of tales dealing with sexual aya contains several stories dealing with
even clearly bordering on the obscene
237-38, Saddharmarata nāvaliya, pp. 231-33, and
or the references in this paragraph.

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SARATHCHANDRA
(e.g., the Nalini Jatakaya). But all si as to deprecate such relationships, not the weaknesses and frailty of character rity of the single, secluded monastic 1 “mirage' of wedded bliss. The authors contracted outside wedlock (and especia story of Patachara. This traditional att was an important contributory factor fo based om personal relationships (espec. One of the chief characteristics of mod lese narrative prose was the establish liberal, enlightened attitude of the 66v permitting the creation of fiction based modern attitude towards the female Piyadasa Sirisena, M. C. F. Perera, and whose Meena (1905) and Ape Agama (191 the emancipation of women.
The other important factor that
healthy secular prose literature during
attitude towards fiction and drama. Th bits to Buddhist bhikkhus the learning a such as poetry and drama” (“zoad porary attitude towards imaginative pro recitation of Buddhist stories), too, was by the references which follow. Gurulu lese narrative prose, refers to current Sa the Rāmāyana as “useless forms of stor acba o6)”),” the author of the Sa onslaught upon the Sanskrit epics on t rian value” and exhorts the pious to es stories’ 34; the Bodhivansaya condemns “s royalty which are an obstacle to the att The great Sanskrit epics, the Mahabhir been selected for specific condemnation ting that these epics were perhaps popu from very early times. Without dou non-utilitarian' works of fiction hind non-religious imaginative fiction in Sil this attitude persisted until the begin Sinhalese pundits were quick to take
32. The Dambadeni Katikivata was a code of d
governing the behaviour of Buddhist bhik 33. Amãnatura, p. 29. 34. Saddharmaratanāwaliya, pp. 589-90. 35. Bódhivamsaya, p. 103.

WICKRAMASURIYA 96
ch tales are presented in such a manner to glorify or to exalt them, to emphasise of womenfolk, and to extol the Superio - ife of the recluse, as opposed to the are particularly harsh on sexual liaisons lly inter-caste relationships), as in the itude of the early Sinhalese prose writers r the slow development of a lay literature ally sexual relationships) in Sinhalese. ern (i.e. post-nineteenth century) Sinha– ment of a secular literature showing a testern' type towards the female sex, on normal sexual relationships. The is especially marked in the novels of above all of Alutgamage Simon de Silva 0) read un part like impassioned pleas for
tended to restrict the development of a the classical period was the Buddhist e Dañbadeni Katikavata 32 explicitly prohind the teaching of “ the debased sciences is 25)oozso3 co852) &rsa'); the comtemse fiction (in contradistinction to the
not far different, as will be made clear gomi, the first important writer of Sinhainskrit epics such as the Mahabharata and y telling” (.** හාරත රාමායණාදි නිරර්ථක dilharmaratanivaliya, launches a violent he ground that they are of “no utilitachew such writings in favour of religious stories such as those dealing with the ainment of heavenly bliss and Wirvant.' 35 ata and the Ramayaraa appear to have from the earliest times, therefore, indicalar among learned circles in Sri Lanka bt, this condemnatory attitude towards ered the development of the writing of nhalese throughout the centuries; indeed, ning of the twentieth century, for the
up cudgels against the late nineteenth
liscipline or compendium of the rules of conduct hus.

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century translations of the Ramayana ar 1890s on the ground that they were no from its inception, Sinhalese narrative religious) objective in view—— viz., to ] following the Buddha's doctrine. The g religious or devotional literature; writers invent stories expressive of their indivi. even to relate stories purely for their and a moralistic attitude remained the narrative throughout its existence and d its raison d’ etre; moreover, this moral assiduously as possible, sometimes ad ni story or at its end, or both. The autho prefaces each story with the moral it is Mahakappina will be related in order brings prosperity to human beings.'37 N mouth of the principal character, who or the Bodhisatva (as in the Pansiya Pa haramalankaraya even obtrudes in his ov listeners after his chief character (the moral of the story,38
The Styles and Narrative Techniques of C
Under the circumstances outlined a narrative prose was largely restricted to aspects of narrative technique. In diction Sinhalese narrative prose indicates that style to a highly Sanskritic style betwee back to an intermediate, “mixed' or syr this last mixed style being the diction wh proportion of the classical prose works. the chief medium of narrative prose relatively minor modifications. The two and the Sanskritic style-were not enti continued to be used (though sporadical of variety or with the intention of disp
(a) The Pure Sinhala (Hela) Style
The earliest extant portions of Sinh Dhampiyā Atuvā Gatapada ya and Jātaka characterised by a diction in which the
36. For details regarding the deprecatory attitu the translations of the Ramayana and the . Sarathchandra Wickramasuriya, Sinhala Naval 1970, pp. 123—25.
37. Daham Sarana, p. 203.
38. Saddharmālankāraya, pp. 146-47.

E NARRATIVE PROSE
d the Arabian Nights36 in the 1880s and n-utilitarian and irreligious. Thus, almost orose was composed with a single (i.e., help the devotee to attain Nirvana by reater part of classical prose was thus a
were not expected (nor encouraged) to iual, idiosyncratic attitudes to life, nor
entertainment value. A religious theme sine qua non of classical Sinhalese prose evelopment. The moral of the story was was driven home as frequently and as auseam, often at the beginning of the pr of the Dahan Sarana, for example,
intended to convey: “The story of King to demonstrate how religious doctrine More often, the moral is put into the in most cases happens to be the Buddha nas Jātakaya); the author of the Saddvin person to address and to exhort his Buddha) had already pointed out the
Iassical Sinhalese Prose Narrative
bove, development in classical Sinhalese diction, style, and certain other limited l, a survey of the entire body of classical writers moved from the pure Elu (Hela) in the ninth and twelfth centuries, and, thetic style by the thirteenth century, ich became the staple of an overwhelming Indeed, this mixed style has remained up to the present day, with certain other styles mentioned—the Hela style rely superseded, however, for they too tly) in almost every work, for purposes layiug the writers' stylistic virtuosity.
halese narrative prose (e.g. those from Atuya Gatapadaya already quoted) are re is a preponderance of Hela (native des adopted by Sinhalese literary men towards
Arabian Nights during the late 19th century, see cathävata Maga Pádima, Sarasavi Printers, Kandy,

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SARATHCHANDRA
Sinhalese) words as compared to the n words in their original form). Sinhalese end of the eighteenth century (indeed, day) has been characterised by the use o prose, too, appears to have shared twelfth century, as an analysis of the prose style of such non-literary writi Vinusa and the contemporary inscriptions
The narrative portions of Gurulugo examples of extended prose narrative in two (or perhaps all three) types of dic century. The first of these, the Hela si rapidly falling into disuse (being retain poetry principally). The longest (and ol narrative in the Hela style now ext Dharmapradipikava. The following is a
එකල්හි වනවන් යුවරජ මලු සුඹුලුව දැක වසත් නල පහස් ලද නහඹ ගද ගජක්හු සෙ හර් උඩු ගඟට යන සෙ කොමළ සුරත් පලු දෙසේ වීද කෙළනා වෙහෙල් මියුලඟන නහමමින්, කෙකා රැවින් ගගා නටන මත් මොනරගණ ලියලා.හැබට වදිමින් විසිතුරු කෙසුරුමල් දෙ මඩිමින්, හාවභාවයෙන් ලලිත වරඟනන් බඳු ලෙළවු සල්සළල මල්රොන් මුඩු දිවගඳබර ( බමරක(ල අලළමින් බැසැ තුනුවඟ ළඟවැ රජකුමරිය අඹ රුක්හි හිඳ( මියුරු සරයෙන් ගැබහි විදුලි යහවියෙන් සුනිල්දල ගැබ්හි දිස්
එව්හු සුනිල් යුවල නුවන් බිඟුහු ඇය වු මී බොත්. එකල්හි සුළු කළිඟු කුමර **මෙගා ද හො?” යන සිතින් ‘සොඳුර, තො කවරහි ?” බඳු සිනිඳු මියුරු තෙපුලෙන් **මිනිසක් මු හිමි අඹුන් මිනිසක බැවින් ගසින් බස' වි.
මෙසෙ නොයෙක් සෙ බැණ ගසින් බහ සඳින් සොමි ගෙනහැ රන් ගලින් පහන් පැහ ගෙනැ තුන් රත් පියුමක් ඇරැ එයින් එකක් ත දෙකක් ගෙනහැ ළහොපල්ලෙහි මෙළොකක් හෝ හන0 වනා බමරබර පුල් ලෙළ ලියෙක්හි එව
The most striking stylistic characte vocabulary consisting almost exclusively first paragraph, of the long periodic se:
39. Dharmapradipikāva, pp. 351-59. 40. Ibid., pp. 354-55.

WICKRAMASURYA 98
umber of Sankrit tatsama words (i.e., loan
poetry from its known beginnings to the one may justifiably assert, to the present f an exclusive Hela vocabulary. Sinhalese this feature of diction up to about the extracts referred to above, and of the ngs like the Sikhayalla ñaa, Sikhavalla ñida
indicate.
mi's Dharmapradipikava (the earliest extant the language) indicate the currency of tion mentioned earlier around the twelfth yle, appears to have been, nevertheless, 2d thereafter only in the composition of he of the earliest) pieces of sustained ant is the story of Sulukalifigu in the representative extract from the story:40
** මෙ නවයෝනෙහි සිටි ළදරීයක අත්තමg”යි iෂයෙන් උත්කර්ෂ වැ **ගොස් බැලුව මැනැවැ” යි ලහි දිව් ලලාපියන් පියන්ගෙ පියබඳහි ඉසුරු ලෙළ ලියගළහොය ළහි මොනර කිළින් මැද ණයා බලමින් බමර ගිගුමෙන් ගුම්ගත් සුපුල් ලෙන් ගැවැසිගත් සුදු සිනිදු මෙළෙක් වැලිපිටු
නිලුපුල් රුක්හි සුපුල්මල් නහමමින්, සඳුන්පලු මඳහාරාරජ ඉදුහු දිවකිනුරු වෙණ රැව් බඳු සහඟුම් යහදෙන හිමව්පවන් පහස්ලtබෙමින් ගොස් කියන ගී අසා රුක්මුලට එළඹ( නිල්වලා නා දැරිය දැකu ලෙසමුදෙහෙන් උදම්වී.
වන් පියුම් දැකගැ ඇසිපිය පියා පහරා යහදසුන් දෙව් අසරක හෝ නා කිනුරු ගදඹ සිදඹුවක ' යි පිළිවිත්. එසඳ රජ කුමරි බමර පිය රැව් }” යු. එ අසා යුවරජ **සපු පැහැසිවිය, තී
හා නොගත හී **කියග සොඳුර මහබඹ තෙමෙහෙ '( උකහා ගෙනැ වනවිලින් මත්හස් යුවළක්
•බා දෙකක් හිරාගෙන සිනිඳු සුනිල් මහණනල්මල් "ගනැ ළහොල්මලැල්ලෙහි සිහිලස් ගෙනහැ සැහැසී තී මවමින් ළය කිසෙ ගල කෙළෙ හො?” යි කී.
ristics of this passage are: its use of a of Hela words; the use, especially in the ntence as the backbone of the narrative;

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the use of contemporary poetic (esp metaphor and imagery and sound-effect the persistent rhythmic cadence of the tions. The overwhelming proportion of either native Hela words or fully in Sanskrit words. In the whole passage t their original form; of these, two used with the deliberate intention of pr poetical' vocabulary, as well as the ty strongly reminiscent of the Sanskrit a such as the Kavsillumina. The conventio සුනිල් යුවල නුවන් බිඟුහු ඇය වුවන් පියුම් and බමර පිය රැව් බඳු සිනිඳු මියුරු තෙ imagery embodied in the last paragraph one is rhythmic prose, akin to a kind rhyming rhythmic units or lines', th however not remaining constant; or it ma rhyme, the rhyming series of verb for stoosa. ace&25, Guo 6525, setting of being enhanced by other rhyming words words වනවන්, හර්ෂයෙන්, පියන් පියන්,කිළින් වරඟනන්, සඳුන් රොන්, සහගුම්.The passage and alliteration (e.g., Sass 8ccasioes, 8 ගිගුමෙන් ගුම් ගත්, සඳුන් පලලෙළ වූ සල්ස ඉදුහු දිව කිඳුරු වෙණ රැව් බඳුසහඟුම් බෂි බමර බර පුල් ලෙළ ලියෙක්හි.
Also notable is the exploitation of the mbl, to convey the impression of the h the whole passage of description. Th sophisticated poetic conceit of Brahma's ticated use of metaphor and simile all contemporary Sanskrit and Sinhalese po deliberate attempt at the writing of pot Sinhalese prose narrative, one which wa ever surpassed. Only a few passages in
Butsarana may be said to have come
sustained effort in Sulukali figudavata
t
41. Cf. Välivitiye Sorata. Thero's comparison
its parallel in Kavsilumina, and Medauyang from the story of Sulukalinu and a soloka the respective editions of the Dharmapradipi
42. Cf. the passage which begins “esses at to
in the Butsarana, pp. 17, 18.

ESE NARRATVE PROSE
ecially conventional Sanskritic) - simile, such as alliteration and assonance; and prose, especially in the descriptive porhe vocabulary employed here comprises aturalised Hela derivatives of Pali and tere are only three Sanskrit words in ( sode 2.22 cats&e ot) are probably oducing an alliterative sound effect. This pically poetic' sentiments expressed, are nd Sinhalese Mahakavyas (epic poems) nal imagery of the mahakaya appears in දැකැ ඇසිපිය පියා පහරා යහදසුන් මී බොත් 3aces and above all in the extended 4. The descriptive portion of paragraph of vers libre, and may be separated into e number of matris (feet) of each line y be described as prose having internal ms නහමමින්, බලමින්, වදිමින්, මඩිමින්, f the individual units, the musical effect ending with nasal consonants as in the , රැවින්, ගිඟුමෙන්, මල්දෙලෙන්, හාවභාවයෙන්, : is also marked by the use of assonance |ය බඳ හි, ලෙළ ලිය ගළ හොයළහි, බමර ලළමල් රොන් මුඩු, දිව ගඳබර මඳහාරා රජ }ර කැල අලලමින් බැසt තුනුවඟ ළඟ වැ•
*half-nasal* phonemes / fig, fid, fid and umming of bees, an effect which suffuses e highly elaborate development of the
creation of the heroine and the sophisindicate the influence of earlier and etics. This is a highly sophisticated and tic prose, a veritable tour de force in is sometimes imitated later, but hardly Vidyachakravarti's contemporaneous work close to the virtuosity of Gurulugomi's
(the Story of King Sulu Kalingu).
of a phrase in the story of Sulukalingu and oda Vimalakitti thero's comparison of a passage from Kalidasa's Subhishita Ratna Bhāndāgāraya in kāva.
32232 9zsaši zoce 8666o" (Chaddanta Jätakaya)

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SARATHCHANDRA
(b) The Sanskritic Style.
The pure Hela style described abov and Butsaruņa among the more importa looks back to an earlier period of th Gurulugomi and Vidyachakravarti go t portions descriptive of the bodily featu the word stock utilised is almost exclu derance of Sanskrit words in their 6trav Sanskritic compounds. With this highly multi-clausal sentence structure contain forms. A typical example of the highly
එකල්හි බුදුහු සම්ප්‍රාප්ත පම්දට අනුරූප ප්‍රාතිහ බුද්ධාසනයෙහි වැඩ හිඳ අෂ්ටාඨාංග සමුපෙත න අර්ථවාපඤජනසම්පන්නවූ විවිධ ප්‍රාතිහාසයුක් සර්වසත්වයන් විසින් ස්වභාෂානුරූප කොට( ල කොට අනෙක දිවාස මනුෂාපයන් මාගීථලයට ප
Here, almost all the words, except the verb forms like Scope3, ad Geɔ and sçisi au form. This style while being bomba of the frequent recurrence of the at impressive and convey an impression of however, it is pretentious, artificial and of a simple story. The more talented sensed this, for the latter used this actions or utterances of the Buddha, ex his (the writer's) feelings of adoration as which he thought befitted narrative involvi deployment of a “grand' style, reminiscent
Long, sustained passages in this “g in Gurulugomi; in lesser and later writ increasingly (and often indiscriminately) verbosity and concatenations of exotic c
(c) The ‘Mixed Style
The greater part of the writings of as of all the major classical writers wh in the Hela style nor in the Sanskriti form. Gurulugomi, in narrative portions story of Mahale Viduriridunavo) evolves terised by a mixed vocabulary in which is words (in their unassimilated or raw fo
43. For a discussion of "Function words', see
1952, pp. 87-109.

WICKRAMASURIYA 100
e is limited to parts of Dharmapradipikava ht Sinhalese prose classics, and it probably
language. On the other hand, both the opposite extreme (especially in es or the actions of the Buddha); here, ively Sanskritic, consisting of a preponr' or original form together with long Sanskritic vocabulary goes the over-long, ing a large number of non-finite verb
Sanskritic style follows:
}බායයීයෙන් ගොස් ධම් සහායෙහි ප්‍රඥප්ත වර ගානානයතිපිණ වූ අනෙකාධාසාශය සමුත්ථාන වූ ත වූ ධර්මාර්ථ දෙශනා පුතිවෙඩ ගම්හීර වූ ක්ෂණිය ස්වභාව ඇති වචනයෙන් ධමීදෙශනා මුණුවා කල් බලා සමු දෙත්.
Dharmapradipikava, p. 59.
function' words 43 like 5325 by and e Sanskrit words in their unmodified stic and high-sounding may, because spirated consonants of Sanskrit, sound
elegance, polish, erudition and dignity; extremely inappropriate for the narration writers like Gurulugomi appear to have style only in portions referring to the pressly with the purpose of conveying nd the impression of grandeur and faith ng the Buddha, which in turn justified the of Milton's English prose (and verse) style.
grand', highly Sanskritic style are rare ers, however, the Sanskritic style was used, and often degenerated into mere ‘onsonantal sounds.
both Gurulugomi and Vidyachakravarti, o succeeded them, are composed neither style in their developed or extreme such as the one reproduced below (the an intermediate or mixed style, characs found a generous admixture of Sanskrit rm), on a foundation of native Sinhalese
C. C. Fries, The Structure of English, New York,

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101 CLASSICAL, SINHALES
words. This style is free from extrem Sanskritic in character). The style is “m in respect of the sentence structures em. sentences, occasionally interspersed with extensive length, the final result being a
which precludes both the monotonous rh 'poetic' cadences of movement of style (
මෙරට මහබෝ පිහිටි හවුරුදු සීයක් ඉකු කෙනෙක් වූහු, ඔහු මහෙබn වැඳ දා වඳනට ස්ත්‍රී පුරුෂ කෙනෙකුන් මෙවුන් සෙවුනා දැන් ඔවුන් කෙරෙහි කළ අපුසාදයෙන් අපායභාග් යි ඇස් පුරා වැලි එවගෙන මිරිකා දෙඇස් නද ගෙන ගියහ. ඔවුන්ගෙ ගaහ • යහි අධිෂ්ඨිත රා දැක .**ඔවුන් කළ කම් උන්ට යැ, තොප මෙ කීව(හු කවරහ?” යි කීහ. ‘මම්මැ දත්මි” යි කීහ බව් දැන “යා මෙහි නොවසා” යි දැහැවියහ. පහළ කළ මැනැවැ” යි පැන අඹ මළුවේයහි සී එසඳ සියලු ලක්දිව් තෙලෙහි නයින් හා දෙවි
Here we find Gurulugomi attempting a and moving towards (c), the mixed synthe effective, and flexible prose, ideal for r The sentences in the above passage are The short sentence structures create a si paragraph is unified by the skilful use ඔවුන්, එතැන සිට, හෙ, එසඳ) which syntactically into a paragraphic unit, an stages of the story. The incorporation of skill on the part of the writer : Gurulu tional technique of incorporating the dial instead, he attempts to separate the u the other (s), thus giving greater weight eschewal of deliberate poetic embellishm directness of the prose mark this style than both styles (a) and (b).
The subsequent history of Sinhalese century upto the end of the eighteenth vicissitudes, refinements, degeneration a described—i.e., the pure Hela, the Sanskı itself really being an intermediate one qualities of the first two.
44. Cf. e. g., Martin Wickramasinghe, Landmar
revised edition, 1963), p. 56.

E NARRATIVE PROSE
ely long compounds (whether Elu or ixed' not only in vocabulary, but also ployed; there are short mono-clausal
longer multi-clausal sentences of fairly pleasing variety in sentence structures ythm of style (b) as well as the artificial
a) :
|ත් කල්හි ලක්දිව මහලෙ විදුරිඳුනාවෙයා නම් තුඹරුප් යන්නාහු උයන්වල( සිවුරු පෙරෙවි ක **අප කුල දෙවියන්ගෙ වරදක් දුටුම්භ, වම්හ, හෙ අප ඇස් ඇත්තෙන් කෙරුණෙය('' සාපීහ. පරිජනයෙන්් අවුදු වැලැප වැහැස ගෙට ක්ෂසයෙක් ඔවුන් දු:ඛ වේදනාදෙයන් අභිභූතයෙ දුක් වැදගත් සෙ කුමටය(?” යි කීය. 'එ තට . එතැන සිට තමන්ගෙ ගෙහි වසන රාක්ෂසයඹා හෙ **මෙ මහා පුරුෂය)ගෙ ගුණ තුන් ලෙව්හි සිට තුන් යලක් කාලොද්සෙ0ෂණය කෙළෙ. යො අවුදු රැස්වූහ.
Dharmapradipikāva, pp. 418—19.
synthesis of the two styles (a) and) (b), tic' style which produced an all-purpose, apid narrative of incident and episode. 4 tightly-wrought and variegated in rhythm. ense of rapid movement, while the entire of pronominal connectives (@, Pazif, bind the separate short sentences d also help to underline the successive the interchanges, too, exhibits reasonable gomi does not here follow the tradiogue in a long synoptic periodic sentence; tterance of each speaker from that of and emphasis to each utterance. The ent and the Simplicity, naturalness, and as being less self-conscious and artificial
narrative prose style from the twelfth is in fact a record of the development, nd mixtures of the three styles already ritic, and the Mixed, the third style in possessing and combining the better
is of Sinhalese Literature, Colombo, 1948 (Second

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SARATHCHANDRA
The earliest work of extended narrat provided the prototype with regard to n by later writers. In structure, it initiate of separate stories all illustrating a sing theme the Pali phrase purisa danna sar of the Buddha; all the stories in the , Buddha. The same structure was follow Pijavaliya, and the Sairartha Sangrahaya, structural principles. In style, too, the marks the (now extant) beginnings of th Mixed or synthetic, with a mixed Elu-S variety of sentence structures long and of the long Sanskritic-type compounds char nor is any deliberate attempt made to alliteration and rhyming), or to establisl Yet, the style carries with it a characte balancing and variation of lengths of cla of short sentences with those of mediun still very close to the pure Hela style, ic element. In subsequent works, however style moved closer to the middle of the Hela and the pure Sanskritic styles. It w that all the most important Sinhalese Daham Sarana, the Saddhammaratanavaliya, the Saddharmaratnakaraya) were compose a variety of aspects depending on the lear powers of the individual writers, and a simplicity as time went on.
Working within the limitations and described earlier, however, the classical play a fairly wide variety of styles and Gurulugomi, with which Sinhalese literary written in a variation of the pure Hela rence lies in the absence of the literary c patterning that characterised the style oftl and straight-forward style, ideal for plain. completely bare of literary embellishme temporary and author of Butsaraza, on t more verbose, containing a larger proport amount of poetic' embellishment such
45. As indicated earlier, relatively short narrati in Gurulugomi's own Dharmapradipikaua, and works.
46. The prose of the exegetical works has heel
intention.

WICKRAMASURIYA 102
ion in prose, Gurulugomi's Amavatura, arrative structure that was to be followed d the tradition of compiling collections le theme. Gurulugomi selected as his athi describing one of the great qualities Amavatura illustrate this quality of the cd by the author of the Bustaraza, the each of which is organised on identical Amavatura provided a prototype, for it Le transition from the Hela style to the anskritic vocabulary, as well as a liberal short. The style is marked by the absence acteristic of the style of Sulukuligudavata; exploit sound effects (like assonance, h poetic cadences and rhythmic patterns. ristic prose rhythm, achieved through the uses, phrases and the skilful intermixture n length. However, the synthesization is with a very slight mix of the Sanskrit, the transition was completed, and the continuum or “cline' between the pure as in this later-perfected “mixed' style prose classics (like the Butsaraza, the the Pūjāvaliya, the Pansiya Panas Jatakaya, :d. Of course, this mixed style took on ning, virtuosity, interests, and imaginative pproached closer and closer to greater
conventions of theme and subject matter writers of Sinhalese narrative prose dis
narrative techniques. The Amavatura of
prose is considered to have begun, 46 is style already described; the main diffebrnamentation and the conscious rhythmic ne Sulukaliîigudāvata. It is a terse, vigorous , simple, rapid-moving narration, almost nt. Vidyachakravarti, GurulugOmi's conhe other hand, employs a style which is ion of emotive words and a considerable
as simile, metaphor, imagery, and an
ve pieces are found in earlier works, especially even in some of the exegetical and commentarial
n excluded as being primarily non-literary in

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103 CLASSICAL SINHALES
incantatory rhythm. Of the two styles, th for plain narration and summarisation, appropriate for the expression of emoti creation of a particular atmosphere or listening public (audience), there is littli been much more popular and effective features of a successful and effective pulpit heightening. Thus while Gurulugômi br narrative prose to maturity and perfecti the other, equally important, aspect of moving scene or incident, and the reci atmosphere through the use of emotionally had to be developed for the creation o while “pure narrative. . . .is the backbor or dramatisation of events is a conditic aspire, 48 and is a sine qua non of nov aspect to be despised, for “the writing is not so easy as it seems; because, all events that are going to happen in our the events themselves but the pace at the story.” 49 Gurulugomi is at his best background of a story, or in introducin quick strokes of the brush:
අතීතයෙහි බරණැස් නුවරැ සතළිස් ’ නොකළ එකම දුවක් වුව, යහපත, පැහැපත, රූපත. මේ වන බැවින් බොහෝ දෙනා විසින් පතන ල
· දැක ඔහුගේ ජන්මයෙහි හෝ අත් පා ආදියැ හේ ඔහු නෙරපියව’ යි නෙරපියවා **මෙසේ වූව දිය ගෙන්වාගෙණ ඇස් දොවී. එයින් හෝ දි
The characteristic brevity of Gurulugom three words in place of three complete syntactic device also lends a distinctive The style is e.tremely economical and descriptive detail, and conveying swiftly to follow the story with intelligence an here. Unfortunately, however, Gurulugo tight-fisted with words, details and emc significance in his narrative, such as th Buddha and the fierce, drunken elephal his murderous stampede towards the Bl
47. A. King and M. Ketley. The Control of La 48. Robert Liddell, Some Principles of Fiction, L. 49. King and Ketley, op. cit., p. 178.

SE NARRATIVE PROSE
at used by Gurulugoimi is more suitable while that of Vidyachakravati is more onal feeling, vivid description, and the mood; from the point of view of a e doubt that the latter style would have than the former, for it possessed two prose: rhythmical patterning and emotional ought the pure narrational aspect of on, Vidyachakravarti sought to develod narrative prose-the dramatisation of a eation of heightened emotion, mood or -charged words. Both aspects, of course, f a successful narrative prose style, for le of all kinds of narrative,'' 47 'scene' on to which narrative seems always to elistic art. Nor is the “pure narrative' of such pure narrative of external events though we may know, in a sense, all the story right up to the end, it is not only which they move that will make or mar when making a quick sketch of the g a character economically, with a few
2ක් ධන ඇති සිටක්හුගේ දිට්ඨමඩ්ගලිකා නම් හා රූප සම්පත්තීන් කුල සම්පත්තීන් සම්පන්න දු, යමෙක් යමෙක් ඇය කැමති වේද, ඕ ඔහු හෝ දොස් දක්වා **උහු කෙරෙහි කවුරු වෙසෙති? ක්හු දිටිමි. දිය ගෙදෙණව ඇස් දෝනටය' යි ;ට්ඨමඩ්ගලිකා නම් වුව.
Amāvatura, pp. 40-41.
i’s style is indicated by his use of just sentences: (cococz). e. 3)vez). ótesz). ); this
individual stylistic touch to the passage. terse, containing very little decorative or
the information essential for the reader ld eagerness, and thus quite functional mi is equally laconic and reticent, too tions when presenting a scene of crucial hc dramatic confrontation between Lord nt, Nalagiri. This is how the elephant in uddha is described:
'nguage, Bombay, 1939, p. 181. ondon, 1953, p. 55.

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SARATHCHANDRA
ඇතුද්, බුදුන් එන්නන් දැක(, මිනිසුන් උදී කෙරෙමින්, සොඬ ඔසවාගෙණ කන්වැල් හුව
The extremely general, non-particula description is presented, makes the desc even anti-climactic, whereas this confro is the dramatic climax towards which t In complete contrast is the manner in incident, perhaps going to the other ext , latter author is not satisfied with summ in all its fearful detail with all the command-simile, metaphor, imagery, rh passage parallel to that from the Amaya Vidyachakravarti's Butsarana:
එකෙණෙහි මුහුදු දියකඳ දවාගෙනහැ වඩබ සෙ රළුවූ මතගැත් තෙමෙ සොඬ හකුළුවාගෙන සෙ අනුරාව දෙවමින්, ගිගිරු හඩින් මුළු නුව පය ඇදලු කෙරෙණහිමැ මකුළු හුයක් කඩන්න නෙළුඹු දැලියක් උපුරන්නාසෙ බ‍ැඳලු තඹය ඇත්හල පැහැරැ ධූලි කෙරෙමින්, බිඳපු තඹය සේයට ඇනලූ ඇන්ටෙමන් මහ පොළොව දැදුර නිය අක් පහරීන් මහ පොළොව කැණ(, එපද පලාපු මිනී දළගෙහි අවුණාගණිමින්, ලෙහෙමේ දෙදළින් ගොන් මීචුන් ලුහුබදවාගෙන ඇන් ගිය දළින් බැළුබැළුවන් ඇස් පියවමින්, මේ ගුගුරමින්, දොරටු අටලු-පවුරු-පදනම් ඇණහැ { δις ώΘοδωι.
Vidyāchakravarti dramatises fully the narrative; for this, he uses the resources extent than Gurulugomi did when facing words used here are functionally express being harnessed appropriately to recreate is full of heavy, fearful sounds expressi all around the Buddha by the wrathful rhythmic, fast-and-Smooth-flowing multithe breathless, exciting pace at whi Unfortunately, however, Vidyāchakravarti dramatic element to a narrative, of ri not developed much further by his succ the Sanskritic Words, and sound-effects regard for propriety.
Dharmasena thero, the author of th art of narrative prose further, by using characterised by the use of homely, day

WICKIRAMASURI(YA 104
ත්ත්‍රාස කරවමින් ගෙ විදහමින්, ගැල් සුන් සුන් àගෙණ, පවීතයක් සෙයින් බුදුන් කරා දිවී.
Amāvatura, p. 140
rised and synoptic manner in which the ription quite lifeless and undramatic, tation between Nalagiri and the Buddha he entire narrative has been building up. which Vidyachakravarti presents the same reme in over-dramatising the scene. The arising the event, but in re-creating it literary and rhetorical power at his ythm and appropriate sound effects. The tura quoted earlier runs as follows in
මා මුඛයෙන් පිටත්වැ ගිය අවීචියෙහි ගිනිකඳක් න මඟ පොළොව යදවෙඩන් ගැසු ඝණයඨාවක් ^ර අසනිපාතයක්සෙ තතුනුවමින්, කෝපයෙන් }නාසෙ බැඳලූ යදම බිඳ සුණු විසුණු කෙරෙමින්, පෙරැලී සිට ඇනහැ තුතු කෙරෙමින්, සිටි 3 හකුළුවා දළ හස්සෙහි තබා ගෙනහැ, තමාගෙ රු කොට දළ ඇවිළහැගත් පසින් හයඩකරවැ, ස් ගෙන පිටට ඉස්මින්, දිවැ ලුහුබඳවා අල්වා යන් රැඳී ගිය මුහුණින්, ලෙහෙයෙන් රැඳී ගිය xහැ පළමින්, ඔවුන්ගෙ අතුණුබහනින් වෙළී කාපයෙන් සොඬ කටලා ගෙනහැ හිස සලා හෙළා සුණු විසුණු කෙරෙමින් අවුත් වීථියට
Butsaranga, pp. 79-80.
: most tense scene, the climax, of his of the language to a much greater g the same situation-the few Sanskrit jive, the aspirated consonants of Sanskrit the fearful aspects of the scene, which ve of the havoc and destruction wreaked elephant Nalagiri. The use of the single, -clausal sentence also conveys successfully ch the events succeed one another. 's iead in adding the emotional and screating the drama of a scene, was essors, for whom detailed description, became ends in themselves, without much
e Saddharmuratanavaliya, diversified the a racy, colloquial, speech-based style, '-to-day folk idiom and imagery drawn

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105 CLASSICAL SINHALl
from the rural Sinhalese village and fa the over-all colloquial style of the wo
රජ්ජුරුවෙද් මසු දහසක් දෙවාලූය. උs කෙලෙසීගිය මාලු කඩක් හඳවාලා උන් හැර ගොසින් එක් ගෙයකට වැද 'අපි දෙපුතු මf පියම්හ ‘’ යි කිවුය. **මේ ගෙයි මිනිසුන් බෙ; සොෂකයන්ගේ ගෙය උන් තමන් පමණක් ද
ආදිකොටම එතැනට යාම තමන් සිතා මුත් යායුතු එගොටම හෙයින් ගොසින් **ස්වා දෙදවසක් මෙතැන රඳාපියම්හ' යි කියා උන උදාසන යම්හ' යි කියාලා එදවස් රඳාගෙන යන්නවූන්ට **සාල් සුහෝක් ඇත්නම් දුන මැ තබා ලම්භ' යි බත් පිසීම් පිට ලාලා එදවසු එළි බසිති යන භයින් එසේ නොකළැමැත්තෝ මම් ම පිසගෙන කමි' යි කිවුය. උන් එසේ ගෙයකත් වැඩිගත් හෙයින් නොඑක් ලෙසින් තබාලා වලන් විකුණන තෙතින් කුඹල් වළඳ වාගෙන රජගෙයිදි පිසන ලෙසටම සුදුසුවක් ද තුනක් ද පිසලා වල සිට ආ බැළයාණන්ට , වෙගය නැතිව අදහස මොළොක් වූ කලට * දෙදවසක් දෙපුතු මවු කැටිව කපු කැටලා මෙ තම්භ' යි කිවුය.
Sa
What is especially noticeable here is th style by incorporating in it some of the
folk vocabulary, idiom, and turns of sp unchanged, (in comparison with the earl verb forms have undergone a significan morphological form to the actual spoken verb form go which is exclusively used
day (e. g., හඳවගාලා, කියාලා, තබාලා, පිස
Many idiomatic expressions and turi the language of literature are also used, to the style: e. g., SzDSC36os SpgodéD25 සුහෝක්, නිකම් හිඳිනා ගමනේ, බත් පීසීම් පි විකුණන තෙනින්, කැකුළු සාලකුත් ගෙන්වාග් තුනක් ද පිසලඹා, බත් කාලා, කපු කැටලය, දේ තුඩ සීවලෑල්තුඩ තුබුවායේ, බත ලාලුය, අදහස පය සතපාගන්නා කැමැත්තම්හ, again, indica Dharmasena thero's interests in language The bringing together of the ordinary literature is also effected through the a the life of the agricultural folk commur

SE NARRATIVE PROSE
m. The following is characteristic of k:
ඒ හැරගෙන දුක්පත් සැටියට දුවණියන් ගෙන නික්ම මගී බඳුව බැළයන් හිඳින විථියට ගමනීම්හ. එක් දෙදවසක් මේ ගෙයි රඳාහොව, මෙතැන අවසර නැත. තෙල කුම්භහයින් අවසර ඇත. ඔබ ගිය මැනවැ” යි කිවුය.
ඡා කටයුත්තට නොනිසි හෙයින් නොගිය බව මීනි, අපි මඟී දුප්පත් කෙනෙකුම්හ. එක්
බැරියයි කීවත් **අද එක දවසක් රඳාපියා
· දෙවන දවස් උන් තමන්ගේ මෙහෙවර නව නිකම් හිඳිනා ගමනේ දවාලට බත් පිස ත් රඳන්ට සිතූහ. කුම්හසෙjෂකයෝ වස්තුව ' ' මෙතෙක් මට පිසන්නෝ අනික් කෙනෙක්ද? 3 කීවත් හුරුතුඩ සීවැල්තුඩ තුබුවායේ රජකියා ගිවීස්වාගෙන උන් අන් දෙය නොඅල්වාම කුත් අංගානියට යවා කැකුළු සාලකුත් ගෙන්කොට බත් ද ඉති පත් කඩ ලාලා මාළු දෙකක් බත ලාලුය. බත් කාලා කෑ බතින්ම ආදි 'ස්වාමීනි, ගමන් ඇවිද මිරිකී ගියම්හ. එක් මාjල් කොටගාලාත් පය සතපාගන්නා කැමැත්
ddharmaratanālvaliya, pp. 257-258.
e further simplification of the broad Hela characteristic features of the contemporary eech. While the finite verb forms remain lier “mixed prose style), the non-finite it change from their previous written forms by the addition of the absolutive in colloquial speech even at the present ලා, කාලා, කැටලා, කොටගාලා).
ns of phrase hitherto not admitted into and give a surprisingly racy freshness ', බැළයන් හිඳිනා වීථියට ගොසින්, සාල් }ට ලාලා, වස්තුව එළිබසිතී යන භයින්, වළන් ගොන, බත්ද ඉති පත්කඩ ලාලා, මාලු දෙකක් sdict G2aoaco, etc. Phrases such as as ) මොළොක්වූ කලට, ඇවිද මිරිකී ගියම්හ, ite a figurative use of language implying and prose style as a literary craftsman.
day-to-day life of the people and uthor’s use of simile and metaphor from lity; this use of simile and imagery gives

