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حصہ Desabалdш Т. Dшгаisiлgaпп J. P, U. М. LGC LLC LL LLLLL LLLCCLE SLLLLLLSLLL LLCL L LLLL LLLTT LCLLS

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POLITICS AND LIFE IN OUR TIMES
Selected Articles Published for Over A Century
ру
Desabandu T. Duraisingam J.P., U.M.
Solicitor Attorney-at-Law
THAM|3||MUT TUI DU || RAISINICAM
116, Hultsdorp Street, Colombo - 12 Sri Lanka.
Volume
Price: Rs. 500/-

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POLITICS AND LIFE IN OUR TIMES
Copyright by T. Duraisingam
All Rights Reserved
Published in August 2000
2000
Cover design & general direction by: Desabandu Reggie Candappa
Printed in the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka at Unie Arts (Pvt) Limited, No. 48B Bloemendhal Road Colombo - 13

CONTENTS
WOLUMEI
PARTI
Page Expression of gratitude by The Author 2 Blessings & Good Wishes instead of an introduction 3 About this book 11 From the Publi Sher 13 Other Books by the Author 16 Profile of a Veteran - by Pieter Keuneman 17
Politics and Life in Our Times - by Prabath Sahabandu 20 A Book of History and Events Awaits Publication - Needs Help
by V. Kanapathipillai 25 Duraisingam's History of the Left Awaits for Publisher - by T. Sabaratnam 27 Still a Marxist at Heart - by Roshan Peiris 31 A Foot in Both Worlds - by Ravi John 36 Politics and Life in Our Times - Appeal to the Public Media 42 Why you should be a Socialist? 46 The articles in Part I are by the author of this book, T. Duraisingam
CHAPTER
Revolutionary Upsurge in Asia 1. The Beginning of the Revolutionary Upsurge in Asia 49 2. The Impact of the October Revolution on the Asian Peoples 59 3. 1911 and Thereafter 64 4. Lenin's influence on the Political Life of the People of
Sri Lanka 68 5. The Right of Peoples to Independent State Existence 75
CHAPTER 2
The Birth and Growth of the Progressive Movement 6. The Jaffna Students' Congress and the Birth of the
Progressive Movement 81 7. The Development of the Radical Youth Movement in
the North and the South 86
8. The Origins of the Suriya Mal Movement 93

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9. For a Federal System in Sri Lanka 10. The Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress 11. The Highlights of the Freedom Struggle 12. The Suriya Mal Movement and Changes in Sri Lank 13. Pieter Keuneman - a Principled Politician 14. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's Proposals for Constitutional
Reform 15. The Path Traversed to Independence and the Way Ahead
CHAPTER 3
The Working Class Movement 16. The Working Class Movement in Sri Lanka 17. The Development of Trade Unions Among the Estate
Workers of Sri Lanka 18. Pieter - The Doughty Fighter 19. The Socialist Internationals 20. Complimentary Jubilee Dinner to Pieter Keuneman 21. The Unbreakable Promise 22. Origins of May Day Demonstrations in Sri Lanka and Abroad
CHAPTER 4
Dr. S.A. Wickremasinghe 23. The Political life of Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe 24. Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Doreen Young and the
Suriya Mal 25. Abolish Oppression arising from Differences of Class
and Caste 26. A Life Spent for the Service of Humanity
- Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe
CHAPTER 5
The World Peace Movement 27. Partial Test Ban Treaty 28. American Aggression in Vietnam and the Peace
Movement 29. 'Security in Asia only through Joint Effort' 30. Origin and Growth of the World Peace Movement 31. Peace Conference in Colombo
32.
New Period of Detente
1OO 106 120 133 141
146 153
171
182 186 190 214 219 220
223
231
236
239
242
245 252 255 260 262

33. Development of the World Peace Movement
34. Signature Campaign for General and Complete
DiSarmament
35. World Forum of Peace Forces
36. Problems of Arms Limitation
37. Strengthen Detente and Build Peace
38. Gunboat Diplomacy against Libya and Peace in the
Indian Ocean
39. Towards making indian Ocean a Zone of Peace
40. Worldwide Concern at Missile Attack on Iraq
CHAPTER 6
The Afro-Asian Movement
41. Kashmir, Hyderabad and Imperialist intrigues
42. Collective Security in Asia
43. Krishna Menon's Consistent Struggle against Imperialism
44. The Struggle of the Non-aligned Countries
45. Bandung Conference and the Afro-Asian People's
Solidarity Organisation
46. Afro-Asian International Conference in Colombo
47. International Charter of Human Rights
48. Against Apartheid and Collaboration with Racist Regimes
49. The Achievements of the Non-Aligned Movement
50. Abdul Aziz - Consistent Fighter for Afro-Asian Solidarity
51. Nelson Mandela and the illumination of Dark Africa
52. AAPSO-XIV Council Session, Moscow 1986
53. Meeting of Asian Solidarity Committees
54. AAPSO-XIV Council Sessions
CHAPTER 7
The Soviet Union
55. Stalin and the Victory Over Hitler Fascism
56. Lenin's Decree On Peace and Broad international
Co-operation
57. NOVOSti and the Consolidation of International
Understanding
58. How did the Soviet Union defeat the "Invincible"
German Army?
59. Significance of the October Revolution
60.
The October Revolution - What it Meant
266
273 280 289 295
299 307 313
315 324 333 341
345 353 356 360 367 371 375 385 389 397
401
409
414
417
421 428

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CHAPTER 8
The Palestinian Struggle
61. The Origin and Growth of Israel 449 62. AAPSO Sessions in Aden with Yasser Arafat 459
CHAPTER 9
Disarmament 63. Not War and Destruction, but Peace and Development 463 64. The struggle for Peace and Disarmament in Asia 472 65. The Soviet Proposal on the Non-Militarization of Outer Space 478 66. Conference on Asian Security 480
CHAPTER 10
The Afon Bornho 67. Reverend Saranankara - He Dared Death for Peace 485 68. Nuclear Energy and the Arms Race 490 69. The Menace of the Neutron Bomb 498 70. The Star Wars 5O1 71. It is a choice between Life and Death, and Not
between War and Peace 504
CHAPTER 11
Religion 72. Remembering S.Nataraja of Anuradhapura 509 73. Life of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa 514 74. Sivananda's Path to Peace and Happiness 525 75. The Divine Life Society and Hinduism 528 76. Hinduism - the Eternal Religion 533 77. Ouida And Her Varied Talents 545
PART II
CHAPTER 12
Politics 78. I Look to Our Youth 555
by Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam 79. The Presidential address of Sir Pon Arunachalam 563 80. Resolution on Reform of the Constitution and Administration 578
by the Ceylon National Congress 81. National Flag of Ceylon hoisted at Jaffna Youth
Congress Sessions 580

82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87. 88.
89.
90.
91.
92. 93.
94.
95. 96. 97. 98. 99.
100.
101. 102.
103.
104.
105.
Resolutions of the Ceylon Communist Party, 15th October, 1944 Crisis in the Communist Party by Kubera Some Memories and Reflections by James T. Rutnam TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977 A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society - UNP's 1977 Manifesto JVP's Letter to the I. G. P. Spotlight on the New Constitution by Dr. A. J. Wilson The Early Period of the LSSP by Leslie Goonewardene Panem et Circines of Ancient Rome by Juvenal Perspectives for Sri Lanka by Dr. Colvin R. de Silva CPSL on the District Development Councils
Why Bandaranaike started the SLFP Inauguration speech of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike Govt. wants People to Give Up Right to Choose by Bernard Soysa - T. V. Address on the Referendum T. V. address by Pieter Keuneman on the Referendum President Jayawardene's T. V. Address to the Nation Mrs. Bandaranaike's Interview to Lanka Guardian Has the Left Failed? Interview of Muttetuwegama, M. P. We will Fight for Our Political Objective by LT TE Leader V. Prabakaran Orderly Management of Political and Social Change The career of Felix Dias Bandaranaike by Prof. Peiris Albania Welcomes Socialist President Sam Wijesinha Story - N. M. blasts U. S. by Premil Ratnayake US had a 'Pathological greed' for Cuba Speech by D. E. W. Gunasekara We will End the War and Build a Peaceful Sri Lanka by President Chandrika Bandaranalike Kumaratunga NM foresaw Lanka's Torment in the Forties by U. N. Jinasena
Vii
583 587
593
604
632 659 664
673
683
687
706 712
717
721 729 736 741 746
755
775 777
782
787
791

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106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114. 115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120. 121.
122.
123.
The Federal Concept in Sri Lanka by Batty Weerakoon, MP The Unitary State and Devolution by Batty Weerakoon, General Secretary, LSSP The Story of the LSSP Split of the 1940s by S. Piyasena
Rethinking Marxism's impasse by Dayan Jayatilleka
"Unitary', 'Federal' labels should not stand in way of Peace
by Prof. G. L. Peiris Why We Are Building Socialism by President Robert Mugabe United Nations Charter and Todays Realities by Prof. Dr. Grigory Morozov Ceylon and the GDR - The Bandaranaike Initiative by Dr. Jaya Pathirana The First-Ever Miss World - 1911; Alice Hyde C.P.S.L. Condemns Bomb Attacks Regional Co-operation and Security by Lakshman Kadirgamar Original Devolution Package - Full Details Sri Lanka Freedom Party Today by Dharmasiri Senanayake The Sri Lanka Freedom Pary – The Early Fifties by Maithripala Senanayake Keuneman on the 1981 Budget of National Betrayal Yoga in the Classroom
by Dr. Abraham Kovoor
Dr. Abraham Kovoor by Mervyn St. S. Casie Chetty Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People
CHAPTER 13
124.
Political Leaders Chairman, CP of Sri Lanka by A. Vaidialingam SWRD launched Transition to Socialism by Dr. N. M. Perera
800
808
817
822
835
841
851
869
876 879
882
896 910
913
921 932
936
939
965
969
Viii

126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143,
NM - envisioned Future Changes 978
by Carlo Fonseka
Salute to a Pioneer 983 by Pieter Keuneman at the funeral of Dr. N. M. Perera SWRD - Twenty five Years After 988 by Maithripala Senanayake Why Solomon Bandaranaike was Murdered 993 by Vladimir Yakovlev
The legacy of N. M. Perera 1009 by Dr. Colvin R. de Silva
Ranasinghe Premadasa 1013 by Sergei Bulantsev
The Father of Free Education - Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara 1022 by W. T. A. Leslie Fernando
Christian leader of Hindu Tamils 1026 by D. B. S. Jeyaraj Next in Succession -"The Premier Stakes, 1952" 104.4 by Henry P.Abeysekera
Reflections on George Rajapaksa 1052 by Sam Wijesinha
Lenin's Unique Role in Human History 1060 by Dudley Senanayake Chandra Gunasekera - The Cultural Ambassador 1063 by Ajith Samaranayake
Vivienne Goonewardene - Afighter of 'stomand passion 1067 by Amaradasa Fernando Pieter Keuneman Episode - Sam Wijesinha Story 1074 by Premil Ratnayake Remembering Mujibur Rahman,The Founder of Bangladesh 1079 by H. E. Masum Ahmed Chowdhury
Remembering Sir Razik Fareed 1087 by Fathima Zahara Mahaweli Balasingham - Pioneer in many a Field 1089
by Dr. S. K. Vadivel Veteran leftist looks at "Politics and Life in Our Times" 1094 by Jayatileke de Silva
For Chapter 13 onwards See Volume II

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Desabandu TharTn binTI Luttu DL u raisingam

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THE AUTHOR
is grateful to his many friends who encouraged and helped him in various ways to write and publish this book especially to his beloved wife SRTHIRBAMA
who has fully supported him in all his political work
and to
DOR 66N UUCKR€MASINGH6
DR. M. C. M. KFAU66
D. SUUAR NAUATHA
and to his late father
SINNRH THAMBMUTTU
(1871-1979)
who laid the foundation for his
understanding of politics.

Blessings & Good Wishes
Instead of an introduction

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4 Politics and Life in Our Times
Dr. M. C. M. KALEEL "NOORANI WILLA" Tele. : 573161 21, 18th Lane, Colombo 3,
Sri Lanka.
March 29, 1989.
T. Duraisingam Esq., J. P., U. M., Attorney-at-Law, 31, Wilson Street, Hulftsdorp, Colombo 12.
My dear Duraisingam,
Thank you for your letter of the 27th inst. I am glad that you are proposing to write a book on "The Making of Modern Sri Lankan History" from the day of your arrival upon this mundane world. I shall be very happy indeed to give you all assistance in your great task for
happen to arrive about 12 years ahead of you.
Writing a book is not an easy task, for you have to check up every item that you put down in Writing; but with your experience you should manage alright. You should also consider the enormous cost of printing and publishing these days. You have to get some publishers to sponsor with prior agreements. Above all, your writings must stick to the truth and not biased in favour of one community or the other or one political party or another. Only then it becomes historical.
If there is any matter in which I could be of assistance, do not hesitate to write to me and shall try to do what I can in providing any information.
Wishing you every Success in your undertaking,
Yours Sincerely,
9/**
Agasagarwater"

Introduction 5
DR. W. DAHANAYAKE 225, Richmond Hill Road, J. P. for the Island Galle.
6th October, 1989.
T. Duraisingam Esq., J. P., U. M., Attorney-at-Law, 31, Wilson Street,
Colombo 2.
Dear Mr. Duraisingam,
Thank you for your letter of the 2nd instant.
I am sorry that I do not have suitable material to help you. All my work for 40 years is recorded in Hansard. The rest of it was all committee work and various matters dealing with problems of the people. As I did not do anything with an eye for publicity, there are no
Cuttings, etc., to help you.
Anyhow, I wish you the best in your enterprise.
Yours sincerely,
- حمامه مسع んんんんa%*

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Politics ar Life in ČOLJr Tir77 ES
Selina Margaret Peiris
(Mrs. Selina Parara) (Photo of 1932)
 

I'r 7froducir 7
54 Ganesh Chandra Road, Calcutta 13.
5. 8, 1967.
Dear Mr. Duraisingan,
Thank you wery much indeed for the booklet you sent me and also for your letter of 10th June, and please accept my sincere apologies for the delay in acknowledging receipt of same. It was very nice indeed of you to have posted me a copy of that booklet - which read with great interest. I meant to Write and thank you for it, but Owing to one thing and another my reply delayed.
Yes, of course, I am "still interested in the working class m0'Wement", as you hawe put it. | hold the same political wiews and Convictions as I have always held, and there is no likelihood of my Ceasing to do so.
India is passing through a very interesting period of transition. Unfortunately the Communists are in disarray. Otherwise the process of radicalisation and polarisation Would have been swifter. But even With all the hitches and set backs, there is no doubt of the fact that the Left forces have tremendous reserves and will win through.
| hawe not received any papers from Ceylon for a long time, So, I am not Well up with the political situation there.
With my good wishes, Yours Sincerely
{് 4 ޑްރޭ e_4ހلا_.

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8 Politics and Life in Our Times
"ගණින'ගම යම්න සැමට සේවය කරමු"
LANKA JATIKA SARVODAYA SHRAMADANA SANGAMAYA (Inc.)
"Dhamsak Mandiraya", 98, Rawatawatte Road, Moratuwa, Sri Lanka. Tel: 647159, 645255, 647194
17th March, 1995
Mr. T. Duraisingam, 31, Wilson Street, Colombo 12.
My dear Mr. Duraisingam,
Many thanks for your kind letter sent to my son Vinya which was forwarded to me. I read through the material as I always admired your work and writings very much. Please keep on Writing so that your experience and wisdom can be shared by others like us.
With warm personal regards,
Yours sincerely, 6-2 Nza
Dr. A. T. Ariyaratne
President.

Introduction 9
( தவிதுணை
Sri Durga Devi Devasthanam, Tellippalai, Sri Lanka
6th Sept, 1994.
T. Duraisingam, J. P., U. M. Attorney-at-law, 31, Wilson Street, Hulftsdorp, Colombo 12.
Dear Mr. Duraisingam,
"Politics and Life in Our Times"
thank you for your letter of 5th August, 1994, together with annexures. From them, I could understand the interest and time you have spent in preparing the manuscript of the book - "Politics and Life in Our Times", which will be really very useful to our future
generation to know the past events, in all fields.
pray that Sri Durga Devi's blessings will be showered on you to bring your life long interest into a reality.
Wish you all success.
Yours faithfully,
1 گھمسمےمعتبرG لمصبستہہc ممدعا نه؟ Miss Thangammah Appacuddy, J.P.
President.

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10 Politics and Life in Our Times
T. B. ILANGARATNE, PhOne: 55/3509 302, High Level Road, Colombo 6.
10.05.1989
My Dear Mr. Duraisingam,
Thank you very much for your letter of May 1, 1989 and wish you all success in your effort to write your biography under the title - "My Life and Times".
I cannot think of a way of assisting you. If you think of any particular way I can help you please let me know.
With kind regards to you and to your dear Ones.
I am, Yours Sincerely,
~مہ<حمگسرد شرو
T. Duraisingam Esq.

ABOUT THIS BOOK
"History", as the great Spanish writer and reformer Cervantes wrote, "is not only a Treasure-House of our deeds and a witness of the past, but also an example, a lesson for the present, as well as a warning for the future".
The articles, speeches, reports and dissertations, given in this book, have been made and published in newspapers, magazines and books, as and when they were written or made. You find here history in the making, and recorded as and when they were made by the chief actors of this century, in all the social, political and religious activities of these times. Some of the writings are brief, and some are long, but all put together, they give a brief but complete picture of all the important happenings of this century, both National and International.
Everyone is aware of the urgent necessity to have meaningful and lasting solutions, to the present political and other problems in our countries. This can be done only if the people become aware of the historical and factual background to the present tangle. This book is sure to be of immense help in this matter. It will also help to counter the warped history propagated through the public media. This book is to be published in Sinhalese, Tamil and other languages

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12
* . ܒ
Fo/WWC:s är 7 Cd | sg i'r OLMr T ir 7 7Es
Rev. Karaputuwegala Wipulasena Theiro Who raight Sinhala to the Author
 

| Production 13
FROM THE PUBLISHER
The Twentieth Century is marked by the rapid changes that have taken place in the political, social, agricultural and industrial systems throughout the World. Science has gone forward in seven league strides. Great empires have risen and fallen, with new empires being built in their place.
Some countries have become militarily and financially strong and powerful, whereas other countries have been exploited, pauperised and made the dumping grounds of second-rate arms and weapons; belching motor vehicles and injurious foodstuffs and goods; dangerous insecticides and chemicals. Nuclear and chemical weapons are threatening to wipe out all life from the earth.
On the other hand, throughout this century, there have been IIany national liberation struggles and revolutions, leading to independent governments in many countries of the World, and to changes in the systeins of their governments. The positive actions taken by many peoples' movements, to fight against the consequences of the activities of selfish men and also the activities of ignorant men, are growing from strength to strength,
The author of this book was a member of the Ceylon National Congress, and has been active in all progressive novements since his School days. His articles are on various subjects and deal with many aspects of their activities - both Ilational and international. The events dealt with here are true to history, though facts sometimes are stranger than fiction. These facts of history must be known by all, especially by the younger generation, in order that they may unravel the mystery behind the growth of lawlessness and terrorism. The reasons Inust be known, for our countries becoming the poorest countries of the world, though blessed with such rich vegetation and mines yielding valuable gems. The articles in this book are a rich treasure house of information, to solve such problems,

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14 Politics and Life in Our Times
An authority on Political Science, Prof. Wiswa Warnapala, in reviewing the Sinhala edition of the author's book "Lenin and Asia"
StateS :
"Duraisingam, who has kept a consistent and abiding interest in the cause of socialism from the prime of his youth to this day, has done a great service to the Sinhala reading public by producing this useful piece of work which, in the eyes of all interested in socialism in Sri Lanka, is certain to help both students of politics and history and the new generation of Left politicians, many of whom practise the art of politics with less theoretical understanding than their precursors".
The sccond part of this book supplements the text in the first part. It contains the election manifestos of some of the leading political parties, and also articles by students of politics, society and religion, to give the background, atmosphere and milieu in which the articles in the first part of the book were written.

Interviews of the author by the editors or their representatives of several newspapers as published in their respective papers

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16
Other Books by the Author
C. F. T. U. and the Working Class Movement (1966).
ලංකා වෘත්තිය සමිති සම්මේලනය හා
කම්කරු පංති වියාපාරය (1966).
Lanka Vruttiya Samiti Sammelanaya Ha Kamkaru
Pangti Vyaparaya (1966).
லங்கா தொழிற் சங்கங்களின் சம்மேளனமும் தொழிலாளி
வர்க்க இயக்கமும் (1966).
Lanka Thoit Chankankalin Chammelanamum
Tholilali Varkka lyakkamum (1966).
October Revolution and Asian Destiny (1970).
ලෙනින් සහ ආසියාව (1984). Lenin Saha Asiyawa (1981).
லெனினும் ஆசியாவும் (1981). Leninum Asiyavum (1981).
Lenin and Asia (1983).
Communism (Tamil), co-authored with P. Jeevanandam. 65by6ofl6moh (1990) - Kamyunisam (1990).
Compendium on Marxism-Leninism (1993).

Profile of a Veteran
by Pieter Keuneman
Chairman of the Central Control Commission of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, Thambimuttu Duraisingam, who celebrates his 75th birthday today (October 1st) has been active in the political movement of Sri Lanka for almost sixty years.
Born in 1911, he first became acquainted with anti-imperialist ideas and the workers' movement at the early age of 10 years. His father knew personally the South Indian socialist and trade unionist, V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar, co-founder of the first workers trade union in India, the Madras Workers' Union which was formed On 27.4. 1918 shortly after the Great October Socialist Revolution in Tsarist Russia.
From 1921, the young Duraisingam was a keen reader of the Tamil weekly newspaper "Navashakti", which Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar edited and to which his father was a regular subscriber.
During his teens, he read several anti-imperialist and socialist books written by the same author, as well as those written by the first communist of Tamilnad and one of the founders of the Communist Party of India, M. Singharavel, who was associated with all progressive movements in India of that time.
What he read attracted Duraisingam immensely and by 1927 he became convinced that communism provided the only solution for the world's and his country's ills.
VST OF GANDH
1927 also sa W the visit of Mahatma Gandhi to Sri Lanka at the invitation of the Students' Congress, Jaffna, which was later renamed as the Jaffna Youth Congress.
After taking part in the activities centred around Mahatma Gandhi's visit, which helped to give a big fillip to the still nascent antiImperialist movement against British colonial rule in Sri Lanka, duraisingam joined the Students' Congress, Jaffna, and was later elected
its Executive Committee.

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18 Politics and Life in Our Times
Although still a regional organisation, this Youth Congress raised the slogan of complete national independence, and most of its members were Sympathetic to socialism.
The Jaffna Youth Congress, which established contacts with similar youth leagues formed in south Sri Lanka in 1929 and 1930 by Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, M. G. Mendis and others, led the successful boycott in Jaffna to the first elections to the Donoughmore Constitution at the turn of the 1930s, protesting that independence had not been conceded.
Becoming more and more attracted to scientific socialism, Duraisingam joined and was active in the work of the Suriya Mal movement, which had become more anti-war and anti-imperialist oriented in its second stage after 1933, and was one of those who joined the L. S. S. P. when it was first founded in December 1935. He was appointed as "Literature Secretary" of this party.
MOHAN AND BHATT
Knowing the role that socialist literature had played in his own political development, Duraisingam paid special attention to the import and publication of Marxist-Leninist books.
In the 1930s, he founded the firm "Mohan and Bhatt" for this purpose. This firm was, throughout the 1930s and 1940s, the main vehicle through which Marxist-Leninist classics were imported into Sri Lanka.
Several of them were translated into Sinhala and Tamil. The first authorised translation of the "Communist Manifesto", and the first work of Lenin to be published in Sinhala - "The Teachings of Karl Marx" - were among the Marxist-Leninist classics published by his firm. A book entitled "The Teachings of Marx and Lenin" which included many writings of Marx. Engels, Lenin and Stalin, was also published by him.
In 1937, he formed a readers group of the Left Book Club of London and used it to spread readership of its publications, which kept readers informed about the Soviet Union, Socialism and the anti-fascist and antiimperialist struggle.
UNITED SOCIALIST PARTY
In 1940, Duraisingam was among those who left the L. S. S. P.,
when its leadership embraced Trotskyism, and formed the United
Socialist Party (U. S. P), the precursor of the C. P. S. L.

Introduction 19
In the two and a half years, that the U. S. P. existed, he took part in its political and trade union activities and, after the party was banned, in its underground work.
He was in charge of the legal and illegal publications of the party. The first militant student newspaper, "Student News", which helped to pioneer the student movement in Sri Lanka, was also brought out from his residence at Huiftsdorp and under his publication.
During the war, he took an active part in the work of the Friends of the Soviet Union (FSU), was the editor of its magazine the "Lanka-Soviet Journal", and was active in the movement to collect funds formedical aid to the Soviet Union.
He was a founder member of the C. P. S. L. in 1943 and, in the party's formative years one of those in charge of its work in Colombo. Taking partin all the activities of the party ever since, he has been elected Andre-elected as Chairman of the Central Control Commission for nearly
WO decades. He has been a delegate to all Congresses of the CPSL.
For the past two decades and more, Duraisingam has been active in the work of the Sri Lanka Peace Council, and especially, the Afro-Asian Bolidarity Association of Sri Lanka. A member of the latter's Secretariat, he has represented it at many international conferences on law, world peace, non-aligned summit, Afro-Asian Solidarity and Asian Security.
Duraisingam has contributed many articles to local and foreign Owspapers on a variety of subjects, and is the author of publications on Ohletory of the working class movement in Sri Lanka and the fight for pnoo and security on the Indian sub-continent. An article of hisonmaking the Indian OceanaZone of Peace written in 1982, has been republished in languages. He is also the author of the book "Lenin and Asia" which Wa published in 1983 by the Novosti Press Agency publishing House, Mooow, in connection with the 110th birth anniversắiỹ of V. l. Lenin.
"Forword", 1st October, 1986.