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SARATHCHANDRA
a freshness and vividness to the narrat before, with the exotic classical simile
(i)
. ( ii )
( iii )
( iv )
( v ) .
(vi)
කන්ට එන බල්ලන්ට අසුරු ගසා සා @దSCG9
සියල් සිරුරෙහි ඇට තළඹා පයියක පු පියා
එක් මුල්ලකට පළා ගොසින් කුණු : කට තබා ගත්තවුන් මෙන් මුට්ටි ක දමා පියා කොතැන ගැසුවත් බල්ලන් පයක් ඔ!
යම්සේ තරාදියෙන් කිරන කෙනෙක් භාගයෙහි , අතින් ලා බර සරි කෙරෙ;
ජරාව දිරා ගොසින් මාලුවු, දැකගැත්තේ ගියාවූ
Dharmasena thero's sophistication regaro
from
the metaphorical, concise, emot
phorical conciseness) that he uses; a fe
దgర අදහස්,
ගසත් කණු පමණෙක්ව සිදුරුව ගො{ කෙළෙස් කුඩු මැටි නැග නොදී, ම:
Consider, also, the freshness of the im
detail
in the two following short descr.
woman, and (ii) the appearance of the
monk:
(i)
එක් සිය විසි ඇවිරිදි වූ දත් වැගිර ගි ඇඟ සම් වැරැලි ගෙන තිබෙන්නාවූ ' ව කක් සේ වක ගසාගෙන සිටිනා කෙ
(ii) සියල් සිරුර වේයන් කෑ පරඬල් පතක්
හඳනා පොරෝනා සිවුරු පූයයා හා දේ කැවුම් සේ විය.
Even these two short descriptions are : of observation and his fine sensibility a tions that dramatically and vividly recr prose of the Saddharmaratanayaliya is also of Sinhalese narrative prose by the inf from folk speech, as well as many loa කළෙjය, නස්පතෙක්, පයිලිකම් දක්වා, අට්ට
මුසුප්පු
9e33 sa) and also by a characteri
tinge of wit, humour or irony to the as පිළිවෙතින් සීන් වුවත්, මසින් ලෙයින් , තෙරුන් වහන්සේ යයි පුසිද්ධව මට සිලුටු

WICKRA ASURYA 106
ve that Sinhalese prose never possessed
and imagery so far in literary vogue:
ද කරවන්නාසේ සාදන සාමීචි ලෙස කථා
- ( p. 69 )
රා ලූ සාල් මෙන් බිඳ සුණු කොට
(p. 701)
කා ගොසින් කළුව තුබූ සක් පිඹිනට ට තබා ගෙන රා බී පියා මුට්ට්
(p. 729)
සවා ගන්නා සේ (p. 807)
බරව තුබූ භාගයෙන් හැර අඩුව තුබු S (p. 934)
තක දැති වැතිර ගියායේ දත් වැගිර
( p. 421 )
ling the use of language is evident also tive language (almost poetic in its metaw typical examples are as follows: 3cs 2s සින් සුළං පහළ කල හඬ හඩා සිටී, කිලුටු කුණන්ට බත්ව, නුවණ දළ බැඳිණ, දුක් මුහුද, agery, the vividness and particularity of iptive accounts dealing with (i) an old
decrepit, decayed body of a diseased
රියාවූ, හිස නියඳ කෝටුවක් සේ විලිස්ස ගියාවූ තල කැළලින් ගැවසී ගත් සිරුරු ඇති ගෙ)ණ(සි
කනෙකුන් (p. 578 )
ක් මෙන් සිදුරු විසිදුරු විය ...............................
ලහොයෙන් වැකී පුස්කා ගිය පැණි
(p. 335)
an index to Dharmasena thero's keenness und sensitivity, which give birth to descrip– eate a scene or a person. The narrative marked by the enrichment of the vocabulary lux of a large number of homely words in words, especially from Tamil: 26.83 e 'වාල් බලහත්, ආලොහලයක්, ආලිස්සම්කොට, stic type of word-play which often adds a story, such as the reference to a bhikku මහත්ව ඉසත් බඩත් මහත් හෙයින් ථුල්ලතිස්ස
වූ සීන් සිවුරු වැළඳ පියා......
1. (p. 93)

Page 113
107 CLASSICAL SINHAL,
The high-water mark of classical
reached around the 14th century, in s Jatakaya, especially its longest single marks the culmination of the developi been traced through Gurulugomi, Vidya style shows a synthesis of the best fe classical predecessors. The Ummagga
popular prose classic of our Sinhalese lite singhe, in no other Sinhalese prose wo conscious art and a vividness of charac
Jatakaya. The following representative e. of the prose style of the Ummagga Jā
බොධිසත්වයන්වහන්සේ ඒ ගිය බමුණා හ **ස්වාමිනි, ඉතා සූක්ෂමවූ තෙලක් වළඳන ල කථාවෙන් පුයෝජන කිම් දැ?''යි කියා නැවතුහ. හිඳිනා ආසනයක්වත් වැතිරැගෙන සිටිනා මිහිරි කථා මාතූයක්වත් නොලදින්, වැසි ( මාල්ලකු සේ, බොල් ගොම ඇඟිලි අසුවලින් සිටියේයැ. ඒ සිටියාවූ බමුණා මූණ බලා එකේ බැම උඩ නඟා ලීය(; එතෙකක් තමාගේ වැලමි ඉඟිකරුව( ඈත් මෑත් බලන්නේ **පණඩිත , **කොල අරිටු බමුණ, නොදොඩයි කියදීත් දේ බැට තලා පියම්හ’’ යි කී කල්හි, භයින් තූස්තු බැලූ බමුණාට එකේක් හුණ පත්තෙන් පිටට පහ කියා කර අල්ලා ගෙනහැ දැමියැ; එකෙක් දිව ඒ තෙමේ දිවියකු කටින් ගැලවුණු මුව මාල් දිවන්නේ දුකසේ ගොස් රජ ගෙට පැමිණියේ
This is narrative prose of a high artistic of the language to a high degree, economic and adequate for the writer's purpose at
but dramatised vividly in all its ironic h of even the slight movements of the c clearly by the over-all easy-flowing rhy of consummate control of the narrative; are not conventionally patterned, but ex help to bring the scene to life (compa) ගොම ඇඟිලි අසුවලින් පලව පලවා මිරිමිරිමේ the words 8338ac3 and é82S32 convey t Linguistic devices Such as repetition and
ඒ පයින් ඒ පය ලලා, වෙවුල වෙවුලා, දොඩ
50. C. H. B. Reynolds (Ed.), An Anthology of
London, 1970, p. 219. 51. Martin Wickramasinghe, op. cit, p. 103.

E NARRATIVE PROSE
Sinhalese narrative prose is probably me of the stories in the Pansiya Panas ory, the Ummagga Jatakaya. This work ent of the mixed prose style that has hakravarti and Dharmasena thero; this tures of the styles of all its great 'atakaya has been termed the “most ature':50 according to Martin Wickramak is “such a degree of verisimilitude and erisation achieved,' ' as in the Ummagga
cerpt embodies most of the characteristics ikaya:
කථාවට ආරම්භ දැක්වූ සේක.ඇ. ළඟ සිටියාහු, ද්දේ වේද? එබැවින් මේ දුෂ්ටවූ බ්‍රගාහ්මණයා හා කේවට්ටයා බෝධිසත්වයන්වහන්සේ සමීපයෙහි ආධාරයක්වත් ෙබාjධිසත්වයන්වහන්සේගෙන් සමයයෙහි ගවර පිරි ගොවුදකට වන් ගොන් පලව පලවා මිරි මිරියේ ඒ පය ලලා මිරිකමින් කක් තමාගේ නුවන කසාලීය; එතෙකක් තමාගේ ට කසාලිය, බමුණු ඔවුන්ගේ මේ ක්‍රියාව දැකගැ යෙනි, අපි යම්හ',යි කියා අනෙකකු විසින්, දෘඩදෙනාඩා මැ සිටිනෙහි ද? දැන් තොපගේ ඇට x වැ නැවැතැ පිටිපස්ස බැලීය(. ඉක්බිති එසේ රක් ගැසීය.ඇ. එකෙක්, ‘යෙයිද? නොයෙයිද?''යි මින් ගොස් පිටි දෙමැද අතුල් පහරක් ගැසීය. ලකු මෙන් හයින් තැති ගෙනහැ වෙවුල වෙවුලා C3
(pp. 98-99)
order, one which exploits the resources al, and at the same time highly effective hand. The scene is not merely described, lmour, through the realistic presentation aracters. The effect created, indicated hmic organization of the passage, is one
sentence, clause and phrase structure pressive; descriptive detail and imagery , for instance, the vividness of gag හී ඒ පයින් ඒ පය මිරිකමින් සිටියේය( where e actual actions referred to expressively). reduplication (e. g., පලව පලවඩා මිරිමිරියේ ago&2), compound words with assonance
'inhalese Literature Upto r8r 5, Allen and Unwin,

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SARATHCHANDRA
(ඈත් මෑත් බලන්නේ, ඇට බැට තලා) are convey the author's attitude towards the සමයයෙහි ගවර පිරි ගොවුදකට වන් ගොන් SoGe2 G325. Sentences are of varying adjusted to the speed of movement of t rapidly occurring physical events are desc structures are employed, thus enacting th (e. g., in ...එකෙක් තමාගේ නුවන කසාලීය තමාගේ වැලමිට කසාලීයදැ and එතෙකක් හු **යෙයිද? නො ගෙයයිදැ’යි කියා කර අල්ලා ගේ අතුල් පහරක් ගැසීය(.
In vocabulary, an almost perfect mix reached, for the Sanskrit words are larg of Gurulugomi, Vidyachakravarti, or Dha “mixed' style at its best and most effec of stories and tales.
From the point of view of narrativ, is a landmark in Sinhalese classical pro Jataka stories such as the Vessantara Sinhalese authors attempted the narrati Ummagga Jatakaya is the longest single therefore the work that comes closest to in the western sense. Most other prose constituent story being rarely developed scene, and too short in scope to permit and characters, the dramatic representati description of background, and even thi dialogue in a realistic manner. In the author of the Ummagga Jitakaya is triu following episodes: the meeting b2tween the story of Golakala (pp. 14-16); the Talatha (pp. 80–81), and the disma1 Mahausadha's men (pp. 114–116).
Thus the narrative prose of the Um ment of the prose style of the Saddhram evolution of classical Sinhalese prose-i vivid description and presentation of Vedeha, who is represented Satirically a surrounded by a host of equally foolish to a high degree; none of the main Mahausadha himself), moreover, is portr
52, For the distinction between "flat' and rou
Aspects of the Novel, 1927 (revised edition,

WICKRAMASURIYA 108
used not for decorative effect but to
character of the foolish Kevata: a).8
මාල්ලකුසෙස්, දිවියකු කටින් ගැලවුණු මුව length and grammatical complexity, finely he narration of events; for example, where ribed, short, balanced, repetitive sentence Le rapidity of the movement of the action ; එහෙකක් තමාගේ බැම උඩ නඟාලීය(; එහෙකක් ]ණපත්තෙන් පිටට පහරක් ගැසීය. එකෙක් නගැ දැමිය(; එකෙක් දිවමින් ගොස් පිටි දෙමැද
of the Hela and Sanskrit words has been er ın proportion here than in the prose rmasena thero. This is an example of the tive, a perfect vehicle for the narration
e structure, too, the Ummagga Jatakaya )se, for it is here and in a few other Jaitakaya and the Kusa Jatakaya that on of stories of novel length. The story in classical Sinhalese prose, and ) the length and structure of a novel
works were collections of stories, each in detail or in terms of dramatised E the development of an intricate plot on of individual episode, the detailed 2 representation of interchange of direct dramatisation of individual scene, the mphantly successful, especially in the Kēvațța and Mahausadha (pp. 86–90); story illustrative of the wisdom of Queen htling of Queen Talatha's house by
magga Jatakaya is the natural developlaratanivaliya, and also the Zenith of the n development of plot, characterisation, dialogue. The characterisation of king s the typical dim-witted eastern monarch Purohita Brahmins (advisers) is plausible characters (not even the Bodhisattva, ayed as a “perfect' or “flat 52 character;
nd' characters in fiction, see E. M. Forster, 953), London, Chapter 4.

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109 CLASSICAL SINHALE
Mahausadha, too, on certain occasions
and the foolish advisers like Senaka a human qualities of character such as h moreover, is recognizably individual. T through the inclusion of realistic detai and the use of a variety of styles in at different stages of the story-all the the only work that comes close to a plot structure, but also in style and o
The Pansiya Panas Jatakaya, a coll the Ummagga Jatakaya (dealt with imm extremely short synopses or story-outlin tion of the language of marrative pro popular speech, which was a notabl carried further in the Jataka Book; as language is “a fair compromise betwe spoken language of the time... To st earlier writers, and attempted, even at to be intelligible to the masses...The introduced into Sinhalese a narrative st literature till modern times.”53 The foll narrative prose style employed in many stories (though not of all, for the enti hands, displays a vast spectrum of ind mediocre quality) :
මාණවිකා තොමෝ.......... ස්වාමිනි මම නටනු කැමැත්තෙමි කිව, යහපත සොඳුර නට ගත්තේය. එකල මාණවිකා කියන්නී නුඹවහ එසේ හෙයින් නුඹවහන්සේගේ මූණ කඩකින් ඉදින් තෙපි ලජ්ජාවවු නම් එසේ කරවයි කීය ඒ බමුණාගේ ඇස් දෙක වසා මුහුණ බැන්දිය. කරන්ට පටන්ගත. ඒ මාණවිකා තොමෝ මම නුඹවහන්සේගේ හිසට එක් විටක් ඇන8 ලොල්වූ බමුණා කිසි කාරණයක් නොදැන පැ ඉඟි කළාහුය. ධුතීතෙමේ සෙමෙන් සෙසේ වැලමිටින් ඇන්නේය. එකෙණෙහි ඇස් පිට නැෙගේය. ඒ බමුණා වේදනාවෙන් පීඩිතව ති තමාගේ අත ඔසවා බමුණාගේ අත මත්තෙහි පහර වූ කලී ඉතාම තදයයි කීය. ධුතීයා { ඔහු සැඟවී ගිය කල්හි බමුණා මුහුණින් වස් තෙන හා මැඩ සන්තර්පණය කළාය. බමුණා ස්ත්‍රී ධුතීයා පැස ලා ගෙන් පිටත් කළාය. ගොස් ඒ සියලු පවත් කීයේය.
53. Martin Wickramasinghe, op., cit., pp. 125

SE NARRATVE PROSE
displays traits of cruelty and villainy, ld Pukkusa at times display redeeming umility and weakness. Each character, he high degree of verisimilitude achieved l, the vividness of the characterisation, keeping with the differing requirements se make the Ummagga Jàtakaya perhaps modern novel not only in length and ther aspects of narrative technique.
ection of stories varying in length from ediately above, and of novel length) to is, also marks a stage of further simplificase. The approximation of the prose to 2 feature of the Saddharmaratanavaliya is Martin Wickramasinghe remarks, its en the language of Gurulugomi and the Dme extent it ignored the usage of the the expense of grammatical conformity, result was that they (i.e., the Jatakas) yle that was hardly ever excelled in our owing passage is representative of the of the stories in this vast collection of re work being a translation by diverse ividual styles, some of average or even
) නුඹවහන්සේ විණ) ගගායනා කරණ කල්හි වයි කියා බමුණා වීණා ගායණයා කරන්ට පටන් න්සේ බලා හින්දදී නටන්නට ලජ්ජා ඇත්තෙමි * වසා බැඳ නටමි කිව. එබස් ඇසු බමුණා
· එකෙණෙහි මාණවිකා ඝණවූ වස්තූයක් ගෙන බමුණු කඩින් මුහුණු බඳවා ගෙන වීණා ගායනා
මද ඇසිල්ලක් නටා පියා කියන්නී ස්වාමීනි පියන්නා කැමැත්තෙමි කිව. ස්තිය කෙරෙහි හැර පියයි කීය. එකෙණෙහි මාණචිකා ධුතීයාට මන් අවුත් බමුණාගේ පිටිපස්සෙහි සිට ඉස
පලා යන්නාක් මෙන් විය. හිස ගැටක් පැන කිගේ අත මෙසේ ගෙදෙණවයි කීය. මාණවිකා තිබුය. බමුණා කියන්නේ තීගේ අත මොළොක බමුණාට ඇන පියා සැඟවුණේය. මාණවිකා ත්‍රය මුදා හෙළා තෙල් ගෙණවුත් හිස ගැට නැගි ) ගෙන් බැහැර ගිය කල්හි නැවත ඒ පරීවාරිකා ඉක්බිත්තෙන් ඒ ධුතීයා රජ්ජුරුවන් සමීපයට
Andhabhita Jatakaya
-26.

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The feature which immediately disting of the earlier classical prose works is the e Most of the sentences in the above extract clausal sentences, e.g., ecozooes3 &nes: 25) to acco; or sentences with a single prin such as ඩුතීයා බමුණාට ඇනපියා සැඟවුණේය; ගොස් ඒ සියලු පවත් කීයේය). Indeed, in st simplest narrative prose style (used up of view of complexity of sentence struc characteristic of the narrative prose of century also make their appearance in පටන්ගත්තේය, කීය, ඇන්නේය, විය, පැන which bear the favourite morphological the present day (i. e. post-1980). Finall: persists (again, as it has done to the transitional, for many of the classical (even are still retained, like the use of the classic බැන්දීය (බැන්දාය), පටන් ගත (පටන්ගත්තේය marking of the subject-noun with the ozoaced), the use of the obsolete pronol with the phrase 26c82soo (masculine) a typical of earlier classics (especially the පියන්නා, ඇනපියා, පැහැර පියයි, and the t
වූකලි. ܖ
Thus the prose style of the Jaitaka tion from the classical to the specificall prose in sentence structure, grammar, a classical prose in respect of certain feat time it contains many stylistic featur narrative prose.
The Saddharmalankaraya maintains terised by short sentence structures and together with the same approximation 1 speech; in subject matter, this work cont Sri Lankan background. The following
මෙම ලංකාද්වීපයෙහි අනුරාධපුර නුවරට විහාරයෙක් විය. ඒ විහාරය සමීපයෙහි දෙව දවසෙක් ඒ අමාතාපයා ඒ ඒ තැන ඇවිද තමා තමාගේ මිනිසුන් කැඳවා බත් අනුභවයට උන් ආහාර ගන්ධය ආස්‍රාණය කොට වෙවුල වෙවුල කුඩා කොල්ලෙක් දඩුකඩක් ඇරගෙන බල්ලා:
54. For details regarding the contents and author
op. eit., pp. 89-93, and Sannasgala, op. cit.

WICKARAMASURIYA 110
lishes this narrative style from the styles treme simplicity of the sentence structures. are simple sentence structures (i.e., monoකා ධුතීයාට ඉඟි කළාහුය; හිස ගැටක් පැණ cipal clause and a single subordinate clause ඉක්බිත්තෙන් ඒ ධුතීයඹා රජ්ජුරුවන් සමීපයට ch passages as the above we meet with the to the fourteenth century) from the point ture. Next, the "modern verb forms the late nineteenth century and twentieth this style, cf. e. g., the verb forms like xනනැගෝය, කළාය. පිටත් කළාය, කීයේය. forms of the respective verbs even at , the “mixed' character of thc vocabulary resent day). However, the style is still archaic) features of the earlier prose styles al verb forms like 268 (modern 26833), ), ඉඟි කළාහුය (කළඹාය), තිබුය (තැබුවාය); the
morpheme G5NeS) / Szobce D3 (DoeH655 in 25, the introduction of direct speech nd 25cs2525 (feminine), and verb forms Saddharmaratanávaliya) like zp838cs, citz) use of such “classical” particles as pass,
Book marks the beginnings of the transiy and recognizably “modern' style of nd vocabulary. It looks back to the ures, (as shown above) while at the same es which anticipate modern Sinhalese
the same simple, popular style charac
more or less "modern" verb forms, so the style of common, day-to-day ains a number of stories with a specifically is a typical extract:
පශේවිම දීග් භාගයෙහි මල්වැස්සා නම්වූ නම් ගම අමාතාපයෙක් ඉසුරුමත්ව වෙසෙයි.
· වසන ගමට පෙරළා ඇවිත් සයින් වීඩාව jනේය. එකෙණෙහි සයින් විඩා වූ බල්ලෙක් ) ඇවිත් ඔහු ඉදිරියෙහි සිටියේය. අමාතාපයාගේ ට ගසා ලුහුබඳවන්නට ආය. ඒ දැක අමාතාපයා
ship of the Saddharmalankaraya, see Godakumbura,
pp. 227-231.

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111 CLASSICAL SINHALE
බල්ලා ගේ බැගෑපත්කම් දැක කරුණා උපදවා බත් පිඩක් අනා බල්ලාට තිබීය. එකල බලු සාදර දක්වා මුහුණ බලබලා සිටියේය.
Here the style has in fact moved even of prose narrative, for even the vestige the Jataka Book have now disappeared.
The evolution of a popular “commc stories meant for a collective, unsophistic: not proceed in a straight line; for, as in from its inception flowed in three (often the Sanskritic, and the Mixed-of whic been traced here in considerable detail to its use in the Jataka Book and the Sad the Hela style reached its highest known davata, and declined rapidly thereafter, a short passages in most later works (i. e. occasional, and never as the staple med death, for it too was not only utilised classical prose works after the twelfth c. in several works (especially in conjunc by exotic poetic' imagery and the amor rise to an incantatory rhythmic prose of are well exemplified in the early parts Ummagga Jataka itself, in some of the most parts of the Dalada Pajivaliya, th the Saddharmaratanakaraya, the Rājarat, The majority of these works were proba the Jataka Book and the Saddharmalanka the Daham Sarana (13th century):
එක් සමයයෙක්හි මධුර ගුමු ගුමාරව මුඛ ජාල) දැන්තරවු තරුණ සහකාරඩ්කුරාසවාද කුහකුහාරවයෙන් මනොහරවු ශීතව්ඡයායායෙහි කරන ලද රොමන්ථයෙන් මන්ථරවූ මන් පල්ලාඩ්කුරාභිඝාතයෙන් සන්තුෂ්ට වැ ගත්තාවූ ජායාදමයෙන් හොබනාවූ සන්තරාරබධවූ සිද් වැලිතලා ඇති ................ ܢ
Here the entire passage except a few 'f forms (like විසින්, කරණ ලද, විසින්, ගත words in their original form; indeed, th taken bodily out of a book originally

SE NARRATIVE PROSE
නොගසවයි වළකා නොයෙක් රස මුසුකොට | බත් අනුභවනෙකාට සතුටුව නකුට සලමින්
Saddharmālankāraya, p. 620.
closer than before to the modern style of the classical style which persisted in
n' style, ideal for the oral narration of ated audience traced above, however, did dicated earlier, Sinhalese narrative prose separately identifiable) streams-the Hela, n the more fruitful (“mixed') style has from its use in the Dharmapradipikawa dharmilankaraya. Of the other two styles stylistic level early, in the Sulukali figulthough it was employed sporadically in , in later works it was employed as an ium). The Sanskritic style died a slower sporadically and occasionally in most 2ntury, but also as the predominant style tion with the pulpit bhakti style marked phous open-ended sentence which gave monotorious regularity). These features pf Daham Surata, in the opening of the stories of the Jataka Book, as well as in e Bõdhivansaya, the Elu Attanagalu Vansaya, nakaraya, and the Sarartha Safigrahaya. bly anterior in date of composition to raya. The following passage is taken from
බර මධුකර නිකර නිරන්තරවූ ප්‍රචල ප්‍රචාල චපල කොකිල කුලයා විසින් කරන ලද හොත්තාවූ තරුණාරුණ හරිණ ගණයා විසින් ‘දමාරුතාන්දොලිතවූ නවලතා වනිතාවන්ගේ තරුණ පුෂ්පාඩ්කුර නැමැති රෝමාඩ්කුර ඇති ධවිද්‍යාපාධරයන්ගේ සංගීත ප්‍රසඩග ඇති ... සුදුවූ
( p. 56 )
unction' or 'structure' words and the verb 22, Go23)2)2, 2.925,) are Sanskrit e passage looks very much like one composed in Sanskrit, and cannot be

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SARATHCHANDRA
understood easily even by the most 1 glossary or sanna. The sentence structure imagery and other figures of speech. V values than as counters in a pattern
assonance and alliteration (e.g., ego q රොමන්ථයෙන් මන්ථරවූ; තරුණ පුෂ්පාඩ්න් monotonous and Soporifically incantatory the separation of clauses using the non. is an exercise in complicated sound-effe originality, only displaying the author's
The degeneration of prose style inti Sanskritised prose; it had its counterpar well; the following specimen of allite (1325 A.D.) which initiated a type of n prose termed vrittagandhi style. Here it although Sanskrit words are pressed into and assonance towards the end:
as us is නවමාලිකා මල්ලිකා යුලීකා වීථික: විලොකනිය වූ, නන් මුවන් විලිමුවන් කෙවිල් කොළත ළඳ බොළඳ සිදඟනන් මන දඟ කළ, බමන බමර තිසර රුවින් සැදුම් ලත්, සකෘතු ලම්බිනී විකසිත කදම්බිනී පරිවෘත කාදම්බිනී මාතෘ ගහීයෙන් ප්‍රසූත වැ .
This passsage is part of a description Buddha was born. The description is onc being again interested in creating as intr rative pattern as possible, which rhetorica tons, including that of conveying meanin descriptive prose but mere verbiage; even semantically, most of the words are superf tive words inevitably led to the lengtheni geable lengths. This metrical-alliterative description in Dalada Sirita, but in the two and Sihaba Asna the entire narrative inclu in the Writtagandhi style, e.g.,
(1) සුසුම් ලා යකින්නී නෙත් කඳුළු ඉසින්නී (2) සිංහ පුරවර සොඳහා රජ ඉසුරු විඳ ඉඳහා (3) නැව් නගා හළ සඳහා ලක්දිවට බැස එදා (4) තනිව උන් සඳ රදා බත් බුලත් දී සොඳ

WICKRAMASURIYA 112
arned of Sinhalese scholars without a , too, is Sanskritic, as are the “poetic' ords are used less for their semantic of complicated sound-effects involving මු ගුමාරව, මුඛර මධුකර නිකර නිරන්තර; ó zso Solá Geóo©ɔêD26), the rhythm is parts of sentences being balanced by finite verb form . Indeed, the passage cts, containing little sense if any, and (nowledge of Sanskrit (not of Sinhalese).
mere word-play was not confined to s in both “mixed” and “pure Hela” as ative prose is from the Dalada Sirita hetrical-alliterative prose, a new rhythmic is the pure Hela words which predominate,
service to fulfil the needs of rhythm
• ජාතිකා සෙ එයාලිකා චාලිකා ලතිකාකලාප |ලන් සිවින් යුත්, උදාළ පුවළ පුලින තෙලෙ අමින් මින් සරසැ සරසනැ සරු සරු සරන රවන මද විලම්බිනි විලසිත නිතම්බිනී විවිධ රස මධුපකුල වුම්බිනී , ලුම්බිනී වනෝදායානයෙහි
( Daladā Sirita, pp. 3-4)
of the garden of Lumbini where the :e again highly conventional, the author icate a rhythmical, assonantal and allitel principle overrides all other considerag. The final product is not good
musically, the rhythm is monotonous; luous. The stringing together of alliterang of the sentence structures to unmana
style was restricted to passages of > later works Kuveni Asna (c. A. D. 1420) uding passages of dialogue are written
මෙලෙස සිට කියන්නී කරන නොපනත් සඳහා
නුග සෙවන වන මැදහා
• මවා විමනක් සොඳා
(Kuveni Asna, p. 4)

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113 CLASSICAL SINHALE
This type of prose connes close to vers we find an alliterative prose passage w triplets arranged in succession (numbere is maintained throughout the greater pa prose approximating to verse written division is found in the Sihaba Asna.
Thus the history of classical Sinha disuse and the degeneration of the He persistence and gradual refinement of t mately two centuries (1200-1400 A. D.) (12th or 13th century) and that of t golden age uf Sinhalese narrative prose; of styles, both linguistic and narrative speech. based simple style with sentenc mixed vocabulary of pure Hela and Sa
In form, most of the classical p stories, most of them related in summa dramatic episodes and their detailed tre only sporadically, as in the Butsarana carried to any great lengths by later wr speech too followed a conventional patt the narrative, was normally intersper, sentence, and rarely or never appeared Moreover, dialogue was always stylised. form, but in literary, grammatical form to be expected considering the synoptic only memorable achievement in this res. Similarly, class1cal Sinhalese prose paid or representation of the thoughts an stories related.
The Decline of Classical Sinhalese Narra
The tendency towards Sanskritisatio development of metrical prose with exc rative sound-effects and the drying up increased imitativeness-all these are sym of classical prose in the late fifteenth, t The prose works of this period are mi drying up of the imaginative faculties touch with the standard grammatical classical writers. The decline in schola with the classical tradition is reflected period (1706-1805) of a new type of d of internal political stability in the

SE NARRATVE PROSE
written without line-division, for here ich may be analysed into four rhymed 1-4 above); indeed, this rhyme scheme t of the book. The same type of metrical
without formal line-division or stanzaic
lese prose shows the gradual fall into la and the Sanskritised styles, and the e “mixed' style. The period of approxipanning the composition of the Amavatura he Saddharmaratnakaraya (1417) was the
this period marked the use of a variety , and the rise to pre-eminence of the es of moderate length, composed un a nskrit words.
rose works were collections of religious ry or synoptic form; the selection of atment in dramatic terms was attempted and the Ummagga Jaitakaya but was not iters. The technique of representing direct ern; direct speech, whenever included in sed within the framework of a narrative in dramatic form as in modern novels. and rendered not in the realistic spoken L. Characterisation was minimal, as was scale of most narratives; perhaps the pect is found in the Ummagga Jatakaya. little attention to the detailed description ld emotions of the participants in the
itive Prose
, the use of conventional imagery, the essive attention to rhythmic and alliteof the literary imagination signalled by ptomatic of the decline and degeneration he sixteenth, and the seventeenth centuries. irked not only by the almost complete of writers but also by a lack of rules and conventions as used by the rship, creativity, and the loss of contact in the emergence, during the Kandyan ialectal colloquial narrative style. The lack Island, and the persecution of the

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---------- SARATHCHANDRA
Buddhist bhikkus (who had until the
and creators of Sinhalese literature) afte appear to have put an effective stop
It was only at the beginning of th literary renaissance was initiated by Val was made to revive the classical tra Saranankara thero himself composed the Sai thematically as well as structurally, on Butsarana and the Pūjavaliya, explicating describing the Buddha. The Sairartha Sangr with the earlier classics, for the na slight, the doctrinal exposition bulking l; unreadable religious and metaphysical tr pure narrative prose in the book (the S been taken over bodily, almost word for w
The prose works composed by Sarana vavada Sangraha (1773) of Tibbotuvava S Milinda Prasnaya (1775) of Heenatikumbu lations of Pāli books such as the Vimān. nagunalankaraya (c. 1775) and the Upasak significant carrying forward of the classi of Saranankara thero and his pupils, inc fruit in the literary field beyond rekindl works and generally providing a founda learning and culture. Saranankara thero s rather than as an original contributor to a key role in the history of Sinhalese 19th century revival of Sinhalese letters to the movement that he initiated.6
Apart from these scholarly revivalist by the appearance of a body of prose style from the classics. These works wel nature-the Rajavaliya, the Rakkhanga S Sangharaja Sadhuchariyava. The first is a a history of Sinhalese kings; th: second ecclesiastical history, while the last is a They are all composed not in the stand classics, but in a highly colloquial style, Portuguese and Dutch loanwords; ofter
dialect of the Kandyan provinces, many being unintelligible to those tutored only
55. Cf., for example, Saddharmaratanavaliya, pp. 56. For a short account of the literary revival
E. R. Sarathohandra, The Sinhalese Novel, C

WICKRAMASUR.YA 114
sixteenth century been the custodians the arrival of the Portuguese in 1505 to all literary enterprise in Sinhalese.
eighteenth century, when a religious and vita Saranankara thero, that an attempt lition of Sinhalese prose once more. "ārtha Sangrahaya (1718), a work modelled, the classical works the Amavatura, the one of the epithets (Buddho) employed in thaya, however, does not stand comparison rative element in the book is very urge, making of the work an almost eatise. Moreover, the only portion of tory of Manikara Kulupaga thero) has ord, from the Saddharmaratanivaliya.55
linkara thero's pupils, the Sri Saddharmari Siddhartha Buddharakkhita thero, the ure Sumangala thero, and several trans— a Vastu Prakaramaya (1770), the Saryajcajanalankaraya (1801) do not show any cal prose tradition. The revivalist efforts ieed, do not appear to have borne much ing an interest in the classical prose tion for the resuscitation of oriental hould therefore be judged as a revivalist creative writing; nevertheless, he played
literature, for the origins of the late could, in the ultimate analysis, be traced
works, the Kandyan period is marked radically different in both theme and e strictly utilitarian and historical in andesaya, the Syama Varnanava and the near-contemporary historical chronicle, and the third are works of Buddhist biography of Vālivita Saranankara thero. ard literary Sinhalese grammar of the and contain a considerable number of h, they are written in the contemporary
of the dialectal words and expressions
in the classical prose works:
677-79 and Sārārtha-Sangrahaya, pp. 374-76. initiated by Wailivia Saranankara thero, see olombo, 1950, pp. 40-43.

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115 CLASSICAL SINHALE
එතකොට සෙනවිරත් මුදලි පහඩ කෙළ හෝ මුදලි කඩුව පලිහ ගෙන කොටන්ඩ වන් සෙනවිරත් මුදලි තුවාලව දෙමටගොඩ වත්ත වැටී සිට කඩිනමට ආ පස්සට වඩින්ට කියා ආ බවත් වීකූමසිංහ මුදලි උදව්වුනු බවත් තt රජ්ජුරුවෝ පස්සට වා•ගුව වෙරළුවෙකොට දේ සිටින වෙලාවට යටකී කොනප්පු බණඩාරට වරදට ධම්පාල රජ්ජුරුවෝ පුතිකාල් කප්පිත බණඩාරව ගෙෂ්වේට ඇරියාහ.
The writer here eschews Sanskrit wo avoids the pure Hela words used in the words used in colloquial speech and a Tamil and Dutch (e. g; 826 2.cesse, කොටන්ඩ, ඇවිත්, වඩින්ට, කරපු විට, ඇවිදී in a raw non-stylised form; such words prose before. The structure of the secon of impromptu, colloquial narration, th grammatical subject being forgotten by several phrases and clauses suspended in az5yoo25O and 8)éòz50 mark them as bel the standard spoken forms being G2a2a25 standard literary forms, e2S3 ozsolo or g
The same type of amorphous senten vocabulary characterise the Rakkhanga S Sangharāja Sãdhuchariyāva. A passage fro
මෙ දවස රක්ක ඉංග දෙසයට හම්බාන් ක. කප්පර සීනි එලා එදවස එහි පොරොත්තුව සී දෙතුන් දෙනෙකු ගොඩ බස්සවමින් මහාරාජෝ. සංඝයාවහන්සේ වැඩ සිටිනා වගත් ආරංචි උල අඟහරුවාදා ගංගාවේ **කප්පර” පිටත්කරගෙන පොරොත්තුව සිටින තැනේදී එම රක්කයංග ගේ කල තැනේදී පනිවුඩ වෙලා **උෂමරාවු” කප්පරට ඇවිදින් කථාකර කියාගත් වග මේ කප්පරක්ද? කියා අහපු තැනේදී....... ඕලන්දක්ක කාරණා කුමක්දැයි ඇසූ තැනේදී. මේ ඕලන වාසලට විස්වාසකාරයෝ නැද්ද කියා ඇහුවා{ දරුවානන් වහන්සේගේ මහවාසලට ඒකාන්ත ගොල්ල විස්වාස නම්බුව ගැන වදාලාය කියා
Here, within the long paragraph, there is
clause just as in rapid colloquial narrati form ougzsa (“when', while'), producin piece of prose. The interchange of dia

SE NARRATVE PROSE
කළ උන්නේය, සතුරන් ආ බව දැන සෙනවීරත් විට සෙනෙවිරත් මුදලිගේ වාඩි කුලප්පුව ට දුවගෙන ඇවිත් රාජසිංහ රජ්ජුරුවන්ට වැඳ වික්‍රමසිංහ මුදලින්ගේ වාඩි මැදින් සතුරන් මාට තුවාල උනු බවත් සැළකරපු විට රාජසිංහ මගෙයාඩට ඇවිදින් වාඩිමට්ටු පඩුත්තුව ගෙන කොළඹ ඉඳලා සල්ලප්පු බණඩාරට කෙටු íතාවරුන් හා නඩු බලා ඒ වරදට කොනප්පු
Rājāvaliya, p. 65.
ords altogether; at the same time, he Hela style, employing instead Sinhala number of loan words, chiefly from වාඅංගුව, වාඩිමට්ටු, පඩුත්තුව). The words 2s, peca are typical of illiterate speech had never been admitted into literary d sentence is typical of the formlessness 2 beginning of the sentence and the he time the end is reached, resulting in the air. The -ta suffix in the verb forms onging to the Kandyan spoken dialect, 3 zoo and 80&siz5) respectively, and the }කටීමට and වඩින්නට.
ce structure and the use of a dialectal andesaya, the Syama Varnanaya and the )m the Rakkhanga Sandesaya follows:
ප්පර ගෙනියන ගඩ්ගාවෙ මෙද්දර කඩවරාවේ සිටලා මීට දෙවෙනි ඉරිදා අපෙන් ඊට යුතු ත්තමයන්වහන්සේගේ වැඩ සිටිනා වගත් මහ0 'පට්ටුකර තියාගන ආ තැනේදී මීට තුන්වෙනි ) ගොහින් සීනි එලා තුන් දවසක් එහිම ද්සෙ මහාරාජෝත්තමයානන්වහන්සේට සැල කියන නිලමක්කාර කෙනෙක් අප හිටිනා
· කප්පර කොයි රට සිට ගෙනාවාද? කාගේ කාර ගොල්ලගේ නැවේ පිටත්කර එවන්ට නිදක්කාර ගොල්ලට වැඩියෙන් උතුම් වූ මහ ය. ලොකාග්‍ර වූ උතුම් අපගේ දෙවස්වාමි පඤෂව දුග්ගැන සිටින නිසා ඕලන්දක්කාර අප විසින් කිව්වාය.
(1707)
no sentence-division at all, clause follows on, connected by the dialectal connective g an untidy, amorphous and monotonous logue, too, is incorporated within the

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SARATHCHANDRA
narrative sentence using the same para clauses by 2G253 and ( for dialogue )
standard Sinhalese verbal inflexion has
"literary' grammar, in which subject-vert gender and tense are expressed through
been replaced by a “simplified” syster morphological form in all contexts with (this again is typical of colloquial speec se&acs) are formed by the simple expec -ya to the forms of the verbs as used The same grammatico-stylistic features Syama Varnanaya (1750) and the Sangha, dard grammar, the use of a colloquial
the employment of inordinately long, sp which clauses are tagged on mechanicall Verb forms or connectors like zoto3 (
The Sangharaja Sadhuchariyava (c. 1" amorphous and paratactic style; the (especially the elimination of the compl verb concord) has now become a fixed
ඒ සංඝරාජ සාමිදරුවෙහා ඊටත් පසුබට ගෙ ගලදේවාඹුවේ දැලිවෙල බෝතලේ ඕගඩපල ය පළමුවෙනි ගමනේ ගොහින් ගැලවී ආ දොරණ රාලත් විල්බාගෙදර රාලත් බෙහෙත් පඩුරු ( නැව සියමයට ගියාම දොරණගම රාල එහිදීම එන අතරතුරේ මුහුදේදීත් මුලාසිව විල්බාගෙද ආවාය. ඒ එන පුස්තාවට මෙලක වැඩසිටිය දී වෂීයෙන් දෙදාස් දෙසිය අනුවන්නෙහිදී ලඩකා
Again, all sense of the grammatical stru first sentence, it is not the ostensible gi with which the sentence begins (essesday stoz869 doc placed nearest the finite cally with it which results in semantic c of the preceding clauses of the sentence,
Sinhalese prose narrative appears to years between the Sangharaja Sadhucha Pradipikaya (1834). It is also around the of the Bible were printed.57 The Dutch
57. For a detailed account of the various Dutc style used in them, see the present writer's Beginnings and Early Development,' in Sen Prematilaka, K. Indrapala and J. E. Van 1 pp. 283-300.