Page 19
20
Politics and Life in Our Times
by Prabath Sahabandu
Thambimuttu Duraisingam's new book, "Politics and Life in Our Times" lies in manuscript form on his table. A few days dust has settled on the bundle of manuscripts and comrade Duraisingam invites me to browse through them.
In the first part of the book there are about 60 articles written by him over a period of thirty years on a wide range of subjects. They include studies on Hinduism, Buddhism, Politics, both local and international and so on. The book is going to be a compilation of these 60 articles supplemented by an appendix containing 120 more.
Duraisingam has indeed done a great deal of research work. And his book is a repository that takes you more than thirty years back.
"This book", says Duraisingamaged 83, "is a rich treasure house of information and can be used as a handbook or as a thesaurus. The Contents have been arranged according to Subject matter and are grouped together under chapter headings and numbered". His book is illustrated with photographs.
"Politics and Life in Our Times" will tentatively run into 1,000 pages. Duraisingam thinks the price of the book will be around Rs. 1,500. But he wants it sold at a concessionary price so that the average reader Could buy it. Here he has a problem: The cost of printing has to be borne by well-wishers.
A few years ago one of Duraisingam's relatives who lived in Jaffna and had a Successful business there offered to bear the Cost of the book. But the situation in the north further deteriorated and his relative had to move to Colombo leaving behind his bankrupt business in Jaffna. Therefore comrade Duraisingam is today without a sponsor.

Introduction 21
Ironically, Duraisingam is not the kind of person who should wait for someone to publish his book. He is a founder member of the left movement in Sri Lanka and several of his Colleagues are in power in the PA government.
Duraisingam was born in 1911 in Malaysia. His father was a wellto-do businessman. His school days saw the Great October Revolution and winds of revolt in the offing in China were felt in Malaysia. Thus in his childhood his life was tuned to the rhythm of revolution. His father Was a nationalist.
He and his family migrated to 'Ceylon' in 1919 and settled down permanently.
His father introduced him to V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar, socialist and trade unionist who established the Madras Workers' Union with the help of Wadia, a wellknown intellectual of the day.
Young Duraisingam was also influenced by Writings of M. Singaravel, another veteran trade unionist of that era and was involved in all progressive movements of the day.
During his student days at St. John's College, Jaffna, he had opportunity to spend sometime with Mahatma Gandhi. Mahatma visited Sri Lanka in 1927 at the invitation of the Students' Congress, Jaffna, which was later renamed The Youth Congress. The same year Duraisingam joined the Students' Congress and later became an
xocutive Committee member of the Congress.
In 1933, he took part in the Suriya Mal Movement which Sri Lankan radicals launched to Counter the Poppy Day.
Later those Socialists and Communists who were involved in the Duriya Mal Movement took over its leadership, including Duraisingam, Who formed the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP). Duraisingam was
looted its Literature Secretary.
In 1940, Duraisingam and some others left the LSSP to form the United Socialist Party, which later became the Communist Party of
ri Lanka.

Page 20
22 Politics and Life ir7 CDL Ir Wirt Tas
Duraisingam was instrumental in introducing Socialist literature in Sri Lanka. In the 1930s Fle established the first "Mohan & Bhatt" for
publishing, importing and selling Communist and Socialist literature, Through this first he pioneered the distribution of progressive literature imported from foreign countries. It was the first to import socialist and Com Turist literat LUTE froT the Sowiet Uni0r.
"The first authorised Sinhala translation of the Communist Manisfesto", says comrade Duraisingam with a nostalgic smile pausing for the noise of passing by vehicles to subside,"and an English edition was published by our firm to commemorate the hundredth anniversary of the publication of the Manifesto. The firm also published for the first time "Teachings of Karl Marx" by Lenin together with Stalin's "Foundation of Leninism" in a book, the "Teachings of Marx and Lenin".
Duraisingam and a group of radicals also founded the Left Book Club Group in the late 1930s with its headquarters based in London. Its members were entitled to purchase books at a nominal price. The Club, leftists agree today, succeeded in disseminating progressive literature to enlighten the masses on the Course of Socialism.
The Left Book Club is considered to hawe prepared the background for the formation of the Cornr Tunist Party.
The octogenarian reminisces his good old days When the World socialist movement was in full swing. There are two large pictures of Marx and Lenin on the wall. It was here in his Huftsdorp residence where the Communist Party's newspaper, "Student News" was once published. Next to Kari Marx, a smart young man. Duraisingam sees me looking at the picture.
"Who do you think is that?" he asks me. | look carefully at the picture. The young man still Smiles with me. Holding Duraisingam's manuscripts in both hands, "It is you", tell him, trying to bluff,

ITIroduction 23
Indian ink drawing of the Author by Harry Gottlieb

Page 21
24 Politics and Life in Our Times
"Yes, it is me", says Duraisingam. "It was drawn by...."he mentions the name of an American artist whom he had met during a workshop abroad when he was young.
Many are the changes that the socialist movement has gone through during the decades between the days of the young man in the picture and those of the octogenarian who sits in front of me.
And what does the octogenarian thinks of the setback the world Communist movement has faced as evident in the collapse of the Soviet Union, which some over-enthusiastic anti-communists mistakenly call the fall of Communism?
He smiles. "You see, these changes do occur. There was of course a temporary setback in Russia. But today the communist party is reviving. It will emerge powerful again".
He assures those who look forward to the "disappearance of communism/socialism from the face of the earth", that they will only be disappointed after a long wait.
Now we talk of health. "I still move about all by myself", he says proudly. "And I still have my teeth", the good old communist chuckles. "I have exercise regularly". He has been a teetotaller, vegetarian and non-Smoker.
Two hours have lapsed and take leave of him. He comes up to the door to see me off. "Don't write about me", requests the good communist, who looks forward to publishing his book.
"The Island", 22nd November, 1994.

A Book of History and Events Awaits Publication - Needs Help
Thambimuttu Duraisingam, Solicitor, Attorney-at-Law, and Notary Public is as much a dedicated Marxist as he is a devoted and knowledgeable Hindu, whose presence even at the ripe old age of 83 cannot be missed at any Colombo gathering concerned with radical politics or Hindu religious and cultural affairs.
If one person more than another was responsible for spreading scientific socialist knowledge in this country from the early forties, it was Duraisingam through his publishing house-Mohan and Bhatt and the agency of the Left Book Club.
Nationalist and radical leaders of South India like Thiru V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar and P. Jeevanandham, made a significant Contribution through their speeches, and writings, towards moulding Duraisingam's political philosophy and outlook early in his life.
The notable milestones in Duraisingam's life were his joining the first national anti-imperialist movement, the Suriya Mal in 1931, his being a founder member of the LSSP in 1935 and later breaking away from the LSSP and founding of the Communist Party in 1943, under the leadership of Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Pieter Keuneman, A. Vaidialingam, M. G. Mendis, Rev. Sarankara Thero, etal.
In the course of his 83 year old life Duraisingam has spoken and written on a variety of subjects: social, political, economic, religious and spiritual without wavering from his historical and dialectical outlook. For the past few years he has collected, compiled and arranged his writings for more than thirty years with those of others to be published for the benefit and education of the present and future generations, under the title "Politics and Life in Our Times".

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26 Politics and Life in Our Times
The compilation consists of more than 60 pieces by him and 120 by others from Juvenal, Arunachalam to Julius Nyerere and Velupillai Prabhakaran. The manuscript runs into almost 1000 pages and awaits publication for which Duraisingam solicits financial contributions from friends, Well-wishers and benefactors.
The articles, speeches, reports and dissertations found in this Collection have been published in newspapers, magazines and books as and when they were written or delivered. It is a compendious history of events and happenings, as and when they were enacted by the chief dramatis personae in all the political, social and religious events of these times. Some of the writings are short while others are long, but taken together they give a brief, but complete picture of the salient events of this century, both national and international.
This is a book that ought to be published and a part of the estimated costs of printing has already been contributed by friends and well-wishers. Duraisingam cannot place the print order without liberal assistance from other well-wishers and friends living far and wide. Remittances may please be made payable to T. Duraisingam, 31, Wilson Street, Colombo 12, (Sri Lanka). His telephone number is Colombo 328687.
V. Kanapathipilai
Colombo 3.
"Tamil Times", London, July 15th, 1995.

Introduction
Duraisingam's History of the Left AWaits for Publisher
by T. Sabaratnam
When knocked at the door at 31, Wilson Street, Colombo 12, 83-year-old Thambimuttu Duraisingam opened it. He was in his lawyer's garb, minus the black coat which was hanging on the back of the Verandah chair. I turned left to Walk to a chair While Karl Marx's photograph stared down at me from the wall.
"That was presented to me by Jeevanantham", said Duraisingam, proudly. "He used to stay with me whenever he came to Colombo".
Duraisingam went to the table and brought a heap of books and a thick file carefully wrapped in brown paper. He first presented to me Jeevanantham's book Communism.
"This is a reprint" he said, I printed it through the Socialist Research Society, which run".
Communism is the first book Jeevanantham wrote to popularise the materialistic philosophy Karl Marx and Frederick Engels preached. Jeevanantham and M. Singaravel were instrumental in nurturing the Communist movement in Tamil Nadu.
In the 1920s Singaravel and Thiru Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar Worked together in the Indian independence movement. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar, a follower of Mahatama Gandhi, started a Tamil daily Navasakthi to conduct the freedom campaign.
Thiru V. Ka, as he was known, went to Malaysia to collect funds for Navasakthi and met Duraisingam's father, Thambimuttu, who was doing well. Duraisingam, who was 10-years old (he was born on 1 October 1911) was introduced to him by his father on that occasion.

Page 23
Poliffc5 a 7d Lise ir ČOLI'r iarTDS
28
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//1ľroductiori 29
"| 5til restlersber ThirU V. Ka, the Flandoorn vert and Shirt Fle Wore. I can still see the black borderedshaw he had over his shoulders", Duraisingam recalls. He became an avid reader of Nawasakthi and the articles Singaravel wrote in it.
"It was Singaravel's writings that converted me to communism", Duraisingam says, but he was immensely influenced by the Indian independence movement.
His family returned to Jaffna a year later and Duraisingam joined the Parameshwara College which Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan founded.
"I am the only living person who joined Parameshwara when it was founded. Perhaps, I am also the only living person who was taught by Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan, his brother Sir Ponnambalam LLLLLCLLLLHSLLLL LLLLLL a LLLLLLLCLLLLLLL LLLLLL CaaLLLLGLGLLLLLCLSLLLL LLLLH in-law, S. Nadesan", Duraisingan says,
He recalls Ramanathan walking into the class room and questioning the students. He encouraged all students to learn Sanskrit. While studying in Parameshwara, Duraisingam joined the Jaffna Students' Congress which was later renamed the Jaffna Youth Congress. He remembers Mahatma Gandhi's 1927 wisit to Jaffna, the visit of Sarojini Naidu and that of Jeevanantha T.
"When Jeevanantham addressed a meeting on the Jaffna esplanade, it was a Sea of heads", he says.
Duraisingam came to Colombo to enter the University College in 1929 and joined a group of young radicals. In 1931 he joined the Suriya Mal Movement, the first anti-British Towerment in Sri Lanka.
He recalls how he and Doreen, Who later married Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, protested when the Suriya Mal sales were mot held in 1932. The Socialists and COPTI Tunists of the Suriya Mal Movement jointly formed the Lanka Sama Samaja Party in December 1935. Duraisingam was elected the Literary Secretary.

Page 24
30 Politics and Life in Our Times
He established a firm called Mohan and Bhatt to print and import Communist literature and in 1937 the Left Book Club Group for that purpose. When the LSSP split in 1942 and the Communist Party of Ceylon was founded, he went with the communists.
He had been a communist and remains a communist. He says: "The current developments in the Soviet Union and other former Communist countries do not detract me from the communist ideology. Some rulers of those countries have messed up things, and before long people will realise their mistakes and get back to Scientific socialism", he says.
Duraisingam is also a devoted believer in religion. He serves as a trustee of a Hindu temple and is an active member of Hindu religious organisations. He is also an authority in comparative studies of Hinduism and Buddhism.
He has studied Sanskrit and Pai. "Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan encouraged me to study Sanskrit and Dr. N. M. Perera's wife Selina, to study Pali".
Duraisingam has written all these details in his autobiography which is now in manuscript. He handed me the brown paper wrapped file and asked to guess its weight.
"A few kilos", I said. "It's over a thousand pages. It is a history of the left movement in the country", he said.
His current problem is to find the money required to publish it. "I have collected a part of the money. I must collect the balance", he Said, and showed me a cheque.
it was handed to him by a benefactor who wants to remain anonymous. "The lady came, gave me the cheque and walked away", he said his eyes showing his gratitude.
"Daily News", 7th March, 1995.

Still a Marxist at Heart
by Roshan Peiris
At 84, Thambimuttu Duraisingam's life is one of contrast. He proclaims he is a Marxist while looking intently at a picture of Lenin. He is dressed like an English aristocrat, while preaching vast social changes for the poor. On another wall of his home is a slightly smaller picture of the father of Marxism, with a well trimmed beard, long haired, looking like a bard of old.
Duraisingam confides that he hopes to live upto one hundred and five, God bless him. He remains an undiluted Marxist in his political passions, but despite Marxism being a materialistic ideology with no possible consideration for religion. Thambimuttu Duraisingam is also a Saiva Siddhanthi, recites Vedic mantras, knows Sanskrit which helps him in his study of Hinduism, and every Sunday as Vice President of the Colombo Divine Life Society, he has a session of reciting the Vedic mantras. There is also hanging on his wall a picture of Goddess Lakshmi.
This provocatively interesting man, by the way, a total vegetarian, was born in Malaysia where his father was a prominent businessman. His father, though, was interested in the nascent national movments of the times and avidly followed Sun Yat Sen's toppling of the Chinese imperial government.
Wadia, a Parsee and V. Kalyanasundaram started a Trade Union Movement in Madras and went to rich Malaysia in search of money to finance the movement. Duraisingam's father gave not only money but helped to collect money for the young Trade Union Movement.
Thus Duraisingam began at an early age to think of the proletariat. Since the young age often he confessed to reading the
Ocialist paper Navashakti edited by Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar.

Page 25
32
Politics armi Life ii ) C Lif Tirings
Gopi Lura T1 at the Main Entrance of the Yalpanathar Sri Kathirvelautha SWarni Temple at Kathiresån Street, Colombo 13
 

stroductor .33
Duraisingam claims "I am the first Marxist of Sri Lanka and yes, I am still a Marxist. But while calling Marxism the opiate of the masses, he staunchy remains the Wice President of the Colombo Vivekananda Society and a Vice President of the Yalpanathar Sri KathirVelayutha Swamy Temple (Estd. 1859), Kathresan Street, Colombo and of course the live wire of the Colombo Divine Life Society.
HOW, asked this unusual Marxist, do you reconcile your religiosity with Marxism? Firstly he stated serenely "Get it clear Marxism is not atheism, so What? Aren't there capitalists too who are selfConfessed atheists?".
Duraisingam is really an interesting man not only because he has written many an interesting book on Marxism such as a "CompendiuT. On Marxism-Leninism". The book is considered an excellent piece of Writing of the two most celebrated founders of Marxism and Leninism. At age eight when he returned with his parents from Malaysia he studied at the Chundukuli Girls' School. With a mischievous smile he says "From there went on to St. John's, since both are Missionary schools and then onto Parameshwara College where now stands the University of Jaffna".
Why has he remained a Marxist all his eventful life? "I had since 1920 read the inspiring works and Writings of Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar and Singaravel. I believe, he said almost sternly to me that Marxism is the only Worthy political ideology, Marxism will succeed in the World some day".
Wasn't he too optimistic and why was he so sure? He said slowy but bitingly, Marxism is never a stagnant ideology. It changes not on basics but it is sensitive to change. Take Engels who thought Marxism would first be established in Europe but it was not. It was Lenin who said it would first be exposed to the World as a Working ideology in the Soviet Union.
"You are still puzzled as to how reconcile my Marxist beliefs with my ardent devotion to religion, Religion is spiritualism and an inspired barn to Than's inner soul", he added.

Page 26
34 Politics and Life i7 COLLI r Tires
In 1936 he net one of Sri Lanka's best known Marxists, Pieter Keuneman and in 1937 he formed the readers group of the Left Book Club.
Today he blames the innovative Gorbachev for the disintegration of the Soviet Union. He even paid homage to Josef Stalin, that man who made Communism look like a cloak and dagger ideology, "He did kill people" he admits "but he was a great man". He is more staunchly supportive of Stalin than Stalin's own daughter.
He recalls nostalgically the many evenings he spent talking to the late S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike at the latter's Silver Smith Street, Colombo 12, home. He still feels that S. W. R. D., tried his best to settle the language issue. But in 1958 K. M. P. Rajaratne and F. R. Jayasuriya, the professor of Political Science of the Colombo University, tried to make a change from parity to Sinhala only.
Today his ambition lies in publishing his life's Work, entitled "Politics and Life in Our Times". Duraisingam never wavers from his dialectical outlook but for thirty odd years and more he has consistently Written on a variety of subjects: political, social, religious and economic. This life work of a man, genuine in whatever he believes in, consists of about 1,500 pages, his Magnum Opus. The compilation has 60 pieces by him and 120 by others including Arunachalam to Julius Nyerere and even Velupillai Prabhakaran. Duraisingam cannot cope with the expense of publication and he naturally hopes that friends and those With a sense of history will help him.
A lawyer by profession, he is more a political historian, and while wishing all the best to this octogenarian, we also wish that his heart's desire to see the book in print would materalise soon. He lives at No. 31, Wilson Street, Colombo 12, Sri Lanka,
"The Sunday Times", Sri Lanka, August 27, 1996.

Producto
Comra de Pieter Keunerman
V
35

Page 27
A Foot in Both Worlds
by Ravi John
Hinduis II is spiritual aid for the life hereafter, Marxism was the best for the tempora/ World, and he found no contradiction ir 7 subscribing to both with eqLa zeal. A convinced Marxist and committed Hindu, Duraisingam found in Marxis a modern philosophy to gгарp/e wiІh Ihe contemporaгу IIIs ofsociety.J
Upon one Wall of Thambimuttu Duraisingam's Verandah is a large photograph of Lenin wearing that determined expression, that is so characteristic of the man. On the other is a photograph of Karl Marx, with bushy bearded and leonine mane seemingly brooding down on those who enter the premises.
Nothing unusual about that (not the expression, but the photographs) because Duraisinga IT has been long associated with Sri Lanka's Socialist movement and describes himself as "A founder of the movement". What did ho We Wer Strike ne as Lun Lu Sua | Was the Colour picture within the home of Goddess Laxmi in munificient pose with a pair of elephants kneeling reverently before her,
This pioneer socialist while unshakable in his faith in Marxism and its emancipatory potential, is the Vice President of the Colombo Wivekananda Society, of the Divine Life Society and the Sri Kathirwelayutha Swamy Temple. The Author was for a number of years the Vice President of the All Ceylon Hindu Congress. Members of the Divine Life Society have to be initiated into being recitors of the manthras, and Duraisingam is visibly proud when he says that he has been an Initiate since the age of fourteen, and to this day recites the matras.
Among his many writings is the article "Hinduism and its Impact on Buddhism" in which is found the following:
"The belief in a soul (at lan) and the belief in rebirth is found among all sects of Hindus. The ultimate religious goal of a Hindu is to end the round of births and deaths (samsara), to become free of

37
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Page 28
38 Politics and Life in Our Times
the round of births and deaths and for the soul to merge with God. Swami Vivekananda, an Advaita Hindu has stated that Our main problem is to be free. It is evident then that until we realise ourselves as absolute we cannot attain to deliverance, yet there are various ways of attaining to this realisation. These methods have the generic name of Yoga (to join, to join ourselves to our reality)".
One of Duraisingam's publications is "Compendium on Marxism Leninism". Duraisingam writes: "Marx's philosophical materialism alone has shown the proletariat the way out of the spiritual slavery in which all oppressed classes have hitherto languished".
All this had my mind in a whirl and asked the active 83 years old how he managed to reconcile one of the greatest spiritual paths man has known, Hinduism, and possibly the most influential materialist philosophy of the 20th century - Marxism. Visibly annoyed, he informed me that there was a clear demarcation between the two. Hinduism is spiritual and for the life hereafter. Marxism was the best for the temporal world and he found no contradiction in subscribing to both with equal Zeal.
Well, thought that Lenin thought (and apparently he did) that "Religion was the opiate of the masses". Duraisingam seems to have figured out away of enjoying the best of both worlds. The man is sincere in his conviction.
Duraisingam was born in Malaysia on the 1st of October, 1911. His father, a nationalist, later moved to Sri Lanka. He was a mere boy When he had his first taste of Socialism. Since 1921, he had been a keen reader of the Tamil weekly "Navashakthi", edited by the South Indian Socialist and trade unionist Kalyanasundera Mudaliyar.
He was also exposed to the writings of the Indian Communist and anti-imperialist M. Singharavel. By 1927, he was a convinced Communist. In 1930, he founded the firm "Mohan and Bhatt" for the purpose of propagating the Marxist-Leninist message to a widerpublic. This was accompanied in the 1930s and 1940s with the importation of Marxist-Leninist Works to Sri Lanka, and their translation into Sinhala and Tamil. A founder member of the L.S.S.P. in 1935, he had previously

Introduction 39
been active in the Suriya Mal campaigns of the early 1930s. He was appointed "Literature Secretary" of the newly founded L.S.S.P. in 1937 he formed a readers group of the Left Book Club of London. In 1940 Duraisingam was among those who left the L. S. S. P., opposing its Trotskyist trend, and formed the United Socialist Party which spawned the Communist Party of Sri Lanka.
To Duraisingam, what is going on in the Soviet Union today is only a temporary setback. Definitely not a fan of Boris Yeltsin, he blames Gorbachev for the disintegration of the socialist states of the Soviet Union. Although not communist, he belives it was the precursor of the communism of the future. When confronted with the barbarism of Stalin, a slightly uncomfortable Duraisingam tries to soften the criticism. "May be he killed lots of people, in his old age, but he was a great man" he says. He sees Stalin as being the principal force that saved the world from the perniciousness of Nazism and for that he is willing to excuse a great deal of the Soviet Supremo's errors.
The Students' Congress of Jaffna formed in December 1924 was a vehicle for radicalised youth to engage in politics. This was the first organaisation to demand total independence from the British. It soon set about broadening its base and linking up with the like-minded of the South.
The second sessions of the Students' Congress, was held in April 1925 at Keerimalai, Jaffna, with P. de S. Kularatne unanimously elected as President for the Sessions. President P. de S. Kularatne afterwards became the Principal of Ananda College, and continued to be Principal for many years thereafter. A resolution passed at this Congress said: "Whereas the Congress is of the opinion that for the realisation of abiding understanding between the Sinhalese and Tamil Communities it is essential for each community to assimilate more and more of the other's culture, it urges on the Department of Education, the unofficial Members of the Legislative Council and all connected with the education of the youth of the country, that the study of Sinhalese in the case of Tamil students and Tamil in the case of Sinhalese students

Page 29
40 FPolitics and Life ir Our Tirri]gs
should be made Compulsory at least up to the Cambridge senior standard in every School receiving grant-in-aid". The Youth Congress together with southern groups led by Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe and M. G. Mendis led the boycott of the first elections under the Donoughmore Constitution and avoided contesting that independence had not been conceded.
Thambimuttu Duraisingari is a great admirer of S, W. R. D. Bandaranaike who was the first person, Who set about systematically to educate the public in political affairs, He published in thể daily press a Series of articles Setting out the problems facing Sri Lanka and the Solutions to resolve these problems.
Duraisingam belives that S. W. R. D. though trying, his utmost to deliver justice on the language issue failed because he was a prisoner of the political forces on which he depended in 1958. Bandaranaike had revealed the swiftly shifting positions of K. M. P. Rajaratna and F. R. Jayasuriya on the language issue pointing out how they had noved from a parity of languages stand to "Sinhala Only in a matter of Weeks".
Duraisingarin who practices law in the Magistrate's Courts and District Courts is fundamentally a student of Politics, A Convinced Marxist and Committed Hindu, Duraisingam has, while not turning his back on his traditional inheritance, found in Marxism a modern philosophy tograpple with the contemporary ills of society, A vegetarian, teetotaler and extensively travelled and read widely had Written extensively. His keen interest in politics and life coupled with a fertile mind has produced Writings On Warious Subjects.
Currently he has a compilation of 60 of his articles and 120 by others from Juvenal through Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam and Julius Nyerere to Veluppillai Prabakaran. Despite it being a rich source of subjects, perspectives and historical periods, it is still in Tianuscript form, The hitch is that to published it, he requires about 300,000 - 400,000 rupees more, and nobody has yet volunteered the money.
If one Were to Come up with this suT of money, it will not only make Duraisingam's longtime dream a reality but will help to publish a book of significant educational value.
"The Sunday Leader", December 18, 1994.

I'r Tradicior 7
卓1
Thambinutu Duraisingan
"The Sunday Leader", December 18, 1994.

Page 30
Politics and Life in Our Times
Appeal to the Public Media with an Autobiographical note
To the Editor "The Island"
Recently, I sent you a number of articles by me for favour of publication. I am thankful to you for publishing several of them. Please publish the other articles too. I am especially interested in having the following articles by me, published at an early date. I have already posted them to you.
lf by any chance you have not received any of these articles, or if it has got misplaced, please inform me. I shall post another copy to yOu.
1. The Marxist-Leninist Movement - Road to Socialism.
2. The Story of a Splendid Failure - The beginning and end of
the Jaffna Youth Congress. 3. Origins of May Day demonstrations in Sri Lanka and abroad.
With their interviews, the public media, that is the newspapers, radio and television, have kindly helped me to obtain contributions from friends and well wishers, towards meeting the printing costs of my book "Politics and Life in Our Times", and to enable me to publish the book at a low price.
Every Sri Lankan English newspaper and several Sinhala and Tamil newspapers, the radio and television have helped me with their interviews and their requests to help me to publish the book. It is estimated that the English edition of the book will cost over Rs. 400,000/=. Contributions from friends and well wishers have been received totalling to over half this amount. The balance amount has to be Collected SOOn.
shall be stepping into my 85th year of birth by the end of this month. I was born in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on 1st October, 1911. wish to have my book printed and published before the end of the year. The manuscript is ready.

Introduction 43
After it is published in English, I shall publish the book in Sinhala and Tamil. I shall be grateful to you, if you would once again Come to my assistance and have another interview regarding the publication of my book. My coming birthday may be made an occasion for the interview.
I am giving here some further information about me, which may be of use for the interview and which are now not known to many people. have met the first astronaut, Yuri Gagarin, and have visited the club and residence and place of activities of Soviet astronauts near Moscow.
I have met Mrs. Sun Yatsen. It was Sun Yatsen who toppled, in 1911, the Chinese ruler of a mightly empire and brought about a republican form of government in China. I have been to Japan in August 1964, to participate in the memorial meetings and functions held in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, to commemorate the criminal dropping of atom bombs and also the victims of the atom bombs.
attended the international Conference of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Movement, held in 1961 at Bandung in Indonesia. attended the unveiling ceremony of the huge statue of President Nkrumah, made by a French sculptor at Wineeba in Ghana. I have met Yasser Arafat at an international Conference held in the 1970s at Aden, in support of the Palestinian freedom fighters. My wife and I had the opportunity to meet Chou En-lai, the Prime Minister of the Peoples Republic of China in the 1970s.
lattended the Non-aligned Summit Conference held in Colombo in 1976, as a delegate of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Movement of Cairo. I have met leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike from the 1930s onwards.
I am giving here a description of my book "Politics and life in Our Times". It is to be printed and published shortly. You might have already read about the book from my letters or from newspapers. In the first part of the book, there are 60 selected articles written by me on a wide range of subjects dealing with many aspects of national and international affairs, and studies on Hinduism, Buddhism and other world religions.