WICKRAMASURIYA 116
actic technique of linking co-ordinate | 258a33 Gors ) Dap. Even the semblance of now been thrown overboard; the complex concord, and differences of number, different inflexional suffixes has here in which the verb form has a single out regard to the from of the subject h). The verbal forms used here (eugeocs, ient of adding the predicativizing suffix in ordinary conversation (qaba, 26883). characterise the prose narrative of the "aja Sadhuchariyava : confused, non-stan(often Kandyan dialectal) diction, and rawling, spineless sentence structures in and paratactically by using non-finite “when', 'while').
780) is composed in the same dialectal, process of "simplifying' the grammar .x systems of tense, gender, and subjectcharacteristic of the prose:
නාසිතා නැවතත් සැලකර සිට වැල්ලාවේ 'න මේ කී සිල්වත් තැන් ගිහි පිළි හඳවා බගම මුහන්දිරම් රාලත් මීදෙනියේ මුහන්දිරම් සහ අසුන්පත් ආදිය දී දෙවෙනි වරේ යැවූ ) මුලාසි වුනාය සෙසු අයත් එහිදීත් සමහරු ර මුහන්දිරම් රාල පමණක් ඉතිරිව ලඩකාවට විජයරාජසිංහ මහාරාජෝත්තමයාණෙය් ශ්‍රී බුඩ
රාජාස ශීයට පැමිණ වැඩසිටිනවාය.
( p. 26)
cture of sentences is lost, for in the ammatical subject (in nominative form)
e52663 to &o) but the noun ögaleogo verb 9c23 320Cs which agrees semanti:onfusion due to the trailing in vacuity
have reached its lowest ebb in the fifty riyava and the Narendra Charitavalokana
same period that the Dutch translations translations of the New Testament (1780),
h translations of the Bible and the prose paper, “The Sinhalese Printing Press : Its arath Paranavitana Commemoration Volume, Ed. P. L.
Lohuizen De Leeuw, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1978,

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117 CLASSICAL SINHALE
too, share the stylistic features of th Sangharaja Sadhuchariyiva. Throughout literary narrative prose worth mention
Sinhalese prose seems to have been em a vehicle of administrative and historic at this time are found a number of re historical records termed Kadayim and Madurāpuren A Vittiya, Yāpahu Vistaraya records, too, are composed in the diale above, a style which may for purposes colloquial' style. The following is a rep
ඒ බණඩාරගේ පුත්‍රයා මටලුවාවේ ඒකනා, හේරත් බණඩාරගේ පුතා ලොකුරාලට දුන්න කැන්දවලින් මගුලක් ගෙනාවාය. ඒ මහගේට ඇරලා ඇවිත් උල්පොතේ සිටින වෙලාවට ඇරලාපු එතනා වැදු අප්පුහාමි ඇවිත් උල්රේ සිටින වෙලාවට රාසිංහ දෙව්රජානන්වහන්සේ හේවාකම් උනුතනැනේදින් හේවාකමට යන්ට
The survey of the evolution of S essay 59 indicates that classical Sinhalese scope and style between the 12th and a simple, effective and flexible medium the Ummagga Jatakaya), but that it dec with the arrival of the Portuguese in continued its downward trend until the administrative unification of the Isla activity commenced once more; but the 19th century the composition of narrati bhikkhus as it had been the practice ea but by non-native Christian missionaries These missionaries had little or no kno prose works; the available contemporary seen, in the decadent “Kandyan colloq Sangharâja Sâdhuchariyâva, and the Du only- and therefore to the missionaries composition of religious tracts and the
58. For more information regarding kadayim a
720; Godakumbuara, op. cit., pp. 132-34.
59. The following are the editions of the clas All page references in the paper are to th Amavatura, Ed. Valivitiye Sorata thero, Col Butsarana, Ed. Valivitiye Sorata thero, Abh Daham Sarana, Ed. Pandita Kirielle Gnanai

SE NARRATIVE PROSE
e works such as the Rajavaliya and the his half-century (1780-1830), no works of appear to have been composed at all; ployed during this interregnum purely as al record. Among the prose works written gisters of administrative boundaries and Vitti books's such as the Vanni Vistaraya, and Kurunāgal Vistaraya. These books of stal colloquial non-standard style described of reference be designated the “Kandyan resentative extract, from the Vanni Vittiya:
යක මුදියන්සේ හා ඒ දෙප්නියන්දූ උල්පොතේ )කෘය. ඒ අයගේ මලයා වන කුඩා රාලට උඩ
· දස එකඩමසින් සම්පුණර්‍ව කැන්දවලට වදන්ඩ කුඩාරගාල නැසීගියාය. ඉන් පසුව කැන්දවලට 335 ලොකු පියානෝ ලඟ ලොකු මහත්වී සිංහලේ වයීනය කරණ විට පරංගිකයාරයින්ගේ ගිරාගම දිසාවට ගියාය.
inhalese narrative prose in the present narrative prose developed gradually in 14th centuries, and reached its zenith as of narration in the Jataka book (especially lined rapidly after the fifteenth century the early 16th century, and thereafter e end of the 18th century. With the ld under the British in 1815, literary discontinuity remained, for in the early e prose was undertaken not by Buddhist irlier, or even by lay Oriental scholars, primarily for purposes of proselytisation. wledge of the ancient Sinhalese classical prose works, written, as we have already uial' style, such as the Rajavaliya, the Ltch translations of the Bible were the the best - models to be followed in the translations of the Bible. 60
Sarathchandra Wickramasuriya.
nd vitti books, see Sannasgaia, op. cit., pp. 707
sical prose works utilised for the present study. ese editions:
lombo, 1948. aya Prakasakayo, Colombo, 1966. rimala thero, Colembo, 1955.

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SARATHCHANDRA
60.
Dalada Sirita, Ed. Välivitiye Sorata thero, Dharmapradipikàva, Ed. Medauyangoda Vima Ratna Prakasakayo, Colombo, n. d. Dhātuvaminsa ya Ed. Dambagasaare Sri Surned. Elu Attanagalu Vamsaya, Ed. Galagama Panc Kuveni Asna, Ed. D. W. Aryavansa thero, Milinda Prasnaya, Colombo, 1877. Pansiya Panas Jatakaya, Vols. I and II, Ed Colombo, n. d. Pijävaliva, Ed. Valane Dhammananda Nay Saddharmálankäraya, Ed. Pandita Kirielle Gn Saddharmaratamākaraya, Ed. K. Sugunasara til Saddharmaratanawaliya, Sahitya Pracharaka Sa Saràrtha Sangrahava, Ed. Kirielle Gnanavim Colombo, 1956. Saruagnagundlankaraya, Ed. R. de S. P. Wic Sinhala Bodhi Wasaya, Ed. Baddegama Dhar 1929. Sinhala Uphāsaka Janālankaraya, Ed. D. P. R. Colombo, 1961. Sri Saddharmavavada Sangrahaya, Ed. Pandita Colombo, 1956. Thipavansaya, Ed. Devundara Vachissara th Ummagga Jatakaya, Ed. Batuvantudave, Col Viimana Vastu Prakaranaya, Ed. Telvatte Mal The author wishes to thank Professors A. their valuable comments on this paper.

WICKRAMASURIYA 118
M. D. Gunasena and Co. Ltd, Colombo, 1961. lakitti thero and Kadavedduve Sumangala thero,
hankara thero, third edition, Colombo, 1930. lita Saranankara thero, Colombo, 1953.
Colombo, 1912. '
. G. F. Munasinghe and D. W. Siriwarde:a,
ka thero, Colombo, 1928. anawimala thero, Colombo, 1954. nero, Colombo, 1923. magama, Colombo, 1951. hala thero, M. D. Gunasena and Co. Ltd.
kramasinghe Mudivar, Colombo, 1914. maratana Nayaka thero, second edition, Weligama,
Samaranayaka, M. D. Gunasena and Co. Ltd.
Veragoda Amaramolithero, Ratnakata Publishers,
ero, Colombo, 1933. ombo, 1921.
hanaga Seelananda thero, Colombo, 1901,
S. Kulasuriya and P. B. Meegaskumbura for

Page 125


Page 126
Kingship in Sri Lanl
The Dhammic Conception, Divinity
An outstanding feature of the Si continuity lasting for nearly two thous: Buddhist institutions. No dynastic sta stability in the neighbouring Indian sul political ideas of the ancient Sinhalese the kingdoms in some of the countries Cambodia and Vietnam - where Buddhis to such a long continuity and historic continuity and stability in the political kingdom(s) was partly the result island's insularity, the island's managea isiographic features which permited cont dynastic centre before the thirteenth ce probably the absence of social classes
The development of ideas and idea inspired considerably by Indian influen cultural tradition in Sri Lanka followe countries of South-East Asia. The stri culture in these countries was the cent religieux — Hindu Brahmans and Buddhist intellectual, religious and cultural tra di in assimilating elements of the Indian tr the principal agents in the transmission outside India.
The indigenous rulers in Sri Lanka discovered that Indian literature and tr of court ceremonial and a model of g employed in consolidating their autho) introduction of Indian ideas and technc helped to promote the rise and develop gradually transformed into dynastic stat organizational and acquisitive activities resources.
Traditional Sinhalese history holds the legitimation of royal authority and island from Mauryan India in the reig of the great Indian Emperor Asoka. It
1. Mahavāmsā (MIV) translated into English b

ca: A. D. 1070- 1270
of Kingship and.the Heroic Ideal
halese monarchy is its almost unbroken ind years and its close connexions with te has ever had such a continuity and continent from where the culture and were mostly derived. Nor could any of of South-East Asia - Burma, Thailand m exerted a profound influence, lay claim al experience. The long and unbroken and cultural tradition of the Sinhalese of the protection, provided by the ble territorial dimensions and the phyrol over a major part of it from a single intury. Another contributory factor was able to challenge dynastic authority.
ls relating to kingship in Sri Lanka was ces. The diffusion of Indian ideas and d a pattern similar to the one in the king feature in the diffusion of Indian ral role played by local rulers and the monks - thoroughly trained in the Indian tion. The indigenous rulers took the lead adition while the religieux functioned as of the Indian cultural tradition to lands
and the South East Asian countries soon adition provided ideas of kingship, forms overnmental apparatus which could be ity over their respective societies. The logy in combination with other factors ament of kingdoms. Tribal chiefdoms were es which soon undertook constructional, according to their manpower and material
that the formal ceremonies relating to Buddhism were first introduced into the n of Tissa, the Sri Lankan contemporary , is significant that the local ruler adopted
y Wilhelm Geiger, Colombo, 1960, i XI : * 27-42

Page 127
121 KINGSHIP IN
the epithet Devanampiya, beloved of the This practice was continued by Tissa major event which is a landmark in S Buddhism in the same reign, by a mis a son of Asoka. The mission was enth court came under its influence and Soo) quently, the 'great monastery or the M. the royal park and it became the princ movement with royal Support and patro
From Anuradhapura which soon de power as well as of Buddhist intelli Buddhism gradually spread throughout pervasive influence. The mesolithic and parts of the island soon thoroughly assi transmitted by Buddhism and Präkrit wl rary expression. The spread of Buddhist ction of the art of writing into the isla type came to be used widely. These de together the various communities living identifiable composite proto-Sinhalese so
The close connection between Budd that between Buddhism and the Sinhale of the characteristic features of the Sin of its introduction into the island Budd on the institution of kingship and this until the monarchy was abolished in Kandyan Kingdom. Its influence was . Buddhist literature - the canonical text: an inseparable part of the Buddhist her
The influence exerted by Buddhism predominant only until the end of the Al by the Cola conquest around A. D. 993 intervened between the restoration of the (1070-1110) and Magha's conquest of Pol underwent a remarkable transformation ow within the island and the impact of for distinctive features. It was, perhaps, the Sri Lanka dependent on agriculture bas
2. The epithet Devanapiya was used in connex reign of Mahādāțhika Mahānāga. See Til Colombo, 1972, pp. 47-50,

SRI LANKA
gods' in imitation of thc Indian ruler. s successors for generations. Another nhalese history was the introduction of ion headed by Mahinda reported to be siastically received and Tissa and his became adherents of Buddhism. Subsehavihara was established at a site within pal centre in spearheading the Buddhist lage.
reloped as the principal centre of royal ctual, artistic and missionary activity
the island exerting a dominant and
megalithic peoples settled in different nilated the Indo-Aryan cultural tradition nich was the medium of Buddhist litea was also accompanied by the introdund and the Brahmi script of the Asokan velopments had the effect of welding in the island as a homogeneous and ciety.
hism and Sinhalese national identity and se monarchy may partially explain some halese state and Society. From the time. hism had exerted a profound influence influence was continuous and effective 1815 after the British conquest of the felt mainly through two forms of early s and the Jataka stories which became "itage in the island.
on the ideals of kingship were, however, nuradhapura period which was terminated 3. During the Polonnaruwa period which
Sinhalese monarchy under Vijayabahu I. onnaruwa in 1215 the ideals of kingship ring to political and societal developments eign influences. This period had certain in that traditional society and culture in ed on monumental irrigation works was
ion with the rulers of Anuradhapura until the ak Hettiarachchy, History of Kingship in Ceylon

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S. PATH
at the peak of its development. It wi power on an unprecedented scale. In acquisitive activities the state displayed : in earlier times. The development of s outside the mainstream of influences th growth of ideas and ideals relating to was also a need to broaden the concep the light of societal changes that were now to be considered.
The Polonnaruwa period was one du commercial and cultural contacts with tance were those with the Tamil kingd Burma, Cambodia and the Malay penins influences which were continuous from Cola conquest. Cola influences on Sin significant. During the period of Cola 1 the Sinhalese royalty whose authority W. of the island had forged links with the dynasties lin India. The dynastic conne: culminated in two Pandya princes ruling the mid-eleventh century.o Later, a siste a Pandya prince and their descendants for two generations. The dynastic conn of strengthening the Tamil (and Hindu) Indian influences were also felt through through the mercantile associations of Tami
Another source of strong influence of which the Sinhaliese court had dyn onwards. There was a strong Kalinga el this period. The chief qneen of Vijayab Kalinga in India. The two successors of (1112-1132) and Gajabāhu II (1132-1153) at court. Most of the successors of Par The presence of Kalinga princes and pr seems to have strengthened Hindu influe:
3 Two Tamil rulers, Vikrama Pandya and Pa for brief periods during the eleventh centu 4. The offspring of Mitta and her Pandya
Kit Siri Megha and Siri Vallabha, who di Dakkhinadesa and Rohana. Parākramabāhu 5. S. Pathmanathan, The Kingdom of Jaffna, pt.

MANATHAN 122
nessed the development of monarchical
its constructional, organizational and greater efficiency and competence than lch state power was inspired by ideals at had until this time determined the kingship in the island. Besides, there tual basis of monarchical authority in taking shape. These developments have
ring which the island had close political, he outside world. Of particular imporoms and Kalinga in India and with ula in South-East Asia. South Indian early times were felt intensively after the halese kingship, as will be seen were "ule over the northern part of the island as restricted to the southern - most part Pandyas, one of the two major Tamil kions between these two royal families in Rohana for brief periods during er of Vijayabāhu, Mittā, was married to held authority over most of the island Lexions with the Pandyas had the effect influence at the Sinhalese court. South Tamil officials employed at court and l origin and the military establishments.
on kingship was Kalinga with the rulers astic alliances from the tenth century ement at the court during the whole of ahu, Tilokasundari, was a princess from Vijayabāhu at Polonnaruwa, Vikramabāhu
were identified with the Kalinga faction akramabahu were also of Kalinga origin. incesses and courtiers at Polonnaruwa nces on court life and ideas of kingship.
rakama Pandya exercised authority over Rohana ry, Cilawansa (CV), 56 : 11-16. consort were the three princes, Manabharana, (vided among themselves, the principalities of
I was the son of Manābharata. I, Colombo, 1978, pp. 66-80.

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123 KINGSHIP II
Apart from the ideas assimilated f a variety of sources the Sinhalese court forms of Indiam literature on politics, Buddhist tradition. It is only when we the Pãli chronicle mentions Such text: The same chronicle credits Parakramaba Kautilya, and the Yuddharnaya - a text the long account of Parakramabahu as traces of the influence of Kautilya's m espionage as found in the Calavamsa ar cannot be the result of any accidental with Kautilya's treatise on the part of P. E. Fernando argues that the ideas o depicted in the inscriptions of Nissank influence of the Arthasastra. These insc the Dharmadhikaranan which recall the in the Arthasastra. The first of these Indian treatise while Dharmidhikaranam medieval Indian dynasties and the dhar of dharmasthaya mentioued in the Arthasat names are mentioned in Sinhalese inscri Nissamkamalla. It would appear that the in the twelfth century and were applied in existence. The use of the honorific ex of kings and princes in the inscripti considered as an instance of a practic influence of the Arthasastra.
Another major Indian treatise refer to the rulers of this period is the Mar centuries Manu’s work was held in h law and government. It was undoubte rulers of Sri Lanka, Vijayabahu II (1) J215) are said to have ruled in accorda ruler, Parākramabāhu II (1236—1271) is who was well versed in the ordinances remarkable that some of the ideas expr the Sri Lankan inscriptions of this per an infant king must not be despised, (f for he is a great deity in human form Galpota inscription of Nissankamalla w human form they are divinities and m
6. CV, 70 : 56-57 7. Reference may be made to Kautilya Arthase
pp. 18-24, and CV, 66 : 128 158. 8. P. E. E. Fernando, “Nissa mkamalla Asoka h 9. ibid. 10, ibid. 11. CV, 80 : 9, 53 (12). CV: 83: 6. 12. CV, 83 : 6. .:
3. Sacred Books of the East, Vol, 25 : The La 14. Epigraphia Keylanica (EK), Vol. II, p. 121

N SRI LANKA
'om contemporary Indian states through
was influenced also by a variety of warfare and administration outside the
come to the Polonnaruwa period that in relation to kingship and court life. hu I with having mastered the work of lealing with military science.6 Besides, recorded in the Pali chronicle bears clear asterly work. The details relating to ld the Arthasastra are so similar that it coincidence.7 It presupposes a familiarity the author of the Calavansa. Moreover, f kingship and administrative institutions amalla bear unmistakable traces of the riptions refer to the Kanataka sodhana and names of two judicial tribunals mentioned names occurs in an identical form in the which occurs also in inscriptions of some masastra texts could be a modifed form ra 9. It is of some significance that these ptions for the first time in the reign of ese names were introduced into the island to judicial institutions that were already pression Swamin in connexion with names ons of the twelfth century may also be :e that was adopted as a result of the
red to in the Pali chronicle in relation u Smrti. In the twelfth and thirteenth igh esteem as an authority in politics, dly one of the texts consulted by the 186-1187) and Parākrama Pandya (1212nce with the Laws of Manu.11 Another described in the Pali chronicle as one of Manu (Manu niti vicārato). 12 It is essed in the Mauu Smrti are echoed in lod. Manu for instancc asserts; Even rom an idea) that he is a (mere) mortal; .13 The same idea is conveyed in the hich claims that “though kings appear in 1st therefore be regarded as gods’.14
stra, trans. by R. Shama Sastry, Mysore, 1923,
nā kautiliya Arthasastraya”, Abhistava Sangrahaya p. 3.
ws of Manu, trans G. Buhler, Oxford, 1886, p. 217

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S. PATHM
Royal titles and epithets
The changes brought about in the assimilation of ideas and values trans to some extent reflected in the titles, epit of this period. The two epithets Maha, in the inscriptions of the Anuradhapura by that of Cakravartti during the Polonna was dropped altogether and it was neve usage after the tenth century. Althoug used in connexion with kings even afte established as the most often used c thirteenth centuries Viiayabahu I (1070– bāhu I (1153-1186), Nissannkamalla (1. Lokes vara are styled Cakravartti in insc not undergo thc ceremony of consecration as amasakviti, "a cakravartti in the exercis
The adoption of the royal title Cak in preference to the ones that were i careful consideration especially in view the cakravartti monarch in the Buddhist ti court ideology. The royal title cakrava, eonnexion with the cakravarttin ideal as adoption of this title was inspired direc texts the Cakravarttin ideal is expressed kingship in the ancient Sinhalese kingdor tradition, it is significant that the expr royal title during the whole period of therefore be assumed that the initial adol from contemporary neighbouring kingdc tradition.
The expression Cakravartti used as medieval Indian kings had a political c supremacy or overlordship occupied by to consider here the observations of K. A. in relation to the Cola king, Rajaraja I reign the Cola Kingdom ceases to be dimensions, the monarchy undergoes a king may be said, now to become Empe
15. EK, Vol. II, pp, 103, 174; Vol. IV, pp. 8 South Indian Inscriptions (SII), Vol. IV, No. 1
16. EK, Vol. V, p 400.
7. Charles Drekmeir, Kingship and Community in
1962, p. 57.

ANATHAN 124
stitution of kingship as a result of the litted by fresh streams of influence are ets, and names that belonged to the rulers arunaka and Mahiraja which were used
period to denote kings were superseded uwa period. The epithet Mahaparumaka to make its appearance in epigraphic h the title Maharaja continued to be the tenth century Cakravartti became f royal titles during the twelfth and 1110), Jayabāhu (1110-1112), Parākrama-. 87-1196), Sahasamalla (1200-1202) and iptions. 15 Even Gajabāhu II who did
is described in one of his inscriptions e of authority.' 16
ravartti by the monarchs of Polonnaruwa n vogue in the earlier period deserves of the prevalence of legends concerning radition and their influence on Sinhalese tti does not secm to have an intrinsic
there is no reason to believe that the tly by that ideal. In ancient Buddhist
in legends and although the ideals of n were derived primarily from Buddhist ession Cakravartti was never used as a the Anuradhapura Kingdom. It may tion of this title was due to influences bms and sources outside the Buddhist
a royal title with reference to many onnotation. It signified the position of he monarch. 17. It may be appropriate Nilakanta Sastri on the title Cakravartti
(985-1016). He says; 'And as in his
a small state and grows to imperial corresponding transformation, and the ror', “Cakravartigal' as he is occasionally
8, 256; Vol. II, p. 305; Wyol. V (3), p. 421 396.
Early India, Stanford Univesity Press California,

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125 KINGSHIP II
called by his subjects, though in his o as “udaiyar', and not till much later i adopted . . . '.18
The occurrence of the expression Tamil inscriptions of South India and expression in Tamil inscriptions than in and the fact that the title Cakravartti (k kingdom earlier than in Sri Lanka are considerable significance in the context o the Cola and SinhaIese kingdoms. The title Cakravartti (kal) by the Sinhalese preference to those used in the ninth a the Cola practice. The expression Cak commonest royal title in the Cola and the titles Udaiyar and Mahaparumaka. prefixed to this title in South India t permeate epigraphic usage in Sri Lanka
Another expression which conveyed Rajadhirāja, used as a royal epithet of in India as a title signifying imperial s of the Kusanas. It was also used by the eleventh and twelfth centuries. One 1069) had the title Rajadhiraja(n). It v Cola monarchs one of whom, Rajadhi of Parākramabahu II. 22 It is also signif by Parakramabahu I was also one of t kings, Kulottunga I (1070-1122).2 Yet a
18. K. A. Nilakanta sastri, The Cola revised 19. The title Tribhuvana Cakravartti occurs in
which are dated in the tenth year of a r the fifth ruler of that name. Parakramab varttin in the Tamil inscriptions issued by Inscription of Parakramabahu VI, Journal New Series, Vol. XVIII, pp. 59-60; A. V Peradeniya, 1972, pp. 56-67; K. Indrapala, 20. Parakramabahu is described as Rajadhiraja
II, pp. 273—4. 21. History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol.
Bombay, Third Impression, 1960. pp (4 Majumdar, Bombay, 2ud impression, 1962. 22. The prasasti of Vīrarājendra claims that Rajadhiraja on his return to the Cola campaigns against the Chalukyas and Pirkālaccolar Carittiram, Annamalai Universit 23. The Kalinkattupparani testifies that Akalank I. The Wikâya Sangrahaya asserts that Akalan after which he named 8ome of the monum Palanivel Pillai, Madras, 1965, p. 88, V. 2 revised and ed. by Mudaliyar W. F. Guna

SRI LANKA
ficial records he is still described only the title “Emperor of the three worlds
Cakravartti(kal) as a royal title in the Sri Lanka, the earlier occurrence of this the Sinhalese inscriptions of Polonnaruwa al) had come into vogue in the Cola considerations that have to be accorded the close contacts that existed between y all suggest that the assumption of the rulers of the Polonnaruwa period in ind tenth centuries was an imitation of ravartti (kal) became established as the Sinhalese kingdoms replacing respectively
Once the exptession Tribhuvana was
he modified form of the title began to
19
the same meaning as Cakravarttikal was
Parakrambahu I. It was widely used status and authority ever since the period the western Calukyas and Cola kings of
of the Cola kings, Virarajendra (1064was also the consecration name of two rāja II (1044-1054), was a contemporary icant that the other epithet Akalanka used he many epithets of one of the Cola unother instance of Cola influence on the
2nd edition, Madras, p. 448. :wo Tamil inscriptions from Tirukkevil both of uler named Vijayabâhu who may be identified as āhu VI is also described as Tribhuvana Cakrahim. S. Pathmanathan, The Munnesvaram Tamil of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, (JRASCB) elupillai, Ceylon Tamil Inscriptions (CTI), pt. II, Epigraphia Tamilica, Pt. I, Jaffna, 1971 pp. 29-3i; in his Sangamuva Vihara inscription. E3, Vol.
II: The Age of Imperial Unity; ed. R. C. Majumdar, 0, 347; Vol. III : The Classical Age, ed. R. C. , p. 359. : he assumed the the titles Rajairaja and capital after the conclusion of his successful their allies. See T. V. Satasiva Pantarattar, у, 1949, p. 268. in was one of the many epithets of Kulottunga ika was one of the many titles of Parakramabahu ents he had constructed. Salinkattupparani, ed P. 218, Nikāya Sangrahaya; trans C M. Fernando, wardhana, Colombo, I908, p 21.

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S. PATHM
Sinhalese monarchy was the adoption place of that of Wat himi which was us all kings mentioned in inscriptions ( honorific expression deva (r) is suffixed
inscriptions and in most of the Sinhales.
Another departure from tradition ma period was in respect of personal nam mostly had such names as Upatissa, Aggal and Kassapa which were closely associa assumption of such names suggests that by ideals rooted in the Buddhist tr Polonnaruwa period had a name with s. Jayabāhu, Vikramabāhu, Virabāhu, Gajab are all names which emphasise the hero such names on princes either at birth c suggest the inlfuence of the heroic ideal.
The conception of the divinity of k the Sinhalese court during the eleventh of ideas associated with this conception Indian texts on politics and administrat which prevaailed in other contemporary of the combined effect of the three cor in Buddhist idealism, the heroic ideal d tradition and the conception of the divi dharmasastra literature that the ideology during the two centuries that followed
The dhammi
Of the three conceptions of state p kingship during this period, the dhammi a legacy of the Anuradhapura period. canonical texts and the Jatakas. The sc was extended and enriched by Asokan the Mahayana. The conception of Dha. theory of kingship developed in the Bu mainly in the accounts of the Dhamnik and the Cakkavartti or World Conquero examined and commented upon by Rahu the most important extracts of these act are relevant to our main theme.26
24. Vijayabāhudeva (r) and Manābharana deva (r) a nathan, "The Tamil Inscription from H 1976 - 1976, pp 56- 61
25. Some of the contemporary Pāņdya kings ha Parakrama and Vira which presumably sugg.
26. Rahula, W., History of Buddhism in Ceylon
Dhamma as a Political Concept in Early pt. 2, 1968, p. 258; S, J. Tambiah, World ( Press, 1976, pp. 33-53.

ANATHAN 126
if the honorific expsession deva (r) in ed as a suffix in the names of almost f the late Anuradhapura period. The to the names of rulers in all Tamil : inscriptions of this period.2
de by the Sinhalese royalty during this s. The kings of the Anuradhapura period podhi, Samghatissa, Moggallāna, Mahinda ted with the Buddhist tradition and the the rulers of that period were inspired adition. But, none of the kings of the pecial Buddhist significance. Vijayabahu, āhu, Parākramabāhu and Nissamkamphalla ic quality. The fashion of conferring
r on consecration as kings may perhaps 25
ingship was another one which attracted and twelfth centuries. The assimilation was facilitated by the familiarity with ion and through a knowledge of ideas societies. Thus, it was as a consequence ceptions, the dhammic conception rooted epicted in the Arthasastra and the epic inity of kingship as expressed in the of state-power developed in Sri Lanka the period of Cola rule,
c. conception
ower which inspired the development of c conception had a long history and was Its origins could be traced from the Pali :ope and content of this conception idealism and subsequently by that of mma is fundamental in the early Buddhist ddhist canonical texts. It is expressed 9 Dhammaraja, the righteous monarch, r. Although these accounts have been la, Gokhale, Tambiah and other scholars counts may be considered here as they
re some of the noteworthy examples. S. Pathmaingurakdamana”, The Vidyodaya Vol. 5 , Nos 1-2,
names beginning with the expressions Vikrama, ested that the heroic ideal was cherished by them. , Colombo, 1956, p. 66; Bal Krishna G, Gokhale, Buddhism', ournal of Indian History, Vol. 46, Dongueror and World Renouncer, Cambridge University

Page 133
127
KINGSHIP IN
The Angutara nikaya for instan
Monks, the rajah, who rolls t a Dhamma man, a Dhamma ra on indeed no unroyal wheel'.
“And when he had thus spoker to the exalted one:
But who, lord is the rajah of roller of the wheel, the Dhamr Dhamma rajah?”
“It is Dhamma, monk” said th
Herein monk, the rajah, the w the Dhamma man, the Dhamma just on Dhamma, esteems Dhan as his standard, with Dhamma with Dhamma as his mandate, a Dhamma watch and ward for realm'27
The Dhammic conception is forumlated Sihanada sutta which records:
Long, long ago, brethren, there sovereign overlord named a righteous king ruling in right lord of the four quarters of the conqueror, the protector of his possessor of the seven precious to wit, the Wheel, the Elephant the Horse, the Gem, the Woma father, the Counsellor . . . He l supremacy over this earth to it. bounds, having conquered it, no scourge, not by the sword, but righteousness'.
“. . . but what sire is this Arya of a wheel turning monarch?
This, dear son, that thou, lean the Norm (the Law of truth a honouring, respecting and reveri doing homage to it, hallowing
27.
World Conqueror and World Renouncer, p. 40.

SRI LANKA
xe records:
he wheel (of state) jāb, rolls
l, a certain monk said
the rajah, the na man, the
e exalted one.
heel roller,
rajah, relies hma, with Dhamma
as his banner, he sets
folk within his
more elaborately in the Cakkayatti
WS 3.
2OuSneSS,
; earth, people, things,
n, the Houseived in
S OCC2
it by
by
un duty
ing on hd righteousness) ng it, it, being thyself

Page 134
S. PATHM
a norm-bearer, a norm signal,
as thy master, shouldst provide ward, and protection for thine
folk, for the army, for the nol vassals, for brāhmaņas, and ho for town and country-dwellers,
religious world, and for beasts Throughout thy kingdom let in wrongdoing prevail.'28
Dhamma is, therefore, an all encoi As cosmic law it regulates the world external, inexorable and inescapable ex conduct of kings and their subjects anc government were subject to the laws of butive effects on unjust rulers and go misrule. 29 Dharma as cosmic law was th righteousness (dhamma). 30 Dhamma was It was indeed its ordinating and legitimis of kingship, the king was the instrument came to be looked upon as a supra-n mere human agencies and rational force and exemplifying Dhamma maintains the cosmic forces and the socio-political or
In this conception power was to be uni military conquests were replaced with virtug derived from ethical conduct rather thar of leadership. The concept of “victory' the traditional Indian theory of king Cakravartti's dominions are established 1 by righteousness. In protecting his peop of a benevolent patron and beneficent evident from the new definition of the ness and welfare of the people thro raja). In the Indian tradition in which were unknown the notion that the ru utmost importance for averting tyranny relevant to recall here the remarks of
28. Sacred Books of the Buddhists, Vol. IV: Dialo
London, 1921, pp. 60-62. 29. Bai Krishna, G. Gokhale, “Dhamma as a
Indian History, Vol. 46, pt. 2, 1968, p. 25 30. World Conqueror and World Renouncer, p. 40. 31. Bal Krishna, G. Gokhale, “Dhamma as a l Indian History, Vol. 46, pt. 2, 1968, p. 255

ANATHAN 128
having thy norm the right watch, OW les, for seholders, for the
and birds.
passing norm having manifold aspects. and was conceived as a mystic force, sting in its own right. It regulated the
the forces of nature. The king and his Dhamma which could have cosmic retrivernments responsible for tyranny and e source of the code of kingship embodying
the very essence and goal of kingship. ing process. According to this conception of Dhamma and consequently kingship ormal institution beyond the control of 's. Kingship as an institution embodying : harmony and equilibrium between the der.
ited to virtue and wisdom and warfare and and morality as the goals of action. Merit heroism was to be the supreme quality which is of the utmost importance in ship is given a new definition. A not by the scourge nor by the sword but le the king had to appear in the guise savior than as a mighty warrior as is Räjä as one who increases the happiugh Dhamma (dhammena pare rajati'ti constitutional checks to royal authority iller was subordinate to dharma was of and abuse of authority. It may be Ananda K. Coomaraswamy who observes:
gues of the Buddha, part III, Rhys Davids,
Political Concept in Early Buddhism' Journal of 6.
Political Concept in Early Buddhism', Journal of

Page 135
129 KINGSHIP IN
The normal Oriental monarchy theocracy, in which the king's is that of an executive who ma what ought to be done and is : of justice (dharma) of which he himself the author.2
The emphasis on dharma in relation to unique in the whole range of Indian lit
That the principal ideas and beliefs had been incorporated into the corpl. illustrated by the Butsarana, a twelfth c
“The prosperity or the disasters
world are caused by the righteo wickedness of kings. When kin righteous; the gods who are the protectors and all others becom The sun and the moon move iI courses when kings act accordin righteous conduct. Just like the
forces which protect all forms arisen due to the laws of karm, protection of all beings is depe kings . . . .
The assimilation and adaption of canonical and other early Buddhist liter. of the conception of the Bodhisattva king passed on to Pagan and thenceforth to t Asia. This development was partly ins the island from the beginnings of the Buddhism assimilated ideas of bodhisa doctrinal aspects of Mahayanism. Whi the bodhisattva king the ethical and mor, the Dhammaraja and the Cakkravartti thought the Sinhalese tradition seems to the Cakkavartti monarchs at least unti It wouid appear, as asserted by R. A. L between a warrior king and the Buddh fact been mediated in the conception c
32. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, The Bugbear
Middlesex, 1979, p. 132, N. 8.
33. University of Ceylon History of Ceylon (UCH
34. R. A. L. H. Gunawardana, "The Kinsmen the Ancient and Early Medieval Kingdoms in Sri Lanka; ed Bardwell L. Smith, Cham

SRI LANKA
is really a osition y do only Servant is not
kingship in the Buddhist texts is almost erary tradition.
associated with the Dhammic conception s of the Sinhalese tradition is clearly entury Sinhalese text. It asserts :
of the
SSSS O
gs are ir e righteous.
their fixed g to
lifethat have a, the indent on
the ideas of kingship as expressed in ature led to the distinctive configuration developed in the Sinhalese tradition and he other Theravada polities of South-East pired by Mahayanist influences felt in historícal period. In Sri Lanka Theravada ttva to kingship while discarding the le incorporating into the conception of al values associated with conceptions of
monarch as found in early Buddhist have ignored the images associated with
the eleventh and twelfth centuries . H. Gunawardana that the contradiction list canonical ideal of kingship had in of the Bodhisattva king. Such a view
of Literacy, Perennial Books Ltd., Bedfront,
C), Vol. I, pt. II, Colombo, 1960, pp. 532-533. of the Buddha; Myth as a Political Charter in of Sri Lanka', Religion and Legitimation of Power
bersburg, 1978, p. 100.