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44 Politics and Life in Our Times
These articles were written and published over a period of more then three decades, in different countries, in books, magazines and newspapers. The appendix, which is the second part of this book, written by National and International personalities, containing 120 articles and policy statements of the National political parties, supplements the main text in the first part of the book.
With the assistance given to me, by my friends and well wishers, both in Sri Lanka and abroad, and by searches made by me at the Colombo Public Library, Colombo Museum Library and the Sri Lanka National Archives, I have collected a good amount of useful material, which I have used to write this book.
The articles, speeches, reports and dissertations, given in this book, have been made and published in newspapers, magazines and books, as and when they were written or made. You find here history in the making and recorded as and when they were made by the chief actors of this century, in all the social, political and religious activities of these times.
Some of the writings are brief, and some are long, but all put together, they give a brief but complete picture of all the important happenings of this century, both National and international.
Please come and peruse the manuscript of the book, which is at my residence. However, if it is difficult for you to come to my residence, but you wish to have a description of the contents of the book, please remit Rs. 80/= if it is in Sri Lanka, and if it is outside Sri Lanka, please remit U. S. $10 (ten dollars) to cover air mail charges also.
I shall post you a booklet on the subject, containing over 30 large pages. This book, "Politics and Life in Our Times", is a rich treasure house of information, and can be used as a handbook or as a Thesaurus. It is possible, for any one interested in any particular Subject to get with ease the required information. It is a must, for every man and woman who wishes to be well informed. The book is illustrated with 50 photographs.

Introduction 45
If this book is to be published through a publishing firm, they would price the book at about Rs. 1,500/- per copy. It is estimated that the book will run to more than 1000 pages. To print 2000 copies of the book it would cost Rs. 400,000/= or more. I wish to price the book at about Rs. 125/= per copy, so that it would be possible for the average man to buy it.
To do this the cost of printing has to be borne by several well-wishers. This is a book that ought to be published, and a part of the monies needed for its printing has already been contributed by friends and well-wishers. Please contribute liberally to enable me to print the book at an early date. Please make your remittance payable to my name T. Duraisingam. Contributions received above the monies needed for the printing and publishing of the English edition of this book, will be utilized for the printing and publishing of the Sinhala and Tamil editions of the book.
Some friends do not wish to have their contributions or their names made known. I shall keep all contributions strictly confidential.
T. Duraisingam, 31, Wilson Street, Hulftdorp, Colombo 12, Sri Lanka.
T.P. No. 328687.
"The Island", September 20th, 1995.

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46
Politics and Life in Our Times
WHY YOU SHOULD BEA SOCIALIST 2
READ:
1. Compendium on Marxism-Leninism. - Price Rs. 20/-.
Contains 112 pages and 4 pages photos On art paper.
2. Communism (Tamil). - Price Rs. 10/-.
Contains 54 pages and 3 pages photos on art paper.
(Available at Book-shops)
3. The Marxist-Leninist Movement - Road to Socialism. Article by the author and given elsewhere in this book.
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BOOK OF REFERENCE AND INFORMATION
This book of reference and information, "Politics and Life in Our Times", is the result of intense and persistent study and research by the author, assisted by Outstanding personalities of different countries and continents with their literary contributions and advice, to whom he is greatly indebted, this during a period of over thirty years and prodigeously during the past seven years.

PART
WRITINGS OF THAMBIMUTTU DURAISINGAM

Page 33

CHAPTER 1
Revolutionary Upsurge in Asia
The Beginning of the Revolutionary Upsurge in Asia
The revolutionary upsurge in Asia in the early 20th century had a great significance for the working-class fight against capitalism in Europe. In reference to this Lenin wrote: "The Russian revolution was followed by revolutions in Turkey, Persia and China. It is in this era of storms and their "repercussions' in Europe that we are now living. ..... NO power on earth can restore the old serfdom in Asia or wipe out the heroic democracy of the masses in the Asiatic and semi-Asiatic Countries".
Lenin realised the importance of the Asian revolutions to the World revolutionary process, andmade a deep and comprehensive study of the historical development of and the economic and political situation in the Countries of Asia.
Asia was the cradle of many once prosperous and flourishing civilisations. In the 16th century profitable trade with Asian countries prompted European merchants to set up trading centres near the coasts of the Indian Ocean. As the Europeans roamed the world in their search for markets and profits, they turned their attention, with their insatiable desire for wealth, to these countries. This time saw the emergence of the Colonial policies of the European powers, colonialism with all its horrors: the enslavement of other nations, shameless plunder and exploitation of their riches. First the Spaniards and Portuguese, and then the English, gazed greedily at the newly discovered lands. The cruel and ruthless Spanish and Portuguese conquerors literally laid waste Central and South America; the English wiped out large numbers of the native population of North America and the Dutch penetrated SouthEast Asia.

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The Dutch at first lagged behind their English and Spanish rivals, but soon made up for lost time. Seventeenth century Holland is a classic example of an early Colonial power with a record of treachery, bribery, murder, cruelty and deceit. The Dutch colonialists sank so low as to kidnap men on the island of Celebes and sell them as slaves in Java, special kidnapping detachments being formed for the purpose. Merchants, pirates and plunderers were the main instigators of this human trade, while the native chiefs were the main suppliers of slaves.
The industrial and technological revolution which came about in the 18th and early 19th centuries in Great Britain and thereafter in other Countries of Europe gave the European powers a lead in the mass production of goods, machinery and armaments. The colonial system was able to accelerate the growth of trade and shipping. By deceit, by the use of superior arms and by mass terror, the European powers subjugated and brought under their control many of the countries of Asia. The trading monopolies were a powerful means of concentrating capital. The colonies ensured that industrial enterprises grew rapidly, since they provided them with reliable commodity markets. The monopoly of these markets led to intensified accumulation of capital. The fortunes acquired outside Europe by means of outright plunder, the enslavement of the native population and murder flowed into the coffers of these trading monopolies, serving to intensify the exploitation of the working people in the metropolitan countries, who were gradually being reduced to poverty in the process of primary accumulation.
The colonial system subjected the enslaved peoples to merciless exploitation. The colonialists made sure that the native people in their new possessions lived in poverty and ignorance, Convinced that the worse the living conditions of the colonial peoples, the smaller the wages they would need to pay for their labour. Thus the colonialists held back the industrial development of the colonies, forcing the native population to produce raw materials for European industry and then to buy the manufactured goods produced in the metropolitan country.

The Beginning of the Revolutionary Upsurge in Asia 51
in an article published in Iskra in December 1900 Lenin wrote: "This policy of plunder is usually called a colonial policy. Every country in which capitalist industry develops rapidly has very soon to seek Colonies, i.e., countries in which industry is Weakly developed, in which a more or less patriarchal way of life still prevails, and which can serve as a market for manufactured goods and a source of high profits. For the sake of the profit of a handful of capitalists, the bourgeois governments have waged endless wars, have sent regiments to die in unhealthy tropical countries, have squandered millions of money extracted from the people, and have driven the peoples in the colonies to desperate revolts or to death from starvation. We need only recall the rebellion of the native peoples against the British in India and the famine that prevailed there, or think of the war the English are now waging against the Boers".
By the turn of the century the seeds of the future national liberation mgvements had already been sown in the majority of the countries of Asia and North Africa. New forms of exploiting colonial and dependent countries not only involved more extensive exploitation of these countries' natural resources, but were also accompanied by the development of capitalist relations.
The export of capital, which distinguishes the imperialist stage of capitalist development, led to the building of industrial enterprises, plantations, mines, railways and roads, ports, etc. in Countries where limitless quantities of cheap raw material and labour were available. industrial growth increased the ranks of the Working class. In many Colonial countries its emergence preceded that of a local industrial bourgeoisie.
The workers, many of them former craftsmen ruined by the influx of European manufactured goods, were subjected to Cruel exploitation by their European employers and their numerous local overseers. The workers were almost all illiterate, generally maintained close contact with the villages they had come from, and remained very much under the Influence of medieval religious and caste traditions. The class Consciousness of these Workers was only at the formative stage, yet the appalling Conditions in which they lived and Worked gave rise to various spontaneous protests in demand of their basic economic rights.

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The monopolies held back the development of local industry, whose products failed to compete with the commodities sold by the advanced capitalist countries. In these circumstances the emergent local bourgeoisie was obliged to content itself with trading and smallscale industrial undertakings which did not require large-scale capital investment and were confined to the home market. The imperialists, who had a vested interest in retaining the colonial and dependent Countries as sources of agricultural produce and industrial raw materials, placed insuperable barriers in the path of industrialisation in these countries, that is, of the production of the means of production.
The main support for the imperialist powers in their colonies and in the nominally independent countries were the landowners and the compradors. The latter thrived as middlemen in the trade between the landowners and the foreign entrepreneurs. The fact that much of the land was concentrated in the hands of big landowners made it easy to exploit the peasants with little or no land of their own by means of crippling rents typical of the feudal era. The landowners robbed the peasants of most of their produce and showed no desire to introduce capitalist farming methods. Only for processing some industrial crops did the landowners and prosperous peasants employ hired labour at large industrial enterprises.
The peasantry became increasingly stratified. The bulk of the peasants were ruined, lost their holdings and because of their debts became the virtual slaves of powerful landowners.
The national bourgeoisie in the colonies and semi-colonies was also denied the opportunity to participate in administration and was subjected to constant discrimination. Political, administrative and legal powers were all in the hands of the colonialists and their henchmen in the reactionary circles of the local bourgeoisie. All these factors generated irreconcilable contradictions between the colonial peoples and the imperialists. And although local rulers were little more than obedient tools in the hands of foreign powers whose interests were served by maintaining the economic and political backwardness of the colonies and semi-colonies, not all the progressives there realised this dependence.

The Beginning of the Revolutionary Upsurge in Asia 53
By the beginning of the 20th century, in all countries of Asia the struggle against feudalism and the domination of foreign imperialists had become of paramount importance, and essential to independent national development. The local intelligentsia became the spokesmen for national interests.
Lenin evolved the strategy and tactics for national liberation revolutions and formulated scientific criteria for assessing bourgeois nationalism at different stages of the anti-colonialist liberation movement. Marxism-Leninism affirms that bourgeois nationalism, as the ideology of the bourgeois class, contradicts the interests of the proletariat, which is inherently internationalist. For this reason every proletarian party must necessarily define its attitude towards the specific manifestations of bourgeois nationalism in any given historical situation. Lenin repeatedly pointed out that in bourgeois Society nationalism is a historically inevitable phenomenon in ideology, and that from this standpoint Marxism recognises the historical legitimacy of national movements. Such recognition, he said, must strictly separate what is progressive in this phenomenon from the general trend of bourgeois ideology.
Marxism says it is absolutely essential to distinguish between a nationalism which helps the masses to become politically aware and serves the causes of the anti-imperialist movement, and a nationalism used by the bourgeoisie to Combat the proletariat and the revolutionary movement of the masses. As it supports, in specific Conditions, bourgeois-led national movements, the proletariat should always remember its own class interests and aims in its struggle.
Lenin's sympathy was invariably with the enslaved colonial and semi-colonial peoples. He hailed the rise of the great liberation struggle in Asia and Africa, emphasising that it stirred to political activity the millions who had been denied elementary rights and kept in a state of ignorance.
Lenin exposed the essence, objects and methods of the Colonialists and ridiculed their claims about the "civilising mission" of imperialism. Imperialism's "civilising mission" is nothing more than the derivation of profit from the people's blood and toil through brutal Colonial Wars.

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Lenin entitled one of his articles "Backward Europe and Advanced Asia", in which he wrote:
"The comparison sounds like a paradox......But the words taken for this title contain a bitter truth.
"In civilised and advanced Europe, with its highly developed machine industry, its rich, multi-form culture and its constitutions, a point in history has been reached when the commanding bourgeoisie, fearing the growth and increasing strength of the proletariat, comes out in support of everything backward, moribund and medieval. The bourgeoisie is living out its last days, and is joining with all obsolete and obsolescent forces in an attempt to preserve tottering wage slavery.
"Advanced Europe is commanded by a bourgeoisie which supports everything that is backward. The Europe of our day is advanced not thanks to, but in spite of the bourgeoisie, for it is only the proletariat that is adding to the million-strong army of fighters for a better future. It alone preserves and spreads implacable enmity towards backwardness, savagery, privilege, slavery and the humiliation of man by man.
"In 'advanced' Europe the sole advanced class is the proletariat. AS for the living bourgeoisie, it is prepared to go to any length of Savagery, brutality and Crime in order to uphold dying capitalist slavery.
"And a more striking example of this decay of the entire European bourgeoisie can scarcely be cited than the Support it is lending to reaction in Asia in furtherance of the selfish aims of the financial manipulators and capitalist swindlers".
The fact that colonial oppression greatly retarded the economic, political and cultural development of the Eastern Countries was eloquently demonstrated by Lenin. The imperialist powers are anxious to keep the people in a state of ignorance and withoutrights; their purpose is to preserve political and economic backwardness, monstrous forms of exploitation and medieval stagnation, as part of their battle against the young, virile, progressive and expanding movement of the peoples of the East.

The Beginning of the Revolutionary Upsurge in Asia 55
Lenin wrote that "the awakening of Asia and the beginning of the struggle for power by the advanced proletariat of Europe are a symbol of the new phase in World history that began early this century". By 1905 nationalist forces throughout Asia had united to fight against their colonialist oppressors. This was a reflection of the Worldwide revolutionary upsurge in the period following the defeat of the Russian autocracy in the war with Japan (1904-1905)-the first victory in modern times of an Asiatic power over a European power, which had profound repercussions in Asia.
in India the national liberation movement was headed by the Indian National Congress. The issue which intensified the struggle in India was the partition of Bengal, then the centre of political movements in India. On August 7, 1905, a boycott of foreign goods was proclaimed in protest at this partition, which aroused universal indignation. A rapid swing forward in the national movement followed.
The government resorted to repression. In 1907 the Seditious Meetings Act was passed, and in 1910 drastic press Censorship was introduced. "Extremist" leaders were deported without trial.
In 1908 Tilak, the man whom the government feared most, was sentenced to six years' imprisonment for an article published in his newspaper. His arrest led to a general strike of the Bombay textile workers-the Indian proletariat's first political action, which Lenin hailed at the time as a portent of the future. Most of the other leaders were either imprisoned or deported, or emigrated to escape trial. Between 1906 and 1909 as much as 550 political cases came up before the courts in Bengal alone; meetings were broken up; agrarian riots were ruthlessly suppressed in Punjab; school children were arrested for singing national Songs.
About the situation in India Lenin Wrote:
"In India lately, the native slaves of the 'civilised' British capitalists have been a source of worry to their 'masters'. There is no end to the acts of violence and plunder which goes under the name of the British system of government in India. Nowhere in the world-with the exception, of course, of Russia-will you find such abject mass poverty, such chronic starvation among the people. The most Liberal and Radical personalities of free Britain.... become regular Genghis Khans when

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appointed to govern India, and are capable of Sanctioning every means of 'pacifying' the population in their charge, evento the extent of flogging political protesters!.... But in India the street is beginning to stand up for its writers and political leaders. The infamous sentence pronounced by the British jackals on the Indian democrat Tilak-he was sentenced to a long term of exile, the question in the British House of Commons the other day revealing that the Indian jurors had declared for acquittal and that the verdict had been passed by the vote of the British jurorst- this revenge against a democrat by the lackeys of the money-bag evpked street demonstrations and a strike in Bombay. In India, too, the proletariat has already developed to Conscious political mass struggle... By their Colonial plunder of Asian Countries, the Europeans have succeeded in so steeling one of them, Japan, that she has gained great military victories, which have ensured her independent national development. There can be no doubt that the age-old plunder of India by the British, and the Contemporary struggle of all these 'advanced'Europeans against Persian and Indian democracy, will steel millions, tens of millions of proletarians in Asia to wage a struggle against their oppressors which will be just as victorious as that of the Japanese. The class-conscious European Worker now has Comrades in Asia, and their number will grow by leaps and bounds".
in China the Europeanpowers had secured a privileged position for themselves. They had compelled the Chinese government to lease important sea ports for a period of 99 years, and had divided the country into ZOnes of influence. Manchuria thus became a Russian Zone, the ten Central and southern provinces came under the sway of Britain, Shandong became a German zone of influence, etc. Imperialist depredation led to Crippling taxes, impoverishment of the peasants and artisans and general economic dislocation. The chief demand of the anti-imperialist movement, therefore, was the expulsion of foreigners.
In June 1900 large insurgent detachments entered Peking and forced the imperial government to declare war on the foreign powers. The latter sent an army of 60,000 against the insurgents and the uprising was suppressed with the utmost brutality. Whole towns were razed to the ground, priceless monuments destroyed and much of the Country's wealth plundered.

The Beginning of the Revolutionary Upsurge in Asia 57
In September 1901 the Peking government was forced to sign a protocol committing itself to the payment of a huge indemnity, the stationing of foreign troops in China, the presence of a foreign legation in Peking, etc. The protocol made China virtually a semi-colony.
Lenin wrote about this spoliation of China: "One after another the European governments began feverishly to loot, or as they put it, to "rent", Chinese territory, giving good grounds for the talk of the partition of China. If we are to call things by their right names, we must say that the European governments (the Russian government among the very first) have already started to partition China. However, they have not begun this partitioning openly, but stealthily, like thieves. They began to rob China as ghouls rob corpses, and when the seeming Corpse attempted to resist, they flung themselves upon it like savage beasts, burning down whole villages, shooting, bayonetting, and drowning in the Amur River unarmed inhabitants, their wives, and their children".
Lenin characterised the colonial policy of the imperialist powers thus:
"Finance capital.... is capable of subjecting, and actually does subject, to itself even states enjoying the fullest political independence; Of course, finance capital finds most 'convenient', and derives the greatest profit from, a form of subjection which involves the loss of the political independence of the subjected countries and peoples. In this respect, the semi-colonial countries provide a typical example of the 'middle stage'. It is natural that the struggle for these semi-dependent countries should have become particularly bitter in the epoch of finance Capital, when the rest of the World has already been divided up".
Lenin ranked Iran, a feudal agrarian state with vast oil deposits and a good strategic position, among the semi-colonial Countries, the struggle over which became particularly bitter in the early 20th century. Lenin repeatedly referred to Iran as a hotbed of contradictions between the imperialist states in the Middle East. Here the interests of Britain, Germany, the United States and Tsarist Russia clashed in those Countries' fight for raw material sources, capital investment spheres and monopoly profits.

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Britain and Tsarist Russia had the strongest hold on the country, where they had oil, telegraph, road-building and other major concessions, and were in control of the country's finances, binding it with numerous loans. By the start of the First World War, Iran's debts to Britain and Russia amounted to nearly seven million pounds sterling-an enormous figure in those days.
Lenin followed the Iranian people's anti-imperialist and antifeudal struggle with close attention. He strongly supported the Iranian revolution of 1905-1911, which had been sparked off by the 1905-1907 revolution in Russia. ·
Lenin saw the Iranian revolution of 1905-1911 as a sign that the Iranian people were awakening to political life and to the struggle for democracy and national independence. He believed that Iran, like the whole of Asia, had entered the age of bourgeois-democratic national liberation movements. In his work "The Right of Nations to SelfDetermination" Lenin Wrote:
"In Eastern Europe and Asia the period of bourgeois-democratic revolutions did not begin until 1905. The revolutions in Russia, Persia, Turkey and China, the Balkan wars- such is the chain of world events of our period in our 'Orient'. And only a blind man could fail to see in this chain of events the awakening of a whole series of bourgeoisdemocratic national movements which strive to create nationally independent and nationally uniform states".
Lenin was always able to reveal the deep-going roots of events and the underlying motivations of classes, parties and governments. He could disclose the class interests behind their grandiloquent declarations. Thus he could invariably bring out the truth.
Courtesy: "Lenin and Asia", Moscow, 1983.

The impact of the October Revolution on the Asian Peoples
The Great October Socialist Revolution ushered in a new era in the history of mankind-the era of socialism. It inaugurated the age of the liberation of the peoples from colonial oppression, and blazed the ways to victorious national liberation revolutions. It was an inspiration to the peoples of Asia as they began their struggle for emancipation from tribalism and feudalism, from colonialism and imperialism.
Lenin remained Convinced that hundreds of millions of the Asian Working people would soon come to the fore on the historical scene. He wrote in 1922: "But the morrow of world history will be a day when the awakening peoples oppressed by imperialism are finally aroused and the decisive, long and hard struggle for their liberation begins".
News of the revolution in Russia first reached China when Sun Yatseng and his revolutionary democratic followers were experiencing doubts about their chosen road. Their plans for China's national revival had repeatedly failed and there was a growing threat that China would disintegrate into military-feudal estates. Sun Yatseng and his Kuomintang group were looking for the Surest way to unite the Country, win national independence, and ensure conditions for economic development.
The October Revolution heartened him and fortified his resolution to go on fighting. He said that the success of the Russian revolution has brought fresh hope to mankind. He tried to understand the reasons behind the Russian revolutionaries' success, and to draw as much useful knowledge as possible from their experience. As he studied the events in Russia, and the theory and practice of Leninism, he came to reappraise his own long-established ideas - a complicated and Contradictory process, for he was already a mature thinker and politician, with his own views on his country's further development and With his OWn SOcial ideals.

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Sun Yatseng started to correspond with Lenin and other leaders of the Russian revolution. In 1921, in a letter to the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Georgi Chicherin, Sun Yatseng wrote: "I would like to meet you personally, you and my other friends in Moscow. I take a great interest in your affairs, especially the organisation of your Soviet, your Army and your education system... Just as Moscow has done, I would like to lay the groundwork for a Chinese Republic deep in the minds of the young generation - the working people of the days to come.
"With best regards to you and my friend Lenin, and to all who have done so much in the cause of mankind's freedom".
Lenin and the October Socialist Revolution were a source of inspiration and guidance for the Vietnamese people. Le Duan, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam, Wrote of the October Revolution:
"A fundamental turning-point for the whole of mankind, the October Revolution placed the working class in the central position it holds in our times, awakened the broad masses of toiling people and oppressed and exploited nations, who then rose to struggle for class liberation, national independence, freedom, human dignity and the right to be masters of their own destiny.
"Vietnam, then under imperialist and feudal domination, was among these nations. The national liberation movement in Vietnam was facing a deep crisis as to political direction and there seemed no way out. Marxism-Leninism, the most revolutionary ideology of our times, was carried by the winds of October to this burning land, where it merged with the workers' movement and the traditional patriotic movement. It led to the founding of the Communist Party of Vietnam and fanned the great revolutionary flame of the workers' and peasants' movement in 1930-1931, marking a Crucial turningpoint in the history of the Vietnamese nation's liberation struggle".
Ho Chi Minh has pointed out that "Lenin was the first to understand and emphasise the full importance of a correct solution to the colonial question as part of the world revolutionary process... Lenin was the first to realise and assess the full importance of drawing

The impact of the October Revolution on the Asian Peoples 61
the colonial peoples into the revolutionary movement....With his inherent perspicacity, Lenin understood that in order to foster the class Consciousness of the Colonial peoples it was necessary to know how to take full advantage of the national liberation movement which was gaining ground in these countries. He realised that the support of the world proletariat for this movement would give us a new strong ally in the struggle for socialist revolution".
The Russian revolution rolled like a wave of inspiration among the radical section of the people of Sri Lanka as marking the end of the Tsarist regime.
In 1918 Valentine S. Perera, one of the leaders of the Young Lanka League, pointed out in the book A Vision of the Future that "Russia will emerge into public notice now that the Russians have recognised the real stability of a government of the people, by the people, for the people."
Pioneer leaders of the national movement like Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam, acknowledged the new situation Created by the victory of the October 1917 Revolution led by Lenin for the freedom movement in Sri Lanka. For this he was attacked in the local newspapers, then controlled by the British colonialists, who blamed him for "drifting into Bolshevism". Sir Ponnambalam's reply was: "We are in very good company".
A. E. Goonasinha, the founder of the trade union movement in Sri Lanka and, for ten years beginning with 1922, the organiser and leader of the urban working-class movement, was greatly influenced by Lenin and the October Revolution. In his weekly paper Kamkaru Handa (Workers' Voice) he wrote several articles about Lenin and his achievements. In 1925 he wrote the following in the paper:
"Lenin is a great hero, who liberated the people of Russia from imperialism. He was an outstanding personality who displayed exceptional talent in establishing in 1917 the Bolshevist Russian Republic, a new form of government. All his undertakings were Crowned with SuCCess".

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By the beginning of the 1930s Goonasinha had lost his earlier revolutionary spirit, under the influence of the leaders of the reformist British Trade Union Congress. The leadership of the working-class movement thereafter went to the Marxist-Leninist parties, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and the Communist Party.
In India the Bengali poet Rabindranath Tagore, the Malayali poet Vallathol, the Tamil poet Subramaniya Bharathi, the Urdu poet Mohamed lobal and others composed songs in celebration of the revolutionary changes in Soviet Russia. The then leaders of India attributed great significance to the October Revolution. "I had no doubt", wrote Jawaharlal Nehru in his book The Discovery of India, "that the Soviet Revolution had advanced human society by a great leap and had lit a bright flame which could not be smothered and that it had laid the foundations for that new civilisation towards which the World Could advance".
Rabindranath Tagore admired this new civilisation and Contrasted it with conditions in his own country. In his dying message he referred to the "unsparing energy with which Russia has tried to fight disease and illiteracy, and has succeeded in steadily eliminating ignorance and poverty, wiping clean the face of a vast continent from humiliation. Her civilisation is free from all distinctions between One class and other, between one sect and another. Herrapid and astounding progreSS has made me happy and jealous at the same time... When See elsewhere some 200 nationalities - which only a few years ago were at vastly different stages of development - marching ahead in peaceful progress and amity, and when I look about my own country and See a very highly evolved and intellectual people drifting into chaos and barbarity, I cannot help contrasting the two systems of government, one based on cooperation, the other on exploitation, which have made such contrary conditions possible".
The October Revolution, which had inscribed on its banner the right of nations to self-determination, which had, in fact, embodied this principle by liberating the oppressed nationalities of the Tsarist empire, had a tremendous impact on the Indian situation. The Montagu Report on Indian Constitutional Reforms, published in 1918, clearly admitted:

The Impact of the October Revolution on the Asian Peoples 63
"The revolution in Russia was regarded in India as a triumph Over despotism. It has given an impetus to Indian political aspirations.
"The people in the villages heard of events in far-off Russia from the soldiers returning from various fronts in Europe and the Middle East after the end of the war. This was true of many villages in Northern India, particularly in the Punjab, where the bulk of the Indian Army was recruited".
Indeed, this was one very important reason why the postwar upsurge in the liberation movement began in the Punjab, and later spread to the whole country.
The enormous influence of the October Revolution made itself felt in distant Indonesia. Dr. Sukarno, first President of the Indonesian Republic, noted that after the victory of the October Revolution in Russia the struggle of the peoples of Asia for their national independence and against the oppression of the usurpers flared up anew. This struggle became more organised and purposeful.
The development of the national liberation struggle showed how profoundly the October Revolution had influenced the oppressed nations of the World, and marked the beginning of the collapse of the colonial system of imperialism.
Courtesy : "Lenin and Asia", Moscow, 1983.