Page 136
S. PATHM
implies that the canonical ideal of king the Sinhalese tradition. In a sense the the Dhammiko Dhammardja and the Budi to be regarded as the custodian of 6.
Dhamma which was the basis of king only through virtue and morality. sets of values or norms of conduct by acquire the charismatic qualities of a virtues' (dasarajadhamma), the ten merit heartwinning qualities (cattāri sangha va conduct caused by the four kinds observances (sila), liberality (pariccāga), (maddava), self-restraint (tapo), non-ang non-obstuction (avirodhana), are the ten
The ten meritorious actions, anot were enjoined to observe in their morality (sila), meditation (bhavana), (pindima), sharing other's merit (pin (vata vat kirima), honouring those wo preaching the doctrine (bana kirİma), and right views." The four kinds of e1 (chanda), malice (dosa), fear (bhaya) an (peyya vaija), beneficent action (atthacar the four heartwinning qualities.38
In the Sinhalese tradition these sets conception of the Bodhisattva king an kingship and court morality. The ten n king made it obligatory on his part th: Dhammic ideal was adapted by the Sir to be a Buddhist and by the tenth cer not only be a Buddhist but was indeed as is attested by the Jetavanarama Sans This inscription in fact asserts that r Lanka and adds that this assurance wa
The king, however, could not become a ruler. The qualities of a bodhisattva c conforming to the Dasarajadhamma and rulers, therefore, often took care to m
35. Balkrishna G. Gokhale, “The Early Buddh
Oriental Society, 89 (4), 1969, pp. 736-7.
36. Wilhelm Geiger, Culture of Ceylon in Medieval
37. M. B. Ariyapala, Society in Medieval Ceylon,
38. ibid. p. 50.
39. EK, Vol. I, p. 237.

ANATHAN 130
ship had been considerably modified in Bodhisattva king combined the qualities of ha and in the Sinhalese tradition came society” (loka) and Buddhism (säsana).
his charisma could be secured by the Early Buddhist literature mentions four the observance of which a ruler could dhammic king. They are “the ten royal orious actions (dasapinkiriyavat), the four tthuni) and the avoidance of wrongful of error. Alms giving (dana), moral straightforwardness (ajava) gentleness er (akkodha), forbearance (khanti) and
royal virtues.36
ner set of virtues which the kings daily-life are alms-giving (dana), sharing one's own merit with others anumodana), attending to one's duties orthy of honour (pidiya yuttan pidima), listening to the doctrine (bana âsima), ror that have to be avoided are desire d delusion (moha). Charity, kindly speech iya) and equanimity are mentioned as.
of values were incorporated into the i were regarded as a basis of the ideal meritorious acts enjoined on a dhammmic at he be a devout Buddhist. Once the halese royalty the king had necessarily tury the conception that the king should a bodhisattva became well established krit inscription of Mahinda IV (956-972). one but bodhisattvas may be kings of s given by the Omniscient Buddha.39
: a bodhisattva by the mere fact of being, :ould be achieved by a king only by similar norms of conduct: The Sinhalese hention in their inscriptions that they
ist View of the State“, Journal of the American
Times, ed. Heinz Bechert, Wiesbade:, 1960, p. 133.
Colombo, (2nd print), 1968, pp. 48-49.

Page 137
131 KINGSHIP IN
adhered to the ten royal virtues and si rulers of the Polonnarawa period Vijaya said in inscriptions, to have ruled in a
The Ambagamuva rock inscription the only document of this period which s which a ruler claims to have possessed had developed as his own the followin hospitable attention to preceptors, homa! for the learned, assistance to kinsmen, int foes, compassion for all living beings a no way identical with the dasarajadham ideals of a Buddhist monarchy. Nissa ten meritorious actions and the four chronicle, however, credits only Vijayab, king. He is said to have ruled in acc the four heart-wimning qualities and av
There is some evidence in inscriptio who lived up to the dhammic ideal wi and the Buddha and to have attained the bodhisattva king was known at le century is evident from the account of Sir Sirisangabodhi who led a life of piety, pra dhammic ways had, according to the Ma ties characteristic of a bodhisattva. Seve chronicle with similar attainments. Buc the life of a bodhisattva. 44 Upatissa II (: the ten pārāmitas. “o Aggadodhi I (571have aspired to Buddhahood. 46 Bỳ the king appeared in a fully developed epigraphic usage
When kings came to be regarded as which had been hitherto reserved for th kings. One such instance as found in : expression having ascended the platea and auspicious lion-throne, subdued th his word (of command)." This expres:
---------- - - - -- ----------- 40. EK, Vol. I, pp. 180-181, EK, Vol. II, p. 41. EK Vol. II, No. 35, p. 26. 42. Cy, 80: 9, 13-14. 43, MV, 36; 90. The Elu Attanagalu Vamsaya
Sanghatissa, was so named because he ha 44. CV. 37 : 109; R. A. L. H. Gunawat dan , 45. Ο ν. 37 - 180. 46. Robe and Plough, p. 173. 47. EK, Vol. I, p. 223.

SRI LANKA
milar norms of conduct. Among the abahu I, Nissankamala and Lilavati are ccordance with the dasarajadhamma.40
of Vijayabahu I is unique in that it is specifically mentions the virtuous qualities This inscription claims that Vijayabahu g qualities: Veneration for the triple gem, ge to the righteous, prosperous condition imacy towards friends, haughtiness towards und wisdom in council.4 These are in ma. Yet they are essentially the avowed mikamalla claims that he practised the heart-winning qualities as well. The āhu II with all the virtues of a dhamimic ordance with the ten virtues, practised oided the four wrongful paths.2
ns and literature to show that the kings are considered prototypes of bodhisattvas supernatural power. That the concept of ast in a germinal form from the third isangabodhi as recorded in the Mahavamsa. ictised the ten royal virtues and pursued havansa, attained the Mahasattva qualiral other kings are credited in the Pali ldhadasa (337-365) is said to have led 517-604) is credited wiih having practised 504) and Sena I (833-853) are said to tenth century the concept of a bodhisattva form and found concrete expression in
bodhisattvas certain terms and expressions he Buddha and arahants were applied to a record of Kassapa IV(898-914) is the of the red-stone which is the pleasant e enemies with the terrific lion roar of sion has been adopted from the Jataka
193 A ; SII, Vol, IV, 1396.
claims that Siri Sangabodhi, the successor of s taken refuge in the Sangha and the Bodhi tree. Robi and Plough, University of Arizona, 1979, p. 73.

Page 138
S. PATHM
literature wherein it is used in connexion is the use of the expression pirinivi in Badulla pillar inscription of Udaya IV referred to as Satalosa piriniviyan vahanse, in the seventeenth (regnal) year.' 48 Al suggests, that this was the most respect the death of a king,9 viewed in the li Kassapa IV, as seen earlier, it wold ap connexion with presumably the same ki is analogous to that of Nirvanapada usec accordance with the Khmer traditions o
There is some evidence to show tha Mahinda IV (982-1029) to represent t iconographic art. As pointed out by R tama palangi has been used in one of hi of the Buddha set up by the king expression is generally used in Sinhalese measure it my be assumed that Mahind physically resembled himself or whose similar to his. It was presumably a sy. the king was a Buddha or a potential inspired by ideas of kingship in so where the practice of erecting portrait s bodhisattvas, Vishnu or Siva was widely IV to introduce in art the symbolism bodhisattva king perhaps did not find to have been followed by any of his
The conception of a bodhisattva kii twelfth and thirteenth centuries and the upheld by the Polonnaruwa court. The s II, has been compared to a bodhisattva Mahāvansao2 while Vijayabāhu IV (1271in the same work. In asserting “I will is endowed with the benevolent regard bodhisattva king who like a parent protects
48. EK, Vol, V, p. 87; Robe and Plough, p. 174 49. EK Vol. III, pp. 86-87. 50. G. Coedes, The Indianized States of South Ea. Cowing, Honolulu, 1968, pp. 135-137; Robe 51. Robe and Plough, p. 75. 52, Manifesting great exertion, he like a wise
himself in all beings.' CW, 80 : 6. 53 CV, 88 35. 54. EK, Vol II, No. 29, p. 176.

ANATHAN 132
with the Buddha. Another such instance referring to the demise of a king. In the (946–954), a predecessor of the king is “the lord who entered the parinirvana though it is possible, as Paranavitana ful way the scribe knew of referring to ght of the unprecedented description of pear that the expression piriniyi used in ng had a much deeper significance and i in connexion with Suryavarman I in f apotheosis.50
it an attempt was made in the reign of he concept of the bodhisattva king in ... A. L. H. Gunawardene, the expression is inscriptions to describe a golden image at the Bul aula monastery.si. As this texts in the sense of proportion or a had set up a Buddha image which physical stature or proportions were mbolic representation of the idea that Buddha and this attempt was perhaps me of the countries of South-East Asia statues of kings in the form of Buddhas, prevalent. Yet, the attempt of Mahinda
associated with the concept of the general acceptance and does not seem
SUCCCSSOS,
ng had continued to prevail even in the dhammic ideal associated with it was successor of Parakramabahu I, Vijayabahu and described as a model king in the - 1272) is referred to as a bodhisattva show myself in my (true) body which arid attachment to the qualities of a the world and religion, Nissankamalla
st Asia, ed. Walter F. Vella, trans. Susan Brown
and Plough, p. 174.
bodhisattva, everywhere in everyway interested

Page 139
133 KINGSHIP. IN
was claiming that he was a bodhisattva of his subjects that the appearance of as the appearance of the Buddha. Mor have observed the ten royal virtues', “th ten meritorious actions”.55
The description of Gajabāhu II as of authority'in one of his inscriptions is reminiscent of the early Buddhist traditi of ana cakka and dhamma cakka in an : order. The occurrence of the express perhaps suggest that an attempt was m the title cakkavatti and re-interpret it i court ideology. Once the title cakravart title it is possible that imaginative cour with the ideas associated with the co developed in Buddhist canonical texts. ment was inspired by the traditions of which the Sinhalese court had close cu concept of the bodhisattva king and tha incorporated into the court ideology of t For instance, Kyanzitha (1084-1113) whi of Burma had the title Tribhuvanaditya
of the Three Worlds'.6A Besides, in an to Suvarnabhumi, Kyanzitha is described ;
(paramisvar), the mighty universal mon vehicle the white elephant, the omniscie Buddha and save from misery all
presupposes that the Burmese court idec Hindu ideas and traditions of kingship. of Buddhist monastic orders with Burm 1110) and the close connexion between traditions may have resulted in the coul being influenced by that of the Burme Buddhist scholastic activity during this and elaboration of the ideas of kingshi
The new influences on the ideol permeated the historiographic and epigra reached unprecedented heights in the Ci the inscriptions of Nissamkamalla which , theme in the whole range of Sinhalese contain long descriptions expounding the
55. EK, Vol. II, No. 17, pp. 118; No. 28. p. 56. EK, Vol. V, No. 38, p. 398. 56A. World Conqueror and World Renoucer, p. 81. 57. ibid.

SRI LANKA
Besides, he impressed on the minds an impartial king should be welcomed 'eover, in his inscriptions he claims to he four heart-winning qualities' and “the
ana sakyiti, a cakravartti in the exercise s of considerable significance. 56 It is on which postulates the twin conception attempt to explain the socio-political ion ana Sakviii in this epigraph may ade to provide a conceptual basis to in the context of Buddhist tradition and ti became established as a regular royal tiers and religieux sought to connect it ncept of Cakravarttin, World Emperor' It is also possible that such a developthe courts of Pagan and Cambodia with ltural and commercial connexions. The ut of the Cakravartti monarch had been he Burmese kings in the eleventh century. o united the kingdoms and principalities dhammaraj the righteous king, the sun
inscription set up in 1098 upon his visit as “the king of kings', the lord supreme
arch (bala cakkrauar) who makes his nt Bodhisattva, who verily shall be a living creatures. Such a description logy had assimilated both Buddhist and The reorganization and reconstitution Lese support under Vijayabāhu I (1055the Sinhalese and Burmese Theravada rt ideology of the Polonnaruwa rulers ise kings. It would also appear that period resulted in a review, reinforcement p in the Sinhalese tradition.
ogy of the kings of Polonnaruwa had phic traditions. The rhetoric of kingship ilavamsa account of Parakramabahu and are almost unique in their form and epigraphy. Most of these inscriptions ideals of kingship and extolling the
163.

Page 140
S. PATHM
qualities of the king. There is a certai kingship reflected in the inscriptions of pointed out by P. E. E. Fernando. But kamalla's courtiers had any familiarity with and it is impossible that the Dhamma expou court of Polonnaruwa, especially in view c the two rulers. The only plausible explan: ideas and concepts depicted in the inscripti from a common tradition or source. Th formulated in the canonical texts was d It may be suggested that an attempt w to portray the king in the image of a volence, compassion, a passionate conce kindness to human and non-human bei , combat, provision of tax relief for subj
of the subjects, promotion of dharma
attributed to Nissamkamalla are more o attributes of the Dhammaraja and the
tradition. Once epigraphy became the ideology in terms of legends relating te quality of the inscriptions improved at them the actual historical personality while the mystic and miraculous cha predominant.
As seen earlier the inscriptions of ideas associated with the Cakravarttin id traced his descent from the Kalinga Cakra in legends in order to reinforce his cla with superhuman and miraculous power. the island to have used in clear terms thi theory of state power which sought position of super-human, divine power. to have become an expression symbolisi sacred power of the king,
The notion that the king is a bodh. poses that he possesses mystic and mira all such power for his role as protector Buddhism (sasana). Protection involves order but also the assurance of security disease and natural calamities. There is to show that kings who followed dhaml possessed mystic and super-natural pe monsoonal rains came with regularity contentment during the reign of Sena II
58. CV, 51 : 51.

ANATHAN 134
n parallel betwen some of the ideas of
Asoka and those of Nissamkamalla as it is difficult to concede that Nissamor even knowledge of Asokan inscriptions nded by Asoka had any influence om the f the vast chronological gap that separated tion regarding the parallel between the ons of these rulers is that they were derived e early Buddhist ideal of kingship as oubtless a common Source of inspiration. as made in the reign of Nissamkamalla Cakravarttiin monarch. Liberality, benen for the weaker sections of society, ngs, submission of enemy kings without ects, concern for the economic prosperity and possession of miraculous powers r less reminiscent of the qualities and Cakrvartti monarch of early Buddhist principal medium of expressing the court the Cakravarttin monarch the literary the expense of their historical value. In of the king recedes into the background racteristics of the ideal king became
Nissamkamalla bear clear traces of the leal. It would appear that Nissamkamalla vartti portrayed as a Cakravarttin monarch im that he was such a monarch endowed Thus, he emerges as the first ruler in 2 Cakravartin ideal for the comprehensive to exalt the person of the king to the Under him the title Cakravartti appears ng the majesty, charisma and immanent
isattva or a Cakravattin monarch prespuculous power. The king should harness and custodian of society (loka) and of not only the manitenance of law , and y from fear for the subjects, famine,
some evidencé from the Pāli chronicle mic ways were generally believed to have )wer, It is claimed in that work that and the people lived in happiness and who was just and virtuous. Parakrama

Page 141
135 KINGSHIP I
bāhu II was another king in the estin supernatural powers, could eliminate th forces of nature. An unprecedented dr in famine all over Lanka and the rule: poverty-stricken inhabitants by causing
and it is further recorded that people , to the miraculous and divine powers o
The inscriptions of Nissamkamalla natural powers. The Galpota inscriptio)
“His command of personality i to the eyes of the world throu that at his coronation festival frown dispersed the clouds that filling the vault of the firmam great majestic power is such th hunting in the forest a fierce bear sprang before him with a he laid her whelps dead at his possesses the powers of a lion (can) extract water from any s for (on one occasion) when (t a waterless desert, there fell a rain from an out-of-season clo produced an abundant stream. command is such it is not trar for instance, when (once) going enjoy sea-ports, a huge venomc appeared in front of him, he s “thy approach is unwelcome, b snake stung itself and died on
These claims, although of unhistoric inconsistent with the belief encouraged ments and widely held in society that employing such expressions Nissamkamal and in an uninhibited manner the qual: Cakravartti monarch. He was one ruler varttin ideal and encouraged the belief
The conception of the monarch's r one is one that was closely associated is said to have remarked that even as the Cakravartti monarch is belcved of
59. cy, s7: 10-13. 60. EK, Vol. II, No. 17, p. 116.

N SRI LANKA
ation of the chronicler who with his evil effects caused by the capricious ught which occurred in his reign resulted
is said to have brought relief to the rainfall through his miraculous powers littributed the relief thus provided to them
the king 39.
redit him with the possession of superl, for instance, asserts :
s made dazzling gh the fact he by a mere
gathered ent. His at when savage she
sharp growl, feet. He king, which pot he liked, ravelling) in shower of ud (and) His power of nsgressible,
to Bāņa to }us Snake aid to it,
off'. The the spot'.60
al and legendary basis, are not totally by the court and the Buddhist establishthe monarch was potentially divine. By la was only claiming in extravagant terms ities that were generally associated with a who endeavoured to propagate the Cakrain the concept of a bodhisattva king.
elations with his subjects as a paternal with the Cakravarttun ideal. The Buddha a father is near and dear unto his sons all his subjects. This idea was basic to

Page 142
S. PATHIM,
Asokan idealism. In one of his edicts t are my children. Just as in the case of may get welfare and happiness in this all'.61 The ideal bodhisattva king of th supposed to protect his subjects like a again goes on record as the only king appear as parents of the world.62
There is some evidence to show that the symbolism associated with the Cakra umbrella, the wheel, the white elephant the most important symbols of a Cakravartt two are said to be mystic entities which mak remain in his personal possession until the e be invisible to mortal eyes.63 The conch and part of the royal insignia and it is ext connexion with the Cakravarttin ideal. Th as symbolic representations in courts. T1 on the slab on which the Galpota inscr. and when considered in the light of the with a Sanskrit verse on Dharma there i represent one of the attributes of the
Another mystic symbol of the Cakra as bright and beautiful, octagonal in des ness and in circumference like the nave that it surpasses all and spreads around be relevant to consider here the significa belonged to Vikramabahu II, the son a expression could possibly be interpreted king who had his counsellors or official tradition or a king distinguished by the mystic symbols associated with the Cakra to show that the Vedic concept of ratn court it is unlikely that the epithet nava to that associated with the ratnins of V tation of the term as suggested here wo if we take into consideration the influer kingship during this period. The epithet
61. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. I, ed. E,
Dhauli.
62. EK, Vol. II, No. 28, p. 163.
63. Balakrishna G. Gokhale, “Early Baddhist Kin
1, 1926, p. 19.
64. ibid.
65. EK, Vol. V, pt. 3, p. 407.

ANATHAN: 136
he great Indian monarch says : 'All men my own children I desire that they and the next world so do I desire for e late Anuradhapura period was also father unto his children. Nissamkamalla of the island to have claimed that kings
: there was an attempt to adopt partially varttin ideal. The conch, the whiteand tne white horse are supposed to be monarch and among these all but the first e their appearance on his coronation and nd of his reign. They are are also said to i the white umbrella have always formed emely doubtful that their use had any e wheel and the horse were never employed he representation of a pair of elephants iption is engraved is of some significance a fact that this inscription commences S reason to believe that these elephants
cakravartti monarch.
vartti monarch was the jewel described ign, well-polished, four cubits in thickof a cart-wheel. Its brilliance is such for a league on every side. 6. It may ince of the epithet nayaratnabhüpati which nd successor of Vijayabahu I. 6. This in two ways: it could denote either a s designated ratnins following the Vedic possession of the jewel - one of the vartti monarch. As there is no evidence ins was ever familiar to the Sinhalese iratnabhiapati had any connotation similar edic tradition. The alternative interpreuld appear to be a more plausible one ce exerted by the Cakravartti ideal of Navaratnabhapati became common as a
Hultsch, Oxford, 1925. First Separate Rock edet -
ship', Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 26, No.

Page 143
137 KINGSHIP I
royal epithet in a modified form af navaratnaidhipati, the original significance
subsequent centuries, is often mention inscriptions and other official documents
On the whole the Dhammic conception cation and culture to the Sinhalese co the king and his government in their re further the close alliance between the co and helped to consolidate their powe realities of life and politics.
Divinity of Kingship
While continuing to encourage the of this period incorporated into the col thought which helped to strengthen furt influence on ideas of kingship in Sri Lank upon by some scholars. G. C. Mendis, f
The ideas of kings too chang during this period . . . According Nissamkamalla an impartial kin
Buddha, and though kings appe they were to be regarded as gc
Nissankamalla's statement clear strong influence of Hinduism a
Regina Clifford maxes the following
Lanka has also been greatly ir which is sustained through the numerous Hindu queens and a The N i ti literature of India has Ceylonese courts, especially the The latter two influences are o The purpose of the Arthasastra efficient means of stabilizing a
It was during this period that the in Sinhalese inscriptions. The conceptio counterpart in the Hindu tradition the In India the conception of the divinity old as the Vedic tradition. The de' endorsed by the Mahãbhãrata, Manu ; way, was to some extent encouraged by
66. G. C. Mendis, The Early History of Ceylon 67. Regina T. Clifford, The Dhammadipa T. the Sinhalese Chronicles', Religion and Legit

N SRI LANKA
er the fourteenth century. The epithet of which was forgotten and unknown in
d in connection with the monarch in issued by the courts of Kotte and Kandy.
had imparted a high degree of sophistiurt and had a moderating influence on lations with their subjects. It cemented urt and the higher echelons of the Sangha r in the island but it concealed the
cult of the bodhisattva king the rulers rt ideology ideas from Hindu political mer the authority of the monarch. Hindu a have been recognised and commented or instance says:
2d to some extent
tO
g was like a
ared in human form
lds, and
ly shows the
it this time' 66
g pertinent observations;
fluenced by Hinduism, presence of large Hindu population. ; also pervaded the
Arthasastra . . . f special import. is to enumerate nd expanding a kingdom'."
divinity of kingship found full expression n of the bodhisattva king had as its coneption of the divinity of kingship. of kingship in an embryonic form is as velopment of this conception, which is and other authorities in an ambiguous the development of monotheistic religions
, Calcutta, 1940, p. 99. radition of Sri Lanka: Three Medels within imation of Power in Sri Lanka, p. 44.

Page 144
S. PATHM
such as Saivism and Vaishnavism. T had served to reiterate the need for c. political society. They did not concede nor did they invest him with omnipote similarity of the king to the gods and ception was however interpreted loosely and following their example the rule omnipotent divinity by assuming titles s Paramesvara.68
As pointed out by G. C. Mendis a of the Indian treatises such as the Man was familiar by this time that expressic of the king to the gods came to be in by Vijayabahu I and his successors. The for instance, describes the king in the
(He has surpassed the Sun in 1 in him, Mahesvara (Siva) in pri haughty spirit, the chief of the kingly state, the lord of the ric inexhaustible wealth, Kitisuru in happiness to living beings, the gods (Brihaspati) in the fertility moon in gentleness, Kandarpa i his beauty and the Bodhisattva of his benevolence'.69
The same idea is expressed in co Devanagala inscription in almost identica uses a slightly different imagery to conv the general Bhama, who attained the ranl kingdom had reached an advanced state is like unto Visnu for Mahalaksmi, like unto Surya for his pleasing appearance.7
The conception of the divinity of epigraphic documents. It was incorpora tradition. The Rasavāhini echoes the Man themselves on earth as if they were cre Yama, the sun-god, the moon-god, Mirty and Agni (the God of fire).72 It may be tion conveys the same idea when it dec form, they are divinities and must theref
68. The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 140. 69. EK, Vol. II, No. 35, pp. 215-216. 70. EK, Vol. III, No. 34, pp. 323-4. 71. EK, Vol V, No. 12, p. 161. 72 UCHC, Vol. I, pt. II, p. 532. 73. EK, Vol. II, No. 117, p. 121.

ANATHAN 138
» Manu and his school this conception ercive power for the maintenance of a to the king a position of infallibility it divinity. They refer to the functional this is done metaphorically. The conto suit court vanity when the Kusanas rs of other Indian dynastics claimed 1ch as Sarvaloka isvara, Mahesvara and
d others it was owing to the influence u Smrti with which the Sinhalese court ns describing the functional similarity cluded in Sinhalese inscriptions issued Ambagamuva inscription of Vijayabahu, ollowing manner:
he majesty inherent owess, Visnu in gods (Indra) in hes Kuvera) in
(bestowing) preceptor of the of wisdom, the n the richness of
in the fullness
nnexion with Parakramabāhu I in the | language.70 The Minipe slab inscription ey a similar idea in connexion with k of a local ruler when the Polonnaruwa of decline. It descrtbes him as one who
unto Brahma for Sarasvati and like
kings was not confined only to the ited also into the Sinhalese literary u Smrti when it asserts : “Kings conduct ated out of the six divinities, namely, 'u (Death), Kuvera (ths God of Wealth) recalled here that the Galpota inscriplares that though kings appear in human ore be regarded as gods'.7

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139 KINGSHIP II
It is relevant to consider here the inscriptions as rajanarayana.7. It shoul purely on account of the eulogistic c occurs. The expression could be interp the king as Visnu and this idea h rulers long before the tenth century. T. of the notion of the divinity of k rulers of Polonnaruwa may suggest th: connexion with Vikramabahu was int more developed form. The concepti from the theory of avatara assocti by the later versions of the Ramdiyana of many titles and epithets assumed b Another epithet, Saranagata Vajraparijaj refuge' used in connexion with Vikramab that the expression rājanārāyaa was inti of kingship. The use of this expressic practice as rajandrayana was an epithet
The description of Vikramabahu as
spirit of the times. His position in the of Suryavarman among the Khmer rulers. rulers in his hostility to Buddhism and
he could not have been depicted as a b be represented as a Devaraja like his p1 of both these kings the court ideology that projected the vision coloured by th of Vikramabahu, the traditional concepti by that of the divine monarch while S a devaraja is depicted as one who attai Nissamkamalla was another ruler who s divinity of kingship.
The greater stress on ideas associate conception of the bodhisattva king towar during the reign of Nissamkamalla, see to reiterate the constant need for coer unrest and the greater insecurity of the
The Heroic ideal
Another characteristic feature of ki was the great stress laid on the heroic on politics the king was regarded essen conceded that kingship originated on a
74. EK, V, pt. 3, p. 407.
75. See S. Kiribamune, "The Royal Consecra Vikramabāhu I and Gajabāhu II”, The Sri Jan. 1976, (Jaffna), p. 14.

N SRI LANKA
description of Vikramabahu in one of his d not be ignored as a mere metaphor haracter of the inscription in which it eted in a literal sense as referring to ad become familiar to many Indian he adoption of the terminology expressive ingship in the inscriptions of other ut the expression rajanārāyaņa used in ended to convey the same idea in a on of a saviour was partly derived ited with Vaishnavism and propagated and the Puranas. It became the basis y some of the medieval Hindu kings. a, the diamond cage to those seeking ahu in the same inscription would suggest ended to convey the idea of the divinity bn was presumably prompted by a Cola of some of the Cola kings.
rajanarayana was in conformity with the Sinhalese dynasty was similar to that He was exceptional among the Sinhalese partiality towards Saivism. Therefore, bodhisattva king as Siryavarman could not
•edecessors who were Saivites. In respect had to be expressed in an imagery eir respective predilections, In the case on of the bodhisattva king was replaced iryavarman instead of being depicted as ned the state of nirvana. As noticed earlier ought to propagate the notion of the
2d with the divinity of kingship and the
is the end of the twelfth century, especially
ms to have been prompted by the need
cive authority against a background of
rulers.
ingship in Sri Lanka during this period
ideal. In the earliest Indian literature tially as a warrior and it was generally ccount of military necessity. Protection,
tion in Medieval Sri Lanka: The Problem of Lanka Journal of South Asian Studies, Vol. I, No. 1,

Page 146
S. PATHM
the primary function of kingship, assum principal attributes of kings. That the
such an idea is suggested, for instance kings of Anuradhapura since pre-Christi. association of the expression abhaya meá in the names of kings is suggestive of in early Sri Lanka. 76 The expression at in the inscriptions of the Polonnaruwa
of the two alternate titles assumed by the The heroic ideal, however, was not an ov of court ideology in the Anuradhapura began to be profoundly influenced by c
Traditionally, in India, chivalry and the ruling class, the Kshatriyas who had p has been one of the principal motivatin of the aristocratic classes was initially "honour' and glory'." This ideal with became devalued when it yielded to the bodhisattva was revived and rein Arthasyāstra school. Consequently heroi quality of charismatic leadership and ar and enlarging its resources. It is useful Drekmeier who says :
(In Vedic times warfare had be kings, the means of fulfilling ti duty and attaining glory and hc traditional literature on caste fu continued to view war as its o a positive good in itself and in kshatriya dharma. By the age ( implicit in the Arthasastra of K. ceased to be regarded as an ar. having as its main objective mi had come to be conceived as a strengthening the state and enri treasury . . . The kshatriya ideal battle and the discounting (and of material profit were undoubt empire-building'.78
The heroic ideal depicted in Indian ideology of the Polonnaruwa period to a relevance to the historical circumstances
76. History of Kingship in Ceylon, pp. 18-21 77. Kingship and Community in Early India, p. 157 78. ibid.

ANATHAN 140
is valour and military prowess to be the ancient Sinhalese were not unaware of .
by the title Abhaya assumed by the in times. It has been suggested that the ining fearless' or “undaunted' with gamani the warlike character of the leadership haya (and its variant apaya) occurs even period in association with Salameka one : kings of Sri Lanka on their consecration. er-riding consideration in the development kingdom ever since ideas of kingship onceptions associated witn dharma.
martial prowess have been the virtues of olitical experience. The heroic ideal which g forces in developing the social values
concerned mainly with the ideals of
its stress on energy and action which the ideal of the wandering ascetic and terpreted under the influence of the sm came to be regarded as the supreme instrument for strengthening the state to recall here the observations of Charles
en the sport of he kshatriya onour. The nction wn justification,
trinsic to of empire (and autilya), war had istocratic pastime litary glory, and n instrument for ching its 1 of honour in
even) disparaging edly hindrances to
tradition began to permeate the court considerable extent as it had a particular and political needs of the times. The

Page 147
14 KINGSHIP IN
wars against the Colas in the eleventh c the first half of the twelfth century be contenders required qualities of military order. The dynastic marriages with the Kanauj had the effect of injecting new which during this period produced a num of leadership and organization. 79 The pri Indian kingdoms and the courtiers and island brought with them ideas of chival failed to make an impression at the Polo accentuated by the influence of the Col: heroic ideal almost into a cult.
The impact of the new influences ol to some extent reflected in the type of this period. Princes were generally expec matters concerning politics, warfare and I was broadened in the eleventh and twelf major Indian works like the Kautilya Arth This development had the effect of encou) problems of politics and government. perceived by Regina T. Clifford who wr
“The Niti literature of India has especially the Arthasastra . . . TI enumerate efficient means of Sta concern for such virtues as con a function of propaganda or for are sufffficiently established to { translation of the Calavamsa and carefully note the instances when on sections of the Arthasastra.
changes Dhammakitti's model, as of kings to Indra. The effect
increased emphasis upon power a this effect full expression in the
The study of some Indian texts also relevance of the heroic ideal to contemporal this period were inspired by the heroic i. recorded in the Calavansa and attributed
79. Vijayabâhu I had as his chief queen Tilok held sway over Rajarata for a period of twer offspring of this union. Vijayabahu's sister M three sons called Manabharana (1), Kitti Sir and his rival cousin Manabharana II were consort of Vijayabāhu was Lilāvati the dau ruled over Rohana. 80. Religion and Legitimation of Power in Sri Lanka,

SRI LANKA
entury and the wars of succession during Iween evenly powerful and resourceful organization and leadership of a high royal families of Pandya, Kalinga and
blood into the Sinhalese royal family er of princes remarkable for their qualities ices and princesses who came from the hieftains who accompanied them to the ry and kingship which could not have anaruwa court. This impact was further monarchy which had transformed the
the ideology of the ruling classes was princely education that prevailed during ted to acquire a sound knowledge of eligion. The scope of princely education th centuries by a systematic study of asastra, the Ramayana aud the Manu Smrti. raging in the princes a secular approach to Such a development has already been ites:
; also pervaded the Ceylonese courts, he purpose of the Arthasastra is to bilizing and expanding a kingdom. The passionate means is relegated either to "saken entirely until stability and strength intertain such tangential notions. Geiger's his Culture of Ceylon in Medieval Times Dhammakitti models particular actions The influence of Hindu gods also is evidenced by the frequent comparisons of the Arthasastra and Indra is an und courage, and Dhammakitti allows.
figure of Parakramabahu. 80
focussed the attention of princes on the
y situations. That some of the princes of deal is clear from the following passage
to Parākramabāhu I :
asundari, a Kalinga princess. Vikramabahu who ty years after the death of Vijayabahu was an Mitta was betrothed to a Pandya prince who had i Megha and Siri Vallabha. Parākramabāhu II
patrilineally of Pandya descent. The second ghter of Jagatipala of Ayodhya who had once
p. 44.

Page 148
S. PATHI
“I hear of tales as in the Um by the bodhisattva in the diffe of his heroic nature and of ot the Ramayana, the Bharata and slew Rávana and the extraordi by the five sons of Pandu, ho kings. I hear Itihasa tales of like Dussanta and others in col wisdom of Canakka, the best c the Nanda dynasty. All these have attained among the people renown. When I hear such a are able on earth to accomplisl noble stock, do not that befi birth will be useless. These we of the time, but were they s qualities'. 81
Our claim that the heroic ideal was during this period is not based merely which as seen earlier, emphasize the her by the overwhelming evidence from insc and epithets of kings. During this peri epithets or titles suggesting military prowe had the epithets Viraraja, the heroic king One of his successors is said to have acqu sincomparable heroism'. 8: The assumption of the customs prevailing in the Cola a
The heroic quality of the ruler is Polonnaruwa period in an unprecedented described as 'The fierce one in the batt The dark swan sporting in the lake of Among “the multitude of virtues' which and valour are specifically mentioned in Nissamkamalla his inscriptions use such might' with the valour of his matchles: by the superiority of his own valour', w The most forceful description of the he be found in the Minipe slab inscription prowess of the general Bhama who Kalyanavati had been displaced from th
81. CV, 64 : 41-49. 82. In his inscription this king is described als
prowess of a lion”. EK, Vol. II, No. No. 27, p. 155. 83. EK, Vol. II, No. 36, p. 227. 84. EK, Vol. V, No. 39, p. 407.

MANATHAN 42
naggajataka and others of the deeds done ent stages of his development, the outcome her qualities. I hear in secular stories, in
the like of the courage of Rama who lary deeds of heroism performed in battle v they slew Duryodhana and the other he wonders worked from of old princes nbat with demons. I hear of the great f Brahmanas who uprooted the kings of leeds though they belong not to our time,
up to the present day, the highest appy and incomparable life of those who extraordinary deeds, then if I of a ts the best among noble heroes, my “e aided alone by favourable conditions uperior to me in insight and other
intrinsic to the ideology of state power on the names of rulers almost all of oic quality of the monarch. It is supported riptions, traditional history and the titles od the Sri Lankan kings assumed many ss and valour. Nissamkamalla for instane and Apratimala, the unsurpassed warrior. tired the title Sahasamalla on accunt of his of such epithets and titles is reminiscent nd Calukya kingdoms in India.
extolled in the inscriptions of the manner. Vikramabahu for instance is tle front”, razamukha bhairava, and as varfare”, Samara sarah keli kālahamsa. 8 he is said to have possessed heroism the same inscription. While referring to expressions like "with his unsurpassed s and uncommon might', he struck terror hich are all expressive of the heroic ideal. roic qualities of a ruler, is however to This panegyric which extolls the martial became a local ruler sometime after e throne runs :
to as 'Simha Wikrama', 'the one who had the 14, No. 16, No. 19, p. 126; No. 21, p. 132,

Page 149
43 KINGSHIP
Bhama . . . who is the orna
victory in hundreds of battles i sparks of fire, engendered by a who had eradicated many a mã who had come to battle against of earth with the blood drawn a thick cluster of lotuses, and (vira siriya) with the play of t Lord Bhama, the Generalissimo, thorns in the entire territory ap the rein.' 85
In this panegyric the fame of Bhi Bhama was doubtless a general and was also be conceded that he fought several
of the inscription leaves no doubt abou basis of his claim of greatness. In his
political power and authority over a pa of the inscription suggest that Bhama b he had no claim to royal descent. In his could not be applied Military prowess and success in war became the basis for
principality he founded. The panegyric in of legitimation and therein lies its historic is unique among Sinhalese inscriptions both the sentiments it records. It brings out in
ruling classes during this period. The ref in this epigraph is reminiscent of that t inscriptions of the Cola Rajaraja and h of support to the claim that the assim of ideas on kingship in Sri Lanka resl influences,
The influence of the heroic ideal w the court. Some of the leading monks the capital had become familiar with it. that part of the Calavamsa which relate written by celibate monks who had rent Traditional history relating to this perio dominated by the accounts of three ruli Parākramabāhu II who typified the prin monarchy. Each of these rulers achieves war and success is attributed by traditi quite appropriately described as a “hero' and the second ruler of that name har
85. EK, Vol. V, No. 12, p. 165. 86. CW, 58 : 59.