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1911 and Thereafter
The year 1911 is an important landmark for the author of this book and in the political history of Sri Lanka and that of the World.
The first ever elections for the selection of members to the legislature of Sri Lanka was held in 1911. It was then called the Legislative Council. Even before 1911, that is since 1832, the Legislative Council existed, but the Ternbers were all nominated by the Governor. The new Legislative Council consisted of 21 members, of Whom 11 were officials, thus forming a majority. Of the ten unofficials, four were elected, while the remaining six Were nominated by the G0Vernor, to represent the various communities. The four elected members represented, one European Lurbanı, come Europeanı Tural, One? Burgher, and one "Educated Ceylonese" seat. Of the six nominated members, two were nominated to represent the low Country Sinhalese, one the Kandyan Sinhalese, two the Tamils and one the Muslims. Upto this time, the nominated Sinhalese and Tanil members, belonged to the Gogama and Wellala castes. People belonging to these castes, Were in a dominant position in society. But steadily, those belonging to the Karawa and other castes, had grown in Wealth and influence. This Was reflected in the fact, that the second Sinhalese and Tamil Seats, Were given to members of the Karawa and other castes.
The Educated Ceylonese seat was hotly contested. The electorate was the Whole country, but the franchise was limited to the educated Ceylonese. The two contestants were eminent and distinguished persons - Dr. H. M. Fernando and Sir P. Ramanathan. The election campaign was carried on for a period of Over twelve months, and the election fewer spread overseas to Ceylonese residents abroad, They held meetings, and the newspapers took active sides and Wrote articles and editorials in support of their candidate. At the poll, Sir. P. Ramanathan Won the Educated Ceylonese Seat,
The secret ballot system in Municipal elections, was for the first time introduced in Sri Lanka in 1911.

65
1911 ало! ТІЛагдаfїаг
A delegation of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka attended the 85th Anniversary Celebrations of the AuthƆf ŋƆŋ. Ɔ1.1D. 1995, L.-R.; S. Sudasinghe (Organising Secretary), S. Kandasarily (Treasurer), Raja Collure
(General Secretary), T. Duraisingam (Chairman, Central Control Commission of the C. P. S. L.).

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66 Politics and Life in Our Tinnes
With the beginning of this century, the conquest of the air began. This has revolutionisedman's political and economic life. The first plane to fly in Sri Lanka was in 1911. Herr Oster, on 30.12.1911, made the first aerial flight in his monoplane at the Havelock Racecourse, Colombo. The public were invited to view the flight, and admission to the racecourse was on payment. Herr Oster's flight in his plane had a disastrous end. The airman, after rising about thirty or forty feet, was caught by a strong gust of wind, and his machine was hurled to the ground and badly damaged. Herr Oster, however, escaped without injuries.
Important political changes took place in England during this period. The Parliament Act of 1911, made the House of Lords Subordinate to the House of Commons. The Parliament Consists of two Houses, the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The members of the House of Lords are not elected, but in the main consist of Hereditary Peers and Life Peers. The House of Commons consisted of elected members, then on a limited franchise, but now consists of members elected by direct universal manhood franchise, in single member COnStituenCieS.
Several centuries back, the House of Lords was much more powerful, the Commons being merely asked for their assent, which was usually taken for granted, but gradually the Commons made themselves equal to the Lords. But a great change was brought over by the Parliament Act of 1911, which made the House of Lords subordinate to the House of Commons. The Lords is now a revising chamber only. It can delay the passing of a bill for some time, but that is all.
King George V was crowned in Delhi as Emperor of India in 1911.
For the welfare and progress of a modern state, the development of heavy industry is essential. It was in 1911, that Jamshedji Tata laid the foundations of heavy industry in India, by starting steel and iron Works in a place, which subsequently was named Jamshedpur. The building up of modern industry had a beneficial side effect, in that in places like Jamshedpur, where work is done under modern Conditions, men of all castes and races work side by side in the mill, without any misgivings regarding the caste of their neighbours. Karl Marx, writing about the "Future Results of British Rule in India", stated:

1911 and Thereafter 67
"Modern industry will dissolve the hereditary divisions of labour, upon which rest the Indian castes, decisive impediments to Indian progress and Indian power."
it was in 1911, that Sun Yat-sen, after a revolution, became the First President of the Republic of China. He was born in 1867 at HongSan, Kwantung Province, China, and was the son of a Christian convert. He organised a revolutionary party in 1893, and after many desperate attempts, overthrew the mighty empire of the Manchu dynasty, which had ruled China for 300 years. He took every effort to establish a democratic form of government, and to put China on a new economic foundation. He died in Peking on March 12, 1925.
The most important writings of Dr. Sun Yat-sen are: Plans for National Reconstruction, Fundamentals of National Reconstruction and The Three Principles of the People.
There were many Chinese in Malaysia where the winds of change in China in 1911, and their repercussions were felt among the Chinese residents here. I was born in Malaysia on 1st October, 1911, in these Circumstances.
H. H. Swami Sivananda Saraswathi, the founder of the international organisation, Divine Life Society, was born on September 8, 1887, in Pattamadai, South India, and was given the name Kuppuswamy by his parents. After studying medicine in Tanjore, he left for Malaya in 1911. For several years Dr. Kuppuswamy ministered to the sick on the rubber plantations of Malaya. In 1923 he renounced his lucrative medical practice and turning away from a secular life, he returned to India. Here he met Swami Viswananda, who initiated him into the Paramahamsa Sannyasa order, giving him the monastic name of Swami Sivananda Saraswati. On July 14, 1963, the master reached the end of his life and attained Maha-Samadhi.
The Divine Life Society embodies the common fundamental principles of all the religions of the World. It spreads the message of Divine virtues-right conduct, selfless service, universal brotherhood, spiritual unity, and unity of life as a whole.
Colombo, 1st October, 1991.

Page 43
Lenin's Influence On the Political Life of the People of Sri Lanka
Lenin's influence on the political life of the people of Sri Lanka, commenced from practically the beginning of this century and has Consistently grown up to present times.
The Russian Revolution of 1905, in which Lenin took a leading part, has played the same great part in the life of the Asiatic peoples as the French Revolution had formerly played in European countries. Lenin himself speaking on the 1905 Revolution stated:
"Geographically, economically and historically, Russia belongs not only to Europe, but also to Asia. That is why the Russian revolution succeeded not only in finally awakening Europe's biggest and most backward Country and in Creating a revolutionary people led by a revolutionary proletariat.
"It achieved more than that. The Russian revolution engendered a movement throughout the whole of Asia. The revolutions in Turkey, Persia and China prove that the mighty uprising of 1905 left a deep imprint, and that its influence, expressed in the forward movement of hundreds and hundreds of millions, is
ineradicable".
Sri Lanka came under British rule in 1815 and for nearly a century there was no form of popular restraint On the autocratic rule of the British Governor. There was a legislative council to advise him, but this consisted of official members and a few non-official members, who were all appointed by the Governor himself. There were no elected members and the Governor, of course, did not have to follow the advice of this legislative council.

Lenin's influence on the Political Life of the People of Sri Lanka 69
During the years following 1905, there was agitation in the Country demanding reforms to the Legislative Council and to grant increased powers to it, and that the unofficial members should be elected by the people. As a result of this agitation the first ever elections to the Legislative Council was held in 1911.
The beginning of the modern national movement in Sri Lanka Coincided, in point of time, with the Great October Revolution led by Lenin. The first conference on Constitutional Reform took place on December 15, 1917, five weeks after the October Revolution. The British owned "Times of Ceylon" accused these nationalist leaders of "drifting into Bolshevism". The comment to this by Ponnambalam Arunachalam, who in 1919 was one of the founders of the Ceylon National Congress, was that "we are in very good company".
The October Revolution and the developments in the Soviet Union were followed by the radical section of the people of Sri Lanka with keen interest. Valentine S. Perera, one of the leading members of the Young Lanka League, writing in July 1918 on "A Vision of the Future", stated that Russia would "emerge into public notice, now that the Russians have recognised the veritable stability of a government of the people, by the people, for the people".
A few years later, the "Young Lanka" editorially commenting on world events stated: "The world today is in a state of great transition. Stirring events are taking place in every country-events fraught with the greatest consequence. The cosmic tides of Democracy are stalking through every land, hurtling down those institutions that for centuries remained the impregnable fortress of brutal tyrants and heartless autocrats. Czardom that for ages manacled human liberty has vanished from unhappy Russia, with the heralding of the dawn of a better day.
"Tamil, Mohammedan and Sinhalese, sons of a common Mother, let us unite for a common cause, a common purpose, unite to establish the Freedom of this ancient land".

Page 44
FO) POW's:55, il seg i'r PLF" / "7" EPS
Wladimir Ilyich Lenin (22.4. 1870 - 21, 1.1924)
 

THHLLTLGLC C0 CC CLLLLLLSSYTLu L HLO LLuCCML L LaLLLML 71
Lenin and the October Revolution showed the way to the fulfilment of the aspirations of the Working people of all countries and Continents by their consistent struggle for peace, by the institution of democratic freedoms, the implementation of the right of nations to self determination, the transfer of the land to the peasants and the nationalisation of the basic means of production.
In the early twenties the first effective Workers' trade unions Were formed under the leadership of A.E. Goonasinha. He was greatly influenced by Lenin and the Soviet Union. In his newspaper "Kamkaru wa" (The Worker) appeared articles by him on the life and Work of Lenin, During this period Goonas inha was the acknowledged leader and champion of the working class of Sri Lanka.
However, after 1929, he came under the influence of the Labour Party of Great Britain and began to adopt their methods of work. He lost his fighting spirit and began to more or less Collaborate with the employers. Thus began the decline of the hold that Goolasimha had on the workers, and the rise of the influence of the Marxists on the Working class movement of Sri Lanka.
In the early thirties progressive youth leagues were formed in Various parts of the country, Among the activists in these youth leagues were those who believed that the problems then besetting the country, due to the severe World economic crises which set in at that time, and the sufferings due to the strangle hold of British imperialism, could only be solved by the way shown by Lenin.
These youth leagues organised the Workers and led them in their strikes, demanding higher wages and better conditions of work. In Order that they may function more effectively, the socialist members of these youth leagues formed themselves, in December 1935, into a political party called the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (Lanka Socialist Party),

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72 Politics and Life in Our Times
Among the original members of this Party were Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Dr. N. M. Perera, M. G. Mendis, Leslie Goonewardene, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva and T. Duraisingam.
The Party published two weekly newspapers in the two national languages of the country, namely "Sama Samajaya" in Sinhalese and "Samatharmam" in Tamil. These newspapers published, in addition to local news, articles on Lenin, about life and developments in the Soviet Union and also theoretical articles On Marxism-Leninism.
In 1940 some of the leading members of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, came under the disruptive influence of Trotskyism and the Party split into two. Those who supported the Soviet Union and followed correct Marxism-Leninism principles formed themselves with some other true socialists into a new party, called the United Socialist Party. Its weekly organ was the "United Socialist". Among the founder members of this Party were Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Pieter Keuneman, P. Sanker, M. G. Mendis, K. Ramanathan, A. Vaidialingam, D. P. Yasodis and T. Duraisingam. A few months after this Party was formed, it was banned by the then rulers, the British Government, and thereafter the members had to function underground.
in 1942 the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union was formed. Through its journal, the "Lanka Soviet Journal" and also by photo exhibitions and public meetings organised by this association, the people of Sri Lanka became acquainted with the achievements and military might of the Soviet Union, and came to know about its founder and its leader Lenin. A number of books by Lenin have been published in Sri Lanka. The first book published here was Lenin's "Teachings of Karl Marx". This book was published, in 1944, together with the "Foundations of Leninism" by Stalin in one volume entitled "Teachings of Marx and Lenin" by M/s. Mohan & Bhatt.

Lenin's Influence on the Political Life of the People of Sri Lanka 73
In 1943 the Communists, who were working underground as members of the banned United Socialist Party, considered that the political situation was ripe enough for them to come out and work openly. Great Britain and the Soviet Union were, as allies, fighting Hitler fascism. Hence, at that time, the attitude of the British Government towards the communists was less antagonistic than before.
At a general meeting of the members of the United Socialist Party, held in July 1943, it was decided to form the Communist Party. On 3rd July 1943 the Communist Party of Sri Lanka was founded, and since then has been working according to the principles of MarxismLeninism and in fraternal friendship with Lenin's party, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and with other communist parties.
The Ceylon Federation of Trade Unions, which works in close co-operation with the Communist Party, is affiliated to the World Federation of Trade Unions and has cordial and friendly relationship With the Soviet trade unions.
From 1970 to the end of 1976, the Communist Party was a constituent member of the United Front Government. During this period the Communist Party of Sri Lanka was instrumental in bringing about many progressive legislation, including the limitation on ownership of houses and that of agricultural land. Unfortunately, due to the disruptive actions of the right wing in the United Front, the Communist Party had to leave the United Front Government.
The reverses sustained by the Left in last year's general elections and the present political and economic situation in the country, have made many people to sit up and think. This may possibly lead to the regrouping of the progressive forces, and to the establishment of a truly socialist government as set down by Lenin.
Colombo, April 1978.

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74 Pi; ārī Li ČL" 5
 

The Right of Peoples to Independent State Existence
The Great October Socialist Revolution brought the World's first government of workers and peasants to power in Russia in 1917, and though the significance of this event was not fully realised by those who lived during those times, yet subsequent events in the following decades hawe demonstrated, for all to See, the fa r-reaching Changes brought about in all parts of the World by this event, and the impact it has had on human history.
Mankind, which for Centuries had sought after peace, found the Soviet Union to be a bulwark of peace. "Peace to the Nations", Was inscribed on the banner of the Great October Socialist Revolution. The Leninist foreign policy of the Soviet Government, is based on the steadfast desire for a just and democratic peace, Soviet foreign policy has followed a consistent road from Lenin's Decree on Peace in 1917, to the programme of further struggle for peace and international Cooperation put forward by the 25th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1976, and thereafter to the recent Soviet peace Initiatives announced by Comľade Breznev im Berlin.
The first digo:Teae of the Sowiat State, SOOT Efter it Wa S form Edin 1917, was the Decree on Peace which called upon "all the belligerent peoples and their governments, to start immediate negotiations for a just, democratic peace. By a just or democratic peace, for which the overwhelming majority of the Working class and other Working people of all the belligerent countries, exhausted, tormented and rocked by the War, are crawing, a peace that has been most definitely and insistently demanded by the Russian Workers and peasants, ever since the overthrow of the Tsarist monarchy, by such a peace the government means an immediate peace without annexation, (i.e., Without the Seizure of foreign lands, without the forcible incorporation of foreign nations) and With OLtif de Tities",

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76 Politics and Life in Our Times
This decree was a call for a just peace, which if adopted by the nations of those days, would have ended all conflicts and would have brought about a peace lasting for all times. Following Lenin's Peace Policy, comrade Breznev, in his speech made at the celebration meeting held in Berlin in October this year, on the 30th anniversary of the G.D.R., has announced the unilateral withdrawal of Soviet troops and arms from the G.D.R. He said that "upto 20,000 Soviet servicemen, a thousand tanks and also a certain amount of other military hardware, will be withdrawn from the territory of the German Democratic Republic in the course of the next twelve months". This gesture, if responded to by the West, in a similar reduction of troops and arms, would help in the further consolidation of detente in Europe and in the world.
The establishment of Soviet power in Russia, made the colonial and semi-colonial nations an active factor in World politics, and the revolutionary destruction of imperialism. At the time of the revolution, in 1917, most of the Countries in Asia were either colonies or semi-colonies of one or another of the imperialist powers. Tsarist Russia had an empire spread out towards the east, being a vast expanse of land on the northern part of Asia, where various peoples and nations lived in subjection, poverty and ignorance. It bordered on Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, China, Mongolia and Korea. Thus the events taking place during and after the revolution in the territories of Russia, SOOn Crossed the borders and became known to the people living in the other parts of Asia. Lenin and the Bolshevik Party were opposed to the old world of social and national oppression. The Communists placed the right of nations to selfdetermination, and the right of peoples to independent state existence, at the foundation of its policy on the nationalities problem, and put it into practice in their relations with Russia's former Colonies.
The example of the Soviet Union, gave a mighty impulse to the revolutionary and national liberation movements. National movements arose and became active, soon after the October Revolution in Egypt, Turkey, India and China. In Sri Lanka too, the first conference on constitutional reforms took place, just five weeks after the victory of the October Revolution. A section of the Press described this as "drifting

The Right of Peoples to Independent State Existence 77
into Bolshevism". Sir. P. Arunachalam, one of Sri Lanka's pioneer nationalist leaders, replied to this by saying that "We are in very good company". Two years later, in 1919, on the initiative of Sir P. Arunachalam and some other leaders, the Ceylon National Congress was formed.
The Ceylon Workers' Federation was also formed during this period, and this organisation too, which was under the leadership of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam, Martinus C. Perera and others, was a middle class organisation which agitated for the betterment of the workers. It was, however, not a federation of trade unions as the name would seem to imply.
With the birth of the organised working class movement in Sri Lanka, in the early 1920s, Lenin's ideas began to influence developments in a more decisive way. In September 1925, the first Workers' newspaper called "Kamkaru Handa" (Workers Voice), run by the Ceylon Labour Union led by the pioneer labour leader, A. E. Goonasinha, carried two biographical articles on Lenin, under the title "The brave leader who brought liberty to the Russians". In these articles, Lenin was highly praised as a champion of the oppressed classes, to be admired for his "manly lion-like qualities and strong personality".
The "Kamkaru Handa" also Wrote that "Lenin revealed how the world war was begun by the powerful nations, which wanted to loot the wealth of the weak nations, and by the rich, who wanted to grab the possessions of the poor".
In the early 1930s, A. E. Goonasinha adopted the methods of work of the British right-wing labour leaders. From being a fighting champion and staunch leader of the working class movement, he became a "respectable" reformist trade unionist. Goonasinha lost his influence among the working class from this period onwards, and it was in the new generation of educated young men, that the workers placed their faith in. These young men were avowed students of MarxismLeninism and they replaced the earlier leadership of the Working class movement by the All-Ceylon Trade Union Congress and its leader, A.E. GOOnasinha. Thus it was the October Revolution that influenced, in great measure, the trade union movement in Sri Lanka.

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7B POloft:5 al Co Life FFT (JLF | 7755
The October Revolution put an end to the inferior status of women. It was the Soviet Union, which first gaWe Worther equality of status with Then in all respects. And this was in a country where women had few rights, and especially in the Soviet East, where women were not allowed even to come Out of their homes, unless their heads, faces and bodies were fully covered. Now they go about in fu|| Freedom, Without their faCeSCO Wered.
Even today, Women in many Countries occupy a lower status in society, even though the law may provide equality of Status to them. But in the Sowiet Union, Women do OCC upy in fact equality of status in Occupations or in the legislature. This is guaranteed by article 35 of the Soviet Constitution, which States:
"Women and men hawe equal rights in the USSR.
"Exercise of these rights is ensured by according Women equal access with men to education and Vocational and professional training, equal opportunities in employment, remuneration and promotion, and in social and political and cultura | activity, and by special labour and health protection measures for Women; by providing conditions enabling mothers to work; by legal protection, and material and moral support for mothers and children, including paid leaves and other benefits for expectant mothers and mothers, and gradual reduction of Working time for
TOthers With Stall childre".
The United Nations resolution declaring 1979 the International Year of the Child, has the full support of the government and people of the Soviet Union. They hope that the Various actions connected with it, will help make the rights of the child, as laid down in the UN Declaration, a reality in all countries of the World. The October Socialist Revolution, made children's rights become part of the Written law, and also to become a part of reality,

HT LT aL LCCOCCLOL LH GHLtLLOCCCOCaLLL aLta LLtLLCGL 79
At the Main Gata of the High Gate Certietry, on their way to the grave of Karl Marx or 12th August, 1989. L-R.: K. P. Silwa, Chandrika Banda Tanaike KLIFTYaraturiga and Peter Jayasakarā.

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80 Politics and Life in Our Times
It is in a happy family, that a child can grow up in good health, happiness and security. The Soviet state encourages the flowering forth of happy families, by its laws and by the facilities it provides. Article 53 of the Soviet Constitution states:
"The family enjoys the protection of the state.
"Marriage is based on the free consent of the woman and the man; spouses are completely equal in their family relations.
"The state helps the family, by providing and developing a broad system of child care institutions, by organising and improving communal services and public catering, bypaying grants on the birth of a child, byproviding children's allowances and benefits for large families, and other forms of family allowances and assistance".
The October Revolution had shown not only political results, but also material results. It not only smashed the fetters of capitalism and brought the people freedom, but also succeeded in creating the material Conditions of a prosperous life for the people. It has shown the way to the finest cause in the world - the fight for the liberation of mankind.
Colombo, 31st October, 1979.

CHAPTER 2
The Birth and Growth of the Progressive Movement
The Jaffna Students' Congress and the Birth of the Progressive Movement
(This article gives a historical sketch of the progressive movement of Sri Lanka. The author Who was a member of the executive committee of the Students' Congress, Jaffna, sets Out here the political atmosphere during the early 1920s and describes the setting for the birth of the progressive movement.)
The radical youth movement of Sri Lanka was born fifty years ago, that is in 1924. It may be useful to note the background in which this movement came into being and developed during the 1920s, to understand what great changes it has brought about in the political life of this country.
During the period prior to the 1920s all the politicians of the time avowed loyalty to the British Crown. The memorials sent to England to the Secretary of State for the Colonies by the then politicians, the deputations that were sent to the Colonial Office in London and the protests, requests and prayers made by them for some share in the government of the country from British imperialism, was done with professions of loyalty to the British Crown. These activities were however limited to the English educated and wealthy few. The mass of the people had no share in it.
The political set up of the legislature of those times was based on communal representation. In 1920 the Legislative Council consisted of twenty two members - eleven British officials, ten unofficials, and the Governor functioned as President having an original and a Casting vote. Out of the ten unofficial seats nine were based on the Communal principle-two seats each for the Europeans, Low-country Sinhalese and Tamils and one each for the Kandyan Sinhalese, Muslims and Burghers. The tenth unofficial seat - the Educated Ceylonese seatwas the only seat not based on the communal principle and Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan was elected to it.

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82 Politics and Life in Our Times
The agitation for political reforms also included the demands to improve the number of seats in the legislature in favour of one's own community or group. However in the years 1917 to 1921 the leadership in the agitation for constitutional reform was in the able hands of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam. With his personal prestige and political vision he reconciled the conflicting claims of advocates of territorial representation and of those who stood in defence of sectional interests and brought them together in one political organization. This organization, the Ceylon National Congress, was formed in 1919 and was built on the twin principles of Communal harmony and national unity. The aims and objects of the Congress was not National independence-this was in keeping with the politics of those days - but "to secure for the people of Ceylon responsible Governments and the status of a self-governing member of the British Empire".
But With the introduction of the new Constitutions in 1920 and 1923-4, the Ceylon National Congress was torn apart by personal conflicts and communal wrangling and its ranks got depleted until, in the main, only its low-country Sinhalese activities remained.
Arunachalam left the Congress and the Tamils established the Tamil Mahajana Sabhai in August 1921 to give expression to their demands as a minority community.
After the elections of 1924 prominent Kandyan members of the Congress like Dr. T. B. Kobbekaduwa, A. F. Molamure and P. B. Ratnayake left the Congress and joined in the demand that the Kandyan race should have separate representation in the Legislative Council and that their entity as a separate and distinct community should be recognized and maintained. The Kandyans formed the Kandyan National Assembly in opposition to the Congress and put forward the demand for the creation of a federal state in Ceylon, with regional autonomy for the Kandyans.

The Jaffna Students' Congress and the Birth of the Progressive Movement 83
The radicals in the National Congress, who were associated with A. E. Goonesinha, gave leadership to the working class struggles of that period. But the Congress leaders were perturbed at the militancy of the labour movement and looked upon Goonesinha as a trouble maker and did not end him any support during the general strike of 1923. From 1923 onwards Goonesinha and the radicals in the Congress agitated for universal adult franchise, whereas the Congress leadership did not support it. Thus the radicals were moving away from the Congress.
The situation in neighbouring India was quite different. The reforms of 1920 along the lines of "Dyarchy" in the provinces, or divisions of portfolios between the British and Indian ministers was opposed by the Indian National Congress and India was seething with mass unrest. All this agitation and unrest in India did have its repercussions in Sri Lanka. As far as the older politicians were concerned they followed the earlier pattern of co-operation with British imperialism and communal bickerings amongst themselves. But the youth were inflamed with patriotism and with the urge to emulate the Indian patriots in their struggle to free their country from the foreign yoke. This enthusiasm was markedly so in Jaffna, where the Tamil newspapers published in India were popular and news about Mahatma Gandhi and the freedom movement were avidly read.
But at that time there was no national organization for the patriotic youth of the country. A band of young teachers and students from Jaffna decided to marshal the forces of the students of this Country, for the purpose of solving some of the problems which were then confronting them and which, they stated, would become more Complicated as time went by. For this purpose, S. H. Perinpanayagam, on their behalf, informed the public, through a letter in the daily press, that there is in Jaffna an attempt made to "organise a movement embracing young people of all races, Creeds and castes, so that they may all come to know one another and join in an earnest endeavour to do the little they can for their country".