[ SRI LANKA
ment of the Mālevi family, obtained n which there were unceasing masses of
clash of weapons of Sinhalese soldiers ralike soldier Tamil as well as Sinhalese,
him. (He thus) adorned the wide expanse out of the bodies of enemies as it were pleased the goddess of heroic splendour he prowess of his arm. (In this manner) the conqueror of enemies eradicated the pertaining to him, pacified and resided
ima is extolled beyond measure. Yet, presumably one of distinction. It may campaigns and achieved success. The text
t the fact that military success was the case success in war had also secured
rt of the island. The tone and content 2came the ruler of a principality. Yet, case the conventional norms of legitimation was the essence of his charisma and heroism the legitimation of his authority over the this case has to be viewed as a charter cal importance. The Minipe slab inscirption on account of its style of expression as well bold relief the heroic ideal cherished by the Ference to the goddess of heroic splendour o Jayamakal, the goddess of victory, in the is successors and it lends some measure ilation of the heroic ideal into the corpus ulted from the impact of Cola and other
'as not confined to the narrow circle of of the monastic organization centred at It permeates the whole narrative of is to this period. The chronicle although ounced worldly life glorifies war. d as recorded in the Pāli chronicle is ars, Vijayabahu I, Parākramabahu I, and cipal achievements of medieval Sinhalese d success in their undertakings through on to their heroic quality. Vijayabahu is in the chronicle but Parākramabahu I ily merit such a description. In the case

Page 150
S. PATHM
of Parakramabahu I, the chronicle recor his warlike prowess and the author - co, court eulogists in extolling the heroic
Eowever, was by no means a great war
Glory and honour were not the on the Pāli chronicle. It is also used to s traditional parlance it meant the unific authority of a single dynastic centre an promotiag the welfare of society and religio of the dominant groups in its society, i pre-eminence of its north central plain irrigation works of high density promote the island under a single dynastic centr tion of the whole island became the ch ever since Dutthagamani Abhaya imposec be explained simply from the standpoin natural for a monarchy that sought to enrich its material and human resources. by the Sinhalese rulers from the twelfth ideal and was synonymous with that lord of Lanka's
This ideal acquired a new significan to it by the religieux - the Buddhist San tions centred at the capital being the growth and expansion of the state v glorification of war and the justifical policies in the Pali chronicle by its au considerations of material gain than relig any surprise as the principal monastic of the best arable land and several types o
The political unification of the who for “the protection of society and reli society was considered to be the suprem I, for instance, is reported to have obse one umbrella, I shall perchance be able protection of society and religion implic co-ordinate all administrative, judicial alı As the custodian of society and religion to engage himself in activities that were welfare of the people. He was obliged disease and want: In order to promote
87. Tri Simhalidhisvara is used as a royal title i.
reign. Society in Medieval Ceylon, 37. 88. CV. 69 : 4,

ANATHAN 44
'ds a number of anecdotes to illustrate mpilers of the chronicle even Surpass the quality of the ruler, Parākramabahu, rior.
ly goals of the heroic ideal depicted in trengthen the state and its resources. In ation of the whole island under the d this was conceived as a means of in (loka-săsana). The cultural homogeneity its modest territorial dimensions and the arising from the development of artificial ld the trend towards the unification of 2 from early historical times. The unificaerished ideal of the Sinhalese monarchy his authority over it. This ideal could t of economic determinism as being expand the sphere of its authority and The epithet Tri Simhaladhisvara assumed century onwards was expressive of this of Lankesvara meaning The sovereign
ce on account of the interpretation given gha. The elaborate monastic Organizaprincipal beneficiaries of the state, the was decidedly to their advantage. The ion of annexationist and expansionist thor-compilers was motivated more by Sious piety and this could hardly cause ganizations controlled a large portion of f labour.
le island was conceived as only a means ion', which in Sri Lankan traditional e goal of the monarchy. Parākramabahu rved, “If now I soon unite Lanka under to raise the order and people'.88 The 'd that the monarch had to direct and ld welfare functions within the kingdom. which were separate yet related, he had designed to promote the happiness and to protect them against fear, famine, the welfare and happiness of the people
1. Sinhalese inscriptions from Queen Lilavati'

Page 151
45 KINGSHIP IN
the monarch had to stimulate the proc agro-hydraulic conditions this could be maintenance of reservoirs, canals and si rulers seldom failed to make claims to development of irrigation works.
The protection and maintenance of to be the ruler's foremost duty and thi The ruler was ultimately responsible for governing monastic organization. The c teries, Buddhist temples and other instit responsibility of the king. The king ha revenues and many types of labour serv
As the supreme judicial authority th In the Jatakas the ideal society is depi about freely with their valuables and wi and where people could live in their ho kingdom was one that was free of all Sinhalese inscriptions of the late twelfth Jatakas in extolling rulers who were be stability within the Kingdom. The materi the one institution through which almos to feel the reality of state power-taxatior Indeed one cannot expect to find detai sources that seek to extol and glorify a
89. Balakrishna G. Gokhale, "The Early Budd
1969, p. 735. 90. ibid.

SRI LANKA
esses of economic production. Under achieved only by the construction and milar irrigation works. The Sinhalese greatness for their contributions to the
the Buddhist establishments was deemed had to be done under state auspices. the enforcement of ecclesiastical laws bnstruction and maintenance of monasutions connected with religion were the l to endow such institutions with lands, ices due from the people.
Le king had to maintain law and order :ted as one where everyone could move thout fear of being molested by robbers mes with a sense of security.89 The ideal “thorns”.90 The Pāli chronicle and the century use the imagery drawn from the lieved to have maintained peace and al basis of royal power and authority and t all people in the Kingdom were made l, were seldom explained in local sources. led explanations about such matters in uthority
S. Pathmanathan
ist View of the State, JAOS, Vol. 89, No. 4,

Page 152
A Note on Thre
Palm - Leaf
Only a few of the comparatively ol today in libraries and other collections i to a period anterior to the middle of t of the revival of Buddhism in Sri Lank Välivia Saranankara and King Kirti Sri number of copies were made on palm-le for the study of Buddhism. Even long of books that were of particular interest leaf en masse, but only a few of these up to the present day. One such occasion III (A. D. 1232-1236) to copy manuscri destruction of books caused by Magha a Lanka about the first quarter of the th: to the subject under discussion, the acco to transcribe Buddhist texts as given in
Now in his faith,' says the Mahay, helpful service to the Order of the Perf (this was done), the account runs thus: island of Lanka so many books that de; destroyed by the alien foe, the Ruler ca memory and with knowledge, pious, well in quick and fair writing, and along wit made all these write down in careful fa of the doctrine and made over to the divisions the like number of kahāpanas.'
Some of these manuscripts thus col Sri Rajasimha have been found bot from providing the scholar with redactio these early periods they sometimes provi scribbled on fly leaves incidental inform understanding of some aspects of literary
One of the first such manuscripts t the Cullavagga, one of the books formin now deposited in the Library of the Natio
1. Manuscripts written in Sinhalese characters.
Sanskrit. 2. Ciālavamisa, being the more recent part of the Mai
II, London, 1927, 81. 40-45. 3. W. A. De Silva, Catalogue of Palm Leaf Mani

e Old Sinhalese
Manuscripts
di Sinhalese palm-leaf manuscripts found in Sri Lanka and abroad can be traced he eighteenth century when as a result a by the exertions of the Sangharaja Rajasimha (A. D. 1747-1782), a large af of texts of books that were essential before that, on several occasions texts
to Buddhists were transcribed on palm
palm-leaf manuscripts have survived was the attempt made by King Vijayabahu pts of Buddhist texts to make good the Lind his hordes when they invaded Sri irteenth century. In view of its relevance sunt of the steps taken by King Vijayabāhu the Mahavamsa may be quoted in full:
ansa, “the Sovereign set about rendering actly Enlightened One. If one asks how Deeply grieved in his heart that on the alt with the true doctrine had been illed together laymen endowed with a good
instructed, free from indolence and skilled h these many other writers of books and shion the eighty four thousand divisions
m in accordance with the number of
2
pied prior to the reign of Kung Kirti h in Sri Lanka and abroad. Apart ns of valuable texts as existing during de in the form of colophons and notes ation which is of some value for the
activity during the period concerned.
o be noticed in Sri Lanka is a copy of g the Vinaya-Pitaka of the Pãli Canon, 'nal Museum, Colombo. It was purchased
The language may be Sinhalese, Pali or even
divansa, Part II, edited by Wilhelm Geiger, Vol.
ascripts, Colombo, 1938, No. 2363,

Page 153
47 THREE OLD SINH
by the National Museum from a relatio) aeological Commissioner of Sri Lanka. reign of King Parākramabāhu II (A. D Paranavitana. His observations on this r is written in the characters of the thir end in Sinhalese states, in effect, that Thera of Belligala when the hierarch M Parakramabahu, was having religious tex island could be supplied with one. Jud the Theras mentioned therein, I would in the colophon to be the second of t
As will be shown in due course P named Parakramabãhu in the colophon II of Dambadeņiya is, confirmed by a to above. As no Sinhalese palm-leaf n reign of King Parakramabāhu II has b elsewhere this manuscript of the Pali C leaf manuscript written in Sinhalese ch:
It is difficult to distinguish betwee period and that employed in the subsec manuscript under discussion would have paucity of documents that can be assig One such document is the Anuradhapu Mahapā, son of Vijayabāhu III, who f The forms of letters appearing in this developed type than those in the inscri letter na takes an oblong form horizon are less pronounced than those that ap) of the Polonnaruwa period. The letter the earlier period, one with a quite att which often tends to be triangular. Th more developed form than that to be some forms having a full loop at its Pillar-Inscription that un mistakably indi tadpole' shape. In some forms of this even after coming in contact with its 1 letter ra takes an oblong shape verti the letter being of equal breadth. The manuscript under discussion when comp Inscription shows very clearly that the to the same period of time, i. e., the
4. Ceylon Administration Reports, 1937, Part IV,
5. Epigraphia Keylanica, Vol. III, London, 1933
6“ Stone Inscriptions of the Polonnaruwa Pel
III, London, 1928.

LESE MANUSCRIPTS
of the late H. C. P. Bell, the first ArchThis manuscript has been assigned to the 1236-1270) tentatively by the late Professor nanuscript are as follows: “This manuscript eenth century and the colophon at the the manuscript was copied by Sumedha edhań kara, under the patronage of King ts copied so that every monk in the ging from the script and the names of tentatively take Parakramabahu mentioned at name (1236-1271)." 4
aranavitana's identification of the king of this manuscript as King Parakramabahu closer examination of the colophon referred lanuscript of a period earlier than the en thus far found in Sri Lanka or ullavagga would be the oldest extant palm
racters.
n the script employed in the Polonnaruwa Juent Dambadeniya period in which the been copied, particularly because of the ned to the latter period with certainty, ra Pillar. Inscription of Bhn vanekabahu ounded the kingdom of Dambadeniya.
inscription are generally of a more ptions of the Polonnaruwa period. The tally, and the curves that form the letter pear in the letter na in the documents na appears in two different forms as in nuated loop and the other with a fuller loop e Jetter ma, generally speaking, takes a found in Polonnaruwa documents, with centre. It is certainly the letter ra in the cates its later date with a triangular letter the left arm stretches upwards ight arm. In Polonnaruwa documents the cally, the upper and the lower ends of same four letters as appearing in the ared with the corresponding letters in the manuscript and the Pillar-Inscription belong 13th century. It has, however, to be
Colombo, F 21. , Plate 34. iod may be consulted in Epigraphia Xeylanica Vol.

Page 154
P. E. E.
remarked that some letters appearing it ma and ra, seem to have retained som Inscription.
The general pattern of writing in indicates that the manuscript is of a 1 Polonnaruwa period.
The king named Parākramabahu in king of that name who ruled Sri Lank 1186, namely King Parakramabahu I.
Parākramabāhu III (A. D. 1287—129 by the name Parākramabāhu do not con of the manuscript, and can be easily r with the ruler mentioned in it. In the Maha-sani was held by a Thera named to have been conferred in the last yea other circumstances, the evidence of the discussion would, without the least doub successors of Parākramabāhu III, known with the king named Parakamabahu me Thus the only ruler of the name of manuscript could have been copied must
The colophon of the manuscript w writing reads as follows:
Text of
1. කොන්දෑවාවනයේ මේධ•කර මාහිමි
නරෙෙරිඳුනාපනිශුයෙන් තෙර මාතෙර ඈ
2. වහන්සේ සමාදන් කරවා නමකට පෙ. සා•සික කොටගැ ආගමයක් මුළුලු කොටගැ
3. සමමනත්‍රණය කොටt බෙලිගලt. සුමෙධ ලියව0 ලැවූ සුළුවග( පාළි පොතයි”
Trans
This is the Pāli book Suluvaga that of the Konduruva forest caused to be of Belligala as a gift to the sangha, aft (with regard to its accuracy) after consu the patronage of King Parākramabāhu, tion of fellow-monks living the holy lif the purpose of transcribing (providing) the venerable sangha living in the island
7. In the reign of King Parākrambāhu IV the described as a monk of no particular impo

FERNANDO 148
the manuscript, particularly the letters archaic features not noticed in the Pillar
the manuscript under discussion also ater date than any point of time in the
the manuscript, therefore, cannot be the a from Polonnaruwa from A. D. 1153
5) and his successors who were known form to the data contained in the colophon led out as being qualified to be identified reign of Parākamabāhu III the office of Anomadassi on whom this office appears 's of King Para kramabāhu II. Besides script employed in the manuscript under ot, rule out the possibility of any of the by the same name from being identified ntioned in the colophon of the manuscript. Parakramabahu in whose reign this be King Parākramabāhu II of Dambadeniya.
itten in three lines of minute scribbled
Colophon
සවාමීන්වහන්සේ ලංකාධිපති පරාක්‍රමබාහු සබ්‍රම්සරුන්
àතක් ලියවා ලක්දිවු වැසි සංඝයාවහන්සේට
මුළුම්ගැන( පැසි සලකා
මහතෙරුන්වහන්සේ ලවා සා•සික කොට(
lation
the Venerable Great Lord Medhatikara transcribed by the Grand Thera Sumedha 2r collating a whole nikaya, being satisfied ltation (with competent scholars), with the Sovereign of Lanka and the participae, such as Theras and Grand Theras, for one book for each monk as a gift to I of Lanka.
tre was a thera named Medhankara, but he is rtance in the Cälaivansa, Cüllavansa, 90. 86.

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49 THREE OLD SINHA
This translation is offered on the which consists of one single sentence c Some of the expressions employed in t and have to be explained only tentative 'caused one book to be transcribed for Possibly it means one of the books of three departments known as the Vinayadhamma-pitaka. Thus the word potak p Digha-nikaya from the Sutta-pitaka. In forming the three departments of the C be given to each monk, each book bein of monks and not to an individual mo books would have been expected to stu exponent of its contents. The book me transcribed is the Pãli work Cullavagga .
The expression āgamajvak muļulu kot ner in which the original manuscripts we In the process of collation the particula to be transcribed was examined in full (sammantranaya kota) and every matter : The meaning of the word pisi which a not clear at all.
The colophon of the manuscript ma Medhafikara caused the manuscript und Mahathera named Sumedha of Belligala. precautions taken by those responsible t on palm leaf.
Though more than one scholar has one appears to have succeeded in produ note which is of some importance as a forest where the Mahasami Medhankara uncertainty.
W. A. De Silva has failed to draw his Catalogue of Palm Leaf Manuscripts acquired by the Colombo Museum afte printed. Paranavitana, who, as stated the colophon, refers to the Mahā- sāmi of the place where he resided. The R deciphered the name of the residence o
8. An account of the works of the Pãli Can Indian Literature, Vol. II, University of Cal three departments of the Päli Canon wer Probably only one book, whatever it was, according to the individual preference and 9. Suluvaga is the Sinhalese equivalent of the
II, p. 25. 10. The word used in the colophon is māhimiPali mahã-xãmi (Sanskrit, mahā-xvāmin). 11. W. A. De Silva, p. 381.

ESE MANUSCRIPTS
asis of a general sense of the colophon a very complex and involved character. e colophon are also obscure in meaning y. In the phrase namakata polak liyava, ach monk the word potak is vague. the Pāli Canon which is divided into itaka, the Sutta-pitaka and the Abhi'obably indicates a book such as the this instance one of these several books anon appears to have been transcribed to given as a gift to the whole community k. A monk who received one of these y it so that he could become an expert ntioned in the colophon as having been of the Vinaya-pitaka. 9
imulum and pasi would indicate the mance collated before transcription commenced. r book of the Canon (agamayak) that had in consultation with competent scholars rising therefrom given due consideration. ppears to be an intransitive participle is
kes it clear that a Mahā-syāmi 10 named er discussion to be transcribed by a
It also provides an insight into the o ensure the accuracy of texts transcribed
attempted to decipher this colophon no cing an accurate transliteration of this historical document. The name of the resided has been a matter of some
attention to this important colophon in but has merely stated that it had been the body of the Catalogue had been above, has made some observations on Medhankara without mentioning the name vercnd Māda-uyangoda Vimalakitti has the Venerable Medhankara as Konupa
n will be found in M. Winternitz, History of utta, 1933, pp. 1-175. How the books of the distributed among the monks is not clear at all was given to a monk, the choice being made attainments of the monk concerned. Pali Cullavagga for which see, Winternitz, Vol
vami. Mahini, Great Lord, is the equivalent of the

Page 156
".
T *
* *
丛、 &+":"; SKA * ஒ
"Tio ['P'
飞
*
ܛ
PITTUI
"
邱 ہوتی 靛
.
瞿 T T "
*
ITA है *T *丁
T 上 ... -- ትኒ..76 "The RIPE * ATTP
.. ܕܐ ... .
TE
■ ·
*臀
上 瞿
閭4
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

PLATE 1
下
リs" וודו
tle, pl.: ሦፍቖቶ¶ነፋ ጥላ7¥ኣኛ NTኞ
}ག ܘܬ݂ܰ
鼬: 黜
Irtesy: Department of National Museum

Page 157
P. E. E. F
vanaya'. Rohanadeera also has deciphere the transliteration of the colophon he h The letters in the name that seem to h and the third letter of the first line of taken these two letters as nu and pā, res
Even a mere glance, however, would more complex than the simple character a loop linked on to an irregular half-lo side arm being retraced upwards and the form a large loop and turn right, interse is a conjunct consonant combining the l arm ending in a large loop at its lower parison of this letter with the conjunct nisrayen, in line l easily deciphered by t confirm the accuracy of this identificatio a sign that combine to give a medial ov this letter would be identical with the second without the medial vowel u. This letter in the with the conjunct consonant ndra in the wo Hatadage Portico Slab-Inscription of King N is no doubt that the letter that has bee above is the conjunct consonant ndru. in
Fig. 1. 27
1 ndru in the first line of the C 2 indra in the word narendropanis r. 3 ndra in the word bhilpalendrain i
The third letter is again somewhat confus first letter is ko representing actually k documents for scribes to often omit the place where the Venerable Medhakara Kondruvā being an orthographic peculiarity
The identity of the hierarch Konduruv vahanse can perhaps be established without he is the Mahā-sthavira Medhaħkara r in the Dambadeni-katikavata as being one nitiative a synod had been held in the r also identical with the hierarch Aranyaka
2. Mendis Rohanadeera, Sri Lankavë Saigha Samvid on the same page. The text given here diffe 13. Epigraphia Keylanica, Vol. II, Plate 15, line 2.
Galipota Slab-Inscription, ibid. Plate, 20, Sectio 14. Katikāvat Sañgarā, edited D. B. Jayatilaka, Kä

RNANDO 150
the name as “Konupa-vanaya. 12 Besides s offered is not free from inaccuracies. ave baffled these scholars are the second the colphon. Both these scholars have lectively.
show that the second letter is much nu. It consists of what appears to be p opening downwards, the right handline coming far down vertically to ting the vertical. This complex character :tters n, d and ru. The long vertical end represents the syllable ru. A comconsonant ndra in the word narendropahe context in which it appears, should n. If the medial e sign and the medial alue to the letter are ignored in this letter letter in the first line of the colophon, Cullavagga colophon may also be compared rd bhiapalendrain appearing in line 2 of the issankamalla (A. D. 187-1196). 13 There n misread by the scholars mentioned the first line of the colophon, see Fig. 1.
2 ullavagga MS. yen in the Cuilavagga MS. n the Hata-da-ge Portico Slab-Inscription
ing, being easily mistaken as pa. The 5, it being the practice in mediaeval
sign for (long) o. The name of the resided is Kondruva-vanaya the form for Konduruva.
i-vanayē Medhankara Māhimi Svāmin
much difficulty. It is almost certain siding at Udumbaragiri, described of the three Mahatheras under whose ign of King Vijayabahu III 14 He is Wedhankara Maha-Svami mentioned in
inaya, Nugegoda, 1974, p. 5 and footnote 5 from that on p. 115 of the same work The same letter ndra appears in line 1 of the B. The letter ndu also appears in the same line ņiya, 1955, p. 8.

Page 158
151 THREE OLD SINHA
the Nikaya-sangraha, as a pupil of the famous Dimbulägala (Udumbaragiri) fra the synod held in the reign of King F
The Venerable Medhankara was also commentary on the Pall work Khuddasika in the Polonnaruwa period.17
It will be noted that when a synoc bāhu III (A. D. 1232-1236) the Mahāmaha-sthavira, an office second in rank c Medhankara was appointed to the hi; Parākramabāhu III.18
The only circumstance that milita Maha-sami Medhankara is described in as Konduruva-vanaya, while the Nika synod held in the reign of King Vijay: the same monk as Dimbulagalayana vasi recalled that when the capital of Sri L. of the forest-dwelling monks was on til Udumbaragiri. But consequent to the in the new capital was set up at Dambad residing at Dimbulagala moved to the Mahā-sthavira Medhań kara of Dimbul forest-dwelling monks participating in King Vijayabahu III.20
15, Nikãya-Sangraha, edited Simon de Silva et a 16. Katikāvat Sangară, pp. 8-9. 17. Kudusika with Sanne, edited Beruvala Sumed 18. Katikdivat Sagara, p. 13. It is known that
of mahā-sāni when he presided over the sy II, ibid. pp. 8—9. 19, Nikaya-Sangraha, p. 20. 20. Dambadeņi Katikāvata i Katikāvat Sangarā, of the synod held in the reign of King V reiga of this ruler has not yet been ascer both Codrington and Paranavitana is a sta said to be stated that for a period of thi bāhu I (A. D. 1153-1186) there had bee of a wise and impartial ruler in the coun p. 7. It will be seen that in the preamb been made to trace the history of Buddhis the time of King Parākramabāhu II. In t it fails to mention the synod held in the Most probably the passage dealing with t Wall-Inscription has been left out in the if in the passage ema maharajanan swargastha referred to is taken as King Nissafikamall sangha that lasted for thirty six years wo Dambadeniya by King Vijayabāhu III ab to assume that there was an inter regnum bāhu III and the accession of his son Pa need to assume that the first katikaivata the throne nature, that it was promulagate katikavata was promulgated after Vijayaba has suggested. Forthe views expressed by discrepancy, see, History of Ceylon, ed. H. Hata-da-ge Inside Wall-Inscription, See,

ESE MANUSCRIPTS
enerable Buddhavamsa Vanaratana of the rnity, 15 and also as having presided over rākramabāhu II (1236—1270).16
the author of Kudusika-sanne, a Sinhalese a compiled by a monk named Dhammasiri
was held in the reign of King Vijayaami Medhathkara of a later day was a nly to that of Maha-sami. The Venerable her rank of Maha-sami in the reign of
es against this identification is that che colophon as residing in a forest known va-sangraha in a brief reference to the bāhu III at Vijayasundarārāma refers to Medhankara Maha-sthavira.19 It will be anka was at Polonnaruwa the headquarters he mountain fastness of Dimbulagala or vasion of the country by Magha when eņiya by Vijayabāhu III, monks who were new capital and among them was the agala, described as the leader of the the synod held under the auspices of
l, Colombo, 1907, p. 20.
hankara, 1894. the Venerable Medhankara occupied the high effice nod held in the reign of King Parakramabāhu
pp. 7-8. There is no certainty regarding the date ijayabāhu III, because the commeracement of the ained. Probably what appears to have misled ement in the Dambadeni Katikavata, where it is ty six years after the death of King Parakramadisorder in the sangha owing to the absence ry, Dambadeni Katikävata in Katikävat Sain gard, : to the Dambadeni Katikavata an attempt has : synods from the time of King Vattagamani upto is preamble there seems to be a clear lacuna for reign cf King Nissankamala (A. D. 1187-1196). e synod that resulted in the Hata-da-ge Inside 2xisting copies of the Dambadeni Katikavata. Thus, samvatsarayehi palan satis havuruddak atulata the king (A. D. 1187–1196) the period of disorder in the d cease with the setting up of a new capital at A. D. 1232. Thus there would be no need if about ten years between the death of Vijayaākramabāhu II in A. D. 1236. Nor is there a omulgated by Vijayabāhu III was of an informal before his accession to the throne and that a second u's accession to the throne, as Paranavitana odrington and Paranavitana on this chronological C. Ray, Colombo, 1960, pp. 616, 617. For the bigraphia Keylanica, Vol. II, pp. 96, 97.

Page 159
P. E. E. F.
Reporting the same event the Asgir by the Mahasthavira Medhankara, pupil group of monks led by the Venerable D to Dambadeniya and to Yapahuva respe by Magha.21 What appears to have happel arrived in Dambadeniya probably in there to remain at Dambadeniya in some suita to the ruling king. The place he selected as colophon was a place called Konduruvā where in the vicinity of Dambadeniya.
No place by the name of Kondruvi of Sri Lanka. Three places, however, wi in the vicinity of Dambadeniya, namely, Dambadeniya, in Mädapattu Korale, Kond in Maddekātiya Korale, and Konduruvadeniya in Yatikaha Korale North, all in Lanka. The names of these villages wou situated somewhere in the vicinity of D. one of these villages is identical with the the original name of the place undergoi place called Konduruvakanda is mentions far removed from Dambadeniya towards limits of the Nuvarakalaviya District. Th identified with Konduruva-vanaya of the
The monk Beligala Sumedha Maha-- colophon as having transcribed the manu or epigraphic sources. He held the rank ecclesiastical office second only in ral
Mahd-sami. In the reign of King Paral Maha sthaviras in the whole Island at a1 the forest dwellers and the other to rep of these two Maha-sthaviras that would
Sami, whenever this office fell vacant.23 in the Otara Pattuva, Kegalle district, a south-east of Dambadeniya. This inacc King Vijayabāhu III, who brought here
Relic of the Buddha which had been tá security.24 Prince Bhuvanekabahu, Vijayaba a pirivena, a dwelling place for monks.
21. Asgiriye Talpata, edited Mendis Rohanadeera,
22. Kada-im-pot Vimarsanaya, edited H. A. P. Ab
1978, p. 231.
23. Dambadeņi Katikāvata in Ratikāvat Sagarā,
were eight maha-sthaviras, Grand Elders in c tits, in the capital, Mahavamsa, 84, 17-21. T states that only shavira, Elders, were appoi
24. Cālavamsa, 81. 31-37.
25, Ibid, 85. 59-60.

RNANDO 152
ye Talpata says that some monks headed of Buddhavamsa Vanaratana and another pankara residing at Udumbaragiri moved tively when the country was invaded led is that after the Venerable Medhankara ign of King Vijayabahu III he had decided ble place so that he could be of service uitable for his residence according to the -vanaya, which has to be sought some
-vanaya can be found in modern maps th the prefix Konduruva are to be found Konduruva-vela, 5 km. south west of uruva-pola, 11km. north of Dambadegiya, polagedara, 22km. north west of Dambathe North Western Province of Sri ld show that Konduruva-vanaya too was umbadeniya, and it may be possible that residence of the Venerable Medhankara, ng some change in course of time. A 'd in the Matate Kada-inn Pota,22 but it is the north and is situated within the is place, therefore, cannot possibly be
Cullvagga manuscript.
erun-vahanse who is described in the Iscript is not known from other literary of Maha-tera (Pali, Mahá-thera), a high nk, as pointed out above, to that of kramabāhu II there could be only two ly given point of time, one to represen resent the town dwellers. It was one be appointed to the office of MahaBelligala is situated in Belligal Korale t a distance of about 25 km. to the essible rock fastness was fortified by from Dambadeniya the Sacred Tooth ken to Kotmale earlier for reasons of hu's sqn, founded on the rock of Belligala
1969, p. 5. hayavardhana, Department of Cultural Affairs,
. 13, However, according to the Mahávamsa ther harge of the eight ayatanas, monastic communihe Danbadeni Katikavata on the other hand nted as heads of dyatanat, Katikavat Saragar, p. 13.

Page 160
153 THREE OLD SINH
Whether the colophon is a hologra writing in the colophon is very cursive writing in the body of the manuscript.
As a manuscript transcribed in the a recension of the Pāli Cullavagga as writer is aware this manuscript does n scholar in the preparation of the print text, most of which have been printed brought to light. -
Another palm-leaf manuscript of a discussed above is deposited in the Lil
It is a copy of the Pāli Visuddhim ssion No. 276985).26 The codex had be manuscripts belonging to the late Gate Mu scholar, and was presented to the Univer Agnes Jayasuriya about thirty years ago. of which a large number has been at value as one of the oldest palm-leaf ma interesting but tantalisingly meagre infor
I am most grateful to Mr. K. D. Peradeniya, for bringing this manuscript
On the reverse of the first leaf o. incised in almost the same script document : BęãSS3ðaðzada 8Bc ©» oza
The words are appropriately separated. been stained in black, as is the practic
Slightly below these words appear th 83 Go2S) -
These words have been written in cha probably by the same hand. They als
In the centre of the page now mi incised the following words, the charac
1 --නි -- මං තෙර (සා)මින් 2. නාරද තෙරසාමීන්ට දුන් වී 3 ගුඩිමා(ගීග)ආදි කඩටීකාවයි
It is clear that the separate letters a the first leaf are abbreviations, which page now numbered (5). Then sila mā
26. This work has been edited by Ratmalane

LESE MANUSCRIPTS
ph cannot be stated with certainty. The but is certainly contemporary with the
hirteenth century, this manuscript preserves urrent at the time. As far as the present ot appear to have been utilised by any d editions of this important Buddhist before 1937 when this manuscript was
bout the same date as the manuscript orary of the University of Peradeniya.
agga-țikā of Ācariya Dhammapāla (Acceen found in a collection of palm-leaf diliyar W. F. Goonewardene, a well-known sity of Peradeniya by his daughter Mrs. The codex contains one hundred folios tacked by white ants. Apart from its nuscripts in Sri Lanka, it contains some mation regarding its early ownership.
Somadasa, formerly Librarian, University of E to my notice.
f the nanuscript the following words are as is found in the body of the same
But the incised characters have not e, to bring out the letters with clarity.
le following words: zse (c) e e 3coo es
acters of the same period and style, and
have not been stained in black.
rked (5) which is otherwise blank are ters being again unstained :
nd the word sila appearing in the reverse of could be interpreted by reference to the te would stand for Sīlavansa Mã-tera,
Dhammārāma, Kālapiya, 1912.

Page 161
P. E. E. F.
i.e., Sllavamsa Mahâ-thcra, the Grand stands for Kapara-mula, the name of a frat the latter part of the Anuradhapura per represented by the letter ma appearing first leaf. It most probably represents the letter mā appearing in its correct p
Before the import of these colopho be made to another manuscript, which, ol to the same period as the manuscript c This is a copy of the first part of 1 Samantapasadika.2 This manuscript bearin Library of the British Museum by Henr served in Sri Lanka in the early part c by his wife.29 The manuscript bears a mahatmayage Vinaya tikava, Mr Parker's manuscript in the Ridi Vihara in the K when a copy of thls was made under the Commissioner at the time, to be deposit
On the last page of the manuscript characters which can also be assigned t සීලවංස තෙරසවාමින්ගේ විනය ටීකා ආදි ක
Translated the colophon would read : T Venerable Thera Silawansa
The writing in the body of this ma in the manuscript of the Visuddhimag Maha-Thera Silavamsa of the Visuddhima of the Saratthadipani (Vinaya-lika) are on bearing the same name and living at th
27. R. A. L. H. Gunawardana, Robe and Plough, 28. For Saratihadibani and Samantapasadika, see, G Colombo, (reprinted), 1958. p. 192 and pp. 29. It would appear that some of the palm-leaf
were taken by him to London, perhaps, on Later his wife appears to have offered them presented to the British Museum by Mrs Pa Asiatic Society, Vol. XX1X, pp, 133 and 143 30. H. C. P. Bell, Commissioner of Archaeolog:
copies of old palm-leaf MSS. comments on copy of the Vinaya Tika obtained by Mr P. Province, and kindly lent for the purpose, Colombo Museum. This rare old manuscrip written in archaic Sinhalese characters and 1 probably belongs to the 13th century and i: For thes: comments. see Archaeological Survey a 31. W. A. De Silva, No. 15. Transcription of
Museum Libray was completed in May, 19t

ERNANDO 154
Thera Silavapsa. Kapara mu certainly ernity of monks which had its origin in od.27. It is difficult to ascertain the word after Kapard mu on the reverse of the an attempt made inadvertently to write lace after the word Silayansa
his discussed is reference may perhaps 1 palaeographical grounds can be assigned f the Visuddimagga-tika described above. he Sarathadipani, a commentary on the g No. Or. 6676 has been presented to the y Parker, an irrigation engineer who had f the present century, or more probably label which states in Sinhalese Parkar ; Vinaya Tika.30 Parker had found this urunegala District some time prior to 1902, orders of H. C. P. Bell, the Archaeological ed in the Colombo Museum Library
appear the following words written in o the thirteenth century : ඩයි
he first part of the Vinaya-ika of the
nuscript is of the same period as that ga-tuka. It follows, therefore, that the gga-țikā and the SI lavaņsa Tera-Svāmī le and the same, two eminent Theras e same time being a rather unlikely
University of Arizona Press, 1979, p. 290, P. Malalasekera, The Pali Literature of Ceylon, 93-95.
MSS. that Henry Parker collected in Sri Lanka his retirement from the Irrigation Department, for sale. This M.S. may have been sold or itker, Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Roya
y at the time, who was responsible for securing the Saratthadibani M.S. as follows: “A very old arker, irrigation Officer in the North Western is being transcribed for the Oriental Library, t contains 240 leaves of twenty lines, closely needs great care in copying. The manuscript s therefore the oldest yet discovered in Ceylon,' f Ceylon, Annual Report, 1901, Colombo, 1907, p. 4. this copy from the MS. now in the British
2.

Page 162
155 THREE OLD SINE
happening.32 It will be noted that in
owner is given as tera-svami, a position Mahã-thera (Mã tera),33 the designation Visuddhimagga-țikā It would appear tha: into possession of the Visuddhimagga-iki the position of Maha-thera. It will als Visuddhinagga-lika an additional item C belonged to the monastic fraternity kno'
The Venerable Silavamsa is not me the other historical narratives of Sri La to identify the one-time owner of the Venerable Silavansa who compiled the glossary of Pali roots for the benefit o colophon to this work the Venerable S leader among the monks, as saddhammapahk of the good Dhamma, and as asitha-dh of the Dhamma. He resided, according fastness called Yakkhaddi-lega, which c Yak-dessāgala35 in the present day, situ of Kurunegala in the North Western P
The Dhatumanijusa is assigned to th (A. D. 1302. 1326) as a mcre surmise,37 Yak-dessa-gala is situated quite close to Though this mountain fastness is closer to a surmise can hardly be justified.
In the colophon appearing in the c i. e., in the centre of the page, now Visuddhamagga -tika the first word p is almost completely effaced, and the being probably ni or na. There appear either side of this letter.
32. See note 23. 33. The office of Tera and Maha-tera were confe approval of the community of monks, Katik 34. Kaccāyana-Dhātumañjusā edited Pandita Devara 35. W. A. De Silva, No. 2085. See also transl 36. The rock named Yak-dessa-gala is situated i the Kurunegala District, Vivaraya tahita Mam Sri Saran ankara, Agalavatta, 1956, p. 72. of Kurunegala, in Journal of the Ceylon Brand 1890, p. 240. 37. Malasekera, p. 237; M, De Z. Wickremasin
British Museum, London, 1900, p. xviii. 38. Viharas came to be built at Kurunegala at and the surrounding hills were also occupie time, see, Cilauansa, 85. 62-63.

IALESE MANUSCRIPTS
the latter manuscript the name of the
obviously lower in rank than that of a of the owner of the manuscript of the t the Venerable Silavansa had come ; only after he had been appointed to be noted that in thc manuscript of the f information is given that the Thera wn as Kapara mula.
ntioned in the Mahavamsa or in any of nka. There is, however, some evidence wo manuscripts discussed above with the Dhatumanjusa, a systematically arranged f students of the Pali language.34 In the ilavamsa is described as a yatissara, a eruharajahanso, a royal goose in the lake ammatthiti, with wishes for the endurance to the same colophon, on a mountain an be identified as the rock known as lated at a distance of 6 km. to the north rovince of Sir Lanka 36
e reign of King Parākramabāhu IV a possible reason being perhaps that Kurunegala, the capital of this ruler. Kurunegala than to Dambadeniya 38 such
entre of the reverse of the third leaf, numbered (5) of the manuscript of the receding the words Mã tera (3ã)min
only letter that can be made out to have been at least two letters on
rred on deserving monks by the King with the awat Sangari, p. 13. kkhita, 1872. See also, Malalasekera, p. 237. ation of conclusion of Kaccayana-Dhatumarijusd. in Megoda Korale in Wai-udavili Hat-pattuva in -pota, edited Pannilla Sri Sārānanda and Opata See also, F. H. Modder, Animal-shaped Rocks h of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XI, Colombo
ghe, Catalogue of the Sinhalese Manuscripts in the
the latest in the reign of Parākramabāhu II, i by Buddhist monks probably about the same

Page 163
P. E. E.
It is not possible even to hazard inscribed here. Whoever was the monk must have been a monk of considerable as a Mã tera (sã) mi, one of the two l the rank next to that of the Maha-san
The monk named Narada, describe venerable elder, only, would also have appointments to the position of Tera (S ruling king. But his name does not a document and has to remain unidentifie
The Venerable Slavamsa had come Saratthadipani when he was only a Visuddhimagga-țikā had come into his ha appointed to the office of a Maha-thera had been appointed to the two offices to be reflected in the writing either in of the two manuscripts. It is, thus, no manuscripts is the older even on the not
From the hands of the Venerabl Visuddhamagga-tika had passed into the l in the first line of the colophon on th almost completely effaced. This monk, sami), had given the manuscript, probabl Närada, who was a Sthavira (Tera) at t at what points of time these changes in taken place, in the present state of our these changes appear to have taken plac by the style of writing in the colophons
It has also to be pointed out that made on the assumption that the lea manuscript of the Visuddhimagga-tika havi in which they were originally placed.
It is interesting to note that the manus in 1902 by Parker at the well-known ar Western Province, about 15 km. to the identification here presented of the own discussed above, is accepted, it has to t Saratthadipani had remained in the Kuru before it was discovered by Parker.
There is yet another palm leaf manu that can be assigned to the thirteenth c.
39. W. A. De Silva, No. 15.

TERNANDO 156
guess as to the name that had been whose name had been inscribed here standing in the country, as he is described Lonks, as has been shown above, occupying i, the hierarch.
1 in the colophon as a Tera sāmi, been a monk of some importance because anskrit, sthavira) were also made by the bpear in any contemporary or other
for the present.
into possession of the manuscript of the thavira, while the manuscript of the nds later when he had already been The chronological order in which he of Tera and Maha-tera does not appear the body of the text or in the colophons t possible to suggest which of the two -too-reliable evidence of the hand-writing.
e Silavamsa the manuscript of the hands of thc monk whose name appearing e page now numbered (5) has been who was also a Maha-sthavira (Ma-teraly as a gift, to another monk named he time. It is not possible to ascertain
the ownership of this manuscript had
knowledge, though in all likelihood e within a short space of time, judging
all the foregoing statements have been ves containing the colophons in the 2 remained undisturbed in the same order
cript of the Saratthadipani was discovered di historic Ridi Vihära39 in the North :ast of Yak-dessagala. Thus if the 2r of the two palm-leaf manuscripts e assumed that the manuscript of the negala district for over six hundred years
script, written in Sinhalese characters, ntury on the evidence of the hand

Page 164
157 THREE OLD SINHA
writing. It is also a copy of the Pāli Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. This man Venerable Totagamuve Sri Rahula Stha lived in the reign of King Parakramba had the occasion to examine this ma1 Cabaton's view that it was transcribed unable to say anything more about this misplaced or possibly even totally lost
An attempt has been made in this scholars three of the oldest extant palm-le: cters with a brief reference to a fourth, works as current in Sri Lanka in the history, as far as the brief colophons ( with a view to assessing their value as so necessary for a study of the develo
P. S Šince writing this paper I ha information about the old vihára at KČ wardhana of Hamangalla, near Naramm On the basis of this information I am covers an area of about two hectares ( Venerable Medhankara, referred to as K the Cullavagga. According to Mr G scattered about the vihara grounds may of them possibly being of even a still ear to Mr Luxman Gunnawardhana for Koiduruva-pola Vihara at my request.
40. A. Cabaton, Catalogue Sommaire Des Manuscrit
Fascicule - Manuscrits Palis, Paris, 1908, No language and in Sinhalese characters, and a a monastery in Tibet. For particulars of "A Buddhist Manuscript in the Sinhala Lar K. P. Jayasual Commemoration Volume, ed. J. pp. I99-206.

LESE MANUSCRIPTS
tika Saratthadipani, now deposited in the Luscript is said to have belonged to the vira, the celebrated poet and scholar who hu VI (A, D. 1412-1467). The writer Luscript some years ago and confirm in the thirteenth. century40. He is, however, valuable document as he has unfortunately
the notes he made thereon.
paper to bring to the notice of interested if manuscripts written in Sinhalese characontaining the texts of three important Pali ihirteenth century. Their authenticity and on them permit, have also been established source material for editing these texts ment of Buddhist thought in Sri Lanka
P. E. E. Fernando
ave been able to obtain some most useful induruwa-pola from Mr Luxman Gunaala, in a letter dated 7th October, 1984. inclined to believe that this Vihara, which of land, represents the residence of the Onduruva-vanaya in the manuscript of unawardhana the architectural remains
be assigned to the 13th century, some lier date. I express here my sincere thanks
sending me a detailed note on the P. E. E. F.
s Sanskrits et Palis de La Bibliotheque Nationale - ze 45. A palm-leaf manuscript written in the Sinhalese ssigned to the 13th century is reported to be in his manuscript, see, R. A. L. H. Gunawardana, guage from the Sa-skya Monastery in Tibet', S. Jha, K. P. Jayaswal Institute, Patna, 1981,

Page 165
PANIYAV
Paniyavadána is the title of a shor Society of Bengal. Written in Newari ( lines in a page. Srijetasimha of the K the colophon, which gives the date of tl As the Nepali savrpat era begins in 88C 1309 A. D. The manuscript bears the 26 by Mahamahopadhyaya Hara Prasad Sanskrit manuscripts in the government Society of Bengal, Vol I. Buddhist Mal
On examining this manuscript, I fou is the same as that of story No. 43, ca collection of Buddhist tales dated about seen by Venerable Mahamaudgalyayana ( dead (pretaloka) and the incident of her during a previous existence, which led t Buddha, forms the content of this Pani in the Avadainasataka can be rendered in
The Buddha, the Blessed One, was honc kings, chief ministers, rich men, townsm of beings like) the devas, nagas, ya the mahoragas. The Buddha, the Blesse recipient of robes, alms, beds, seats, requi belongings, who was worshipped thus by kinnaras, and the mahoragas, resided, to at (a place called) Kalandakanivapa, in Rajagrha. Then, the venerable Mahamal world of) the departed, saw a female s covered with her own hair, her mouth a mountain, burning, blazing, bright, tur oppressed by thirst, experiencing pain, un
1, ed. J. S. Speyer (Bibliotheca Buddhica. III) St “S- Gravenhage 1958. See p. XV for the da Society of Bengal, No. 4758 Il, called Diyy in his catalogue, contains the same text as Divyabhojanam. The gap in Speyer's edition this manuscript, as follows. nāgasahasrā (nyopanītāni ye buddhapramukha dhārayanti. Sacīpramukhāni cānekāny apsarās samgham mani) valavyajanena.
2. The text, adopted by Speyer, here, does not occurs in the formula repeated in the conti describes the preti he saw to the Buddha. tion of the Avadina-fataka (see note 3 below

ADANA
: palm-leaf manuscript kept in the Asiatic haracters, it has three folia with four ayastha caste is the scribe according to le manuscript as 429 of the Samvat era. A. D., the date of this manuscript is number 4773 and is listed as number Shastri in his descriptive catalogue of collection under the care of the Asiatic nuscripts, Calcutta 1917.
und that the Sanskrit text it contains lled Paniya of the Avadänasataka, a 100 A. D. The description of a preti iuring a sojourn in the world of the refusal to give some water to a monk o her birth as a preti, as related by the ya story, the text of which as printed to English as follows:
oured, praised, revered, and worshipped by nen, guild-leaders, merchants, (classes uk Sas, asuras, garudas, kinnaras and cd One, known, great in merit, the sites for the sick, medicines, and personal " the devas, nägas, yaksas, asuras, garudas gether with the community of disciples, (the grove) Venuvana near (the city of) Idgalyayana, wandering about (in the pirit (preti), resembling a burnt stump, ike the eye of a needle, her belly like ned into a single flame, being melted,? easy, severe, harsh, sharp, and unpleasant.
. Petersburg 1906-1909: Reprinted Mouton & Co. ating. Yet another manuscript kept in the Asiatie 'annavadāna, described by Hara Prasad Shastri
story No. 20 of the Avadānasataka called of the text can be filled with the help of
usya bhiksusamghasya satasahasrakāni chattrāni sahasrany upanitāni ye buddhapramukhabhiksu
: contain the phrase "ārtas varam rudantiņ’ which nuation of the story, where Maudgalyayana The text followed by Feer, in his French transla), appears to have had it.

Page 166
159 PANYA'
Rivers and wells in the forests became a shower of sparkling charcoal fell Mahãmaudgalyãyana said, “What evil há suffer misery like this?” The pret said maudgalyayana. Ask the Blessed One : previous action, which forms the conne which other beings here will abstain frc Mahimaudgalyayana went to that place
At that time, the Biessed One, com expounding the pleasant doctrine, pure The assembly of many hundreds listenec One, their faculties of sense unvacillatir speak first, speak pleasantly, speak wor preceded by a smile On that occasion, venerable Mahämaudgalyayana, “Come n have you come from now?' vaudgalyay after wandering about (in the world of resembling a burnt stump, covered with a needle, her belly like a mountain, bul being melted, crying in pain, oppressed severe, harsh, sharp, and unpleasant. We mere glance. When it rained, a shower One said, That pretī, O Maudgalyāyar hear her previous action, which forms th “Yes, reverend sir.' 'Then, indeed, Mal to my words. I shall speak.
In the past, O Maudgalyayana, in t kalpa (world-age), when the lifetime of perfectly enlightened one, Kasyapa by n wisdom and good conduct, one who hac charioteer of human beings that need to an enlightened one, a blessed one. He deer-park (called) Rsipatana. There, a c Oppressed by thirst, he went near a we pot filled. The monk said to her, I a some water." (A feeling of) selfishness belongings, she said to the monk, 'I sha O monk. My pitcher will be short (of suffering from thirst, bereft of hope. born among the departed (spirits), becau fested, cultivated, and practised, she experi sharp, and unpleasant. Therefore, O Ma thus: 'We shall make a great effort to thus, O Maudgalyayana.' Delighted at h others, the devas, asuras, garudas, kinma the words of the Blessed One.

WADANA
dry, at her mere glance. When it rained, upon her. Seeing her, the venerable lve you done, because of which you
"I am an evil-doer, O reverend Mahabout this matter. He will tell you my cting link (with my present state), hearing m evil deeds.” Then the venerable where the Blessed One was.
ing out from (meditative) seclusion, was ike bees' honey, to the four assemblies. l to the pleasant doctrine of the Blessed g. Now then, Buddhas, the Blessed Ones, ds of welcome, saying, 'Come near,'
the Blessed One spoke as follows to ear, Maudgalyayana. Welcome. Where ana said, “"I have come, reverend sir, the departed. There, I saw a preti, her own hair, her mouth like the eye of rning, blazing, bright, turned into a flame, by thirst, experiencing pain, uneasy, :lls in the forest became dry, at her of charcoals fell upon her.' The Blessed na, is an evil-doer. Do you wish to e connecting link (with her present state)?" Idgalyayana, listen well and pay attention
imes gone beyond, in this very bhadra
men was twenty thousand years, a ame, arose in the world, perfected in attained bliss, world knowing, a supreme
be tamed, a teacher of gods and men, resided near the city of Bāranasi, in the ertain monok was going on a journey. ll. A certain girl stood there, her waterm suffering from thirst, sister. Give me arose in her. Then, taking her personal all not give you water, even if you die, water). Thereupon that monk went away, Afterwards, that girl died, and being Lse of that selfishness which she maniences pain like this, uneasy, severe, harsh, udgalyayana, it should then be taught destroy selfishnes. You should instruct eart, Venerable Maudgalyāyana and the ras, mahoragas, and so on rejoiced in

Page 167
RATNA HAN
Léon Feer, who has translated the
analysis of two versions of the story namely the Ratna-avadana-mala, dated b Dyavirnsati-avadina, which, according to birth-stories of comparatively late origin portions, was borrowed from the Avadin, of that work was already faulty. ' The
mild collection, bearing the title Pretika. Avadana-sataka version Here, the monk,
goes back to his retreat, and weeps thir bring upon herself because of her misde and relates the incident to her husband. retorts, betraying a callousness of heart, bes that she prefers to give up her life rath Also, true to her word, she never gives (naraka). It is she whom Maudgalyayana at length on the virtue of giving, especi the Buddha about the final destiny of t to go from hell to hell. But, at the er would remember the Three Jewels: the L and there will be a change in her condi sattva Mahasattva and finally attaining e
The story is related very briefly in t avadana, under the title Pana-katha, in t One preaches to Maitreya. Here, a youn approached by eight monks who want w; is re-born as a preti. However, the grea another character, the heroine of the stol called Simhaketu. Not only does she giv prevails upon her father to give cane-su deeds culminate in great honour being p. merit accrued thereby, she is re-born am
I have not been able to trace any p traditions. Though bearing a similar title Pali Jataka collection is entirely differen persons became Pacceka Buddhas by feeli developing supernatural insight. This jat these persons, a villager of Kasi, called of drinking water from his friend's fi water in his own.
3. Avadana-sataka traduites du Sanskrit par Léon F
Paris 1891, pp. 169-171. 4. Avadānastaka, ed. Speyer, op. cit. Preface p. 5. R. L. Turner, Notes on the language of the D Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1913, p. 28. 6. G. P. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper

bURUKANOE 160
vadana-sataka into French, gives an ven elsewhere in Sanskrit sources, 3 tween 400 and 1000 A. D. and the . L. Turner, is a compilation of Buddhist much of which. particularly of the prose sataka at a time when the manuscript story, the fourth in the Ratna-avadanaavadana gives more details than the who was refused water by a young woman, king about the cruel punishment she will ed, while the young woman goes home He reprimands her sharply, but she t exemplified by her concluding statement er than indulge in the practice of giving. anything, and is finally born in hell saw. At this point, the Buddha speaks ally the giving of water. Ananda asks he preti. He says that she is destined ld of her existence in one of these, she ord of the worlds will come to her aid, tion resulting in her becoming a Bodhimancipation.
he thirteenth chapter of the Dvavinsatihe form of a sermon that the Blessed g girl, who had her pitcher full, is ater to drink. She refuses them all and iter part of the chapter is devoted to y, namely the daughter of a merchant e water to the eight monks, but also gar and other Sweetmeats. Her good aid to the Buddha. As a result of the ong the Trayastrimsa' gods.
parallels to the Panya story in other , the Paniya Jātaka (No. 459)) of the t in its content. It describes how six ng remorse for sins committed, and by aka derives its title from the first of Paniya. The sin he committed was that ask in the field, wishing to save the
eer. Annales du Musée Guimet, tome XVIII
XXXVII avimsatyavadanakatha, Journal of the Royal Asiatic .
Names, Vol II London 1938 S. v. Pānīya.

Page 168
161 PĀNĪYĀVAD
An incident of giving water, rath Pāniyadinnavatthu, included in a collection karaza, which in the opinion of its ed apparent source of another Pali text, th attributed to the thirteenth or the first h to this story, Paniya is the name of a woman in distress, whom he met in a b( The woman helps him in return, later, that he did not commit. The Rasavahini Nandirajavagga, also under the title P. work, Dharmakīrti’s Saddharmālankaray fourteenth century, 10 includes it in the Pānīya vastuva.
7. ed. A.P. Buddhadatta, Colombo 1959. 8. C. E. Godakumbure, Sinhalese Literature Co 9. G. P. Malalasekera, Pali Literature of Ceylo 10. C. E. Gedakumbure, op. cit. p. 93.

NA
er than refusing, is the theme of the of tales in the Pali text Sahassavatthuppaitor is a pre-tenth century work, and an e Rasavahini written by Vedeha thera, alf of the fourteenth century 9. According man, who gave some water to a pregnant at, while crossing the river Candrabhaga.
when he was accused of a robbery includes the story in the section called iniyadinnassa vatthu, while the Sinhala a, written in the latter half of the
Tun Yahalu Vargaya, under the title
Ratna Handurukande
ombo 1955, p. 89. n, London, 1928, p. 162.

Page 169
Symbolism in
Principal
General Introduction
The Greek word symbolon original obvious limits, the science of relations, natural and the supernatural worlds: th between the different parts of the univi part of which presupposes the other an considering symbolism in a religious te divine may only be manifested in a re manifest itself to profane eyes in its o' Mircea Eliade who says that symbols deepest aspects - which defy any other 1
From this we may infer that any 1 including the very term Brahman/Atman the teachers of the Vedanta understood sentation of Brahman under some form speech, etc., as manas and akasa, as did om...” 3 Alain Daielou considers the re' different light and he prefers to concei knowledge, when he says: “This divinit it begins where understanding fails, yet any attempt at understanding its natur an Upa-nisad'. This is not unlike Mi
In this essay an attempt has been systematisation that might be apparent symbols, especially by examining the co cularly important to consider the contex Upanisads, because although it may appe form, it might in fact be more than ol contexts. Here it is necessary to keep
we are communicating with our source the form of written words, and not ne
" The translation of the Upanishads quoted i Principal Upanishads. London, Allen and Unwi used in rcferning to different Upanishads. Ait Chand.-Chandogya; Kaus. - Kaushitaki, Mard Taitt. - Taittiriya. Ed. Samvel Macauley Jackson (19ll), The Encl Mircea Eliade, Images and Symbols (1961) p. Paul Deussen, The Philosophy of the Upanisha Alain Danielou, Hindu Polytheism (1964), p.

the Thirteen Upanisads.
ly meant tallies. Symbolism is within which unite God and his creation, the e science of the harmonies which exist rse constituting a marvellous whole, each d throws light on the other.' When (t it is necessary to consider that the presentative form, for it cannot possibly wn form. This has been confirmed by “reveal certain aspects of reality - the means of knowledge.' 2
representation at all of Brahman/Atman, is a symbol. According to Paul Deussen, by the term symbol a “definite repreperceptible by the senses e.g. as name, itya as the fire of digestion or even as presentation of Brahman in a somewhat ive of it in terms of a process of y cannot be grasped or understood, for it can be approached from many sides; e can merely be called a near approach rcea Eliade's attitude to symbols.
made to find some kind of possible after selecting and qualifying certain ntext in which they occur. It is partirtual representation of a symbol in the lar to be the same symbol in its written he separate entity when seen in different in mind, that whilst reading the Upanisads of knowledge through visual symbols in cessarily through the prescribed means
this article are from S. Radhakrishnan, The n, 1953. The following abbreviations have been . — Aitareya Upanishad; Brhad. - Brahadãranyake; . - Mandukya; Mund-Mundka; Svet. - Svetasvatara:
yclopaedia of Religious knowledge, Vol. XI p. 199. 83
ቷ፥, (1906), p. 101.
5

Page 170
163 SYMBOLSM. N.
of meditation, reverence or repetition.
uniformity that appears in one particula Saman. The latter may be considered t a fivefold aspect Chānd. (II. 2. l) and Furthermore Saman may not be an ulti aspect of another symbol, which may b aspects are Rg and Yajus. Similarly on seemingly a self-sufficient verbal symbol fact incomplete Chānd. (III. 5. 1). Likev metre, need not necessarily be a metre
One might attempt to consider certa are visual, verbal/audial or eidetic and Here again however there does not seen the Symbol purusa may be visual or ei is apparently the same purusa, that is b been made to represent a certain classi their numerical aspect and partially thei of practical religion, and we need to c sarily being interdependent, although the what is the true that is the yonder sun and the person who is here in the righ Through his rays that one rests in this that'. Here we may also consider what the Divine The more insights we can can perceive.' '
It is important to keep in mind th: within a specific mediation and it atten and thus a change in mental process is
Aum
It would probably be most appropri this is the syllable used for invocat entire Upanisad e. g. Taitt. (I. 1. 1) or a e.g. Chand. (VI. 1. 1). One may say mention because it reappears frequently unlike other principal symbols, i. e. at in an explanatory capacity where it may or purely within the context of practica of contemplation or meditation. In the ultimate symbol but rather a means of aum one may achieve perception of the Maitri (VI. 4). The symbol aum may a religious purpose or contextual function,
S bid., p. 5a

THE THIRTEEN
Thus one might excuse the lack of symbol, for example in the symbol of o have a dual aspect Chand. (I. 7. 1) a sevenfold aspect Chānd. (II 10. 1), nate symbol of Brahman, but rather one e a threefold one, where the other two. e may consider that Brahman, though , when taken in a certain context, is in rise the gayatri though the name of a
of that name Chānd. (III. 12. 1).
in symbols according to whether they try and systemise them in this way. to be a specific consistency. Thus letic, depending on the context, but it eing represented. Here an attempt has fication of symbols that partially follows r functional context within the sphere onsider these two aspects as not necesy may be e. g. Brhad, (V. 5. 1-2) “Now ... The person who is there in that orb ut eye, these two rest on each other. one; through the vital breaths this on : Alain Danielou has said concerning get, the more aspects of the Divine we
at a divine symbol must be manifest, pts to evoke a certain consciousness necessarily inferred by the term "symbol'.
ate to begin with the symbol aum, for ions either at the beginning of an t the beginning of a section of an Upanisad that as a symbol aum deserves special in several specific and different contexts, the very beginning or end of a passage; t have a threefold or fourfold aspect; l religion, where it may be the object latter case, aun need not be the meditation, e. g. through meditation om ultimate symbol eg. Prasna (V. 5) and also appear without a specifically stated which does not seem to be the case

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NIRMALA S.
with other symbols. From amongst tl consideration, it is only in four that beginning with the function of invocati In the beginning of the Mundaka and { one may say that the place of aum is is here considered in terms of creation. aum as an invocation-the Maitri and mention Brahman at the beginning. One of the symbol aum, and its deserving a into account that it was aum, “which ol important and fruitful'. 6 Furthermore w symbol, for its importance may be trac acknowledged in the Upanisads themselve
Aum on its own, or within a medit usually be considered an audial symbol. may recognise an eidetic symbol in aum who is ether, the primeval ether, the et as will be mentioned below, one may s should in most cases probably be regar Brahman. Aum is this all. Aum, this veri begins to recite, may I obtain Brahman; obtain.' Taitt (I. 8. 1).
In Maitri (VI. 22), aum and Brahm sufficient symbols, and it would perhap entireties. Here the word Brahman, is usually encounter, and there are two Br, non-sound - the former only which is a dual interdependance with which we sha an entirety, - especially as it is the lowe considered much greater than the sound noteworthy that the knowledge of the la the attainment of the former. The appa here may be contrasted to aum in Man as an ultimate symbol, where time is th future, all this only the syllable aum. threefold time, that too is only the syll: Maitrī (VI. 5).
The single symbol aun often appears Chand (I. 12. 5), or in an invocation In these contexts it seems to have an a that the placing of this important symbc passages or invocations is extremely sign that the function of a divine symbol is iousness. The initial aum is like an op and the aun at the end is like a confi in consciousness.
6 Paul Deussen, The Philosophy of the Upanishad

SALGADO 164
le thirteen principal Upanisads under
aum does not appear at the very n, which may be evident or implied. Svetãsvatara, where a um is not present, taken by Brahman, which very significantly
The two other Upanisads which omit Kausitaki Brahmana Upanisads, merely
may further consider the significance special place in our work, when taking all the symbols came to be the most 'e may see a special significance in this ed back to the Vedas, and this is s Katha (I. 2. 15).
ational context, Mund (II. 2. 6) might In certain circumstances however one , eg. Brhad (V. 2. 1): “Aum is Brahman her that blows' Although in some cases, ee different aspects of this symbol, aum ied as a complete symbol “Aum is ly is compliance...... with alum a Brahamana thus wishing Brahman verily does he
an alone do not appear to be selfs be mistaken to consider these as
unlike the fuller representations we ahmans to be meditated upon - sound and um, can reveal the latter. Although this ll meet again, does not justify aum as ir Brahman, and the higher Brahman is , the lower Brahman (ie. aum). it is litter is an essential stepping stone for rent insufficiency of the syllable aum d (I) where it is evidently represented reefold: “All that is past, present and And whatever else there is beyond the able aum.' This is also similar to
towards the end of a passage, e. g. e. g. in the Kena, Kațha Upanişads etc. lmost sanctifying function. One may say bl at the very beginning and end of ificant, especially when one considers to enhance a change in one's conscen doorway leading into the divine realm Irmation of the completion of this change
s, (1906), p. 116

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165 SYMBOLSM
The twofold aspect of symbolism - dual
(The experience of the universal S absolute consciousness is spoken of as We will see that the dual aspect of sy essential aspect because no identity can or realisation which is the final goal a Alain Danielou has summed up the im “In the unmanifest state there is a per as one; there is no perceptible duality, negative force. As soon as the first te the undifferentiated substratum, duality
As will be seen, the dual aspect m form such as micro/macro-cosm, or a co be present only implicitly, or even para dual micro/macro cosmic aspect may be follows: -
Cosmos
Person in Earth
99 , Water 99) Air
Person in Sun
, Moon
The dual aspect of Brahman here, not include an all-embracing entity, as, we have the symbol of the sacrificial h
Another form of the dual aspect in and (V. 52). This may be seen as on aspects: “The gods meditated on the syllables-sa-ti-yam. Sa is one syllable, The first and the last syllables are the untruth is enclosed on both sides by tr itself. Him who knows this untruth doe and confirms the necessity for dual diff religion - for he who knows truth, is no interdependence is two-fold-occurring no but also in the practice of the mental the passage in Kaus (1.6). Several ot aspects of the symbol are found e. g.
A good example of the paradoxical may be seen in Chānd (III. 19. 1). Her
7 Alain Danielou, Hindu Polytheism, (1964), p. 8 bid, p. 223

FN THE THT RTEEN
ty
ul is an experience of identity; hence the Self, the own self of each being'. 7 mbolism is a primary one for it is an exist without it, and it is this identity nd leads to a realization of moksa. ortance of the dual aspect most explicitly: ect balance. Then, all the gods appear no distinction of a positive and a dency towards manifestation appears in s already present'.
lay be represented in a most obvious ntext involving interdependence, or it may doxically. A very clear example of the
seen in Brhad, (II. 5. 1), where it is as
Self
Person in Body
9 , Seed 99 , Breath Person in Eye
, Mind
etc.
exists in a parallel capacity and does for example, in Brhad (I. 1. 1) where DS
symbols is evident in Brhad, (V. 5. 1) e of the more obviously interdependent real (satiyam) that consists of three ti is one syllable and yam is one syllable. truth; in the middle is untruth. This uth; it partakes of the nature of truth is not injure'. This passage emphasises, erentiation in the sphere of practical
t touched by untruth. Thus the dual t only within the verbal symbol satiyam,
process of knowledge. This is not unlike her examples of interdependent dual in Brhad (V. 5. 2), Brhad (V. 71),
arising from the dual aspect of symbols e is an example of symbolism arising
17

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NIRMALA
from creation. Thus the visual symbol two-sky and earth, or gold and silver. arising from a symbol, within the struc transformed into an egg and in turn th example which we may say confirms th
“To illustrate this paradoxical situat pairs of opposites', Indian thought, like whose very structure includes contradicti
From the above, one may conclude only one ultimate symbol, but may pertai This variation of the context of the twc sphere of worship, and a dual aspect already seen however, certain patterns c. micro/macrocosmos, paradoxes etc).
Väyu/Prana as Brahman
The importance of the vayu/prana a rated for, it denotes life as existence, significance may be seen in physiologica it is often equated to Brahman, or inter One may say that vayulprana in all cont of the others vary, depending on their may see that it is not only in the Upay was essentially the life of the body, the which assumed spatial and corporeal for left the dying body again after the final prana to mean both life and breath. Pa amongst the most important symbols ( contexts and meanings of this symbol to In Brhad (III. 9) all the three hundred gods may be seen in the one God, whit are told that, “The whole (world) is just we see that all existence must in some v with existence is unmistakeable in Brhad to partake of existence, which is once ag enter breath.
In Pras na (II. 3), prana claims to be the body. In Chand (VI. 7), prana is th body that is not cut off when a person Prasina (VI. 2-4) we see that the person of them all originate from another which
9 Mircea Eliade, Images and Symbol, (1961), p. 10 Carl G. Jung, Modern man in search of a soul,
relation of breath to soul.

SALGADO 166
of the sun is Brahman and becomes
One may see here a case of a symbol ture of the paradox, for the sun was 2 sun was born of this egg. This is an Lt:
ion attained by the abolition of the all archaic thinking makes use of images on.' 9
that the twofold aspect does not require to several different symbols of Brahman. fold aspect is also represented in the in the mental process As we have oncerning duality do emerge (such as
s an ultimte symbol cannot be exaggeon both the profane level where its l terms, and on the divine level where reted as having the qualities of Brahman. exts is an eidetic symbol, because most context or function e.g. purusa One aisads, but elsewhere too, that 'spirit
life breath, or a kind of life-force m at birth or after conception, and breath.' 10 Thus we may understand ul Deussen considers vdiyu/prama to be of Brahman, and uses the different identify the chronology of the Upaniasds and three and three thousand, and three ch is prana. In Brhad (I 4. 6), we
food and the eater of food.', and thus vay partake of food. The link of breath
(I. 3. 18), where the divinities in order gain seen in terms of food, must first
! the greatest of the powers supporting le only one of the sixteen parts of the remains fasting for fifteen days. In is made of sixteen parts, and fifteen
is prana, that is created first of all.
84
(1981), p. 209 Also see p. 209-10 on the

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167 SYMBOLISM IN
In Brhad (II. 5. 21-23), Prāna is n organs competing, but it also has a cos it is so that in both cases breath and though not evidently stated, a dual aspé representing Brhaman on the micro/macro
One may say that an important rep form of energy, and that in this respec symbols. However, this energy is not Sometimes in the case of Prajapati, terms.
Prajapati - The Lord of Progeny.
One may say that there is such a not mean that every mention of Prajapa symbol of Brahman, because in certain c In some contexts one might infer that Prajā pati, even though this is not explic tions signifying Prajapiti as an ultimate
When Prajăpati is a source of crea may consider it as a symbol of Brahma case. Thus in Brhad (I. 3. 1), and Ch Prajapati who tanscends both good and . There were two classes of the descenda In Brhad (I. 4. 1) (which is similar to beginning the world was only the Self, it is not explicitly stated in the text of out, that the Self or the Person here, I would be a visual symbol of Brahman. where we are told that the person who can be identified with Prajāpati. This status of Brahman through the mental p leading to identification in this case is with Brahman.
The importance of the function of connection with Prajā pati, especially whe teaches his disciples about Brahman. Pr (III.2), IV.2) and Chand (VIII.7.1). On Brahman does lead to identification with it is Prajā pati who has knowledge of 1 Prajapati is Brahman, whenever he is a confirmed in Maitri (II.5) where Prajap. which is entirely intelligent in every pe Vișva.”

THE THIRTEEN
ot just seen in the context of sense mological equivalent. In this dual aspect air alone remain undying. Here again ct of symbolism with breath and air cosmic scale is manifested.
resentation of Brahman as prana is in the t, prana is similar to the other main necessarily, primarily creative as it is ut it is seen more in physiological
symbol as Prajā pati, although this does
ti can be interpreted as a self-sufficient
ases Prajapati is different from Brahman.
a symbol of Brahman can be seen in
itly stated, and despite the clear indicasymbol.
tion or an ancestor of all beings, we n, though this need not always be the and (I. 2. 1), we may see Brahman in evil, and is also a source of both, for nts of Prajapati, the gods and the demons.'
Aitar. I. 1. 1), we see that "in the in the shape of a person', and although
the Upanisad, Radhakrishnan has pointed may be Prajapati in which case the latter This may be confirmed in Brhad (). 5. 15), knows that Prajapati has sixteen parts elevates Prajāpat and equates him to the rocess of knowledge, because knowledge analogous to the means of identification
knowledge cannot be overlooked in n Prajā pati is considered the guru who ajapati appears as a guru in Maitri (II.3), 2 needs to accept that knowledge of Brahman, and that in the above contexts, Brahman, and thus one may infer that teacher of Brahman. This is evidently ati says “Now assuredly that part of him, rson is the spirit......, Prajapati called

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In certain cases such as in Brhad Prajapati is Brahman which is hirdayam. symbol, for it appears to be partially v already seen, even though the symbol of and not stated, it is important to ackn no symbol of Brahman where Prajapati i understanding of symbols in the Upanisc misleading to take any word as a symb interpreted as a symbol in some cases.
In order to attempt a satisfactory ( necessary to consider it in its different different meanings this same written wo Prajapati as a word denoting a symbol meanings apart from that of Brahman, t Divine.
Purusa - The Person
The symbol of the Person may in but unlike Parjipati, this symbol is not tation of the divine only, or a symbol What does come to one's notice immedi Person is that it is predominantly a visib never an audial or verbal one. The vis kinds - one denoting the size taken in a The Person also does occur occasionally connected to food although this occurs is therefore not of great importance. O, is one of more than several aspects of important one: e. g. in Maitri (VI. 10) one of a dual aspect of Brahman, wh which is food. Amongst the visual are seen in the context of the Sun, or
COO.
In Svetäs, (III.8), the Supreme Pers sunlike colour', and exists for the sake liberation. In Svetas (III. 12), the Persoi described in visual terms, he is “th (III. 1 — 10), the Person, though describec for “He is not grasped by the eye, nor organs ... but when one's (intellectual) na then alone he by meditation, sees Him Yet we are told that “When a seer sees supreme equality with the lord.' Mund of the nature of light and pure, is attai

SALGADO 168
(V. 3. 1), it is explicitly stated that Here hgdayam is probably an eidetic isual and verbal. In many cases, as
Prajapati as Brahman is only inferred, wledge that in several instances there is mentioned. This is vital for our general ds because it reminds us that it is l in every case, merely because it can be
omprehension of the term Prajapati it is contexts, individually, because of the very rd conveys in those different contexts. of Brahman, that probably has more han any other word which represents the
zertain cases be replaced by Pariipati essentially an existential one, a manifesthat functions mainly as a source of all. ately on considering the symbol of the le symbol, sometimes an eidetic one, and ual symbols may be seen as mainly two space, and the other indicating light. in an ontological context, e g when it is seldom, and one may say this aspect
ccasionally one may see that the Person Brahman, although a very necessary and where the Person as the enjoyer is are the other aspect is the enjoyed, symbols of the Person, those which Light, in any way, are the most
on, who envelops the universe is of of knowledge of him who leads to h is the imperishable light', and is e measure of a thumb.” In Mund t in terms of light, is essentially eidetic, even by speech nor by other sense ture is purified by the light of knowledge, who is without parts.” Muņçd (III. 1. 8). the creator of golden hue ... he attains (III. 1 3), and the “self within the body, nable by truth”, Muņçd, (III. 1. 5) and that

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169 SYMBOLISA. IN
66When thought is purified, the self sh connection of Person to light basically
described in terms of an abstract lumi ignorance, and this is a different mear which is noticed in Brhad, (II. 3. 2), a
From the above one sees that the nosity may be a visual or an eidetic s perceptible to the sight, although it is confirms that a symbol “has a wider defined or fully explained ... As the m that lie beyond the grasp of reason,' 1
The Threefold Aspect Of Symbolism
The magic of number appears as “ spirit and in the structure of the huma be the bond which joins the diverse pc gathers the spheres of sensation, intuiti thus fulfills the function which the Py Unity of many mixed elements and an
The threefold aspect of the divine forms and contexts, although a cert Rg, Saman, Yajus, or Bhah Bhuvah, Sve continuity which may also be present i (with the necessary additions). Each of fold aspect is as important as the othe unity in other multiple aspects of symb The triad, may possibly be specifically to these two as well as other triads. of worship or recognition to Brahman, In some cases we can see that one un is in other contexts individually, a self vhere Sāman and prāņa are units in tv
Apart from aum, which may indivi represent the threefold aspect of a syn monly found audia threefold aspect is 3-4), this triad is an audial equivalent Person, and this is a unifying force, fc within the dual aspect of Brahman. (In the person in the right eye). Here the knowledge, which is unlike Chānd (II. 2 force emanating from the brooding of .
ll Carl G. Jung, Man and his Symbols, (1979), 12 Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of Symbolic F.

THE THIRTEEN
ines forth.” Mund (III. 1. 9). Here the indicates inner mental purity, which is nosity, that is opposed to the darkness or ing of light to the more concrete one nd Maitri, (VI. 35).
symbol of the person connected to lumiymbol, and that the latter need not be described in terms of visibility. This unconscious' aspect that is never precisely ind explores the symbol, it is led to ideas
a fundamental power in the realm of the an self-consciousness. It proves itself to owers of consciousness into a mesh, which on and feeling into a unity. Number thagoreans impute to harmony. It is “a greement between disagreeing elements' 11
symbol is one that occurs in different tain pattern of specific triads e. g. th, tends to recur and establish a formal n other multiple aspects of symbolism the individual unities, within the threer, and this usually holds true for each polism too, although there are exceptions. audial, or relate to the three worlds, or A triad may also be seen in the approach rather than in the actual symbol itself. it of the triad representing another symbol,
sufficient symbol eg. Brhad, (V. 14. 2-3) wo different triads.
ノ dually be a complete symbol or may mbol e, g. Pras' na (W. 6), the most combhish, bhuvah and syah. In Brhad, (V. 5. of the ultimate visual symbol of the or it, like the Person, forms the unity this case it is the person in the orb and triad exists in the functional capacity of 23. 2), where it is represented as a creative Prajā pati, and this eventually results in the
р. 21 orms, (1953) Vol III p. 151

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NIRMALA S
emergence of the audial symbol of aun is not the most important symbol, and the creation of the ultimate symbol, wh the worlds, (presumably three), from thi bhuvah, Syah and by his continued brood symbol, for “Verily, the syllable Aum is this” Chānd (II. 23. 3).
One can see that it is necessary to the ultimate symbol as a possible threef that in certain passages these approaches and the worship of the divine in this t tion of Brahman, just as much as the leads to the identification of Brahman.
A threefold aspect functioning as a be seen in Muņç (II. 2. 4). Here the au and Brahman is the target.
We may say that the threefold aspe the multiple aspects of symbolism which are concerned with, and not the dual as because this latter aspect can inevitably the multiple aspect of symbolism does ni
Luminous Symbols
The luminous aspects of symbols wh Brahman, (who is referred to as the mak description, are most frequently present fire and in a more abstract form - in l; perhaps one in which the paradoxical na is not necessarily a visible symbol, and i audial one eg. Chand (I. 5. 1), “The udg: (the sun) is continually sounding Aum.”
The Sun
In Brhad, (II. 3. 2), the visible symb of a duality representing the formed Bra primary eidetic symbol - “the person in the visibility of the secondary symbol, t emphasis on visibility is stressed in the t gous to the above, where in the referent and the person in the right eye.
In Chănd, (I. 5. 1), the Sun is speci is unlike Chānd, (II, 9. 1), where seven sevenfold Saman by means of the sun's

SALGADO 170
In this case too, as above, the triad nere its significance lies in its link in ch is aum. Firstly, Prajapati broods on emerges the three Vedas, then Bhith, ng, aum emerges. This is the final all this, yea, the syllable Aum is all
consider threefold approaches of revering old aspect of symbolism, if one considers
are specifically mentioned as a trinity, areefold form can lead to the identificaecognition of a specific symbol or symbols,
means of approaching Brahman might dial aum is a bow, the self is the arrow,
ct of symbolism is the simplest form of
are to be found in the Upanisads we pect of symbolism as may be supposed include paradox and contradiction, which Ot.
1ich contribute to the manifestation of er of light) Maitrī (VII. 2) or his in the forms of the sun, moon, lightning, ght. The light symbol of Brahman is ture of symbols is most evident. Light s often an eidetic one, or a specifically tha is the yonder sun and the Aum, for
ol of the sun is shown as one aspect hman, and the formless Brahman is a he region of the Sun.' In both cases he sun, is an important factor, and this wofold representations of Brahman analo'e to the self, the symbols are the eye
'ically audial. for, it sounds aum - this lifferent audial symbols represent the position at seven different times of day.