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84 Politics and Life in Our Times
Mr. Perinpanayagam further stated that "those interested in the organization feel that they ought to make a small beginning in Jaffna" and were making preparations to hold a Congress of Students there in December 1924. He summarised the purpose of the Congress as follows. "It aims at providing a base of operations to the young men who are discontented at the present state of things, and who want to Create the same divine discontent in the minds of
others, so that they may, when they leave this world, have the satisfaction of having made the condition of their country in its social and political, cultural and intellectual and spiritual sides, a little better than when they came into it".
He called upon all those who were interested in the regeneration of the country and who had faith in the capacity of youth to bring it about, to communicate with the Organising Secretary, M.Balasundaram, "Hope Cottage", Jaffna.
The inaugural meeting of the Students' Congress was held at the Ridgeway Hall, Jaffna, on 29-31 December, 1924. Students had assembled there from various parts of Ceylon. The resolution inaugurating the Students' Congress read as follows:-
"That the students assembled in this hall do hereby resolve that a Congress beformed for the purpose of quickening the national impulse and for directing the energy of the youth of this country in the path of sincere, selfless, national service, and that it shall be named the Students' Congress".
Thus began the radical youth movement of Sri Lanka. The aims and objects of the Students' Congress were:-
1. To revive the national art, literature and music. 2. To make Ceylon economically independent. 3. To train the young for national service, in particular, to work for the realization of the ideals of a united Ceylonese Nation.

The Jaffna Students' Congress and the Birth of the Progressive Movement 85
The daily press gave full reports of the proceedings at the Congress sessions and these stirred the youth of the country. J. V. Chelliah, vice principal of Jaffna College, who was elected as the President of the Congress said that "all the greatest reforms effected in Society were the work of young men. Jesus Christ when he started his mission had only just completed his twenties. Buddha's renunciation took place when he was a very young man." He set out in detail the social evils that were besetting the country and the role of youth in remedying and eradicating them. He said that he had only indicated the lines on which the work might be done by young men. "Just imagine what this country would be if, for instance, they unitedly made up their minds that the shameful system of caste and dowry should go, that a cleaner political and social life must come into being, and that the mutual animosities and jealousies of various communities and races and creeds must give place to national unity. Why, in ten years' time the intellectual, political, social and moral sphere of life of this land would be entirely changed".
Mr. Chelliah concluded by saying, "You are the future citizens of this land. On you depends the weal or woe of this beautiful Island. May God help you to stand together unitedly for righteousness and justice. And may He help you to perform loving service for your
motherland".
The first sessions of the Students' Congress ended with great enthusiasm among the participants. Thus this organization started its career, whose Subsequent activities made a tremendous Impact on the political life of the country.
Courtesy: "Tribune", November 30th, 1974.

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The Development of the Radical Youth MoVement in the North and the South
(This article gives a further sketch of the progressive movement in Sri Lanka. The author, who was a member of the executive Committee of the Students' Congress later renamed the Youth Congress, sets out here how the radical youth movement developed)
The second sessions of the Students' Congress was held at Jaffna with P. de S. Kularatne as its president. Informing the public of these sessions, V. Thillainathan, the General Secretary, gave a statement to the press in April 1925 that the Students' Congress was started to meet the needs of the youths of this country. "I wish to make it clear to our friends and well wishers", he stated "that our Congress is no party organization. Every facility is provided for admission of members from the different communities of Ceylon. One of our bye-laws provides that no sectarian issue can be raised on the Congress platform. The forthcoming session will be held on the 27th, 28th and 29th (April 1924) at Keerimalai. Messrs A. M. K.Cumaraswamy (Trinity College) and P. de S. Kularatne are expected to take part in it. The latter is particularly welcome as a member from the South and one of the Apostles of National Education among the Buddhists".
The second sessions of the Students' Congress was held at Keerimalai, Jaffna. In his welcome address to the delegates S. J. Gunasekeram, the Chairman of the Reception Committee, said that the awakening of the consciousness of youth, one of the salient consequences of the Great War (1914-1918), had not failed to find manifestation in Ceylon. The Students' Congress, he prophesied, would mark an important epoch in the history of the National movement in this

The Development of the Radical Youth Movement in the North and the South 87
island. He then dealt with the ideals of the Students' Congress, namely (a) the development of national art, music and literature; (b) working for the economic independence of the country; (c) training in National service, and (d) realisation of a United Ceylon.
P. de S. Kularatne was unanimously elected President for the sessions. In his presidential address he referred to the disputes that arose at that time over the allocation of seats to the Legislative Council. He stated that he had heard much of Sinhalese-Tamil unity and he thought that the so-called split only existed in the imagination of some designing people. It was due to some of their leaders that this much talked of split had been brought about. The Sinhalese had resented the idea of the Tamils getting so many seats in the Reformed Council. He, for one, did not mind the Tamils getting so many seats as long as they worked wholeheartedly for the betterment of the country. They could not get along if they had these petty jealousies. Mr. Kularatne further stated that the political interests of both the Sinhalese and the Tamils were the same and that they should work unitedly. He expressed the hope that in the following year the Students' Congress sessions would be held somewhere in the South and that he would do all in his power to help them in this respect.
Among the resolutions adopted at the second sessions were the following:
1. "That whereas this Congress is of opinion that for the realization of abiding understanding between the Sinhalese and Tamil Communities, it is essential for each community to assimilate more and more of the others culture, it urges on the Department of Education, the Unofficial Members of the Legislative Council and all Connected with the education of the youth of the Country, that the study of Sinhalese in the case of Tamil students and of Tamil in the case of Sinhalese students should be made compulsory at least up to the Cambridge senior standard in every school receiving grant-in-aid".

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88 FOWICS är Ted Life ir 7 CL ir Tir ES
Sessina M. FerDr (Mrs. N. M. Pergra, 1970-1986) Because of the sensational speech made by hor, at the 1941. Sessions of the Jaffna Youth Congress, on the resolution against the then raging World War, She was charget, for Sedition before W. Manica wasagar. Advocate S. Nadesan defended her and she was acquitted.
 

LTL CCLCLCLCLL LLLL LaL CCCLLLLLLLS LL LLLLGLLGLL LHH HH LLLLLLLLM uLLL Lt LLtTG S L00
2. "That the Congress recognising the great importance of
national dress from economic, hygienic and aesthetic points
of view, recommends wery strongly its adoption by every
T"
About this period, that is in the latter part of 1925, the radical youth in the South Were grouping themselves around a new political organisation, the Progressive Nationalist Party. Its members described the organization as "an advance party of the youth of Ceylon who alim to secLure national eThanicipation".
|t had as its leader S. W. R. Dias Bandaranaike, Who had completed his studies in England and returned to the Island in the early part of that year. He had come with the resolve to serve his country and to Work for the upliftment of the common man.
At this time the mass of the people took no interest in politics and, in the Thain, were ignorant of political affairs. The Hindu Organ (Jaffna) in its editorial of 15-5-1924 drew pointed attention to this fact. "We hawe dra Win the attention of the Educated The Of this country", it stated, "especially of those who are looked upon as leaders by the people, on more occasions than one, to the Very unsatisfactory condition of the masses in regard to political knowledge. We think that the most important reason why the masses generally do not take an intelligent interest in the elections and in Other political activities is the gross ignorance of political affairs in which they are allowed to be. It is not reasonable to expect the people to take interest in things of which they are supremely ignorant. And as long as they are left to be ignorant of the political affairs of this Country, We are sure that they will not and cannot be truly and properly interested in the political activities which take place in it,

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90 Politics and Life in Our Times
"We want it to be very clearly understood", the editorial continued, "by all who are interested in the political advancement of this country, that there cannot be any hope of such advancement until the masses are made fit to take an active and intelligent interest in its politics.
"We regard the Imparting of political knowledge to the masses as one of the most important steps in the rejuvenation of our people and in the all round amelioration of the condition of our country."
S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was the first person who set about systematically to educate the public in political affairs. He published in the daily press a series of articles setting out the problems facing Sri Lanka and the solutions to resolve these problems.
"TWO problems of vital importance arise", he stated in an article in May 1926," which require careful and earnest thought. The first is the question of Ceylon's external status, that is, what is to be her position as a nation in relation to other nations. The Second refers to her internal status, the adoption of a form of Government, which would meet the just requirements of the. different sections of her inhabitants.
"No effort has yet been made seriously to consider these problems, nor indeed in some quarters is it realized that the problems exist at all. There is the usual vague thinking, there are the usual generalizations, to which politicians are only too liable. The catchwords are the bane of politicians all over the world. Only too frequently phrases are used as though they were the 'Open Sesame' for all ills, without either the speaker or his audience understanding their full import. In Ceylon we find in constant use such phrases as "Co-operation", "Self-government", "Cabinet-government", without any clear understanding of either what they really involve or whether and to what extent they are applicable to our own particular difficulties"

The Development of the Radical Youth Movement in the North and the South 91
He stated he believed that the true solution of the problems mentioned is contained in the Federal System. He thereafter published in the daily press a series of articles as a general introduction to the Subject.
In their efforts to organize public discussions of political affairs, the Progressive Nationalist Party called a public meeting at the Public Hall, Colombo, in September 1926. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, who presided at this meeting, said that the meeting was primarily called to enable representatives of the various communities to express publicly their views of what they think should be the next reforms, due in 1929.
In the next reform of the Constitution they were going to ask for full Self-Government. On the question of Self-Government he stated that he expressed his opinion when he seconded the Swaraj resolution at the last session of the National Congress, that is, that they were fit for complete Self-Government.
He then referred to the condition of the Anuradhapura area. He recalled the comments of Ramsay Macdonald who had visited the ruined cities and had said that where the ancient kings had ruled there was nothing but jackals and bears.
Mr. Bandaranaike continuing his speech said that if they had a National Government they would see all their national resources applied to that locality in making it fit for the habitation of man. If they went round to that region they would find men and women emaciated with malaria, mere SkeletonS.
It would be the task of a National Government, he said, to remedy such a state of things. There would then be no such thing as unemployment. People would have enough things to do and everybody Would be engaged in something. That was the real nationalism that he had in mind, a growing nation making itself felt throughout the civilized World. The present system would not do. It must go by the board. Then the question "How in practice are you to attain this degree of SelfGovernment?" His reply was Federation. Kandyans, Sinhalese, Tamils and all Concerned should form a federation.

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P. de S.Kularatne said that it was not a new subject at all. A government by federation had a fascination for him. It gave a great deal of scope for the development and progress of the country. But there were many difficulties ahead of them. There was the difficulty of dividing the country into territorial areas. There were the Kandyans, Low-country Sinhalese and the Tamils. It was hard to divide the country into territorial areas representing the three races. It was easy to divide the Tamil section as the North of Ceylon, but in the case of the Kandyans considerable difficulties presented themselves in the way.
He had formulated sometime ago a scheme for the federation of races. This he no doubt would have little favour in the country. But he thought it a feasible scheme.
In regard to the reform of the legislature, he thought that they had to develop on the following lines. They needed two houses. In the Lower House they had to have proper representation of all the races in the country. In the Upper House the balance of power Could be maintained and it would act as a check to the Lower House.
In theory he was against communal representation. In the two Houses he suggested, he thought that the second House should have equal representation of all races. The Muslims were only a religious body.
Among those who contributed to the discussion were G. C. S. Corea, Mrs. George E. de Silva, the Hon. T. B. Jayah, the Rev. J. Nathaniels, P. D. Givendrasinghe and A. SatyaWagisWara lyer.
The radical youths had thus set about to study and discuss the various political systems so that the system which best suited the needs and genius of the people may be adopted when independence was achieved.
Courtesy: "Tribune", February 1st, 1975.

The Origins of the Suriya Mal Movement
(This article is another in the series about the progressive movement in Sri Lanka. The author who was a member of the executive committee of the Suriya Mall Movement, describes here the first anti-Poppy Day campaign which subsequently developed into the Suriya Mal Movement. The first anti-imperialist organization in Sri Lanka was the Suriya Mal Movement.)
With the formation of the Students' Congress at Jaffna in December 1924 the radical youth stepped into the political life of the country. Soon after the first sessions of the Congress was over, its active members set about broadening its base. They made use of the daily press to inform the people of Sri Lanka about their organization and its aims and objects. They hoped that "this Congress will form the nucleus for an All Ceylon Organization in time to come". This hope was realized six years later with the inauguration of the All Ceylon Youth Congress in 1931 with Valentine S.Perera as its first president.
But before the inauguration of the All Ceylon Youth Congress the radical youth of South Ceylon became politically active with their anti-Poppy Day campaign.
Armistice day on November 11th commemorating the end of the First World War was observed in the 1920s with great enthusiasm by government officials, the British residents and by those who sought favours from the then rulers. Large sums were Collected by the sale of poppies and by contributions to the Poppy Fund and other war charities and the monies so collected were sent to assist British ex-service men and their dependents. Only a small part of it was spent to assist the Ceylonese ex-service men and their dependents.

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g|4 Proffic: G är Life T CD" ir 7735
The methods adopted to swell the Poppy Fund and the Way it was spent was resented by the nationalist Tinded youth. The first protests were made by letters to the daily press.
In August 1926, in a letter to the press, James T.Rutnam stated that Ceylon has been regularly contributing to the Poppy Day Fund and that the previous year it was placed Second in the list of subscribers, Great Brita in boeing the first, He protested aga inst the? large sums of money collected from Ceylon and sent to Britain to give relief to wictims of the War there. He stated that this was "nothing but an imperialist design meant to exploit our respectful feelings for the dead for the sordid purpose of propagating jingoism".
In another letter he drew the attention of the public to the fact that the grand total of subscriptions to another War charity, the Not Forgotten Fund, in 1925 was £7,965, 5s. 5d., Out of which Ceylon contributed £5,000. The Poppy Day Fund collection for 1925 from Ceylon was 6,120. From the amounts thus collected in 1925, less than £450 was granted to the relief of ex-service men in Ceylon." do not complain against charity", Wrote Mr. Rutnam," but I do say that charity begins at home, more so when all but the outside of Our home is in such an appalling state of Suffering and Inisery".
Rutnam's letters provoked a spate of correspondence in the press - some for and some against the Poppy Day Collections.
Mr. S. C. Trail, Hony. Secretary of the Not Forgotten Fund, replied to this through the press. "I hasten to reply to Mr. James T. Ruta's letter", stated Mr. Trail, "to endeavour to dispel any misapprehension that may be caused by the letter." In his letter Trail neither referred to nor disputed the figures gives by Rutnam as to the tota | armo Lunt Collected or as to the a moLunt Spent Con the ex-Ser WiCe men in Ceylon, but he set out his reasons why this charity should besupported. He referred to the Tien Who Served in the fighting line. He statedthat these Ten Were "blown to pieces byshellfire, poisOned

35
The Origins of the Surya Mal Movement
Evidence was taken by the Colombo Magistrate in Chambers in connection with the South Western bus bomb Case in 1954, The author, T. Duraisingarsi, appeared on behalf of the accused and seen here in the Centre

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96 Politics and Life in Our Times
by gas attacks, or dying from cold and frostbite. That was their portion of the charity that we now try to give them. Are they not worthy of it, When We in Ceylon live in luxury, while our people at Home are groaning under the burden of abnormal taxation". "Therefore trust" he concluded, "no one will have their ardour damped by Mr. Rutnam's letter and that Ceylon will once more take her proud place as some of the largest subscribers abroad to Earl Haig's Fund and the largest subscribers to the Not Forgotten Fund. They should be proud to bear such a title".
But despite this "reply" further protests appeared in the press. Archie Van Ranzow, in his letter of October 1926, pointed out that it would be worth the while to ascertain what proportion of those brave lads who went from Ceylon to the Front has had their dues paid. "Would it not be more correct to say" he asked, "that where the Ceylon boys are concerned they have been shabbily treated and totally neglected". He stated that many of them were today social and physical wrecks and languishing billetless.
A. W. H. Abeysundere, in his letter of November 1926, Stated that Ceylon was a poor country, but her contribution towards the Disabled Men's Fund was totally disproportionate to her revenue, as one would discover when comparing England's contribution towards the Fund with England's revenue. He pointed out that the methods employed for collecting contributions were flagrantly unjustifiable. He described how "during the Poppy Day we have seen in many Government Departments and in many mercantile firms the wives of the Heads of those Departments or firms come to sell poppies. When the poor clerks and other employees see before them the wife of their 'boss' soliciting them for contributions what do you think is their plight? Can the poor fellows refuse to buy the poppies offered to them by their boss's

The Origins of the Sunya Mal Movement 97
wife and especially when in some places the 'boss' himself or one of his assistants escorts the lady?". " Equally reprehensible" he added, was "the habit of such high officials in outstations as District Judges and Police Magistrates who make it a point to get the most out of the people in the locality for the Poppy Day Fund".
Annie D. Layard, the Hony. Secretary for the Poppy Day Fund (1926), in her appeal to the public for assistance, referred to the complaint that a relatively small proportion of the money Subscribed in the Island comes back for the relief of ex-service men here. She pointed out that "Ceylon has escaped lightly the war and post war problems that have beset other parts of our great Commonwealth of Nations". She further stated that the funds returned to the island were, therefore, very properly not in proportion to the island's contribution in money, but to her sacrifices in life and limb.
The controversy in the press led some radical youth from the Law College to organise a public meeting to protest against the Poppy Day Fund. This was a bold step to take for those times when the Britishers were at the height of their glory and when they prided that the sun never set on their far flung empire. Those were the times when loyalty to the British rule was lauded by our elders and the then politicians, and any opposition to it was frowned upon and discouraged. British rule was considered unshakable.
The Protest Meeting against the Poppy Day Fund was well publicised. Posters were stuck all over Colombo advertising the meeting and the police, on orders from their superior officers, went about tearing them down.
This largely attended meeting was held on 8th November 1926 at the Tower Hall, Colombo, with G. K. W. Perera in the chair. James T. Rutnam was nominated secretary of the meeting.

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The Chairman said that the interests of the Ceylonese were centred in the welfare of their country. But in Ceylon subscriptions to the Poppy Day Fund, he pointed out, "were practically urged from the people. The Police went from boutique to boutique getting subscriptions, while Govt. Agents, Mudaliyars, Police Magistrates, and their respective wives went round collecting subscriptions. Headmen should be ashamed to get subscriptions from villages who did not even know for what purpose the money was given".
Valentine S. Perera moved that "this meeting condemns the use of their influence and authority by Government servants in raising subscriptions from the public for the Poppy Day Fund, and requests that Government do take such steps as to prevent the abuse of official authority in this and similar collections and that those who have met that evening to support this resolution, have assembled for a good purpose". This resolution was seconded by P. Givendrasinghe and accepted by those present at the public meeting. A. P. Britto then moved that "this meeting is of opinion that the undue importance given to the Poppy Day Fund prejudices the Collection on behalf of most urgent and deserving local charities".
C. Ponnambalam seconding the resolution said that he did not consider the Poppy Day Fund a charity at all. The British had fought for their own salvation and not for Ceylon, and it was the duty of the British Government to support the disabled. The resolution was then passed.
On rememberance day the daily newspapers editorially appealed to the public to support the Poppy Day Fund. In its appeal the "Ceylon Independent" stated that "it is a matter for regret that on an occasion like this when gratitude and admiration should be the dominant feeling in our minds, a public meeting should have been held to protest against the manner in which some of the

The Origins of the Suriya Mal Movement 99
collectors do their work. But the meeting itself provided an opportunity for speeches of a type which, to put it mildly, are very much in bad taste and which are likely to be misconstrued. There are not, we trust, many in this island who are prepared to ignore the great part played by the British Navy and Army during the war and the very practical benefits the population of this island derived from the protection afforded by them".
There were sequels to the anti-Poppy Day campaign in the law Courts. C. Ponnambalam charged police constable Karunatillake of the Wellawatte Police with mischief by tearing off an anti-poppy day poster which was posted on the complainant's wall. The accused admitted that he pulled off the poster but said that he had instructions from the Inspector to tear off all posters affixed to the walls on either side of the road. The Magistrate in his judgement said that "the value of the poster as paper is insignificant and I am inclined to think that the legal maxim that the law does not concern itself with trifles would apply in this case". He further said "I am of opinion, therefore, that the accused did not commit the offence of mischief when he removed the poster and acquit him".
In another case before the Colombo Police Magistrate, a law student, Oswin Perera, charged Hennessy, Assistant Superintendent of Police, with assault and mischief. The complainant stated that when he was distributing handbills which asked the public not to Subscribe to the Poppy Day Fund, the accused who was an ASP came up to him, struck him twice with his fist and snatched away a handbill which was pinned to the complainant's coat. The accused was found guilty of assault and fined twenty rupees.
Thus ended this anti-Poppy Day campaign, which was described by a newspaper as "the first undisguised opposition to the Poppy Day and Armistice celebration in the whole Empire".
Courtesy: "Tribune" February 8th, 1975.

Page 59
For a Federal System in Sri Lanka
(This article is the fourth of the series on some aspects of the political history of contemporary Sri Lanka. The author who was a member of the executive committee of the Students' Congress, later renamed the Youth Congress sets out here the political objectives of the Progressive Nationalist Party, which organisation was described by its members as "an advance party of the youth of Ceylon who aim to secure national emancipation".)
"A fresh step has been taken in Ceylonese political aspirations by the formation of a Progressive Nationalist Party". This was the observation made, at that time, by a daily newspaper on the formation of this political party in October 1925. The Leader of the party was S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, the Deputy Leader was Valentine S. Perera and the Hony. Secretary was C. Ponnambalam. Among the members of the committee were R. S. S. Gunawardane, D. N. W. de Silva, M.T. Jalaldeen, James T. Rutnam and H. S. Ginige.
This Party introduced concepts which were new in the political life of the country. Up to that time loyalty to the British Crown was avowed by all political parties and organisations, with the exception of the Students' Congress, Jaffna, formed about a year earlier, that is, in December 1924.
The new Party stated that the ultimate aim of the Party was to obtain for Ceylon self-government within or without the British Empire, consonant with national honour. Further, this party suggested fundamental changes in the form of the constitution that should be adopted for Sri Lanka. Up to then the British Constitution was looked upon, by all politicians of Sri Lanka, as the ideal constitution and the then politicians and political parties aimed at Copying the type of Government as existed in England.

For a Federal System in Sri Lanka 101
The Constitution of the Progressive Nationalist Party set forth that "in view of the existing differences among the people of our Country, the only solution of the problem will be the adoption of a federal system of government. While realising that our national progress requires a development of our own national culture, institutions, literature and art, we are of opinion that an intelligent adoption and use of western institutions and culture is necessary in view of the conditions in the modern world. Socially, (1) in religion We realise that it is a matter for the conscience of each individual and we therefore stand for complete freedom of religious belief; (2) with regard to caste distinctions we feel that their elimination at the earliest possible time is desirable in the best interests of the country. We feel that the attainment of economic independence is a very important step towards political emancipation".
The nature of the state which the Progressive Nationalist Party advocated for Ceylon was a federal state in preference to a unitary one. A unitary state has been described as one organised under a single central government, that is to say, whatever powers are possessed by the various districts, within the area administered as a whole by the central government, are held at the discretion of that government, and the central power is supreme over the whole without any restrictions imposed by any law granting special powers to its parts. "Unitarianism" in the political sense has been defined by the late Professor Dicey as "the habitual exercise of supreme legislative authority by one central power". The British Constitution is a unitary constitution where the Parliament is sovereign.
A Federal State is one in which a number of co-ordinate states unite for certain common purposes. To quote again Professor Dicey, "a federal state is a political contrivance intended to reconcile national unity and power with the maintenance of state rights". In a federal system of government there is a division of powers between one general and several regional governments, each of which, in its own sphere, is coordinate with the others and each government must act directly on the people. Further, according to the type of federation

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each government, to a greater or lesser extent, must be limited to its own sphere of action and each must within that sphere, be independent of the others. Certain matters, for instance, foreign affairs, defence and tariffs, will be within the exclusive sphere of the central or general government. In respect of other matters each regional government will manage its own affairs.
The scheme for reform of the aspirations of the party. This scheme was as follows: 1. That the Government of Ceylon should be responsible to the people of Ceylon. 2. That a federal system of Government is most desirable to Ceylon. The federal system to be based on the 9 provinces, each province having autonomy. 3. That Provincial Government be carried on by Village, District and Provincial Councils-the Councils to be uni-cameral. 4. Franchise to be granted on a graduated Scale, ranging from universal franchise in the Village Councils and to a graduated, restricted franchise in District and Provincial Councils. 5. That the Federal Government should be controlled by two Houses. 6. That the people of Ceylon should have the right to amend their own constitution without reference to any power outside Ceylon. 7. The two Houses to be called House of Senators and House of Commons respectively.
Commons to have 100 members. Territorial 3/4, special interests 1/4. Of the 75 members to be elected on the territorial basis, 16 to be elected from the Western Province, 15 from the Northern, 10 from the Southern,6 from the Eastern, 6 from the North-western, 4 from the NorthCentral, 8 from the Central, 4 from Uva and 6 from the Sabaragamuwa province. Of the 25 members for special interest, 5 for the Burghers, 7 for the Muslims, 7 for the Europeans, 4 for the Indians and 2 for the University. Senators to have 45 members, 5 for each province with the Province as electorate. The scheme of reform also set out provisions for the Executive, Judiciary, Army and Navy, Provincial administration, the election of Speakers and Presidents and the relationship between the councils. Each Village, District and Provincial Council shall have limited powers of taxation and administration expressly stated by the Constitution. The Parliament shall have all residuary powers.

For a Federal System in Sri Lanka 103
The Progressive Nationalist Party's scheme also stated that "the majority of us feel that in view of the local conditions, particularly racial differences, the most satisfactory method to minimise and gradually remove such differences is a federal system of Government. Such a system of Government has in other countries particularly in Switzerland, tended towards national unity. We feel that the present arrangements of 9 provinces should remain and be the basis of the federal system. Any other division, particularly the one suggested by C.E. Corea that there should be three provinces more or less divided on the basis of race, Will accentuate rather than tend to remove racial differences".
At a meeting organised by the Students' Congress and held at Jaffna in July 1926, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike set out, in brief, why he opposed a unitary constitution for Ceylon and why he thought a federal Constitution was more suitable for conditions here. He outlined the difficulties that would crop up if a centralised system of Government was introduced.
"The Legislative Council", he said, "would under the anticipated reformed Government, elect their Prime Minister and the various Ministers. Now there was a certain proportion of members to represent the various communities. If that proportion was maintained, in the ministry too the communities would demand a certain proportion". Bandaranaike further stated that a centralised form of Government assumed a homogenous whole. He knew no part of the world where a Government was carried on under such conflicting circumstances as would be experienced in Ceylon. Those would be the troubles if a Centralised form of Government was introduced into countries with large communal differences.
In a Federal Government, each federal unit had complete power over themselves. Yet they united and had one or two assembles to discuss matters affecting the whole country. That was the form of Government in the United States of America. All the self-governing dominions, Australia, South Africa, Canada had

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104 Politics and Life in Our Times
the same system. Switzerland afforded a better example for Ceylon. It was a small country, but three races lived there-French, Germans and Italians. Yet Switzerland was a country where the federal form of Government was very successful. Each canton managed its own affairs. But questions of foreign affairs, Commerce, defence etc., matters about which differences and controversies would be at a minimum were dealt with by the Federal Assembly.
in Ceylon each Province should have complete autonomy. There should be one or two assemblies to deal with the special revenue of the island. A thousand and one objections could be raised against the system but when the objections were dissipated, he was convinced that Some form of federal Government would be the only solution. He had not dealt with the smaller communities. For such communities temporary arrangements could be made for Special representation. Those temporary arrangements, would exist till the fear existed about one community trying to overlord the other. He would suggest the same for the Colombo Tamil seat. The three main divisions in the island were the Kandyan Sinhalese, the Low Country Sinhalese and the Tamils. It was difficult to find a system that would completely satisfy everyone. That was in brief the Federal System.
The Proposal of the Progressive Nationalist Party in its scheme of reforms to apply the federal system to the internal Government of Ceylon was opposed by some members of that Party. James T. Rutnam, in a letter to the daily press in July 1926, stated that the federal type of government was made for big countries like the U.S.A., Australia, Brazil and Germany. Switzerland was an exception. He pointed out that "after long years of mutual distrust and suspicion the Frenchmen, Germans and the Italians who belonged to the several cantons have by mutual helpfulness and forbearance built up a nation at once stable and free". He further said that the Swiss had a highly developed political conscience and sense of public duty.