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171 SYMBOLSM IN
Here the sun is probably a visible seco the time of day, in the same way that change). This does appear to be parad religion, for the Saiman is revered especi should meditate on the sevenfold Samar, always the same.' The movement of th to Maitri. (VI 14), where “Food verily time of food, and the Sun is the sourc terms of the movement of the Sun.
An unusual eidetic symbol of the s cosmic Sun which incorporates several el Maitri, (VII. 1.-VIT. 6). This may be v (it arises in six directions) but there ar be an eidetic symbol, for it is also “w unlimited, not to be moved by another formless...”
Light
A luminous symbol of Brahman tha as light, for this may not pertain to a light from sun, moon, lightning, the sel (VIII 11). Light in the thirteen Upanişa to knowledge. ln Brhad, (II. 3. 6), the with a dual aspect of Brahman is part knowledge is “like a sudden flash of I. of man is the Self and remains when is not necessarily visual, although it is luminous. In Brhad, (IV 3. 11), the sel and the lonely swan. Here this is prob where "This person who consists of mil eidetic symbol is not unlike “the light Chānd, (III. 13. 7), and which is light 1 been seen and heard.' Y.
Fire
Fire, of the three main luminous s. occurs least often as a main primary o the context of the sacrificial fire, and or its function in the sacrifice may be as a central symbol.
In Brhad, (I. 4. 6), “The whole wo Soma is food and fire is the eater of aspect of the phenomenal world and a and the world.

THE THIR EEN
dary A symbol. (Its visibility changes with the seven audial aspects of the Saman xical, especially in the context of practical ally because it remains the same; 'one in the sun. He is Saman because he is e sun in Chānd, (II. 9 1) is comparable is the source of this whole (world) and e of time,” and Time is described in
un is manifested in the form a sixfold ements into each of the six unities. isual, for it is given spatial dimensions 2 indications, that it is more likely to ithout beginning or end, unmeasured, independent, without any marks (signs),
it is more abstract than the sun, appears ny one concrete entity or it may be the f or merely light, on its own Maitri, ds is not necessarily mental, or pertaining form of the person, which is a symbol ially described in terms of light, and ightning”. In Brhad, (IV. 3. 9) the light all other lights have gone out. Here light described in terms of visuality, for it is f (as elsewhere), is the golden person ably an eidetic symbol as in Brhad, (V 6), hd is of the nature of light'. This as an which is here within the person' in that: “One should meditate on ... that has
ymbols mentioned so far, is the one that r secondary symbol. It usually occurs in symbolic aspects may emerge from this, the main factor justifying its importance
rld is just food and the eater of food. food.' Here fire is one of a twofold lso a mediating force between Brahman

Page 179
NIRMALA S.
In Brhad, (V. 9. 1), the fire as a as the universal fire and thus establishe relationship is dealt with and expanded represent the three worlds and all of til equated to the digestive fire which is meditated upon by means of the digesti of a sacrificial fire.
A certain importance may be given luminous symbol, or its symbolical aspe for judging the significance of that sym and fire as symbols, when they are me e. g. in Pras' na (IV. 3), where Brahman fire is connected to the very important necessary to keep in mind that a lumi one, and may be eidetic or verbal, and mind to understand the concept of the luminous symbols, partly because of th especially because of their otherwise im in some passages, are perhaps one of t symbols necessitate.
Multiple Aspects Of Symbols
Apart from the twofold and threefo been considered, the other multiple asp fivefold, sixfold and sevenfold aspects, tions of Brahman which need not speci does not permit an analysis of each of these multiple aspects, the fivefold aspe Brahman appear to be those most frequ Upanişads.
In Maitri (II. 6), the fivefold aspeci breaths, all of which play a vital part they are not important for worship or most essential part of Prajāpati’s creati her offspring. Here one may say that worship or meditation is of little or i Prajapati to create offspring, but they a
The multiple aspects pertaining to their frequent representation and the oc categories, which may be termed as sac numerical divisions used to represent th the ultimate symbol for “He is one, be also ninefold. Then again he is called fold and also twenty thousandfold” Chi

SALGADO 172
microcosm, is confirmed as being the same s a microfmacrocosmic relationship This
in Maitri, (VI. 34). Here the three fires nem together combine and then can be then to be recognised, praised and ve fire which is worshipped in the form
to the frequency of mention of a specific ct, but this need not be the only criterion bol. Although there is little on lightning ntioned, they are of prime importance - is described in terms of the “fires' and symbol of breath. Furthermore, it is nous symbol must not always be a visual
as far as it is possible for the profane divine symbol, one may say that the lejr occasionally invisible nature, and perceptible nature, which is greatly stressed he best examples of the paradox that
ld aspects of symbols that have already acts of symbolism mainly include fourfold, and the inadequate or progressive definifically be of a certain number, Space
these types of multiple symbols. Of cts, and the progressive definitions of ently mentioned in the thirteen principal
is represented in the form of five
in the functioning of the body, although meditation. The five breaths here are the ve energy, for it is these which activate Prajapati is the ultimate symbol, and nferior value. (Meditation does allow re, all lifeless without the five breaths).
symbols are important when considering casional mention of specific numerical red numbers. The mention of different e divine enhances one's understanding of comes threefold, fivefold sevenfold and
elevenfold, also a hundred and elevenind, (VII. 26.2). Furthermore, the variety

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173 SYM BOLISM IN
of numerical aspects of the ultimate sy of means of approach to the divine wł
Conclusion
This attempt at understanding symb complete interpretation of all symbols t Upanisads, although the endeavour has b porate those symbols which may be cor they may be included into any pattern Trimarti aspect has not been commentec in one Upanisad, and is not consistently eg. the World Tree have also not been most frequently occurring symbols that 1 systematisation.
The aspect of energy which is conn in one way or another has only been t and Vayu/Prana, and this a spect has 1 considering its importance in connection in the form of the creative dynamism o value of Food, Breath, Wind and Light and (VI. 37), Prasna (I. 14), Kauş. (II. 1. also been little consideration of the dif which symbols may be represented and reference to this.
Here it has been necessary to follo' as possible of the most prominent symb dually, as this is probably the most a interpreting these symbols. One needs t Gander, 13 which is analogous to the som of the Indian Yogi: “Hamsa, ham - sa,' Sa means ''I'; the lesson is, “This am the divine symbol and its eternal presen perishable nature.
13 Heinrich Zimmer, Myths and Symbols in India

THE THIRTEEN
mbol enables us to apprehend a diversity ich as already seen, is of great importance.
ols in the Upanisads is by no means a at are present in the thirteen principal een made as far as possible, to incorsidered the most important, as far as of symbolic form in these texts. The om, partly because it is prominent only found in the others, Certain symbols referred to, as it is not one of the may allow us to include it into a specific
ected to most of the important symbols ouched on, in the sections on Prajapati perhaps not been emphasised enough,
to other symbols. Energy exists mainly f Prajapati, but also in the life giving — eg. in Taitt. (III. 7. 1), Maitri (VI, 11) 4), (III. 2-4) and (IV. 20). There has ferent time and space dimensions in
they have been systematised without
w the text closely and consider as many Iols, and the aspects of symbols indiviccurate means of understanding and o keep in mind the song of the Immortal und of inhalation ham and exhalation sa
it sings, but at the same time, 'sa-ham'.
I”. This stresses the universality óf ce in the individual, despite the latter's
Nirmala S. Salgado
n Art and Civilization, (1974), pp. 49-50

Page 181
The Dramatist at the
of Sinhala Drai
Sinhala Drama, its short history no of interesting phases. It is a wellknow. dramatic tradition in Sri Lanka unlike and Japan, According to Martin Wickr, the existence of a tradition of poetic drar Sarachchandra points out the prevalence folk dances and rituals of the Sinhale writers have discussed the emergence of Nadagam during the 19th centutry which and popular form called Nurti. 3. Nurti which were in existence till the 1940 S : gence of a type of social drama referre experiments undertaken by drama societi responsible for the decline of these earl
Having seen the interest and respon in the Ceylon university began to introc Under the enthusiastic guidance of Profe Sabha produced Kapuva Kapoti (Gogol's in the university may be seen by the fa formed. Ibe Vedā and Mudalällige Peraliy In Kapuva Kapoti (1945) a style based c used in dialogues. This simple style de corrupt usages which were a common fe; taken as a major factor for the success features of this play, high standard of a structure and the novelty of the theme to Maname Sarchchandra states that the for Sinhala theatre-goers to recognize th further observes that Sinhala writers as inspiration from this play.
Another noteworthy event in the ea Drama was the prodution of Vedahatana Austrian director named Jubal. During first produced a few plays in Engli
1. Wickramasinghe, Martin Sinhala Nātyaya hā S 2. Sarachchandra, E. R. Maname, Introduction, 3. Sarachchandra, E. R Introductions to Ma; de Silva há Sinhala Nãyaya. Kariyawasam, Colombo, 1979. Hapuaarachchi, V. Sinhala N

Crossroads: A Survey ma Since 1950.
twithstanding, has passed through a series fact that there has been no continuous in such Asian countries as India, China amasinghe there is evidence to support na (Kawi Nadagam) in the 13th century. 1.
of some dramatic elements in various se. 2. Subsequently a number of other an indigenous dramatic tradition called was later replaced by a more elaborate plays are also known as Tower Hall Plays and lost their popularity with the emerd to as Jayamanna Natya. Theatrical es in the university too might have been y dramatic traditions of Sri Lanka.
se of the Sinhala audience, drama societies duce realistic plays on the Western model. 'ssor Ludowyk, a society called Ranga Marriage) in 1945. Interest in the theatre ct that a Sinhala Drama Circle hae been a were produced in 1937 by this society. in the spoken idiom was successfully void of grammatical mistakes and other ature in the earlier Sinhala plays can be
of this play. Among the other positive icting, depiction of character, dramatic can be observed. In the introduction production of Kapuva Kapoti set an example e proper structure in a good play. He well as spectators drew considerable
irly years of the naturalistic Sinhala
(1953) with the assistance of a visiting his stay at the university of Ceylon, he sh which were acclaimed as highly
andakinduruva, Colombo, 1970
Colombo, 1956. name and Sinhabahu. Dissanayake, Wimal. John Tissa. Sinhala Natyaye Vikasanaya, 1867-1911 Wāya Itikásaya 1860-1911, Colombo 1981.

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175 THE DRAMATIST A
successful 5. Sarachchandra further notes Ludowyk and Jubal were keen in improv new stage techniques the university failed Jubal's main concern was to convince and discipline. The local spectators rea of the director's role in a play when the of Le Malade Imaginaire by Moliere. T on this production may be considered theatre as well.
“In my view, the major defect in the method they adopted to introdu know that their purpose was genuine. not adapted to Suit our society. We c experiments in the Sinhala stage- when in our country, it must be borne in m plays in their original form is doomed must try to adapt them as much as pc Every aspect, including the portrayal of should be changed.' 6. While adapting s Government Inspectur into Sinhala, Sarach ideas into practice. As a result, Kapuva a perennialy enjoyable and exemplary production of foreign plays, both Easter aspect in the Sinhala theatre. Some dr. classical Sanskrit plays such as Shakunt Sri Harsha, while some others have cho American playwrights. During the 50s Gogol and Chekov were the favourites after this period paid more attention to Beckett, Genet, Ionesco, Strindberg, Will
During the 50s there emerged a nu drama circles under the direction of Sa Wilde's The importance of Being Ernest), Prastava (The Manager) (1950), three o (1951) and Vandinna Giya Devale (The T pieces by Sarachchandra himself. In 1 important play viz, Pabhāvati in which h found in classical Sanskrit drama and chandra becomes the first Sinhala dram new Sinhala dramatic tradition drawin foreign dramatic traditions. During the theatre was the production of comedies.
5. Sarachchcandra, E. R. Nāva Gaveshana, Colc 6. Sarachchandra, E. R. ibid, p. 126.

THE CROSSROAU)S
that although many enthusiasts such as ing the quality of acting and introducing in providing them with necessary facilities. Lctors about the importance of training lized for the first time the significance I saw Vedahatana. This was an adaptation he following comments by Sarachchandra relevant to the contemporary Sinhala
the production of Vedahatana lies in :e Moliére to the Sinhala stage. We However, Vedahatana failed as it was ould learn a good lesson from Jubal's ve consider the present social condition ind that any attempt at staging Western to failure. In translating such works we ssibie to suit our society and culture. character, situations as well as dialogue such plays as The Marriage and The chandra has obviously tried to put these i Kapoti (The Marriage) turned out to be work. From this time until today, the n and Western has become a prominent amatists have translated and produced ala by Kalidasa and Ratnävali by King isen works from famous European and some masters like Shakespeare, Moliere on the Sinhala stage. But the dramatists such playwrights as Ibsen, Lorca, Brecht, liams, Camus and Satre.
mber of experimental plays by university rachachandra. Hängi Horá (1949) (Oscar Valahi (The Bear by Chekhov) and Mangul ne act plays, Bahina Kalava (On the wane emple of worship) (1955) two original 952, he wrote and produced another e tried to follow some of the techniques Sinhala Nadagam plays. Thus Sarachlatist who concentrated on building up a g inspiration from various local and 50s, the dominant feature in the Sinhala Serious theatre-lovers were disappointed
ombo, 1967, p. 120

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U. P. MED
with monotonous comic scenes on t major drawback, Sarachachandra began t traditions in order to produce seriou humour. 7 As a result of these studies h as Maname (1956) and Sinhabahu (1961) Sinhala theatre.
However, there were a number of a Sarachchandra by using Jataka stories and dance in the name of drama. The rejected by the spectators as they were without new interpretation. But there \ of whom were trained by Sarachchandra, for the development of the Sinhala drar trends and developments in the Western see the production of some highly succe
By far the most successful one amo Hunuvataye Katāva (1967) based on Bertol Gunasena Galappattis Mādu Putu (1962 considered to be a noteworthy experimer style of realistic and non-realistic techni impressive dramatic effect. Our spectat Hunuvataye Katave while the theme in M universal problem in married life.
In the 1960s a trend towards the re some enthusiasts who were doubtful of “stylized' or “non-realistic' form introduce was made once again to be influenced American theatre.' Henry Jayasena is dramatists to emerge in the post-Manam popular plays, originals as well as adapt modes. He also enjoys a high recognitic production, Janelaya (The Window) (1961 theme on urban life, he employed a livi tempered with humour. In Kuvent (A le. shown occasionally, an attempt was made from a new perspective. In this play Ja tion of traditional and modern stage tec Yaksa' queen Kuveni, who was ungratef founder of the Sinhala race according to
7. Sarachchandra, E. R. The Sinhalese Folk Dr
8. See, Ratnapala de Silva, y. Niitana Sinhala N.
9. Stylized Mode: This word is used here for t by Sarachchandra through Maname in 1956. Shaitigata Sampradaya' in Sinhala. As there prefer to use the term 'Stylized mode."

DEGAMA 176
he stage. Having realized this as a learn from classical oriental dramatic plays with sentiments other than e was able to create such masterpieces which remain landmarks in modern
mateur dramatists who tried to imitate to present variety shows with song plethora of these imitative plays was mere presentations of Jataka stories vere some other young enthusiasts, most who were looking for new avenues na. They began to look for the latest theatre. Thus during the 60s we can ssful adaptations.
ng these adaptations was Henry Jayasena's t Brecht's The Caucasian Chalk Circle. ) adapted from Lorca’s Yerma is also it. In both these produtions a mixed ques has been employed creating an ors are familiar with the theme of adu Puttu incorporates an eternal and
surgence of realistic plays was created by the strength and effectiveness of the :d by Sarachchandra. Thus an attempt
by the contemporary European and one of the most significant Sinhala e era. He has produced a number of :ations, in both the realistic and stylized bn as a talented actor. In his first ), while dealing with a contemporary tly and poetic language which is amply gendary queen) (1963) which is still to look at the age old Kuvenilegend yasena employs an interesting combinahniques. Here he tries to present the ully expelled from the palace by Vijaya, the Mahavamsa, as an eternal symbol
'arma,
itya, 1965.
he dramatic style introduced into the Sinhala stage Classical dramatic style is referred to as
; is no other suitable term in English we too

Page 184
177 THE DRAMATIST A
of the plight and sufferings of woman.
(Another Morning) (1964) represents fac life of a poor boy and his pet calf. T life of villagers are portrayed through d village. The ordinary Sinhala villager d with his neighbours, bears no lasting gr are sometimes compelled to deceive eac and ignorance. These ideas are expres and dance based on folk songs and da Jayasena show why he decibed to creat
“The stylized or poetic drama beca However, by experience, I have real did not grasp the meaning of the in a classical and high-flown style, learned spectators who were able to plays...... I am of the opinion that not only to those in Colombo, but not be able to achieve this goal on flown style and those discussing pri
At the time when Jayasena expresse a few others had written and produce Although this language was classical a "stylized plays were enjoyed equally by Further there is no evidence to say tha about the language because he was accl. in which songs were written in a sim Jayasena and some other young playwrig tradition is praiseworthy as a number o in dealing with the problems of modern Manaranjana Vaida Varjana (Fascinating S (Son, We Have No Way Out) (1964), a in which he deals with current social p were not agreeable to some critics who Apata Pute Mangak Nate, which ends wi attacked as a reactionary piece as it do victory of the revolution.
As we have mentioned above, the during the 60 s was translation and a Henry Jayasena's Ahas Maliga (1966) The Glass Menagerie. This production sho stage-craft and his ability to use comm following ideas of Ariya Rajakaruna on Ah a fair assessmnet:
10. Jayasena, Henry. Tavat Uädsanak. 1964. Int

THE CROSSROADS
Jayasena's next attempt, Tavat Udäsanak ts of village life. This play centres on the he rhythms and patterns of the simple ay-today happenings in a typical Sinhala spite his frequent quarrels over trifles udge. Although villagers are related, they 1 other or take revenge due to poverty ed in Tavat Udäsanak by means of song hces. The following ideas expressed by. : a play of this type:
me very popular lately in our country. ized that the majority of the spectators lyrics in these plays as they are written As a result of this, it was only a few ) understand the true meaning of these today's plays should provide enjoyment also to those in the villages. We may ly with stylized plays written in highoblems in city life.' 10
d these ideas, only Sarachchandra and d plays using a high-flown' style nd high-flown to some extent, these. both the educated and the uneducated. t the ordinary spectator ever complained Istomed to the Nadagam and Nurti plays Lilar style. However, the attempt by ghts of the time to develop an independent f critics had pointed out the difficulty society through classical styles alone. trikes) (1966), Apata Pute Mangak Näite re two of the original plays by Jayasena problems. The themes in these plays assess art from a political point of view. th the death of the young student was es not culminate in a way indicating the
dominant feature of the Sinhala stage daptation of well-known foriegn plays. was adapted from Tennessee Williams' owed Jayasena's familiarity with modern on speech in dialogues effectively. The las Māliga can be considered as making
roduction.

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U. P. ME
This production proved the dramat the audience by means of some tec lyrical touch found in the original
this adaptation,. However, the prod similar to that in the original play
Jayasena made a major break-throug producing Hunuvataye Katava (1967) whic Chalk Circle. This play had an immedia it draws and the number of times it ha shown in packed halls in many parts of the new methods of acting, costumes features for the Sinhala audience. The narrated through songs. The story in H, one in Suddhist literature. Jayasena has tand and employ the Brechtian theatrical techniques was a new experience for th socialist touch in the theme must have c spectators. A number of publications on Brecht has emerged in Sinhala since the
After the great success of Hunuvataye produced the following plays: Makara (19 Diriya Mava Saha Age Daruvo (1973) (M the fact that these were commendable at none of them proved to be successful o other Sinhala playwrights and producers, creating new plays. The general inflation play production but also other types of literary works.
Sugatapala de Silva is another n concentrates mainly on the realistic style. has sponsored the productions of Sugatap
11. Rajakaruna, Ariya,. Vartamina Sinhala Natyaya 12. Some articles and other publications on Brec Bertolt Brecht - by Henry Jayasena, (introducti Bertolt Brecht-by Reggie Siriwardhana, ibid. Introduction to Diriya Maswa by Henri Jayase: A short analysis of Brecht's theatrical concer 1969. Bertolt Brecht's revolution in the theatre. He Bertolt Brecht and the Sinhala Theatre-by Nugegoda. 36-39 pp. 7. Two western Dramatists ia Modern Sinhala
Vol. i. 1975. Peradeniya University 55-68 pp 8. Hunuvafaye Katâva saha Bertolt Brecht. Sunanda 9. Atapatu, R. B. “Bertu Brachge Range Sakalpay
:
:
.

DEGAMA 178
st's ability in capturing the attention of uniques of the realistic form . . . . . The play has been lost to some extent in cer's attempt to create a pensive mood has been successful.' 11
h in the modern Sinhala theatre by is a translation of Brecht's The Cauacsian te success judging by the large crowds s been shown. Even today, it is often the island. At the time of its production and setting were highly attractive spectators were able to follow the story Inuvataye Katave is similar to a famous made a praiseworthy attempt to undersconcepts. A play using these concepts and le Sinhala audience. In addition, the 'ontributed to its popularity with young the subject of plays and concepts of production of this play. 12
Katava, Jayasena has translated and )72), (The Dragon by Schwarz Jewgeni)
other Courage by Bertolt Brecht), Despite, tempts at developing the Sinhala theatre, r popular. In recent times, like many Jayasena too seems to have given up in the country has affected not only artistic ventures such as publication of
oteworthy contemporary dramatist who Ape Kattiya, a drama group in Colombo bala de Silva who has proved himself to
-- 1967 p 19
ht in Sinhala: on to Hunuvataye Katava) Colombo 1968. i-viipp. viii-xi pp.
na Colombo, 1972. iii-viii pp. ots-by Wimal Dissanayaka, Rūpana, Vol, i, Kandy
nry Jayasena ibid, 13-17 pp. Jayantha Dhanapala Rüpana, July/Aug, 1972
Theatre-by Michael Fernando, Sammantrana Lipi,
Mahendra, 1978 a Saka Hunuvataye Katava” Kandy, 1980,

Page 186
179 THE DRAMATIST A
be a talented and resourceful dramatist Among his plays, Bodin Karayo (The Bo (1964) and Dunna Dunu Gamluve (1972) trying to develop a suitable medium fo trained and introduced a number of yo later plays such as Helé Nagga Don Pu Tin Roof), Hita Honda Ammandi (Brech Badu Hayak (Pirandello's Six Characters some of the most effective and influen helped broaden the boundaries of the the Sinhala theatre.
According to Rajakaruna Harima B. adaptations to be produced in Sinhala that these productions of Silva were no
66. . . . . . . . However the subtle ideas fo in Harima Badu Hayak. A mere c substantiate this fact. The Sinhala original play in its full meaning in
Silva fails to grasp all the subtle Cat on a Hot Tin Roof into Sinhala a itself is insufficient to convey a seriou of married life suggested by Williams' lack of proper understanding of the or defects not only of Silva's adaptations porary Sinhala dramatists.
These Sinhala dramatists presenting always try to work in additional situati Most of them seem to have the miscon the better the quality of the play. The likes to see plays full of suspense and past were trying to capitalize on this v ting better tastes and educating the au
Dunna Dunugamuwe (1972) is an orig de Silva which concentrates on the pro questic; nable role played by trade unio] with the day-to-day speech of the wol a genuine attempt in this play to expo how employes resort to mean and cra members in order to sabotage their str
13. Rajakaruna, Ariya. Wartamaina Sinhala Natya;
i 9 y ibid. ii See also for a detailed discussion of th
Sinhala Naoya, 1969. pp. 85-100.

THE CROSSROADS
with a few creations since the 1960) s. rders) (1962), Tattu Geval (Upstair Houses) can be mentioned as originals. While theatre with day-to-day speech he has ung actors and actresses. Some of his a, (1966) Tennessee Willims' Cat on a Hot 's Good Woman of Setzuan) and Harima in Search of an Author) are regarded as ial adaptations. These plays definitely ield of experience and subject matter in
tdu Hayak was one of the most important after Kapuva Kapoti... He further observes
devoid of some defects:
und in Pirandelo's play had been ignored omparison of the two titles alone would
translator has failed in rendering the to Sinhala.'
meanings of Williams in his adaptation of s Hele Nagga Don Puta. The Sinhala title s meaning on the complicated problems play. This perfunctory attitude and the iginal work are some of the common but also of a number of other contem
foreign plays in translations or adaptations ons and jokes for the sake of laughter. ception that the more the audience laughs
ordinary spectator anywhere in the world humour. Sinhala dramatists of the recent weakness without ever thinking of cultivadiences.
inal play with comic elements by Sugatapala blems of workers in our country and the ns. The dialogue in this work is seasoned kers and office clichés Silva has made ise the plight of the workers and to show fty methods to corrupt the minds of union uggles. Dialogue in this work too is laced
*a. p. 8.
p. 11 ese adaptations: Ratnapala de Silva, 7. Nutana

Page 187
U. P. ME
with suggestive words and witty sayings not entirely impossible for Sinhala play also showed his deep understanding of
Sugata pala de Silva's Turanga Sann by Julius Hay, a Hungarian playwright original, Silva presents a play full of frailties of man and the tragic nature Horse for translation due to the relevar condition ın Sri Lanka. Here the play men, e. g. the indiscriminate imitation favours.
Among other attempts at producing was Asala Sanda Avanhala (1982) which August Moon by John Patrick. After til Silva too has been inactive during the
Gunasena Galappatti is another pro enthusiast of the 60s. His first attem made use of the style called Kavi Nada significant work by such critics as W productions Devatä Eli (1963) and Däsa Liyatambara, is an adaptation by this c Sartre's Les Mains Sales. This productic adaptations to appear in Sinhala during
Madu Puttu (1961) another adaptati rendered into Sinhala jointly with Maha important contribution to the Sinhala th Lorca's Yerma in which simple spoken problems in marital life. A number of music composed by Amaradeva add larg the play. In the lyrics the composer m connected with the Sea as the plot dra Puttu remained for a long time as one by spectators of all types proving once which are best suited to Sinhala theatr
At this time there were a number mental work whose aim was the artis Colombo was quite active at this time youthful amateurs. At various places it posters advertising new plays or drama indicated that at least two or three nev
14. Wickramasinghe, Maritn, Sinhala Națya ya Hä 15. See for a detailed discussion of Liyasambard, 1969, pp. 170 - 184.

DDEGAMA 180
Silva proved by this attempt that it is wrights to create good original works and
the possibilities of the stage.
ya (1975) is a translation of The Horse
While preserving the spirit of the umour depicting some of the eternal of his life. Silva must have chosen The ce of its theme to the current social wright laughs at a common weakness of of nobility and rulers to solicit their
plays by Silva, a noteworthy production
is an adaptation of Tea House of the his play which did not prove successful, past few years.
ducer who was a much talked about theatre
pt Sanda Kinduru (1957) in which he
gam (Poetic Drama) was acclaimed as a
ickramasinghe. 1 Galappatti's next two Nisa 1964) failed to draw much attention.
iramatist which is based on Jean Paul
n is supposed to be one of the best
the 60 s. 15
bn of a foreign play which Galappatti lgama Sekara is regarded as his most eatre. This play is adapted from Garcia idiom is effectively used to discuss intimate songs written by Mahagama Sekera and gely to the meaning and tragic mood of lakes lavish use of terms and words ws on life in a fishing village. Midu
of the few Sinhala plays equally enjoyed
again that it is the non-realistic works
of young dramatists involved in experitic enrichment of the Sinhala theatre. with a variety of plays produced by the city, hundreds of multi-coloured
festivals were displayed. These posters v plays a month were being produced in
i Sandakingduruva.
Ratnapala de Silva, Y. - Nitana Sinhala Natyaya

Page 188
181 THE DRAMATIST AT
Colombo alone. It was vary rarely that good. But these activities seem to have Similar ideas on modern Sinhala theatre other writers too. To quote only one c
“This is an age when theatre prolif brings with it a spate of posters ar that range from the obscure to the brief and unventful run, usually so spent on the production cannot be
A significant dramatist of this time to have contributed to the modern Sinha are current social problems and his own Ledak Näiti Ledek (A sick man without wrote and produced Charita Dekak (Two cracies of a suspicious hushand and his Ahasin Väțuna Minissu (Men who fell at the national drama festival. Samarak dramatist with Idama (The Plot of Lan festival in 1975. He was later accepted both the critics and spectators the with su this play has been shown more than 40
A short analysis of Kelani Palama v plays which were generally acceptable to play focusses attention on the miserable valley by the Kelaniya bridge. The stor these people are seen squatting on the l shanties by floods. While they are strug they love and quarrel like men and wo inevitable problems created by nature as they fall victim to the whims and fanc: politicians. Through some of his charac ruthless crticism of some government in intention to build up a tragic mood, th of jokes and witticisms. Thus Kelani F be a tragedy has instead become a com
Samarakoon, like Sugatapala de Sil' understanding of the possibilities of the of the modern Sinhala theatre. Some of proved him to be a good craftsman. H some of the best actors and actresses ir
Subha Saha Yasa (Subha and Yasa) (19' Setting production. Simon Navagattegam
16. Sunila Abeysekera, Race in Theatre. Lanka

THE CROSSROADS
any of these plays were recognized as
come to a halt since about 1982.
have been expressed by a number of f them:
erates at an incredible rate. Each day di banners, advertising plays with titles ridiculous. Almost all of them have a brief that even the initial sum of money recovered 16
is R. R. Samarakoon who is considered la theatre with original plays. His themes experiences. He wrote his first play a sickness) in 1956 and after some time Characters) which is about the idiosyninnocent wife. In 1971, he produced from the sky) which won four awards oon established himself as a promising d) which won six awards at the Drama as a major playwright and producer by ccess of Kelani Palana in 1978. Since then 0 times in various places in the country.
would be helpful to indicate the type of
the Sinhala audience at this time. This
life of the poor people living in the y develops through a few scenes where oridge as they were forced to leave their gling for survival, we are shown how men of any class or society. With their
well as by their individual relationships, ies of various government officers and ters in this play Samarakoon makes a stitutions and politicians. Despite his e writer fails to do so due to an abundance 'alama, which the producer has intended to edy.
va and Henry Jayasena possesses a good theatre in general and the requirements his productions including Kelani Palama e too has been lucky to have chosen
the island for his plays
74) has been another popular and trend a who wrote and produced this play
Guardian. Wol. 2. No. 19, 1980. Feb.

Page 189
U. P. MIEL
is recognized as a dramatist interested i Kelani Pālama this play which still mai been shown hundreds of times. Some cı the most successful original piece to ap) gives a new interpi etation to the wellkn janitor Subha who later ascended the thron play the king is not murdered by Subh to the Mahāvansa, Subha was an ambit in the make-up of his king. Navagatteg While Yasa was talkıng about the physi the latter says as a joke that his father Through incidents and jokes like these 1 faithfulness of women. Subjects of love together with the struggle of Subha to situations in this play. Yasa is portraye who was fond of jokes but as an intell in the palace. An implicit criticism of
be seen in the behaviour of Yasa's mini minsters was so successful that many a
it as an easy means to generate laughte) and sarcastic. Audiences all over the co
play.
Ratu Häța Kāri (The Lady in Red 70s. This play was produced by Lucien Festival in 1974. The plot in this play way. Some characters from modern socii romance of prince Saliya and Asokmala to follow a conventional type of story. may not be impossible to find one. The fi stated in the foreword to the printed sc on the new aspects adopted by the aut
66To achieve an effect of alienation Today Ratu Hättakāri is the milk I was Asokamala in the past born to lier of pasgorasa to King Kuvera X a vividly drawn person showing any ressed classes suffering eternally. If character they would only stand f possesses the obstinacy of a woman melts instantly.”
As in a number of other contempc too, a number of common methods hav laugh, The King and his batch of mini Yasa. The two reporters criticize the jo

DEGAMIA 182
n modernizing the Sinhala theatre Like ntains its former popularity too has itics consider Navagattegama's work to be bear in the 70s. The playwright here own story of King Yasalalaka and his e by killing the king. In Navagattegama's a, but by his chief minister. According ious person who made use of a weakness ama shows Subha, to be related to Yasa. cal resemblence of Subha and himself had once been employed in the palace. he author expresses scepticism over the and sex are found to be running verthrow Yasa's regime through lively d here not only as a complacent monarch gent person bored with the routine life some modern political institutions may sters. The humorous portrayal of these later Sinhala dramatist has tried to copy The dialogue is straightforward, lively untry still continue to respond to this
Jacket) is another popular play of the Bulatsinhala for the National Drama reveals itself in a rather complicated ety are mixed with the semi-historical a. The spectator might find it difficult Still for those who care for a story it
ollowing ideas of Bandula Jayawardhana, ript of this play, will throw some light hor:
the playwright makes use of symbolism. maid to the owner of the company. She the lowest caste. She will be the suppIV. In any of these births, she is not f individuality. She symbolizes the suppthere are any individual aspects in her or the class which she represents. She exploited by society and a heart which
orary Sinhala plays, in Ratu Hätta Kāri e been employed to make the audience sters remind us of those in Suba Saha urnalists of our time who stooge politi

Page 190
183 THE DRAMATIS AT
cians with the intention of soliciting pe found in traditional Sinhala folk dra incorporating a Brechtian technique aimec from time to time that it is only the Gl as a king. The play ends with the mes Hatta Kari or the symbol of revolutior tion of the masses. Thus judging by th indication of his view.
The keen interest of the Sinhala d was once again shown by the production by Bandula Vitanage (1981), Shakespear drmatists from the early days of Sinha One of the first plays produced in N Witanage's Sinhala version of The Merch enormous publicity, proved to be a fail complained that the language used by t to understand. The same dramtist transl Might (1982) which too did not prove t
Contemporary Sinhala dramatists har establishing the theatre as a powerful m entertainment. It was mainly the young in the recent past. Hundreds of new pl most of them were doomed to be short. following ideas of Sarachchandra about
“The genuine traditions of Sinhala younger playwrights and theatre mer quarter century without any patrona These theatre men have their roots creative activity by the style of the playwrights of genius as well as ac have gathered round them young m like make up, decor, costumes and rthy contribution in these fields. Th on plays amidst all the hardships th of their devotion to theatre and to able to carry on because middle cli they face dire economic straits, sti plays, paying even twenty five rupe meagre incomes) because they enj experience they value.' 17
17. Sarachchandra, E R. Tower на.II: Is it a
Guardian, Vol, 2. No, 16. 1979 p. 20

THE CROSSROADS
sonal benefits. Gurunanse, a typical role la, disguises himself as the king, thus at alienation. The spectator is reminded uninse who appears before him dressed sage that it is not easy to meet Ratu
which is the only hope for the libera ; end, the dramatist has not left a clear
ramatist in the western classical drama
of The Merchant of Venice in Sinhala e has been an attraction with our a theatre in the late 19th century. urti style had been Romeo and Juliet. ant of Venice, despite the unprecedented ure. Most of the spectators of this play he translator was too difficult for them ated and produced Shakespeare's Twelfth o be a success.
ve been successful to some extent in edium of communication as well as of enthusiasts who dominated the theatre ays were produced every year although -lived. We can easily agree with the the present state of Sinhala drama:
theatre are embodied in the work of the that has been going on for almost a age from the governments or the rich.
in the village and were inspired into : folk theatre. They have among them tors of more than ordinary talent They en interested in the ancillary theatre arts theatre music who are making a notewohe fact that they write, produce and put hey encounter today is in itself evidence
their spirit of self-sacrifice. They are ass audiences, in spite of the fact that ll support them and flock to see the es for a ticket ( a sizable part of their oy the plays and gain from them an
genuine tradition of Sinhala Theatre? Lanka

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U. P. MEI
It is true that the number of theat the theatre is fast becoming a fashion. that this development may be affected However by 1980, many new producer profitable plays. One could easily point popular plays. The tendency was to prod Flashy costumes, songs in catchy tunes witty dialogue and criticisms or remark features common to the popular Sinhala t
Thus as the ordinary reader delight the ordinary theatre-goer prefers to freq take into consideration the case of Vessan during the past two or three years. I famous Buddhist story in his favourite talents in the Sinhala stage have partic this work is produced in the stylized himself it was not appreciated by Vessantara to be draggy and boring. with the slow tempo of this play, same class as Maname and Sinhabahu. the opinion that Sarachchandra has not story. This particular Jataka story has be Buddhist literature in both the Therava important and moving incident in the children by Vessantara to the Brahmin. T on this scene. Similarly Sarachchandra t hasis. Donating one's children as servan act to any father even if he is a Bodhisa upon such an act is well portrayed in mainly concentrated on this unique mom giving a new interpretation. Furthermore, beloved stories of the Buddhists which their way of life. Hence a considerably a destructive to the image of Vessantara, t ordinary spectator has not been able to Compared to the earlier works of Sarac larity this is already being regarded a f
Before concluding this discussion w plays which were accepted as signific Dharmakirti's Modara Mola (The Mill at Vikurti (The Distorted) (1982) and Dougl Evening) (1982) are among these recent Satisfactory response. Dharmakirti who h for a long time may be placed in the s Sugatapala de Silva. Some of his earlie

DEGAMA 184
e lovers is ever growing and going to But there are some dramatists who fear by the recently introduced television. were trying to put on commercially out a number of defects typical of these ice variety shows in the name of drama. remarks on sex, shouting, clever and s on current politics are some of the heatre of modern times.
in reading thrillers or detective stories uent an escapist theatre. Here we can 'ara and few other Sinhala plays staged in Vessantara, Sarachchandra presents a non-realistic style. Some of the best pated in presenting this play. Although radition introduced by Sarachchandra the ordinary spectator. They found They were apparently disappointed which they hoped to be of the Yet another group of spectators are of given a new interpretation to the Jataka en told in various forms in the classical da and Mahayana traditions. The most story is the giving away of the two he ancient story-teller puts much stress oo treats it with much care and empits could be an unbearable and painful tta. The mental conflict while deciding the king's character. Sarachchandra has hent in Vessantara’s life rather than on the Wessantara Jataka is one of the most has exerted tremendous influence upon ltered Vessantara story would have been he greatest benefactor of the poor. The look at the play from this perspective. hchandra which enjoy a growing popuaılure.
we can take into consideration a few ant attempts in recent times. Ranjit
Mõdara) (1982) Somalata Subasingha’s as Siriwardhana's Subha Sandavak (Good productions which have received a quite as been aetive in the field of drama same category as Henry Jayasena and r plays such as Mahagedera (Chekov's

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THE DRAMATIST A
(Cherry Orchard) (1963), Hiru Näiti Lova ( ganga Gāla Basi (Arbusov’s Angara) (19 most adventurous and important events Mola which has a strong affinity with original. Dharmakirti discusses the ne modernization of industries and its con the theme and the production of the p with stagecraft. As the general tendenc political drama this theme seems to be against monotony. In Modera Mola, th urban family whose main source of inc father is getting old, the young son tri the factory. On the expert advise of a the factory with the intention of linkir While the new improvements are going the employees whereas his old father is daughter of the family brings in a is an undergraduate reading for a speci with her capitalist brother and his ecor nation. This young economist is suppo about her failure. Though she fails he struggle against injustice. Those who a whose dream of getting foreign aid and shattered at the end. The dramatist has quences of new technology and modern are replaced by machines and money.
play when we look at it as an origina contribution.
Somalatha Subasinghe takes up a n pathetic phenomenon in the middleclass the plight of the young in our society and finding employment. The worries : some extent in order to understand the are trained for competition in such a W. very little freedom to live as normal c conditions are such that children are f they regard their goal as entering the too they have to struggle to be selected fo The private tution system on which bol now is exposed and laughed at in thi major reasons for the plight of the y seems to be trying to include too mar development of the main theme. Howev major problemas the younger generation is presented with the help of a large I using some new techniques, Somalata S

THE CROSSROADS 185
jorky's Lowcr Depths) (1975) and Angara 0) are still remembered as some of the in the modern Sinhala stage. Modera modern Soviet plays is supposed to be an 7 concepts of free economy and the equences in this play. The treatment of lay clearly show the dramatist's familiarity 7 in the Sinhala theatre today is towards appropriate and timely as a reaction ; play develops around the life of an ome is their factory at Modara. As the es to take the responsibility of running n economist he is determined to modernize g it up with a multinational company. on, the son fails to win the respect of still respected and obeyed. The young socialist flavour into the play. She al degree in economics. She quarrels Iomic adviser but finally fails her examied to have done something which brought examination she does not give up her 2tually fail are her brother and his friend | building up a vast business empire is tried in this play to expose the conseization with special emphasis on how men Although there are a few defects in this l piece we can commend it as a valuable
hore relevant and broad theme about a is in Sri Lanka. Her major concern is with regard to their problems in education and problems of parents too are treated to young better. Young men and women today ly from their early years that they have hildren. Social, economic and educational orced to devote full time to studies. First university but they soon realize that there r faculties such as medical and engineering. h the parents and children rely so much s play. It is also shown as one of the bunger generation. The playwright at times y things which are harmful to the smooth er she succeeds in analysing some of the is facing today Vikurti as a modern play umber of young actors and actresses and basingha's attempt would have been more

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U. P. M.E.
enjoyable if she had given it a more p by this production like a few others bef dramatists to create original plays if the
Douglas Siriwardhana is a new figu) the others discussed in this paper. His ac as Subha Sandavak could definitely be c appear in the early 80s. Although the t in our social context, one could argue t communal disturbances it is quite relevan original work into Sinhala that we find points. Actors and actresses in the ma necessary understanding. Thus Subha Sán. few successful adaptations of the early e for a long time. Another impressive ada as Vinish haya by Parakrama Niriella me in the production.
As the centre of theatrical activities groups have been monopolizing the Sinh Due to this monopoly and the availabil rarely that a major play is produced in theatre groups, Nirmana Sena which i Anuradhapura, may be a challenge and a groups. They have successfully staged such on a short story by Gorky) and Parissa have won a few awards at drama festiva other parts of the country who stage ai drama groups too, like those in Colombo plays in Sinhalese rather than attempting Siddharta (1982) produced at Kandy, w. famous novel is an example. Another si drama is the Street Drama Group or th Gamini Hatto tuwegama. This adventurous pre-rehearsed as well as impromptu piece the conventional theatre techniques. Thei masses into close contact
Thus the Sinhala theatre of today h; march to full maturity. There are some musicians and craftsmen who are doing of the Sinhala theatre. There was a the development of the theatre and to face that problem successfully a new television, Those who own television sets
17 Sarachchandra E. R. Tower Hall: Is it a
Guardian, Wol, 2, No. 16, 1979 p. 20.