For a Federal System in Sri Lanka 105
"The endeavour of human progress" he stated, "is to unify as much as possible and not to divide. It was on this principle that the Federal constitution was introduced to the U.S.A., the Australian Commonwealth and Switzerland. But the States existed before the Federation. There was no abrupt partitioning or segregation as contemplated for Ceylon. And in the case of the former two, they were big countries with isolated populations. One of the objects of the proposers in seeking to introduce the Federal System to Ceylon is to bring unity among the people. I may say that there is no better plan than this to bring disunion among the people. The Tamils and Sinhalese would be segregated. The Burghers, Muslims and the Europeans would be overwhelmed, for they are distributed throughout the country and in no single 'state' do they command the necessary importance or influence to justify special representation in the local body. In the Federal Parliament at Colombo there would be eternal wrangling and complaining over the voting of supplies. Race individualism would be intensified, which would ultimately tend to internecine troubles and racial Secession".
"There is a wide difference" he concluded, "between local government and the Federal system. Let us improve the Local Government Ordinance and gradually extend it throughout Ceylon.".
Up to that time politics has been the monopoly of a few and no interest had been created in the public mind of political matters. It was the Students' Congress in the North and the Progressive Nationalist Party in the South who, by publishing articles in the Press and by holding public meetings and public discussions, set about educating and interesting the public in constitutional reform, government and politics.
Courtesy: "Tribune", February 22nd, 1975.

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The Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress
in the 1970s a full Column editorial was devoted to the above subject, with the same caption in one of our newspapers. "We are glad to find" the editorial stated, "from a recent letter in our columns that Mr. Handy Perinbanayagam is writing the history of the Jaffna Youth Congress. It is good for the present generation to know of one of the most inspiring movements in the history of Jaffna; and it is good for everyone that an account of it should be reduced to writing and be available as a permanent record in a well-documented and authoritative form.
"The story of the Youth Congress is the story of a splendid failure, it is splendid, in spite of its failure. It failed not because of the usual vices that corrode public movements, but because of its very virtue. In spite of its end, as untimely as it was unmerited, the Courage and the ideals that lay behind it and the tenacity of purpose that characterised it while it lasted constitute an inspiration to all Who Conne after it".
There was for some time, in the 1960s and 1970s, repeated requests made to Mr. Handy Perinbanayagam to write the history of the Jaffna Youth Congress. However, it was not written for various reasons. Eventually, Mr. C. Subramaniam (Orator) and others who were active members of the Youth Congress, when it was alive and functioning, and also those who were interested in the publication of the history of the Youth Congress, requested me to help Handy Perinbanayagam in his endeavour. I agreed to do so, and both of us set about collecting the necessary materials and in taking notes for the writing of the book. We had collected the necessary materials and were progressing with the writing of the book, when, unfortunately, Handy fell ill and we could not complete the book.

The Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress 107
have with me a letter, dated 14th June, 1975, from Mr. Handy Perinbanayagam inquiring from me about the progress made in writing the history of the Youth Congress. This is the last letter received from him. Thereafter he fell ill and died two years later.
After Handy's death in 1977, Mr. C. Subramaniam wrote to me on 23rd March, 1979, that an organisation, called the Handy Perinbanayagam Commemoration Society, had been formed to keep green Handy's memory. That he was the President of the Society, and that they were planning to publish a history of the Youth Congress, together with extracts from Handy master's speeches and writings. That I had been taken to the Editorial Board, and that they wanted me to help them in this cause. informed the members of the Commemoration Society, that I would give them all possible help and Support in their endeavour. made available to them all the relevant materials that Handy and I had collected, together with the notes that we had taken after the research we had done in this matter. The Commemoration Society published the book "Handy Perinbanayagam-A Memorial Volume" in 1980.
Handy had left with me, the manuscript of a brief draft made by him for the proposed book on the "Jaffna Youth Congress". At the end of the draft he had clipped a note giving expression to his frustration and disillusion. In a speech he made at Jaffna, on 9th January 1969, he said that "we feel we are caught in a web of frustration, alienation and disillusion. We dreamt dreams and saw visions. Our dreams and our visions were focussed on the freedom of our countries and the rich blessings that it would bring to their peoples. There would be peace and plenty in the land, fairplay to individuals, harmony between races and creeds, poverty would vanish and every man, woman and child would not merely have enough to eat and cover his or her nakedness, but would hold his or her head high and look the world in the face, unabashed and unapologetic.

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"But what have we? When we were subject nations, our animosity and vituperation were directed at the foreign imperialist. Today our targets are nearer home. Feud, tension, bitterness, poverty, destitution, conflict of tribal and parochial loyalties, opportunism, lust for power, corruption in high places are the tangible fruits that freedom seems to have bestowed on our lands".
| consider it fitting to give here the text of Handy's note, which was annexed to his brief draft for the proposed book by him on the Jaffna Youth Congress.
THE NOTE
"This picture (referring to the text of his draft) seemed to portray a land teeming with good will and blessedness. Language which is the bone of contention today, was peacefully settled by both Sinhalese and Tamils. Before long, however, bloodshed premeditated murder and migration were the order of the day. Persons like Suntheralingam, who stood for racial unity, are today champions of a separate Tamil Nadu. Balasundaram, a founder of the Youth Congress, who had twice chaired Congress sessions, also lost the belief and the vision that had inspired him. At the inaugural sessions of the All Ceylon Youth Congress in Plaza, the late M.S. Elayathamby proclaimed that he for one would prefer Sinhalese rule to Tamil rule
"All this was the vision of an idealist yesterday. What of tomorrow? It is peaceful Sri Lanka, no longer dreaming of fantasies, but seeing Sri Lanka's present travail, (peace) is what some citizens yearn for".
Handy's brief draft is the only writing by him on the Jaffna Youth Congress. The Youth Congress played an important role in the political and social life of our country, and Handy Perinbanayagam was the moving figure behind it. I am giving here the text of the draft, and it may be noted that this is the first time that it has been published.

The Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress 109
JAFFNA YOUTH CONGRESS
BEGINNINGS
The Youth Congress, originally known as the Students' Congress, was not a sudden offspring of somebody's imagination. its beginnings go back to the debating and literary societies of Jaffna College. The Brotherhood was the Senior Literary Association in our day - round about 1918-1919. While we were at the Union Hostel, one of our wardens, Mr. Suntheralingam's dicta were, that within the four Walls of the hostel We Could talk the most rabid treaSOn With impunity. But outside we shall be called upon to pay the penalty of the law. Something similar was the atmosphere at Jaffna College also in Bicknell's days. In our debating societies and the class room, We were free to give unbridled expression to proclaim our convictions.
In the 1920s the movements in India had a tremendous effect upon the youth of Jaffna. Probably because of the comparative freedom that prevailed at Vaddukoddai, this impact was more acute in Jaffna College. At this distance of time, I cannot recall the exact period of time when our impetuous impulses found a coherent organization. To the best of my recollection it was after had passed the London Intermediate in Arts examination in 1922, that we set up an organization, known as the Servants of Lanka Society. We asked no one's permission. We just did as we pleased. Whether Principal Bicknell ever knew anything about it is not certain. But my own feeling is that it could have made no difference whatever, if he knew about it. For one thing he might have looked upon our efforts as innocuous youthful effervescence, or he might have sympathised with our aspirations and thought it wise not to know anything about it.
Among the names recollect of the persons who formed the nucleus of this society are Sabapathy Kulendran, now Bishop emeritus of the J.D.C.S.I., S. R. Kanaganayagam, one time Senator, C. Subramaniam (Orator), Principal emeritus of Skanda Varodaya

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College, W. Bonney Kanagathungam, Teacher Jaffna College and later Insurance Agent, S. Durai Raja Singham, Retired teacher Malaysia, and student of Ananda Coomaraswamy's life and writings, A. M. Brodie, Teacher Jaffna College.
The Radicalism that spread at Vaddukoddai grew in strength at Guildford Crescent under Suntheralingam's patronage. Most evenings when he and we had dined, C. S. would stride into the Junior Common room and hold forth on the iniquities of the British Raj and the humiliation of subject peoples like ourselves, and tell tales of his defiance to pin pricks inflicted by the myrmidons of the Raj when he was in England. To him Union Hostel was a nursery for the development of a free and United Lanka. He took special pains to make the hostel a fore-shadowing of independent Sri Lanka. Deliberately he took pains, to make the hostel a miniature of the Lanka that he envisioned. Young people of all races and all Creeds were encouraged to come into the hostel. As a matter of fact, there was no need for encouragement or inducement because C.S.'s name was one to conjure with. His academic achievements, his defiance of Governmental services and his genuine egalitarianism in dealings with people was already known when he became warden of Union Hostel. Suntheralingam always makes a boast of the fact that the two outstanding Christian dignitaries of Ceylon are alumni of Union Hostel-D. T. Niles, President of the World Council of Churches, and the Right Reverend Sabapathy Kulendran.
Thus there grew up in the Union Hostela somewhat nebulous body of thought concerned about national freedom. We were young and immature and our thinking probably was not coherent or clear cut. The problems that would emerge from freedom like radical conflicts, caste animosities, economic inadequacies, never formed part of our thinking. We took it for granted that these problems will solve themselves. Race consciousness and religious conflict did not raise their heads during our days at Union Hostel. During my years at Union Hostel (1923-24), I was Secretary of the S.C.M. of Ceylon. (Phenomenal changes in my religious orientation have

Tho Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress 111
occurred between then and now.) At that time the warden of the Christian Hostel (Erodie House) was E.W. Dewick, an outstanding Christian thinker, who had been principal of a Christian College at Allahabad and had been eased out of his job because of his proIndian sympathies and speeches.
The Christian residents of Union Hostel, presumably under my influence wanted to set up a Christian study circle at Union Hostel, and arranged Dewick as our leader. With my usual brashness, invited Dewick to come over to Union Hostel and take charge of the study circle, and forgot to get C.S.'s permission for this arrangement. Dewick turned up on the appointed day and I had not fixed a place for our meeting. There was no sub-warden in the hostel then, and took the bull by the horns and invaded the warden's room for this purpose. Some Hindu friends of ours, S. Nadesan later Q.C. and M. Somasundram another outstanding lawyer, now departed from the world, are among the names I can recollect - who joined the study circle. There was at that time an English weekly called the Buddhist Chronicle, which carried on a violent campaign against the invasion of the Union Hostel by a Christian propagandist. To make my offence unpardonable, I had forgotten to tell Suntheralingam of our invasion of his sanctum. Perhaps the first intimation he had of it was from the pages of the Buddhist Chronicle. I did my best to make amends by explaining the circumstances that led to this contretemps. He gave me a dressing down, and that was the end of it as far as he was concerned. Later, at a meeting of the hostel Society, E. A. Wijeyasuriya later principal of Mahinda College took up the cudgels, on behalf of C. S. and the Union Hostel against the Buddhist Chronicle.
sat my B.A. in June 1924 and knew of my success only in October or November. My London degree gave me a measure of confidence as well as status, but I did not wait till obtained a degree to do the spade work for the setting up of an organization for national independence. During holidays and week ends, I would meet friends like Kulendran, Orator Subramaniam, Nadesan, Somasegaram,

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Swami Vipulananda, Balasundaram and some students in the higher forms of the colleges in Jaffna. Durai Raja Singham now a retired teacher in Malaysia, P. Nagalingam, Proctor and later Senator, A.E. Tamber, later Principal Central College, S. Subramaniam, later Principal of Victoria College, V. Thillainathan, later teacher at Manipay Hindu College and later an Advocate, S. Rajanayagam, then a pupil at Jaffna College and later engineer, are among the names I can recall now of those whom was trying to canvass. J. C. Amerasingam, S. S. Sivapragasam, J. W. A. Kadirgamar, A. Cumaraswamy, later principal of Jaffna Hindu College, V. K. Nathan, later Education Officer, S. J. Gunasegaram, later Education Officer, K. Nesiah, Sam Sabapathy, S. C. Chithambaranathan were others involved in various degrees.
The climate seemed to be auspicious and I took the plunge. To hire a motor car was beyond our resources in those days and a bicycle was our mode of conveyance. From our early beginnings we had no difficulty in raising funds. The people may have had doubts about our maturity and about our competence to launch such an ambitious project successfully, but about our integrity there does not seem to have been any doubt. For every one of our sessions we depended heavily on donations from the public. The membership subscriptions were largely tokens of interest. The running expenses often ran into fifty or sixty times of our membership subscriptions.
The venue of public meetings in those days in Jaffna town was the Ridgeway Hall located where the Jaffna Town Hall stands now. It was booked for Our inaugural sessions and the numbers that turned up were encouraging enough. From the inaugural session right up to the end of its existence language occupied a conspicuous place. One day was set apart for cultural discourses, on and in Tamil in addition to socio-political speeches in Tamil. Distinguished Tamil scholars like M.S. Rajaratnam, Pandit Rajalyenar were among the participants at our inaugural sessions. Removal of social disabilities also loomed large from the very inception of the Congress. Mr. J. V. Chelliah, Vice-Principal of Jaffna College, was the President of the inaugural session.

The Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress 113
When the resolution on the removal of untouchability was moved, Mr. P. Muthu Cumaru M. A., later Principal of Parameshwara and Skanda Varodaya colleges, supposedly a radical thinker of those times, opposed it and challenged everybody in the audience to eat or drink in the homes of one of these people. The President was familiar with some preliminary gestures made by some of us at Vaddukoddai in the matter of taking tea and short eats in the homes of the College employees hailing from underprivileged homes. So he said that Mr. Perinbanayagam would be able to answer Mr. Muthu Cumaru. When I said that I had taken tea in these homes, Mr. S. Shivapragasam well known humorist of those days wanted to know whether it was tea or toddy. Mr. Muthu Cumaru was dumb founded and sat down saying that till that moment he had not known that there were such radicals in Jaffna.
Our Spade work consisted of personal approaches to likely sympathisers and newspaper publicity. At the meeting held in the YMCA hall, Jaffna, in early November 1924, after preliminary exchange of views, it was unanimously resolved to inaugurate an organisation to be called The Students' Congress, Jaffna. We decided to call it the Students' Congress, Jaffna, rather than Jaffna Students' Congress because we did not wish to give the new organization a parochial flavour. It was our hope that similar organizations will spring up in the other parts of the island and that eventually an island wide organization dedicated to the same ideals will emerge. Such an organization called the All Ceylon Youth Congress did emerge after the Jaffna Boycott. More of it later on.
At this meeting there were about thirty young people present
teachers, lawyers, students in the upper forms of the colleges and
free lance political thinkers. M. Balasundram, University scholar in mathematics, due to leave for Cambridge shortly, and S. Durai Raja Singham, who had made a name for himself as a devotee of Ananda Coomaraswamy, were elected ioint-secretaries

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About this time Gordon Pearce was Principal of Parameshwara College, and quite a number of Sinhalese students had come along with him to Jaffna from the South. Dhanapala who later made a name for himself as a witty columnist of the "Ceylon Daily News", writing under the pen name Janus and another Sinhalese, Mohotti by name were present at this preparatory meeting. In my letter to the "Daily News", said that our membership contained one Sinhalese. After a lapse of nearly half a century, I cannot recall which of these two had in mind. Probably it was Mohotti, because I remember seeing him at a few of our committee meetings.
Among those who gave us generous financial support from the beginning of our venture were Dr. E. V. Ratnam and C. Suntheralingam. When I approached Dr. Ratnam shortly after we had launched the boycott, he gave me Rs. 50 and told me that we could count on him for gifts in the future also. Suntheralingam, though a public servant at that time, was to all intents and purposes one of us and our guide, philosopher and friend to whom we could go for every manner of help.
Jaffna was for a long time in close cultural affinity with South India. Even today temples in South India like Rameshwaram and Chithambaram, own property in Jaffna. It is on record that flowers were taken from Delft to Rameshwaram for the morning Pooja. Rest houses (Madams) in Chithambaram are even now owned by Jaffna families. And pilgrimages to the Saiva shrines of S. India, are even today a part of the Saiva way of life in Jaffna. Tamil scholars like C.W. Thamotherampilai, S. Kathiravetpilai, Arumuga Navalar, Sabapathy Navalar, Coomaraswamy Pulavar, maintained a life long Contact between S. India and Jaffna. Sardhar Vetharatnam Pillai, a devout Gandhiite, was present at a Tamil festival held at Parameshwara College. I had met him at a meeting at the Gandhi Seva Sangham held at Neerveli and we had a long chat about old time contacts between Vetharaniam and Jaffna. The temple there is a historic shrine dating from the days of the Saiva Nayanmars. And there is a folk tradition that Saint Thayumanavar's ancestors hailed

The Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress 115
from Varani in the Jaffna Peninsula. The late Mr. Natesan, a distinguished Tamil scholar, historian and one time Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, himself told me that he had heard this bit of folklore in India also, and that some words by Thayumanavar were much more Common in Jaffna than in S. India. He instanced the word "Villangam" (in Tamil) in support of his statement. Sometime in the early part of this century, there was litigation between some parties in India and the Varani priests, over the rights to this temple. Sir P. Ramanathan went over to Vetharaniam to plead the cause of the Jaffna litigants. I know that today the temple is under the management of the Varani priests. Whether the present state of affairs resulted from a judicial decision or a compromise settlement between the parties, I do not know.
Vetharatnam Pillai told me that when he was a young man, it Was usual for people from Vetharaniam to go over to Jaffna, to buy plantains, plantain leaves and plantain trees, betel leaf, arecanut, from Maviddapuram and neighbouring places for weddings. My father-in-law had his high school education in Tranquibar in S. India. And he told me that with a favourable wind it took him between two and three hours to travel from Mathagal to Tranquibar by catamarans and sailing boats.
This is recent history. But even in earlier times frequent going and coming between N. Ceylon and S. India did take place. With the Gandhian era communication between S. India and Jaffna acquired a political quality also. Newspapers like the Madras Hindu, Sudesa Mithran, Nava Sakti had large subscribers and readers in N. Ceylon. Moreover the Gandhian ideology had an inherent appeal to every shade of opinion in Ceylon. Buddhists, Christians and Saivaites all felt spiritual kinship with the doctrine of Ahimsa.
Therefore it is not surprising that the political upheaval which had spread over India should have an impact upon North Ceylon. Further, Jaffna had been a centre of missionary enterprise for a century. Anglicans and Methodists from the United Kingdom and Congregationalists from America had found that schools were a splendid vehicle for the spreading of Christianity. And English education in Jaffna for a longtime remained

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the monopoly of Christian missions. Of course, not everyone who embraced Christianity to seek English education, retained his affiliations to the new faith. Quite a number of them renounced Christianity as they left school. But they did not and could not renounce the new values and attitudes which they had absorbed at school. Therefore literacy and a measure of political enlightenment had spread in Jaffna. Therefore after Colombo, Jaffna was the centre of political awakening.
Thus partly it was the impact of western ideas, and to a greater extent because of the political stirrings in India, young people in Jaffna, largely students in the upper forms, were seething with discontent. Probably, to begin with, this discontent which was incoherent, became articulate when the Students' Congress, Jaffna, came into existence.
Before the emergence of the youth movements in various parts of the Island, political thinking could not and did not go beyond patchwork changes in the prevailing political structure, like throwing open the upper echelons of the public service to Ceylonese, setting up of institutions of higher learning, etc. Even the suffrage was to be limited to the middle class. The Ceylon National Congress for example giving evidence before the Donoughmore Commission, supported a literacy and property qualification for the franchise. The Jaffna Youth Congress already pledged to independence boycotted the Commission. A. E. Goonesinha, to the best of my recollections, was the only person who advocated adult franchise.
The commissioners were however more progressive in this respect than the C. N. C. and recommended adult franchise. When Ceylonese wiseacres proclaimed that Ceylon's illiterate citizens would not use the franchise intelligently, the Commissioners very rightly pointed out that even illiterates would be sensible enough to use their horse-sense. And this judgment will be justified by the political history of this country. Voters had been bribed, liquor has been served and other illegitimate inducements offered, but by and large the electorate has used its horse-sense. Political conviction though often short-sighted has been the criterion of the voters' choice.

The Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress 117
(From the uncompleted manuscript left with the author, by S. Handy Perinbanayagam.)
ALL CEYLON YOUTH CONGRESS
Above is given the text of Handy Perinpanayagam's brief draft on the Jaffna Youth Congress. In this draft, he refers to the All Ceylon Youth Congress and says that it emerged after the Jaffna Boycott. Here he also says "More of it later on". However, in the uncompleted draft manuscript, there is nothing more said about the "All Ceylon Youth Congress". Handy could not complete the draft, because of his prolonged illness and then his death.
In order to give a more or less fuller picture of the Jaffna Youth Congress, give here a few more facts. joined the Students' Congress, Jaffna, in 1927 and thereafter was elected to its executive Committee. The ideals of the Students' Congress were (a) the development of national art, music and literature; (b) working for the economic independence of the Country; (c) training in National service, and realisation of a United Ceylon.
In March 1929, a meeting consisting mainly of students of
the University College, Law College and Medical College was held at Ananda College, Colombo. This meeting had been called on the initiative of N. Kumarasingham, one of the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress. It was decided at the meeting to form an organization called the "Colombo Youth League". A committee consisting of P. de S. Kullaratne, T. B. Jayah, S. R. Kanaganayagam, D. S. S. Peiris, N. Kumarasingham, Robin Ratnam, M. Rajasingham, F. S. J. Cooray, M. Sally, M. Nadarajah and C. Ranasinghe had been elected.
The politically conscious youth of the early 1930s, began to group themselves into youth leagues in various parts of the country. Radical youth leagues were formed in Kandy, Negombo and other parts of the Country. These Youth leagues came together to inaugurate the All Ceylon Youth Congress on 16.05.1931.

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The first sessions of the All Ceylon Youth Congress was held at Plaza. Theatre, Wellawatte, Colombo, with Valentine A. S. Perera in the chair. Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mrs. Nehru, Mrs. Indira Gandhi (then Miss Nehru) and Mrs. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya attended these sessions as distinguished guests. Among those who spoke was Mrs. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, who made a stirring speech, attacking Britain for its imperialistic stranglehold on India and the colonies, and fired the youth to mobilize themselves for the struggle for independence that lay ahead.
A resolution calling for a boycott of the general elections of June 1931, as a protest against the Donoughmore Constitution, was passed unanimously at this congress. The all Ceylon Youth Congress, which was the representative body of radical and progressive opinion of that time, opposed the Constitution and wanted the election to be boycotted, as the Constitution did not go far enough, and because it did not grant freedom to Ceylon.
The youth leaguers carried on an active campaign for the boycott of the elections. The boycott was only successful in the North. In the South, a good number of youth leaguers, including T. B. Jayah, did not contest the 1931 elections. Even the youth leaguers who did enter the State Council, like Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, continued to expose from inside the State Council, the defects of the Constitution.
Here it is pertinent to quote the letter to the press, written in 1931, by Philip Gunawardena from London. He wrote "I longed for the day when the youth of Ceylon would take their place by the side of the young men and women of China, of India, of Indonesia, of Indo-China, of Korea and even of the Philipine Islands in the great struggles of a creative revolution against all the mighty forces of oldage, social reaction and imperialist oppression. During the last few

The Story of the Jaffna Youth Congress 119
years the Jaffna Students' Congress was the only organisation in Ceylon, that has been displaying political intelligence.... Jaffna has given the lead. They have forced their leaders to sound the bugle call for the great struggle for freedom for immediate and complete independence from Imperialist Britain. Will the Sinhalese who always display Supreme Courage understand and fall in line? A tremendous struggle faces us. Boycott of the elections was only a signal. It is the duty of every Sinhalese now, to prepare the masses for the great struggle ahead".
The influence of the Youth Congress reached its climax in 1931. Thereafter the Congress ceased to command the same degree of support it had in its first seven years of existence. The regard that the Youth Congress enjoyed, gradually diminished. But the Congress sessions continued to be held presided over by different personalities. At the 1940 and 1941 sessions, M. Batasundaram and C. Suntheralingam presided and delivered the main addresses.
The last sessions of the Youth Congress was held in 1941, at Vadakamparai, Chulipuram, with C. Suntheralingam as President. Selina Perera (Mrs. N. M. Perera) spoke on the resolution against the then raging war. She delivered a sensational speech resulting in her being charged for treason in the Courts. The secretary of the Youth Congress, Orator C. Subramaniam gave evidence on behalf Of Mrs. Perera, and advocate S. Nadesan defended her. She was acquitted.
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, 1995.

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The Highlights of the Freedom Struggle
After Several decades of national resistance and struggle against the oppression of British imperialism, India and Burma attained independence in 1947. Whereas in Ceylon, there was no country-wide mass struggle for independence before it attained it on February 4, 1948. However, there were a number of prominent members of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, who were either held in prisons under detention orders of Were sentenced to terms of imprisonment for their anti-imperialist activities, D. P. Yasodis, a member of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, served his full terrn of imprisonment of four years, for publishing an anti-British article in his meWspaper.
LOYALTY TO THE BRITISH CROWN
Prior to this period, all the politicians of the time avowed loyalty to the British Crown. The memorials sent to England to the Secretary of State for the Colonies by the ther politicians, the deputations that Were sent to the Colonial Office in London, and the protests, requests and prayers made by them for some share of the government of the Country from British imperialism, was done with professions of loyalty to the British Crown. In 1945, the State Council and the then Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake requested that the British government grant Dominion status to Ceylon. Accordingly, the Order-in-Council of May 15, 1946, conferred on Ceylon a constitution granting Dominion Status. But when India and Burma attained independence, Ceylon demanded similar treatment for itself, and on June 18, 1947 the Secretary of State for Colonies announced that Ceylon Would be granted full responsible government, shortly after the new Constitution came into being, and this decision was implemented on February 4, 1948. Thus Ceylon got

The Highlights of the Freedom Struggle
121
ܥܠ.
11 ܩܝ ܢ HE اااالرحیم Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan , ܒ ܐ
Courtesy Sir Pori. Famárlathan Society, Color bo.
----

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benefitted, by the struggles and sacrifices made by the men and Women of India and Burma to achieve their independence. On February 4, 1948, the State opening of the Parliament of Ceylon was performed by the Duke of Gloucester. In the speech from the throne, which was conveyed by the Duke, the king said "After a period of nearly a century and a half, during which the status of Ceylon was that of a colony in my empire, she now takes her place as a free and independent member of the British Commonwealth of Nations".
ROTS OF 1915 AND RAMANATHAN'S SERVICES
On that day. February 4, 1948, a large meeting was held by the side of the statue of Sir P. Ramanathan, which stands near the old Parliament building. I was present at this meeting. O. E. (later Sir Oliver) Goonetilleke. who handled, on behalf of D. S. Senanayake, the negotiations for Dominion Status at Whitehall - British Government Offices - was an active participant at this meeting. Many Speeches were made about Ramanathan's contributions to the political, Social and educational and religious life of our country and of his immense services to our people. He is remembered and ought to be remembered, for the brave stand that he took against the atrocities committed against the Sinhalese by the British rulers, during the racial riots of 1915. The immediate provocation for the riots was some religious ill-feeling between the Buddhists and the Coast Moors in the Kandy-Gampola area. The dispute arose overtherefusal of the Moors to permita Buddhist perehera to go past their mosque. This created an unfortunate situation and riots occurred in certain parts of the country. The British officials exaggerated the gravity of these local disturbances and imagined the unrest represented a conspiracy against British rule. They Suspected the hand of the newly emerged Buddhist revival and temperance movements, which they believed were anti-government. They panicked and resorted to the most extreme measures. The country was placed under martial law and resorting to severe measures of repression, they punished and executed many innocent persons.

The Highlights of the Freedom Struggle 123
Sir P. Ramanathan was elected to the educated Ceylonese seat of the Legislative Council in 1911. Regarding the riots, he spoke up fearlessly in the legislature, in criticism of the British administration and its inexplicable harshness toward Sinhalese-Buddhist leaders who had been accused, without much evidence to support the charge, of fomenting the riots. He travelled soon thereafter to London by steamboat in the mine infested seas, risking his life. This was during the time of the First World War, 1914-18. There, in England he carried on an intensive Campaign among the ruling circles and also among the general public, exposing the repression perpetrated on the people of Ceylon during the riots, and demanding justice for our people. Ramanathan's speeches on this theme formed part of his book, "Riots, and Martial Law in Ceylon, 1915" (London, 1916). As a consequence of this agitation, the Governor was recalled.
MOVEMENT FOR CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM
The severe repression of the 1915 religious riots, helped to deepen the anti-imperialist feelings of the people, as well as their hatred for the foreign rulers. It also spurred forward the movement for constitutional reform, and led to the formation of political parties. The Ceylon Reform League was established in 1917 and was expanded further by the formation of the Ceylon National Congress in 1919. Leaders like Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam, Sir James Peiris, Sir D. B. Jayatilaka, D. S. Senanayake, F. R. Senanayake and those of other communities became members of the Ceylon National Congress. For a period of two decades, members of the National Congress played an active role in the political life of the Country.
FIRST STEPS TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE
The first step towards independence was taken by the formation of two organizations, one in the North, the Students' Congress, Jaffna, later renamed the Youth Congress, under the leadership of a member of the teaching profession, S. Handy Perinpanayagam. This was in December 1924. joined the Students' Congress in 1927 and thereafter

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was elected to its executive committee. The other organization was in the South and was formed in the latter part of 1925, the Progressive Nationalist Party under the leadership of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. These two organisations were responsible for taking the Country away from the period of protests, requests and prayers made with professions of loyalty to the British Crown, and towards the period of struggle for independence and constructive constitutional changes.
The Students' Congress, after holding several successful annual sessions in Jaffna, wanted to expand its activities and help the youth in other parts of Ceylon, to form youth leagues with aims and objects similar to that of the Students' Congress.The aims and objects of the Students' Congress were (a) the development of national art, music and literature; (b) Working for the economic independence of the country; (c) training in National Service; and (d) realisation of a United Ceylon. In March 1929, a meeting consisting mainly of students of the University College, Law College and Medical College was held at Ananda College, Colombo. This meeting had been called on the initiative of N. Kumarasingham, one of the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress. It was decided to form a "Colombo Youth League" and a committee consisting of P. de S. Kullaratne, T. B. Jayah, S. R. Kanaganayagam, D. S. S. Peiris, N. Kumarasingham, Robin Ratnam, M. Rajasingham, F. S. J. Cooray, M. Sally, M. Nadarajah and C. Ranasinghe had been elected.
The politically conscious youth of the early 1930s began to group themselves into youth leagues in various parts of the country. The Jaffna Youth Congress, the Colombo Youth League and those youth leagues formed in Kandy, Negombo and other parts of the country, came together and inaugurated the All Ceylon Youth Congress on 16.5.1931. The first sessions of the All Ceylon Youth Congress was held at Plaza Theatre, Wellawatte, Colombo, with Valentine S. Perera in the chair. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mrs. Nehru, Mrs. Indira Gandhi (then Miss Nehru) and Mrs. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya attended these sessions as distinguished guests. A resolution calling for a boycott of the general elections of June 1931, as a protest against the Donoughmore Constitution, was passed unanimously at this Congress. The All Ceylon Youth Congress, which was the representative body of radical and progressive opinion at that time, opposed the constitution and wanted

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the elections to be boycotted, as the constitution did not go far enough and because it did not grant freedom to Ceylon. The youth leaguers carried on an active campaign for the boycott of the elections. Francis de Zoysa K.C., E. W. Perera and others of the All-Ceylon Liberal League, expressed full support for the boycott. The boycott was only successful in the North. In the South, a good number of youth leaguers, including T. B. Jayah, did not contest the 1931 elections. Though the boycott was a failure, it took the country forward towards freedom and independence.
PROGRESSIVE NATIONALIST PARTY
The other organisation that we referred to above, that is the Progressive Nationalist Party under the leadership of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, was formed in October 1925. lts members described the organisation as "an advance party of the youth of Ceylon, who aim to secure national emancipation". Bandranaike set about systematically to educate the public in political affairs. He published in the daily press a series of articles, setting out the problems facing Sri Lanka and the Solutions to resolve these problems. He set out the scheme for reform suggested by his Party as follows:
1. That the government of Ceylon should be responsible to the people of Ceylon. 2. That a federal system of government is most desirable to Ceylon. The federal system to be based on the 9 provinces, each province having autonomy. 3. That provincial government be carried on by village, district and provincial councils - the councils to be uni-cameral. 4. Franchise to be granted on a graduated Scale, ranging from universal franchise in the village councils and to a graduated, restricted franchise in district and provincial councils. 5. That the federal government should be controlled by two Houses. 6. That the people of Ceylon should have the right to amend their own constitution without reference to any power outside Ceylon. 7. The two Houses to be called House of Senators and House of Commons respectively. -
These suggestions made 70 years ago, have strong similarities to the present government's proposals for a federal form of constitution and devolution of power to the provinces.

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WORSENING OF ECONOMIC CRISIS
Now, what are the circumstances under which and the immediate causes for the grant of Dominion Status to Ceylon? With the end of the Second World War (1939-45), and with the cessation of hostilities and military expenditure, the problem of unemployment became a serious one. The employers started their offensive and withdrew benefits that were earlier forced out of them. With the repeal of the Defence Regulations, the findings of the Special Tribunals were no longer legally binding. Retrenchment of workers began and even workers kept in employment were not given full-time employment.The years 1945-1946 saw the worsening of the economic crisis that set in with the end of the war. The total real earnings of the workers dropped as a result of the lack of overtime work and rise in the cost of living, thus making living conditions intolerable for them. The unrest against intolerable conditions of living, was not confined to workers underprivate employment. The government employees were also affected and they joined in the general movement for better conditions. They were, in addition, suffering from lack of trade union and political rights. The trade unions drew the attention of the Ceylon Government to the fact that, at that time, the British Labour Government had withdrawn all the restrictions imposed on the trade unions of government employees. They urged the Ceylon Government to accord full union rights to all its employees by hand or brain. This was refused.
The discontent and unrest against intolerable living conditions and the lack of ordinary civil rights among all sections of employees, whether underprivate employment or government, gathered momentum and led in the next year to the historic general strike of May-June 1947. This general strike was the biggest strike ever organized up till that time. At its peak it involved over 50,000 workers. Leaders like M. G. Mendis, Pieter Keuneman, Dr. N. M. Perera, T. B. langaratne and others played a notable part in leading this strike and fighting back the repression of the Colonial Government.

The Highlights of the Freedom Struggle 127
FRING ON UNARMED DEMONSTRATION
The Government on its part, was bent on crushing the strike. The entire capitalist press misrepresented and slandered the strikers, the unions and their leaders. The Ceylon Defence Force was called out and the British Royal Marines paraded the streets of Colombo. On June 5, the police fired on an unarmed demonstration killing V. Kandasamy of the GCSU, who thus joined the list of martyrs of the working class movement. In addition, the Government rushed through the State Council several repressive laws, like the Public Security Ordinance and the Police (Amendment) Ordinance, which gave wide powers to the police and the Governor. According to the Police (Amendment) Ordinance, the use of slogans and megaphones in demonstrations can be banned by the police. The use of loudspeakers at public meetings can be prohibited. Prior permission had to be obtained for taking out demonstrations and for use of loudspeakers. The insufficiently organised workers and the middle class employees could not withstand the organised might of the government and the employers. The strike was called off in the third week of June, although none of the strikers demands were met. The movement suffered a serious setback, from which it took several years to recover.
CONSEQUENCES OF THE GENERAL STRIKE
However, the Consequences of this general strike brought about a turning point in the political and social life of the people of Sri Lanka. It was the militancy and the unity in action of the workers by hand and brain, both in the public and private sectors shown in the strike, that was one of the decisive factors in bringing an end to Ceylon's colonial status in 1948. The British preferred to hand over "Independence" to their own class friends among the Ceylonese, before realindependence was wrested from them by the people. The negotiations at Whitehall were handled, as stated earlier in this article, by O. E. Goonetilleke on D. S. Senanayake's behalf. At Whitehall, the British Government officers

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and policy makers were made to understand that Senanayake and his associates were facing increasing pressure from left wing forces, apart from other critics, and that the immediate grant of Dominion Status was now an urgent, if not a compelling necessity, to ensure their political survival. In recognition of this, the British Government made the official announcement on June 18, 1947 that the island would receive "fully responsible status within the British Commonwealth of Nations". This is how D. S. Senanayake and his friends were able to obtain so called "freedom" for Ceylon, without any struggle on their part. At about this time, D. S. Senanayake, who was a member of the Ceylon National Congress (CNC), resigned from the Congress on the grounds that members of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka were being admitted to membership of the Congress. Despite his objections, the majority were for the admission of the Communists, and they were accordingly admitted to membership. I, a founder member of the Communist Party, applied for membership and was enrolled a member of the Ceylon National Congress.
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 1947
D. S. Senenayake now set about forming a new political party, the United National Party (UNP) in preparation to contest the parliamentary elections under the new set up, which was to be held in late 1947. Many members from the Ceylon National Congress joined the UNP. Two other groups that joined virtually en bloc were the Ceylon Muslim League and the Sinhala Maha Sabha. The latter organisation, founded in 1937, represented Sinhalese and Buddhist interests and was led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, who had earlier, in the 1920s, joined the CNC. Apart from these identifiable political organizations that antedated the formation of the UNP, Senanayake could count upon a considerable following of his own. The UNP combined a variety of traditionally diverse elements into one political party. However, at the parliamentary elections D. S. Senanayake and the UNP failed to win a

The Highlights of the Freedom Struggle 129
majority, despite the vicious anti-Marxist campaigns with posters Screaming slogans such as "Save religion from the flames of Marxism". There was no doubt that the militant feelings aroused by the strike were responsible for election victories of a number of anti-UNP candidates. Out of 100 seats, the UNP won only 46. The three left parties fighting separately, won 20 seats (LSSP won 10, the BLP5 and the CP5), while the Tamil Congress and the Ceylon Indian Congress won 7 seats each. The independents won 20 seats. Thus it was in the hands of the Independents, as to who would be enabled to form the Government, the UNP or the anti-UNP group. Both sides wooed them. The famous conference of the anti-UNP forces took place at "Yamuna", the residence of H. Sri Nissanka. But the parties who met there failed to agree. D. S. Senanayake succeeded in luring sufficient number of Independents into his camp, in order to enable him to form a Cabinet.
SRI LANKA FREEDOM PARTY
D. S. Senanayake continued substantially the same type of Government, as when he was Prime Minister of the State Council. I shall now proceed to describe what happened after the resignation of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike from the Cabinet in 1951. After T. B. langaratne became a member of parliament, contesting the Kandy seat in 1948-1949, he and H. Sri Nissanaka, an outstanding lawyer of that time, and several other progressives met together and formed the Mahanuwara Samajawadi Peramuna (Kandy Socialist Front). In 1951, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, after crossing over to the opposition from the UNP government, set about forming a new political party. He invited several prominent people to join him. Among those whom be invited were langaratne and Sri Nissanka. A programme was agreed upon and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) was formed, incorporating the Mahanuwara Samajawadi Peramuna and the Sinhala Maha Sabha of Bandaranaike. A manifesto for the SLFP was prepared and printed in 1951.

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The Highlights of the Freedom Struggle 13
NATIONAL LANGUAGES
In a statement given to the press by advocate A. C. Nadaraja, a founder member of the SLFP and for sor The time its Vice President, he
said that the SLFP manifesto, printed in 1951, had the following or
national languages.
"National Languages. It is most essential that Sinhalese and Tamil be adopted as official languages immediately, so that the people of this Country Tay cease to be aliens in their own land, so that an end may be put to the iniquity of condemning those educated in Sinhalese and Tamil to occupy lowliest walks of life, and above all that Society may have the full benefit of the skills-and talents of the people. The administration of government must be carried on in Sinhalese and Tamil".
ACHIEVEMENT OF REAL INDEPENDENCE
When Bandaranaike came to power in 1956, he took all the necessary steps to cut the remaining shackles binding Sri Lanka with British imperialism as was the case in respect of the Trincomalee harbour and other places in Sri Lanka. He established diplomatic and trade relations with the Soviet Union and other Communist Countries.
He introduced laws which gawe relief to the Workers and to the under priwilleged.
| hawa set down here the warious stages in the long road to freedom. The severe repression during the 1915 religious riots, spurred forward the movement for constitutional reform, and led to the establishment of the Ceylon Reform League and the Ceylon National Congress. The formation of the Jaffna Youth Congress and the Progressive Nationalist Party, laid the first steps towards independence.

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132 Politics and Life in Our Times
The consequences of the general strike of May-June 1947, brought about a turning point in the political and social life of the people of Sri Lanka. O. E. Goonetillake on D. S. Senanayake's behalf, manoeuvred to get Dominion Status for Sri Lanka. The United National Party is formed in 1947, in preparation to contest the Parliamentary elections under the new set up. The elections are held and the UNP government is formed with the help of the independents. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike resigns from the UNP cabinet in 1951 and forms the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. He comes into power in 1956 and cuts the remaining shackles binding Sri Lanka to British imperialism and Sri Lanka achieves real independence and full freedom.
Courtesy: "Daily News", February 5th, 1997.

The Suriya Mal Movement and Changes in Sri Lanka
In the early 1930s it was the Suriya Mal Movement which brought the radical youth together, and it was also the beginnings of a new movement that was to change the entire course of Sri Lankan history.
The sale of Suriya Mal was started, in 1931, by Ceylonese
ex-servicemen of the First World War, as a protest against the proceeds of the poppy sales on November 11, being sent to England. They wanted the monies collected, to be distributed among the ex-servicemen and their dependants in Ceylon.
It may be useful to note the background in which the radical youth movement developed during the 1920s, to understand what great changes the Suriya Mal Movement had triggered in the country.
During the period just prior to the 1920s all the politicians of the time pledged loyalty to the British Crown. The Ceylon National Congress originated at the Second Conference on Constitutional Reform organized by the Ceylon Reform League and the Ceylon National Association, held on December 13 and 14, 1918. At this conference, the first item on the agenda was the following motion, moved from the Chair, and which was passed with acclamation, all standing:
LOYAL HOMAGE
"This conference tenders its loyal homage to His Majesty the King, and respectfully Submits its joyful Congratulations upon the Success of the British and Allied arms in overthrowing the Central Powers, and in upholding the British ideal of liberty, self-development and self-determination for all peoples, great and small".

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134 Politics and Life in Our Times
In moving the above motion, the president, Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam, said that "We are on the threshold of a new and a better world. In the words of Mr. Asquith, the Allied victory guarantees to all nations, Security against sinister and predatory ambitions and the full right of self-determination; or, as President Wilson has put it, the interest of the weakest is in the eyes of the Allies as sacred as the interest of the strongest. Small nations may now breathe freely, and may unmolested, live their own lives, work out their own development, and make their own contribution to the worlds civilization and happiness". ("The Handbook of the Ceylon National Congress', edited by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, pp.119, 177).
MEMORIALS, REQUESTS AND PROTESTS
The memorials sent to England, to the Secretary of State for Colonies, by the politicians of that period, and the protests and requests made by them for some share in the government of the country by British Imperialism, was done with professions of loyalty to the British Crown. These activities were however limited to the English educated elite. The mass of the people had no share in it.
The demand by the leaders of the Ceylon National Congress, for a greater share in government, was carried on, even in the 1920s by memoranda and deputations. They did not launch a movement for full independence, but were satisfied to be under the British Crown and within the British Empire.
The constitution of the Ceylon National Congress stated that "The aim of the Ceylon National Congress is to secure for the people of Ceylon, responsible government and the status of a self-governing member of the British Empire." (Article 1).
The situation in neighbouring India was quite different. In the period before the First Great War, the leaders of the Indian National Congress did not consider British rule their enemy, Surendra Nath Banerjee, the famous orator of the older Congress leaders, proclaimed

The Suriya Mal Movement and Changes in Sri Lanka 135
the ideal to be "work with unwavering loyalty to the British connection - for the object was not the supersession of British rule in India, but the broadening of its base, the liberalizing of its spirit, the ennobling of its character and placing it on the unchangeable foundation of the nations's affection". (R. Palme Dutt, "India Today", p. 266, Indian Edition).
By the time the Reforms Act was enacted in 1919, the whole situation in India had changed. The reforms along the lines of "Dyarchy" in the provinces, or divisions of portfolios between the British and Indian ministers, was opposed by the Congress and India was seething with mass unrest. The British Chief of Staff, Sir Henry Wilson, reported to the Cabinet in January 1919, that their only policy was to "get our troops out of Europe and Russia, and concentrate all our strength in our storm centres, England, Ireland, Egypt, India". (R. Palme Dutt, "World Politics", p.56, Indian Edition).
Jawaharlal Nehru describes the situation thus: "World War I ended at last, and the peace, instead of bringing us relief and progress, brought us repressive legislation and martial law in the Punjab. A bitter sense of humiliation and a passionate anger filled our people. All the unending talk of constitutional reform and Indianization of the services, was a mockery and an insult when the manhood of our country was being crushed, and the inexorable and Continuous process of exploitation was deepening our poverty and Sapping our vitality. We had become a derelict nation.
"And then Gandhi came. He did not descend from the top; he seemed to emerge from the millions of India, speaking their language and incessantly drawing attention to them and their appalling condition. Get off the backs of these peasants and workers, he told us, all you who live by their poverty and misery. Political freedom took new shape then and acquired a new content". (Jawaharlal Nehru, "The Discovery of India" pp.360, (Meridian Books Ltd).

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REPERCUSSIONS IN SRI LANKA
All this movement and agitation in India, did have its repercussions in Sri Lanka. As far as the older politicians were Concerned, they followed the earlier pattern of co-operation with British imperialism. But the youth were inflamed with patriotism and with the urge to emulate the Indian patriots in their struggle to free their country from the foreign yoke.
This enthusiasm was markedly so in Jaffna, where the Tamil newspapers published in India were popular, and news about Mahatma Gandhi and the freedom movement were avidly read.
But at that time, there was no national organization for the patriotic youth of the country. A band of young teachers and students from Jaffna, decided to marshal the forces of the students of this country, for the purpose of solving some of the problems which were then confronting them and which, they stated, would become more Complicated as time went by. For this purpose, S.H. Perinpanayagam, on their behalf, informed the public, through a letter in the daily press, that there is in Jaffna an attempt made to "organise a movement embracing young people of all races, Creeds and castes, so that they may all Come to know one another, and join in an earnest endeavour to do the little they can for their country".
Mr. Perinpanayagam further stated that "those interested in the Organization feel that they ought to make a small beginning in Jaffna" and were making preparations to hold a congress of students there, in December 1924. He summarized the purpose of the congress as follows: "It aims at providing a base of operations, to the young men who are discontented at the present state of things, and who want to create the same divine discontent in the minds of others, so that they may, when they leave this world, have the satisfaction of having made the condition of their country, in its social and political, cultural and intellectual and spiritual sides, a little better than when they came into it........ f

The Suriya Mal Movement and Changes in Sri Lanka 137
He called upon all those who were interested in the regeneration of the country, and who had faith in the capacity of youth to bring it about, to communicate with the organising secretary, M. Balasundram, "Hope Cottage", Jaffna.
The inaugural meeting of the Students' Congress was held at the Ridgeway Hall, Jaffna, on December 31, 1924. Students had assembled there from various parts of Ceylon. The resolution inaugurating the Students' Congress read as follows :-
"That the students assembled in this hall, do hereby resolve that a Congress beformed, for the purpose of quickening the national impulse, and for directing the energy of the youth of this country, in the path of sincere selfless national service, and that it shall be named the Students' Congress".
Thus began the radical youth movement of Sri Lanka. The aims and objects of the Students' Congress were:
1. To revive the national art, literature and music. 2. To make Ceylon economically independent. 3. To train the young for national service, in particular, to work for the realisation of ideals of a United Ceylonese Nation. The daily press gave full reports of the proceedings at the Congress sessions and these stirred the youth of the country. V. Chelliah, vice principal of Jaffna College, who was elected president of the Congress, said that "All the greatest reforms effected in society, were the work of young men. Jesus Christ, when he started his mission had only just completed his twenties, Buddha's renunciation took place when he was a very young man". He set out in detail the social evils that were besetting the country, and the role of youth in remedying and eradicating them.
He said that he had only indicated the lines on which the work might be done by young men. "Just imagine what this country would be if, for instance, they unitedly made up their minds that the shameful systems of caste and dowry should go, that a cleaner political and social life must come into being, and that the mutual

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animosities and jealousies of various communities and races and creeds, must give place to national unity. Why, in ten years' time the intellectual, political, social and moral sphere of life of this land would be entirely changed".
Mr. Chelliah concluded by saying, "You are the future citizens of this land. On you depends the weal or woe of this beautiful Island. May God help you to stand together unitedly, for righteousness and justice. And may He help you to perform loving service for your mOtherland".
STUDENTS CONGRESS
The first sessions of the Students' Congress were held during the Christmas holidays, but the Congress now decided to have the sessions, from that year onwards during the National New Year holidays. V. Thillainathan, the general secretary of the Students' Congress, in his press statement announcing the holding of the second sessions of the Congress stated:
"I wish to make it clear to our friends and well-wishers, that our Congress is no party organisation. Every facility is provided for admission of members from the different communities of Ceylon. In fact, we have already some members representing the different communities. One of our bye-laws provides that no sectarian issue can be raised on the Congress platform. It is our hope, that this Congress will form the nucleus for an All-Ceylon Organisation, in time to come. In pursuance of this intension and hope to build up an AllCeylon Organisation, the Students' Congress invited prominent personalities from South Ceylon and from India, to preside at the annual sessions of the Congress. Thus P. de S. Kularatne, Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar and Mrs. Kamaladevi Chattopadyaya were among those personalities who have presided at the annual sessions, which were regularly held every year for about two decades. joined the Students' Congress in 1927 and was later elected to its executive committee.

The Suriya Mal Movement and Changes in Sri Lanka 139
FORMATION OF THE COLOMBO YOUTH LEAGUE
Further, in March 1929, a meeting consisting mainly of students of the University College, Law College and Medical College was held at Ananda College, Colombo. This meeting had been called on the initiative of N. Kumarasingham, a law student and one of the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress, which was in 1931 renamed the Jaffna Youth Congress. It was decided to form a youth league called "Colombo Youth League", and a committee consisting of P. de S. Kularatne, T. B. Jayah, S. R. Kanaganayagam, D. S. S. Peiris, N. Kumarasingham, Robin Ratnam, M. Rajasingham, F. S. J. Cooray, M. Sally, M. Nadarajah and G. Ranasinghe had been elected.
Thus the politically conscious youth of the early 1930s began to group themselves into youth leagues in various parts of the country.
The youth leagues that then existed at Colombo, Kandy, Jaffna, Negombo and other parts of the country, came together to inaugurate the All-Ceylon Youth Congress. The first sessions of the All-Ceylon Youth Congress were held on May 16, 1931, at Plaza Theatre, Wellawatte, Colombo, with Valentine S. Perera in the chair.
YOUTH LEAGUE SALES OF SURYA MAL
The sales of Suriya Mal (Flower), which was started on November 11, 1931, was actively helped by the youth leagues. In October and early November, meetings, discussions and letters to the press, carried on a controversy as to the purpose of the Suriya Mal Movement and as to its anti-imperialist content. The sales of Suriya Mal were not organised in November 1932. I asked Aelian Pereira, the president of the Ceylonese Ex-Servicemen's Association, as to why the Suriya Mal sales were not organised that year. He told me that discussions and letters to the press were taking the matter in a different direction, and therefore it was dropped.