DEGAMA 186
ofessional outlook. She too has proved re her that it is not difficult for Sinhala y are really keen.
e in the Sinhala theatre compared with aptation of Sarte's La Putain Respectueuse led a major theatrical undertaking to heme of this play might seem irrelevant hat considering the present violence and t. Siriwardhana has so well adapted the no difficulty at all in grasping its subtle in roles play some difficult parts with davak has proved itself to be one of the ighties which might however not survive ptation of Sartre's play, Les Mains Sales t with the same fate due to no fault
is Colombo, the same producers and ala dramatic scene in the recent past. ity of facilities in Colombo, it is very the provinces. Among the few rural s organized by some theatre lovers at reaction to this monopoly of Colombo plays as Dunyage Gitaya (A play based (which re-tells a Sinhala folk-tale) which ls. There are a few other producers in n occasional play, but these provincial seem to be interested in doing foreign :o put on original works. Suriyabandara's hich is adapted from Herman Hesse's gnificant new aspect in modern Sinhala = Vidi Natya Kandayama organized by drama group which put forward some 's on current themes have no faith in r aim is to bring the drama and the
as reached a vital point in its long good directors, actors and actresses, a great service for the development threat from the Cinema industry for when our theatre mem were beginning threat has emerged with the fast spreading will be reluctant to visit theatres as
genuine tradition of Sinhala Theatre? Lanka

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187 THE DRAMATIST” A
they can enjoy tele - drama at home, our playwrights will have to think of p At the moment there is only a limited
in drama, cinema and also in television talented and popular theatre actors only maintain consistent standards in the the drama schools in this country as in so England and Russia. Due to lack of wellt has several times said, it is difficult to plays for which not only the ability to singing is essential. For the developme) well as good theatres with proper facilit ments for drama must be started in th these objectives lavish financial support importance to encourage new experiment

THE CROSSROADS
n order to attract audiences to theatres utting on more and more original works. number of actors and actresses who act shows. If there is a way to confine the to that medium it will be helpful to atre. For this purpose we need good me other countries such as Germany, rained professional actors, as Sarachchandra find suitable players for non-realistic act but also a talent for dancing and it of Sinhala theatre drama schools as lies must be established. Separate depert2 universities of Sri Lanka. To attain from the government is of utmost E, training of artists as well as productions.
U. P. Meddegama

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BOOK
Paiasa-Jataka or Zimme Pannasa (i. 26-50) Edited by Padmanabh S. Jaini. F 1983 pp. xliii 309 - 584 (Pali Text Socie
A collection of birth-stories of the Khuddlaka-Wikáya of the Pali Canon. V with its commentary, entitled the Jatal Text Society, London, in six volumes w between the years 1877 and 1897. This edition of the Játaka contains 547 stor is 550 in referring to the Jataka collect
Besides this “canonical' collection of of birth-stories of the Buddha, which ha Léon Feer used the term “extra-canonica contributed to the Journal Asiatique in 1 Les Jâtakas, an English translation of w published by Susil Gupta (India) Private Feer gave information about isolated “s canonical' collection, fragments of which found at the Bibliothéque Nationale in (Thailand). Feer identified the title of Fifty Jatakas.'
It is an edition of the Burmese re. is the subject of our concern here. J by Padmanabh S. Jaini, Professor of Bu Berkeley, was published by the Pali Te of its Text Series (PJ. I hereafter). The volume and the bibliography and the in PJ. II hereafter) give much information Paidisa-Jataka, which information can p.
Louis Finot gave a concordance of Paiasa-Jaitaka in his article, “Rech published in Paris in 1917, in Vol. XVI) Extreme-Orient (BEFEO). One of these r two, the Cambodian-Thai and the Burm of three Pali versions of the Parifidisa-Jaita Burma, the Cambodian and Thai colle source, as the texts of both are almost was not known to Buddhist tradition ou

REVIEWS
the Burmese Recension) Vol. III (Jātakas ublished by the Pali Text Society, London y Text Series No. 173).
Buddha, the Jataka, is included in the ausboll's edition of the Jataka together atthavannani, was published by the Pali ith an index volume forming the seventh, was reprinted in 1962-1964. Fausboll's es, though the number generally given O
the Jatakas, there are a large number ave not been included in the Canon. l' to refer to these, in the article he 875 under the title Etudes Bouddhiques: hich, made by G. M. Foulkes, has been Ltd., in Calcutta in 1963. In his article, xtra-canonical' jatakas, and one “extra
written in Cambodian characters, were Paris, among Pali manuscripts from Siam
this collection as Paifiasa Jataka, the
cension of the Paihasa-Jaitaka which ātakas 1-25 of this recension, edited ddhist Studies, University of California, xt Society, London in 1981 as No. 172 preliminary remarks he made in this troduction in Vol. II under review here ahout previous studies relevant to the "ofitably be recapitulated here.
three recensions of the stories in the erches sur la littérature laotienne'' of the Bulletin de L'école Française d' :censions is in Laotian, and the other se, are in Pali. Jaini informs us that ka originating in Cambodia, Thailand and tions seem to draw upon a common dentical (PJ. I. p.v.) The Painasa-Jataka tside the countries of Southeast Asia.

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For information about the Laotian
us to H. Deydier's publication of 195 listed in the bibliography. The reference à la connaissance du Laos, which Jaini m tion of the Laotian version of the P. Oriental and African Studies (BSOAS) Vo Hammalave Saddhatissa gives informatio stories of the Paiiiiasa-Jataka in his con Memorial Volume published in honor c Pali and Buddhism ed A. K. Narain, De рр 327-40).
The Pali text of the first twenty-fi sion of the Pahiasa Jataka was publishe in five volumes, during the years 1953-1 Siamese translation of this recension ar verses in Bangkok in 1926. This transla volumes, under the title Pannyat Chi Department of the National Library, Ban second edition contains 61 stories inst Cambodian version. Jaini reports that D An Historical and Structural Study of the Ann Arbor, Michigan, publication No. 7 Thai stories based on Prince Damrong's
The Burmese recension of the Paññ Pannäsa (Chieng Mai Fifty) was edit Hanthawaddy Press, Rangoon, in 1911. apparatus or variant readings. It has li copies are said to be found today even 10; PJ. I p.v).
In this context, Jaini’s edition of t the first critical study of the work. O received the attention of scholars ear jataka, a critical edition and a translat dealing with the manuscript material of their language, was published by Mme. 1956 pp. 249-351, under the title, Samua jaitaka (BSOAS XXIX p. 534 mote 8). Velamajataka of the collection appear Martini G. (BEFEO XLIX pp 609-16). was studied by Jaini in relation to t Sudhanakumaravadana of the Divyavadina plays based on the story in his article an analysis of the texts and the Borc 533-558). Jaini evaluated the historic

EVIEW
og as om
version of the Paiiasa-Jataka, Jaini refers 2 (PJ. II. p. xl) which, however, is not here is possibly to Deydier's Introduction ntions elsewhere as giving a brief descrip(iiisa-Jataka (Bulletin of the School of ... XXIX, 3, 1966. p 534 note 8). Venerable about the Laotian version of some of the ribution on Pali Literature from Laos to the f Bhikkhu Jagdish Kashyap (Studies in hi, B. R. Publishing Corporation 1979
ve stories of the Cambodian-Thai receni by the Institut Bouddhique (Phnom Penh) 962. Prince Damrong made an abridged d published it with the original Pali tion was published again in 1956, in two idok (Parifiaisa Jataka), by the Fine Arts gkok (BSOAS XXIX p 535 note 11). This ead of the traditional 50 found in the . M. Ficke's doctoral dissertation of 1979 Paiāsa Jātaka (Microfilms International 9-8731) contains long summaries of the
translation P.J. II. p. xl).
isa-Jataka, popularly known as 3imme ed anonymously and published by the This edition had no introduction, critical ong been out of print and only a few
in Burma (BSOAS XXIX p. 534 note
he Paiifidisu-Jataka is most welcome as nly a few stories of the collection had lier. One of these is the Sumuddaghosa ion of which, along with an introduction
the collections and the peculiarities of G Terral in Paris in BEFEO XLVIII, I daghosajataka: conte Pali tiré du Paññasa
A translation and an analysis of the 'ed in 1959 under the name of TerralChe Sudhanukumarajataka of the collection he Kinnarijataka of the Mahayastu, the and some Burmese and Thai theatrical
The Story of Sudhana and Manohara: bbudur reliefs (BSOAS XXIX 3 1966 pp. l importance of another story of the

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Paññāsa-Jātaka, viz. the Vațțuňgulirājajāt which he contributed to the Jagdish Ka Delhi 1979 pp. 183-188). This Jataka c the Buddha and provides literary eviden to the oral traditions of the Chinese pertaining to the existence of a sandalthe Buddha's lifetime. Jaini gives the article.
Jaini says that he first became inte Jataka on reading Terral's study of t Burmese portion of the article was base 1911, Jaini looked for manuscripts of th Mandalay and Pagan, during a visit to success, he learnt from an elderly Mah, work was considered apocryphal and disap (1853-1878), resulting in only a very fe' in the monasteries of Burma. The abb. tradition current in his young days. Prin in his preface to the first edition of th 1962, Jaini was able to obtain a photo i.e. 1807 A. D., found in a monas which was not the basis for the Rangoc for a critical edition of the Burmese r the Rangoon edition as the main text, unpublished Mandalay manuscript in the the Paññasa-Jataka (BSOAS XXIX pp. 53
Volume I of Jaini's edition of the the following 25 stories, on pages 3-3 Sammajivakumārajātaka; Arindamajātaka; Danacaga (Cagadana) jataka. Dhammikan, Saňkhapattarajajataka; Sudhanukumarajataka Surūparājajataka; Kambalarājajātaka; G Athaparikkharajataka; Sirivipulakittirajajata Sadhitarajajataka: Ratanapajotajataka; Dyes;
The pagination of Volume is cont next 25 stories on pages 309-568. The Vipularajajätaka: Mahapadumajätaka, Maha Setamüsikajātaka: Arivachattajātaka; Subha jātaka; Pradīpadānajātaka; Velāmajātaka; Sonanandaräjajätaka; Suvahnakumärajätaka; Akkharalikhitajātaka; Vaddhanajātaka; Akau jātaka; Siddhisāracakkavatijātaka; Sīlajātaka
The introduction which precedes the of the stories in the Paiiiisa-jataka whi

}URUKANDE 190
ka in the article, “On the Buddha Image” hyap Memorial Volume (ed. A. K. Narain ontains a reference to the first image of ce lending authenticity for the first time
travellers Fa-Hsien and Hiuen-Tsang wood image of the Buddha carved during relevant excerpts from the jataka in his
rested in the problem of the Paiiasahe Sanuddaghosajataka. Noting that the d solely upon the Rangoon edition of e Paiasa-Jataka in libraries in Rangoon, Burma in 1961. Meeting with little ithera, the chief abbot of Pagan, that the proved of by King Myndon of Mandalay w manuscripts of the work being found ot's information was based on an oral ce Damrong also refers to this tradition e Paifiaisa-Jaitaka published in 1926. In copy of a manuscript dated Sakarai 1169, stery in Mandalay. This manuscript or edition, provided Jaini with material ecension of the Paifiaisa Jataka. Using Jaini gives variant readings from the ; notes to his carefully edited text of 34-5; PJ. I pp. v, vi).
Paifiasa-Jataka contains the Pali text of 08: Adittarajajataka; Tulakapanditajataka;
Sumbhamittajataka; Samuddaghosajataka; anditarājajātaka: Siridharamahasetthijataka; ; Narajivajätaka; Dasapafihävisajanajataka; 2palakasalajataka, Siricudämaniräjajataka; ka; Sattadhanujātaka; Candakumārajātaka; isahamsajataka and the Viriyapanditajataka
tinued in Volume II, which contains the titles of the stories in this volume are: sūrasenarajajātaka; Brahmaghosarājajātaka; 'ddarajajātaka; Bahalaputtajātaka; Badhira Vatangulirajajataka, Sirasakumarajataka: Brahmakumārajātaka; Sucikatāpasajātaka; aiijataka, Dukammardjajataka; Vivadat and Mahdisudassanajataka.
text in PJ. II seeks to trace the origin ch remained unknown to the Buddhists

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of India and Sri Lanka over a long p narrators of the stories had inexhaustibl literature in Sanskrit and the Atthakathi is no doubt that the Mahanipata section Jataka, which obviously served as the n of the collection, was the primary sour sources, none of which are acknowledge to establish the historical relationship o literature, Jaini gives a critical analysis jaitaka. In this analysis, he points out
in the collection itself, traces the conn and their Ațhakathās, and also non - Pa motifs in the stories which, not usually appear to be the innovations of Southe to places and instances where artistic r
Jaini warns the readers against taki analysis of the stories as anything app the good news that a complete summar published under the title, Synopses of ti Center for South and Southeast Asia S He gives the further information that the translation of this text until the la that the Pali Text Society will take the published, and completed if Miss. Horn
The analysis of the stories in the of the place, date, and authorship of t of its language. The traditional claim Chieng Mai in what is now northern T Burmese recension, Zimme Pangāsa. Hov exclusive to the Zimme Panizasa as ind given by Finot, may have, in Jaimi’s op original stock. Commenting on the abs events of historical importance of this learned monks from Sri Lanka, Jaini p. reference to Sihaladipa in the Suyannaku. of the compilation of the Burmese vers twelfth century A. D. while the upper provided by the oldest manuscript whic
The introduction is informative and of phrase such as: Sakka......... departs our text takes place... (p.xxii); the stor the Nidanakathā (p.xxii); The usurper ki This Aficanavatt has imprisoned there r would spend praising the three jewels (

REVIEW
eriod of time. Jaini observes that the e sources to draw from, viz. the Avadāna s in Pali. However, he says that there (Jātaka Nos. 538-547) of the canonica1 odel for the form adopted by the authors ce. Stressing the need to identify these 'd by the authors of the stories, in order f the collection to the extant Buddhist
of each of the stories in the Paiisa- . textual similarities between the stories :ction of the stories with the Pali texts li literature; attempts to identify any found in the extant literature, would st Asian Buddhists; and draws attention epresentations of the stories are found.
ng the elements of plot he gives in his Iroaching total plot summaries, adding y of each story prepared by him is being he Jatakas of the Zimme Panaasa by the tudies, University of California, Berkeley. the late Miss. . B Horner worked at st days of her life. It is to be hoped 2 initiative in having this translation er had not translated all the stories.
introduction is followed by a discussion he work and the linguistic peculiarities that the Paiasa-Jataka originated in Chailand is indicated by the title of the wever, as many as twenty stories that are icated by the concordance of Jatakas pinion, been added in Burma to the ence in these stories of any allusion to area, such as wars, or the arrival of oints out that there is only one stray marajataka. The lower limit of the date ion of the Paiasa-Jaitaka is set in the limit is given as 1589 A. D., a date h is in Laotian characters.
well-written except for a few odd turns back to heaven (p.xx); The story part in y is almost word for word identical with ng puts out a bounty for anyone (p.xxiii); many princesses (p.xxvi); Day and night he p.xxx). I noted the following printing

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RATNA HA
errors in the introduction: cemetary fo (pp xx,Xxii), Sämenera for sämaqera (p. sālā (p.xxv); yakkhani for yakkhini (p.x of the introduction gives the date of a (Phnom Penh) as 1953-61 while its da I am unable to check this. G. Terral bibliography has to be corrected to rea (compare P.J. I p. v and BSOAS XXIX
The following indexes are given at of the Pariñasa-Jataka. A. Index of Na referred to under the entry Afijanavati Afjanavati occurs in a note on p 250, 268 is a misprint for 248 in the list o Words, Forms and Spellings peculiar ti Additions; D. Index of Emendations; ar Rangoon Edition and the Mandalay Ma as is hoped by the editor, in studies linguistic studies of the Burmese usage
In the course of his discussions rel Jaini has repeatedly drawn attention to all the known recensions of the text, a He has also pointed out its value wh philology, particularly with reference to various aspects of popular Southeast As who has taken such pains in studying problem, will himself undertake these fu tion the rich contribution he has alread: literature, in presenting a two-volume ec Parisa-Jataka.

DURUKANDE 192
cemetery (p.xiv); Sakkha for Sakka xiv); Ummadayantisala for Ummadayantiv); Ananada for Ananda (p xxix). Pxil. publication of the Institut Bouddhique 2 given in the bibliography is 1953-1962. s publication of 1956 listed in the i as appearing in BEFEO XLVIII, I
p. 534 note 8) and not XLIX, I.
the end of Vol. III of Jaini’s edition mes (I noted here that the pages we are contain in fact the reading Aficanavati. which page is not listed in the index. pages under Añjanavatī); B Index of Paifiaisa Jataka, C. Index of Minor d E. Index of Variant Readings in the nuscript. These indexes will be of value, pertaining to the Paiasa-Jataka and of Pali.
ating to the Paiinasa-Jataka, Professor the need for a comparative study of nd a separate study of its language. ich extends far beyond the sphere of
the Sanskrit Avadana literature and to ian Buddhism. One must hope that he g the text and is conversant with the Irther studies and bring to its culminay made to the study of Buddhist narrative ilition of the Burmese recension of the
Ratna Handurukande

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Page 201
Buddhism an Their Inne
Antony Fernando, Ecumenical Institu
Dr. Antony Fernando's book entitled Affinity-1983'' aims to make explicit th here is to treat an aspect of Buddhis essentially to start with, namely, the th to do by carefully elaborating the sermo as repesenthtive of the Founder's thoug its forms. That is the sermon of the noted, however that the author addresse viz., the Christian students. This is ev. thought-patterns on religion have been way that a book on another religion wil into account, cannot fully answer his in gap" (p. 2: See also p. 130.).
At the outset, Dr. Fernando should difficult task, namely, writing a hand-bc students. It is nothing but his sincerity difficulty here, namely, “A Christian's t moulded in such a particular way...etc.' not mention the Graeco-Roman cultural a at variance with those of the Indian (c are compared, the consequence, in misunderstanding. On the other han dogmatic, and therefore, (the author bel nature of concepts imbibed in non-Chri patterns. It is in this context that the gets off the ground. A fresh and fruitful Dr. Fernando present his case convincil
This book consists of eighteen well. and an epilogue. The absence of an il
The exposition of the concept of “1 chapters. The author prefers to bring as against the conceptual. From this I and not simply discourages all kinds o of “noble truths." Accordingly, an inter and the psychological one comes to a defects, blemishes, fallacies and flaws.

Christianity: r Affinity,
e, Colombo, 2nd Edition, 1983, pp. 133
(Buddhism and Christianity: Their Inner e following: “What I have tried to do m that any student of Buddhism has ought of the Buddha. This I have tried n that is accepted by all Buddhist groups ht, and fundamental to Buddhism in all Four Noble Truths” (p. 2.). It must be s to a very special category of readers, ident from his assertion: “A Christian's moulded from birth in such a particular hich fails to take that frame of mind eed. This book is a little effort to fill that
be congratulated for attempting this very ook on Buddhism for use by the Christian 7 in expression when he pinpoints the hought-patterns on religion have been Ironically enough, Dr. Fernando does and thinking patterns which are, certainly, or Eastern). Whenever the two patterns the past was misrepresentation and d, the Christian in the past was ieves) blatantly refused to understand the stian religions, philosophical and cultural
author's (a Christian himself) endeavour
bridge-building indeed. But, then, does ngly?
-written small chapters, an introductio hdex is felt at once.
oble-truth' in the book runs into 14 but the psychological base of these truths
presume that Dr. Fernando rather closes f philosophical discussion of the concept esting traffic between the conceptual base halt. This kind of approach has its own Firstly, it blocks conceptual dialogues

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195 BUDOHSM AN
leading to a clarification of the conce Dhamma-statements, the conceptual fan Fernando has missed a unique opportu quote one such important issue. The for instance, is not only the central n has grown into an extensive thought-pr Issues relating to the logical nature of Dhamma are both appropriate and pro Dr. Fernando does not raise them any students. Why all this “iron curtain' a soundness of the author's methodology should not refrain from raising such nothing but correct on the part of the then, the Christian student is disappoin religion. -
Now, going back to the psychologi author gives expression to, it must be and productive. He very correctly says The senses of the ordinary un-evolved of reason. And as long as they are no run amok in pursuit of the sense-objec blind to the true nature of his “self,' sense-gratification; and the continuance makes him fall again and again to ang (p.39). By this exposition, the author 1 issues but also brings about further psy the matter in hand. Some of them are childishness to mental maturity” (p. 56) 'self-mastery' (p. 66); (d) “personalitytransformation” (p. 102), etc.
In chapter nine, Dr. Fernando atte no-soul by way of his fruitful notion ( refers to as “self here is the “emotion form. Such an “emotional self exists and governs every one of his actions ki reminds us of the notion of alientatio Feuerbach, Max Weber, George Simme! to these thinkers, reads as follows: 66T. his own. The greater this alienation i diminished. That is the alienated self illusion), assumes an external existence, himself, and alien to him. The aliena an autonomous power. The life which sets itself against him as an alien and or the educated Christian, for that ma

CHRISTIANITY
tual structure, the logical nature of the ily of the Dhamma, etc. That is, Dr. ity to present an original thesis. May I uddhist causality or the paticcasamuppaida tion in the Buddha's message but also cess. It is “a philosophy of causality,' the causal statements in the Buddha's uctive in any talk on Buddhism. But where in the book for his Christian titude? I have my sincere doubts as to the here. Admittedly, a Christian student issues, queries, questions, etc. It is Christian students to raise them. But ted here, all the more the teacher of
2al base of the noble truths that the emphasized that it is stimulating, prolific about sorrow' (dukka) in this way: human being are not under the control it under reason's control, senses tend to ts” (p. 38). Again: “Because man is he behaves emotionally and is greedy after of this greed for sense. gratification uish-bringing emotional states of existence' not only escapes many complex conceptual ichological terms which are pertinent to as follows: (a) “a transition from mental ; (b) “a self-created self" (p. 61); (c) levelopment” (p. 101); (e) “personality
mpts to analyse away the concept of of self created self.' ... what the Buddha al self in its sense-based non-rational within the heart of every immature person :eping them all self-centred” (p. 61). This h made explicit by Karl Marx, Hegel, , F. Tonnies, etc. The notion, according he alientated self of man is no longer s therefore, the more his real self is
becomes an object (though it is only an
but that it exists independently, outside ted self stands opposed to the person as
the person has given to the created self
hostile force.' Will the average Christian tter, accept this? Well, I believe that the

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A. D. P. K.
Buddha was the first sublime teacher w problem of alienation of man together truth" logically notes both the proble cause of the problem and the eventual explicitly from this for the moment is eightfold noble path-that guides c samsaric existence. To a Christian stud which involves the very nature of the nc philosophy should step in and religion s has not taken this turn. The resultant which has sent the thinkers to sleep ag
(1) Some of our Buddhist thinkers
tions, compilations, treatise-writ as Buddhism-proper. You are e. a good grasp of the true messa
(2) Some other Buddhist thinkers ( mostly in English, have brought Newtonian Physics and Aerodyn tion to Quantum physics
These inappropriate theoretical gymnastic unsophisticated, presenting no difficulty these theoretical expositions are wrong p appears to have cut the Gordian-knot, be-philosophical followers of the Buddh cards,' if I may use Wittgenstein's phra of the Buddha on the other are only f The resultant is unfortunately, a vacuun but it does not mean that the Buddha's Dhamma as complex is simply irritating that our Buddhist thinkers must not fai this point I must also emphasize that t philosophical method but on his own c) the four noble truths; but fails to touc For his very methodology, rules it out.
The main theme that Dr. Fernando throughout chapters eight to fourteen. lucid presentation and the pictorial exp) a renewed and fresh way of looking at : I presume, will understand the Buddha's these few chapters than going through c volumes on Buddhism. (This does not the Buddha's Dhamma are solved or diss note that Dr. Fernando's endeavour is only very important nonpsychogical issues. W

ALANSURIYA 196
ho understood the dimension of the with its cure. The philosophy of noble n and its solution. Alternatively, the removal of the cause. What emerges the prescribed procedural guide-the ine to escape from one's own ent or anyone else, the issue is, that ble path. This is the juncture where hould step down. Ironically enough, it is therefore a knotted thinking process ain. From which stems the following:
were and are deeply involved in transla - ing, grammar, etc, and pass them down kpected to study dead languages to have ge of the Buddha!
rather self-styled “philosophers”?), writing Buddhism, the Dhamma, so near to amics! However, there is marked inatten
's have nothing to do with the simple, , message of the Buddha. Certainly, pursuits. While Dr. Fernando, a Christian, Buddhist thinkers and self styled woulda appear to have built up “houses of se. The would-be philosophical followers aintly aware of philosophical techniques. n. The issues therefore remain confused s message is confused. To assume the nonsense. My personal belief is therefore l to read this chapter in the book. At he author does not use any recognized learly notes the psychological base of h upon the important conceptual base.
introduces findis consistent expression Although these ideas are not new, his cessions (pp. 27, 31, 43, 49, 51,88) give thought-process. The Christian student, message, in brief, with the help of cumbersome English, German and Pali however mean that all problems about olved). Neverthless, it is not incorrect to partly successful. The book leaves behind 'hat needs special emphasis here, however,

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197 BUDDHSM AN,
is the way he handles thc notion of 100-103, on the wider psycholgical dim explicit, namely, “this worldly nature c worldly,' appears to have gained gr thinkers and philosophers have often m to avoid speculative metaphysics. Usin gambit, Dr. Fernando develops nibbana to mental maturity' (p. 56). It is adu the Buddha's emphatically noting of nil knowledge) by way of detachment Nikāya. I. 24; Majjhimā Nikāya. III. the Buddha being the pioneer. The pel is such that he craves for things, long sense-objects, etc, That is, in one wo of it is 'detachment" ('nibbana' or deliverance at all. All strata of the N nature of the attainment of detachment So the Buddha notes; “Even so monks, taught by me for crossing over, not fo the Parable of the raft, should get rid of wrong ones' (Majjhima Nikāya. I. the raft is the Dhamma taught for cro over is attained by way of virtue, whic explicit a very different kind of produc yet to be examined and made explicit. philosophical followers of the Buddha traffic between two levels in the Budd ethical. Proper understanding of the cor Buddha's message instantly clear, uniqu adulthood' meaningful and fruitful. reflections. However, the author would Christian students. Perhaps 'food for
The flaw in the author's concept “humanhood in its ideal form” (p. 55) difference that exists between the order Buddhist laity. One can imagine a mc life by following the stringent ethical not the case that the laity in general to his mundane commitments in social the concept of after-life beyond the grav bridge-building between Christianity and there is a differenee, a marked one, th one-a Christian or a religion-teacher
Now I shall come to a sound proposa and de-conceptualizing these doctrines,

CHRISTIANITY
ibbana (nirvana) p. 47, 49, 51, 53-56 2nsion. The idea he wishes to make f the nibbana-state' as against “otherund, recently. Contemporary Buddhist anipulated “this worldly nature of nibbāna' ; the same idea within a psychological as a “transition from mental childishness lthood, no doubt, but we must not forget bana as attainment of “ainia' (liberational (Majjhimā nikāya. II, 43; Samyutta 9) Therefore, it is but unique adulthood ceptual and emotional constitution of man for things, begs for things, attaches to id: 'attachment" ("tanha"). Getting rid cooling off) which is not a simple ikaya literature note the morally stringent or deliverance from attachment or tanhã. is the Parable of the raft, the Dhamma, r retaining? You, monks, by understanding even of right mental objects all the more 135). That is to say, that the Parable of ssing over, not for retaining. This crossing h is difficult indeed. The Buddha makes ctive and prolific ethics whose nature is Our Buddhist thinkers and would-be have forgotten it. I believe that there is ha's Ethics, (1) the empirical and (2) the lceptual structure only would make the e and intuitive. Only then is the “unique Dr. Fernando's work is devoid of such have felt its non-importance for the thought,' for yet another occassion.
of 'adulthood' or “realizing nibbana' or is further evident from the significant of Buddhist monks and that of the onk achieving perfect adulthood in this path of the noble procedural guide. Is it fail in the endeavour in this life owing life? A key way out is a projection of 2, primarily in an ethical sense. A possible i Buddhism cracks up here. After all, if Lere is no point concealing it to any or any one else.
ill by Dr. Fernando: “After de-mythologizing they can be re-conceptualized in modern

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terminology with contemporary images' of the religion-teacher (p. 55). But, th And by which method or technique or a clear idea as to how to set about mythologizing has to be done by way
contemporary English- speaking philoso Sri Lanka for three obvious reasons: T
(1) that the religion-teacher is h proper, all the more of phil
(2) that the traditions appear bl
(3) overall non-availability of fu
I do not see how Dr. Fernando's propo
Now I shall move on to part II c comparative study of some concepts of good consistency in expression, form a introduces in part I find its floweri comparisons of the Buddha and Christ other some Key notions of Christianity author's notion of liberation indeed nee liberation that Dr. Fernando makes ex ration from the acute psychological ailm not mention the word 'alienation' but go way of the Christianity-language.” This But there was an illness of the spirit, of the spirit much more radical and mu greed, laziness were the internal symptor spirit...” (p. 100). To him, the Buddha ailment and prescribed a cure by w; (p. 100). Apparently this is a seeming by me earlier, the logical expressiveness beyond the grave in an ethical sense, ch picture which is given expression to. bridge-building can be carried through.
Another difficulty that arises is not never concerned about promoting a creating, in the minds of people a clea he promoted exclusively is a behaviour: then, does not “Christ' mean Messiah Again, Dr. Fernando notes: " Christ God as a medicine to awaken in man suggest a concept of a saviour (Christi. to develop a new idea basically away

ALANSUR YA 198
(p. 55). To him, this is a responsibility m, how does the religion-teacher do this?
conceptual tool? The author fails to give he task. I personally believe the deof “philosphical analysis' as practised in phy. Certainly, this is not possible in hey are as follows:
ardly aware of contemporary philosophyosophical techniques or tools;
ocking the vision altogether;
nds for serious academic work.
sal can be put into practice.
if the book. It is characterized by a brief Buddhism and of Christianity. There is ld content. The psychological theme he ng in part II. It consists of seeming as persons on the one hand and on the and of Buddhism. At this juncture, the ds special mention. At a glance, the kplicit appears as a different kind of libeent, namely, alienation. Certainly, he does es on to say the same thing differently by is evident from his following expression: an ignorance of the spirit, and a poverty ch more damaging. Jealousy, anger, lust, ns of this depraved condition of the had also referred to the same psychological ay of the philosophy of noble truths comparison only. As emphatically noted of the notion of Buddhist after life Laracteristically diminishes the comparative I cannot therefore see how the author's
ted by Dr. Fernando himself: “Christ was conceptual knowledge of God, or of ir mental picture of God's figure. What ul acknowledgement of him” (p.106). But, or Lord's annointed of Jewish prophecy'? here uses the very doctrine of belief in
a belief in himself" (p. 122). All these an/Jewish) God, though the author wishes
from traditional Christian theological

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199 BU ODHSM AN
dogma (pp. 106, 107, 124,125) Neverth (p. 105), the author wishes to develop treated as a genuine alternative. Need book is novel and stimulating but is s to an absence of drawing forth a cont appropriate references to the Biblical l inherent in the text appears to have c
Now finally, a word on the centri the author. This appears as the conclu premises assumed in the work: “Anybc the why of the two religions, comes to religions bound together by a strong in home his view Dr. Fernando very app from Christianity and Buddhism:
(1) “The Sabbath is for man and
(Christianity):
(2) The Buddha expressed the sam raft which carried a man from is reached, he said, the travell (p. 133) (Buddhism).
Nevertheless he affirms both
(a) that what' of a religion is no
of that religion (p. 130), and
(b) that to understand the thought has to discover why he taught
Dr. Fernando appears to see an inner in respect of “liberationaal inclination, and Jesus Christ taught. Ironically thc does it mean that the latter follows l Fernando does not show this logical i significant difference between Buddhi inclination.'
University of Peradeniya.

) CHRISTIANITY
less, the “right type' of God-worship needs to be argued forcefully, if it is to be ess to add that his argument in this ubstantially weak. The weakness is due eptual structure and all the more of terature. The methodological difficulty reated this blind alley.
l notion of inner affinity' introduced by ision derived from the major and minor dy who digs deep enough to discover
a place where he will see the two iner affinity” (p. 131). In order to drive opriately brings forth two famous similes
not man for the Sabbath' (p. 132)
e idea when he compared religion to a one shore to another. Once the shore er should not carry the raft on his head'
doubt very important for an understanding
of the founder of a religion fully, one such a doctrine (p. 130).
affinity between Christianity and Buddhism and not in respect of what the Buddha ugh, even if the former is established, gically? Wery moderately speaking, Dr. mplication. If so, one has to accept a sm and Christianity save “liberational
A. D. P. Kalansuriya

Page 207
CONTRI
R. A. L. H. GUNAWARDANA
Professor of History, University of
RAJIVA WIJESINHA
Public Relations Officer of the Briti Lanka.
MERLLIN PEIRIS
Professor of Classics, University of
SARATHCHANDRA WICKREMASURY Associate Professor of English, Univer
S. PATHMANATHAN
Associate Professor of History, Unive
RATNA HANDURUKANDE
Professor of Sanskrit, University of
NIRMALA S. SALGADO
Research Officer, International Cent Colombo 8, Sri Lanka.
U. P. MEDDEGAMA
Senior Lecturer in Sinhalese, Univer
A. D. P. KALANSURYA
Associate Professor of Philosophy, Sri Lanka.

BUTORS
Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.
ish Council in Sri Lanka, Colombo, Sri
Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.
A
sity of Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka
rsity of Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka,
Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.
'e for Ethnic Studies, Kynsey Terrace,
'sity of Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka.
University of Peradeniya, Peradeniya,

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