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140 Politics and Life in Our Times
FREESTRUCTURED SUR|YA MAL MOVEMEN
On the initiative of Doreen Young, Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, N. M. Perera, Wilmot Perera and several others, the Suriya Mal Movement was restructured in 1933. Doreen Young, who later married Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, was elected president. This organisation was very active for over a decade, with an executive committee of which the above mentioned activists, Corbert Jayewardene, Selina Margaret Peiris and I were members. The proceeds from the Suriya Mal sales were not distributed among the ex-servicemen, but were utilized for social service work and to educate arodiya girl to the nursing profession. These social services helped our members to become known among the people and to be loved by them. Most of the active members of the Suriya Mal Movement were socialists. These socialists formed themselves, with several others, into a political party in December 1935, called the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP). In the 1936 State Council Elections, several members from the LSSP were
elected as members of the State Council. This, to a great extent, was due to the popularity gained through working in the Suriya Mal Movement, and which later led to vast changes in the country.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, May 9th, 1997.

Pieter Keuneman - a Principled Politician
Many eloquent tributes have been paid from all walks of life and from all political parties in Sri Lanka and from communists and others from abroad, to the late comrade Pieter Keuneman. He was a highly principled politician and was loyal to eommunism, the political philosophy that he chose in his teens, and held up to his death 60 years later.
He got interested in politics by reading a book from his father, Justice Keuneman's library, entitled "Imperialism, the Highest Stage. of Capitalism" by V. I. Lenin.
Pieter Keuneman commenced his political life when he was an undergraduate at Cambridge University. He joined the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1937, when he was just 20 years old. At that time we, the communists in Sri Lanka, received with enthusiasm and pride the news of his activities in Britain, where he took a leading part in the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movement. We eagerly awaited the day when he would arrive in Sri Lanka and join usin our political work. While in Cambridge, he decided to join the volunteer International Brigade and help the Spanish Republican Government in the Spanish Civil war, 1936-9.
After the victory of the United Front (of republicans, socialists, and communists) in the 1936 elections in Spain, the right-wing elements rallied to General Franco, who started a rebellion in Morocc and took his troops to the mainland, where he first occupied ప Spain. Hitler from Nazi Germany and Mussolini from Fascist Italy poured in supplies, arms and 'volunteers' to help Franco. Britain and France, by pursuing a policy of non-intervention, in effect hamstrung and obstructed the Republican loyalists, who received aid from the U.S.S.R. and the volunteer international Brigade. The war was notable for the tenacity and bravery of the loyalists and for the brutality of the Franco forces. After taking the capital city Madrid, in 1939, Franco set up a dictatorship.

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Keuneman was in Spain for a short period during the Civil War. But later, though he tried his best to go over to Spain to help the toyalists, risking his life, he could not do so as the French authorities would not permit him to go over to Spain through France. From countries all over the world, there was expression of sympathy and support for the Spanish Republican Government. I got down from Madrid booklets and posters in support of the loyalists, distributed the booklets and helped to organize a poster exhibition in Colombo. Other members of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, had also got down posters from Spain and all these were exhibited, if I remember right, at the hall of the 80 Club. At this time, I was the Literature Secretary Of the L. S. S. P.
"The Soviet Way" by Pieter Keuneman was published in 1942. The first book on the Soviet Union written and published in Sri Lanka, it described in detail the guiding philosophy, social outlook and achievements of the world's first socialist state, its consistent prewar fight for peace and disarmament, its unwavering attempts to block the rise of fascism, its heroic resistance to the Nazi invaders, and its socially progressive war aims. At a time when the mood of despondency was rife in progressive circles in Sri Lanka, the book showed why Hitler would be defeated and what could result from victory over fascism. Subsequent events have proved his predictions right.
Pieter arrived in Sri Lanka in the latter part of 1940, and forthwith plunged into the task of uniting the socialist forces in Sri Lanka. He took an active part in the formation, in November 1940. of the United Socialist Party, the precursor of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka. At this time he was employed as a journalist at Lake House.
In July 1943 the United Socialist Party was dissolved and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka was formed with Keuneman as its first General Secretary. Party work increased and the party decided that the General Secretary should be a full-time party worker.

Pieter Keuneman - a Principled Politician 143
As a successful journalist Keuneman was paid an attractive salary. He knew that our party, then with not even a 100 members and most of whom were workers, would not be able to pay him an adequate allowance. However, at the call of the party, our comrade gave up his job at Lake House and became a full time party worker. The party paid him a small monthly allowance when there was money and did not pay him when there wasn't any. We can never forget this great sacrifice made by him.
At this time the workers were neither properly organised in trade unions, nor did they have any of the rights or benefits that they later enjoyed. In this situation came Pieter Keuneman, the son of a Supreme Court Judge, walking or cycling in the streets of Colombo, Organising the workers into well knit trade unions. He and his COmrades made the
workers stand up and fight for their rights. Many of the demands then made, were won later through bitter working class struggles.
it was these qualities of love and affection for the ordinary people, that enabled him to be elected a member of parliament in 1947. When he stood for this election, neither Pieternor the party had enough money to spend for even a poster campaign. But the people rallied round and contributed enough money to defray the expenses of printing posters and leaflets.
At that time Keuneman was known mainly to the organised trade unionists and political militants. He was a stranger to many wards in the constituency. He borrowed a Bug Fiat car, a very Small car and which type of car is now out of production, and accompanied by me, his election agent, and with two or three other election workers Squeezed into the car, went about the electorate introducing himself to the voters. He won this election and upto 1977 has been an MP for Colombo Central, and I have been his election agent at every parliamentary election. Pieter Keuneman was elected to parliament in 1947 as the third member for Colombo Central, polling 15,435 votes.

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Keuneman's persistent fight in parliament, in the Colombo Municipal Council, and in the mass movement outside for so many popular causes, won him great renown. So much so that when the next general election to parliament took place in 1952, he more than doubled his 1947 vote. He polled 32, 346 votes and became first member for Colombo Central. In 1947 when Keuneman was elected to parliament as the third member for Colombo Central, A. E. Goonesinha of the Ceylon Labour Union was elected to parliament as the first member for Colombo Central.
But by 1952, the Communist Party had made such advances in Colombo, that in the parliamentary elections held in 1952, they were able to reduce A. E. Goonesinha to fourth place and knock him permanently out of parliamentary and political life. Keuneman was able to maintain his leading position in parliamentary elections for decades.
Pieter has always been interested in the development of the educational institutions in Colombo. Schools like Kotahena Madhya Maha Vidyalaya, Wolfendhal Girl's High School, Vivekananda Maha Vidyalaya, have progressed and developed beyond recognition through his efforts. He will go down in history as the Minister of Housing who introduced far reaching legislation, to protect the long suffering tenants of Colombo and other cities of Sri Lanka. He has also introduced legislation bringing in a ceiling on the number of houses one could own. These two laws have drastically altered the social structure of Sri Lanka, in favour of the houseless. Pieter Keuneman fought vigorously for national unity, equal rights for Tamils, Muslims and other minorities, and for devolution of power. He was also prominent in the fight for official status for the Tamil language, which took 30 years to be accomplished. After the Ceylon National Congress changed its creed and object to that of freedom to Ceylon, Keuneman and other communists, including myself, joined the Congress.

Pieter Keuneman - a Principled Politician 145
Many suggestions and constructive proposals were made by Keuneman to the Congress. The following passage taken from the documents sent by Pieter to the Ceylon National Congress, with a covering letter suggesting further discussion, is indicative of the type of Work done in the Congress by comrade Pieter and other communists: "This rally of Colombo citizens, called by the Ceylon Communist Party, declares that in order to achieve unity between the different communities and a common demand for the recognition of independence and a free constitution, it is necessary to recognize that the development of Ceylon is taking and will take a multi-national form and that a united and a free Ceylon can be realized only on the basis of guaranteeing full and equal opportunities for the development of all nationalities and minorities in Ceylon".
The rally referred to above refers to a public rally of over 5,000 people, called by the Ceylon Communist Party at the Town Hall, Colombo, On Sunday, October 15, 1944, when two complementary resolutions Were passed unanimously.
I wish to quote here a passage by Lenin as given in the book "The Soviet Way" by Pieter Keuneman: "Man's dearest possession is life. And since it is granted to him to live but once, he must so live as to feel no torturing regrets for years without purpose; so live as not to be Seared by the shame of a cowardly and trivial past; so live that dying he can say: All my life and all my strength were given to the finest cause in the world - the fight for the liberation of mankind". Comrade Keuneman did live such a life throughout the 80 years that he lived.
Courtesy: "Daily News", February 12th, 1997.

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S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's Proposals for Constitutional Reform
Sri Lanka is on the brink of many changes-political, economic, social and religious. President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, as the leader of the People's Alliance Government, has announced peace proposals which contain wide ranging constitutional reforms, including more extensive devolution of power to the provinces. These proposals are being widely discussed in Sri Lanka and abroad.
Everyone is aware of the urgent necessity to have meaningful and lasting solutions, to the political and other problems facing the people of this country. Looking back to the past may help us to go forward. "History" as the great Spanish writer and reformer Cervantes wrote, "is not only a Treasure-house of our deeds and a witness of the past, but also an example, a lesson for the present, as well as a warning for the furture".
At a meeting organised by the Jaffna Students' Congress and held in Jaffna in July 1926, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike set out, in brief, why he opposed a unitary constitution for Ceylon, and why he thought a federal Constitution was more Suitable for Conditions here. He Outlined the difficulties that would crop up if a centralised system of government Was introduced.
was present at this meeting, being a student at Parameshwara College, Jaffna, a college founded by Sir P. Ramanathan. First, I shall give extracts from a report of the meeting given in the "Ceylon Morning Leader" of July 17, 1926. Thereafter. I shall give here a more detailed description of Bandaranaike's proposals for Constitutional reforms.
THE EXTRACTS:
"Under the auspices of the Students' Congress, Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, B. A. (Oxon), Barrister-at-Law, delivered a very interesting lecture on "Federation as the only Solution to our Political Problems." Dr. Isaac Thambyah presided.

S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's Proposals for Constitutional Reform 147
Mr. Bandaranaike said that it was necessary, in the first place, to realise the importance of the present time. A revision of the constitution was due in 1928. A satisfactory measure of selfgovernment was expected. It was therefore necessary to think very clearly and realise in its entirety the whole political question.
A false step taken, a false proposal made now Would be very difficult to retrieve in the future. They all wanted self-government. The question remained what was the measure of self-government they were aiming at.
There were briefly two forms of government met with in Ceylon. One form was the "Nindagama' system of land tenure, the other was the headmen system of provincial administration. All that meant that the whole land was a loose federation bound by one common oath to the King. When the British came to the island, they introduced a certralised form of government. That centralised form of government as introduced had a semblance of a free institution. Even to the present day, it was nothing else but a bureaucratic form of government.
The lecturer then referred to the course of political agitation for a larger measure of reforms. It didn't start till 1915, when the riots took place. The lecturer then referred to the great part played by Sir P. Ramanathan, then the Educated Ceylonese Member. Sir P. Arunachalam started the National Congress. It was he who fathered the movement for agitation for reform. When the Congress was started, the articles to which all the members Subscribed themselves was that their aim and goal should be self-government within the empire. Beyond the securing of a few more seats in the Legislative Council nothing else was done.
Those who agitated for reform concentrated their whole energies on arguing in two directions on fallacious bases. The system was not questioned as to its suitability. Secondly they aimed at Copying the type of government as existing in England. The result was that the Legislative Council at present was a mostmongrel assembly. It was an assembly of the people in theory, but in reality it was utterly useless.

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Various compromises were made. There were Government members who were not responsible to anybody of voters. The territorial principle was acknowledged, the communal principle acquiesced and when all was said and done the assembly had no real power.
A centralised form of government assumed homogenous whole. He knew no part of the world where a government was carried on under such conflicting circumstances as would be experienced in Ceylon. Those would be the troubles if a centralised form of government was introduced into countries with large communal differences.
In a federal government, each federal unit had complete power Over themselves. Yet they united and had one or two assemblies to discuss matters affecting the whole country. That was the form of government in the United States of America. All the self-governing dominions, Australia, South Africa, Canada had the same system. Switzerland afforded a better example for Ceylon. It was a small country, but three races lived there. French, Germans and Italians. Yet Switzerland was a country where the federal form of government was very Successful. Each canton managed its own affairs. But questions of foreign affairs, commerce, defence, etc., matters about which differences and controversies would be at a minimum, were dealt with by the federal assembly. In Ceylon, each province should have Complete autonomy. There should be one or two assemblies to deal with the special revenue of the island.
A thousand and one objections could be raised against the system but when the objections were dissipated, he was convinced that some form of federal government would be the orily solution. He had not dealt with the smaller communities. For such communities temporary arrangements could be made for special representation.
Those temporary arrangements would exist till the fear existed about one community trying to overlord the other. He would suggest the Same for the Colombo Tamil Seat. The three main divisions in the island were the Kandyan Sinhalese, the Low Country Sinhalese and the Tamils. lt was difficult to find a system that would completely satisfy everyone. That was in brief the federal system.

S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's Proposals for Constitutional Reform 149
have given above the report of the speech of Mr. Banadaranaike, as given in the Ceylon Morning Leader, a daily newspaper which was popular at that time. Now, before giving in detail the proposals made by Mr. Bandaranaike for a federal form of government, I wish to saya word or two about my association with Mr. Bandaranaike.
I have already mentioned that was present at the meeting held in Jaffna in 1926, where Mr. Bandaranaike spoke onfederalism. In 1936 or so, was living at No. 75, Silversmith Street, now called Bandaranaike Mawatha in Colombo 12. S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike, after whose name the street is now called, was living here in a large house with a spacious compound. Part of this house is still there with the number 167.
I have been to this house and had political discussions with him. I have been in several organisations like the Suriya Mal Movement, where he too was a member, and thus had OCCasions where We met and discussed political and other matters.
Up to that time, that is up to the 1920s and mid 1930s, politics has been the monopoly of a few and no interest had been created in the public mind of political matters. It was the Students' Congress in the North and the Progressive Nationalist Party in the South who, by publishing articles in the press and by holding public meetings and public discussions, set about educating and interesting the public in constitutional reform, government and politics. I was a member of the executive committee of the Students' Congress, later renamed the Youth Congress.
PROGRESSIVE NATIONALIST PARTY
shall now proceed to set out here the political objectives of the Progressive Nationalist Party, which organisation was described by its members as "an advance party of the youth of Ceylon who aim to secure national emancipation".
"A fresh step has been taken in Ceylonese political aspirations by the formation of a Progressive Nationalist Party". This was the observation made, at that time, by a daily newspaper on the formation of this political party in October 1925. The leader of the party was

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S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, the deputy leader was Valentine S. Perera and the Hony, secretary was G. Ponnambalam. Among the members of the Committee were R. S. S. Gunawardene, D. N. W. de Silva, M. T. Jalaldeen, James T. Rutnam and H. S. Ginige.
This party introduced concepts which were new in the political life of the country. Up to that time loyalty to the British Crown was avowed by all political parties and orgainsations, with the exception of the Students' Congress, Jaffna, formed about a year earlier, that is, in December 1924. The new party stated that the ultimate aim of the party was to obtain for Ceylon self-government within or without the British empire, consonant with national honour.
Further, this party suggested fundamental changes in the form of the constitution that should be adopted for Sri Lanka. Up to then the British constitution was looked upon, by all politicians of Sri Lanka, as the ideal constitution and the then politicians and political parties aimed at Copying the type of government as existed in England.
The constitution of the Progressive National Party set forth that "in view of the existing differences among the people of our country, the only solution of the problem will be the adoption of a federal system of Government. While realising that our national progress requires a development of our own national culture, institutions, literature and art, We are of opinion that an intelligent adoption and use of Western institutions and culture is necessary in view of the conditions in the modern World.
"Socially, (1) in religion we realise that it is a matter for the conscience of each individual, and we therefore stand for complete freedom of religious belief; (2) with regard to caste distinctions, we feel that their elimination at the earliest possible time is desirable in the best interests of the country. We feel that the attainment of economic independence is a very important step towards political emancipation".
FEDERAL AND UNITARY STATE
The nature of the state which the Progressive Nationalist Party advocated for Ceylon was a federal state, in preference to a unitary One. A unitary state has been described as one organised under a single central government, that is to say, whatever powers are possessed by

S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's Proposals for Constitutional Reform 151
the various districts, within the area administered as a whole by the central government, are held at the discretion of that government, and the Central power is supreme over the whole without any restrictions imposed by any law granting special powers to its parts.
"Unitarianism" in the political sense has been defined by the late Professor Dicey as "the habitual exercise of supreme legislative authority by one central power". The British constitution is a unitary constitution where the parliament is sovereign.
A federal state is one in which a number of CO-Ordinate states unite for certain common purposes. To quote again Professor Dicey, "a federal state is a political contrivance intended to reconcile national unity and power with the maintenance of state rights". In a federal system of government there is a division of powers between one general and several regional governments, each of which, in its own sphere, is Coordinate with the others and each government must act directly on the people.
Further, according to the type of federation each government, to a greater or lesser extent, must be limited to its own sphere of action and each must within that sphere, be independent of the others. Certain matters, for instance, foreign affairs, defence and tariffs, will be within the exclusive sphere of the central or general government. In respect of other matters, each regional government will manage its own affairs.
SCHEME FOR REFORM
The scheme for reform of the aspirations of the Party was as follows: 1. That the government of Ceylon should be responsible to the people of Ceylon. 2. That a federal system of government is most desirable to Ceylon. The federal system to be based on the 9 provinces, each province having autonomy. 3. That provincial government be carried on by village, district and provincial Councils, - the Councils to be unicameral. 4. Franchise to be granted on a graduated Scale, ranging from universal franchise in the village councils and to a graduated, restricted franchise in district and provincial councils. 5. That the federal

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government should be controlled by two Houses. 6. That the people of Ceylon should have the right to amend their own constitution without reference to any power outside Ceylon. 7. The two Houses to be called House of Senators and House of Commons respectively.
HOUSE OF COMMONS
Commons to have 100 members. Territorial 3/4, special
interests 1/4. Of the 75 members to be elected on the territorial basis, 16 to be elected from the Western Province, 15 from the Northern, 10 from the Southern, 6 from the Eastern, 6 from the North-Western, 4 from the North-Central, 8 from the Central, 4 from Uva and 6 from the Sabaragamuwa Province. Of the 25 members for special interest, 5 for the Burghers, 7 for the Muslims, 7 for the Europeans, 4 for the Indians and 2 for the university.
Senate was to have 45 members, 5 for each province with the province as electorate. The scheme of reforms also set out provisions for the executive, judiciary, army and navy, provincial administration, the election of speakers and presidents and the relationship between the councils. Each village, district and provincial council shall have limited powers of taxation and administration, expressly stated by the constitution. The parliament shall have all residuary powers.
The Progressive Nationalist Party's scheme also stated that "the majority of us feel that in view of the local conditions, particularly racial differences, the most satisfactory method to minimise and gradually remove such differences is a federal system of government. Such a system of government has in other countries, particularly in Switzerland, tended towards national unity. We feel that the present arrangement of 9 provinces should remain and be the basis of the federal system".
Courtesy: "Daily News", December 11th, 1995.

The Path Traversed to Independence and the Way Ahead
On February 4, 1948 the state opening of the Parliament of Ceylon was performed by the Duke of Gloucester. In the speech from the throne, which was conveyed through the Duke, the King said: "After a period of nearly a century and a half, during which the status of Ceylon was that of a colony in my empire, she now takes her place as a free and independent member of the British Commonwealth of Nations".
On that day, February 4, 1948, a large meeting was held by the side of the statue of Sir P. Ramanathan, which stands near the old parliament building. I was present at this meeting. O. E. (later Sir Oliver) Goonetilleke, who handled on behalf of D. S. Senanayake, the negotiations for Dominion Status at Whitehall - British Government Offices - was an active
paticipant at this meeting. e
Many speeches were made about Ramanathan's contributions to the political, social and educational and religious life of our country and of his immense service to our people. When he founded the Parameshwara College, in the mid 1920s, left the missionary school, St. John's College, Jaffna, and joined Parameshwara College. Here was taught the Hindu religion, Tamil, Sanskrit and the curriculum necessary upto the Cambridge Junior, Cambridge Senior and the London Matriculation Examinations by Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan, Sir Arunachalam Mahadeva, Hon. S. Natesan and other leading educationists.

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The Path Traversed to Independence and the Way Ahead 155
EDUCATED CEYLONESE SEAT
After passing the Matriculation Examination of the University of Lordon, in 1929, I left Paramesh wara College for futher studies and joined St. Joseph's College, Colombo, and in 1930 joined the University College, Colombo. Part of the Jaffna University carTipus is now situated at the site of the former Parameshwara College.
Sir P. Ramanathan is remembered and ought to be remembered, for the brave stand that he took against the atrocities Committed against the Sinhalese by the British rulers, during the racial riots of 1915. The immediate provocation for the riots was some religious ill-feeling between the Buddhists and the Coast Moors in the Kandy - Gampola area. The dispute arose over the refusal of the Moors to permit a Buddhist perahera to go past their mosque. This created an unfortunate situation and riots occurred in certain parts of the Country. The British officials exaggerated the gravity of these local disturbances and imagined that the Unrest represented a conspiracy against British rule. They suspected the hand of the newly emerged Buddhist revival and temperance movements, which they believed Were anti-government.
They panicked and resorted to the most extreme measures. The country was placed under martial law and resorting to severe measures of repression, they punished and executed many innocent persons. One of those who was sentenced to death was Philip Gunawardena's father, Boralugoda Ralaharny, but later reprieved.
Sir P. Ramanathan was elected to the educated Ceylonese seat, in 1911, and thus was the only member who was elected to the Legislative Council, to represent the Whole Country, on a non-COTmunal basis. All the other members to the Legislative Council were elected On a communal basis, where the voters Were limited to Wote for the Tembers of that particular community who were contesting to represent that community in the Legislative Council,

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Regarding the riots, Ramanathan spoke up fearlessly in the Legislative Council Criticising the British administration and its inexplicable harshness towards Sinhalese-Buddhist leaders who had been accused, without evidence to support the charge of fomenting the riots. It was reported that the Governor, to silence Mr. Ramanathan, warned him that action may have to be taken aganist him under Marshal Law, if he went too far.
Mr. Ramanathan travelled soon thereafter to London by steamboat in the mine infested seas, risking his life.
This was during the time of the First World War 1914-1918. Then in England he carried on an intensive campaign among the ruling circles and also among the general public, exposing the repression perpetrated On the people of Ceylon during the riots, and demanding justice for our people. Ramanathan's speeches on this theme formed part of his book, "Riots and Martial Law in Ceylon, 1915" (London, 1916). As a consequence of this agitation, the Governor was recalled.
CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM
The severe repression of the 1915 religious riots, helped to deepen the anti-imperialist feelings of the people, as well as their hatred for the foreign rulers. It also spurred the movement for constitutional reform, and led to the formation of political parties. The Ceylon Reform League was established in 1917 and was expanded further by the formation of the Ceylon National Congress in 1919. Leaders like Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam, Sir James Peiris, Sir D. B. Jayatilake, D. S. Senanayake, F. R. Senanayake and those of other communities became members of the Ceylon National Congress. For a period of about two decades, members of the National Congress played an active role in the political life of the country. However, during the period prior to the 1920s, all the politicians of the time avowed loyalty to the British Crown. The memorials sent to England to the Secretary of State for the Colonies

The Path Traversed to Independence and the Way Ahead 157
by the then politicians, the deputations that were sent to the Colonial Office in London, and the protests, requests and prayers made by them for some share in the government of the country from British imperialism, was done with professions of loyalty to the British Crown.
These activities were however limited to the English educated and wealthy few. The mass of the people had no share in it.
FIRST STEP TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE
The first stepstowards independence were taken by the formation of two organisations, one in the North, the Students' Congress, Jaffna, later renamed the Youth Congress, under the leadership of a member of the teaching profession, S. Handy Perinpanayagam. This was in December 1924. joined the Students' Congress in 1927 and thereafter was elected to its executive Committee. The other organisation was in the South and was formed in the latter part of 1925, the Progressive Nationalist Party, under the leadership of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaiyake. These two organisations were responsible for taking the country away from the period of protests, requests and prayers made with professions of loyalty to the British Crown, and towards the period of struggle for independence and constructive Constitutional changes.
The aims and objects of the Students' Congress were (a) the development of national art, music and literature; (b) Working for the economic independence of the country; (c) training in national service; and (d) realisation of a United Ceylon. The Students' Congress, after holding several successful annual sessions in Jaffna, wanted to expand its activities and help the youth in other parts of Ceylon, to form youth leagues with aims and objects similar to that of the Students' Congress, Jafna.
In March 1929, a meeting consisting mainly of students of the University College, Law College and the Medical College was held at Ananda College, Colombo. This meeting had been called on the initiative of N. Kumarasingham, one of the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress. It was decided to form a "Colombo Youth League", and a

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committee consisting of P. de S. Kularatne, T. B. Jayah, S. R. Kanaganayagam, D. S. S. Peiris, N. Kumarasingham, Robin Ratnam, M. Rajasingham, F. S. J. Cooray, M. Sally, M. Nadarajah and C. Ranasinghe had been elected.
The politically conscious youth of the early 1930s, began to group themselves into youth leagues in various parts of the country. The Students' Congress, Jaffna, changed its name at its 1931 Congress to the Jaffna Youth Congress. The Jaffna Youth Congress, the Colombo Youth League and those youth leagues formed in Kandy, Negombo and other parts of the country, came together and inaugurated the All Ceylon Youth Congress on May 16, 1931.
The first sessions of the All Ceylon Youth Congress were held at Plaza Theatre, Wellawatte, Colombo, with Valentine S. Perera in the chair. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mrs. Kamala Nehru, Mrs. Indira Gandhi (then Miss Nehru) and Mrs. KamaladeviChattopadhyaya attended these sessions as distinguished guests.
BOYCOTT OF ELECTIONS
A resolution calling for a boycott of the general election of June 1931, as a protest against the Donoughmore Constitution, was passed unanimously at the Congress.
The All Ceylon Youth Congress, which was the representative body of radical and progressive opinion at that time, opposed the constitution and wanted the elections to be boycotted, as the constitution did not go far enough, and because it did not grant freedom to Ceylon. The youth leaguers carried on an active campaign for the boycott of the elections, Francis de Zoysa K. C., E. W. Perera and others of the All-Ceylon Liberal League, expressed full support for the boycott.
The boycott was only successful in the North. In the South, a good number of youth leaguers, including T. B. Jayah, did not contest the 1931 elections. Though the boycott was a failure, it took the country forward towards freedom and independence.

The Path Traversed to Independence and the Way Ahead 159
The other organisation that we referred to above, that is the Progressive Nationalist Party under the leadership of S. W. R. Dias Bandaranaike, was formed in October 1925.
its members described the organisation as "an advance party of the youth of Ceylon, who aim to secure national emancipation". Bandaranaike set about systematically to educate the public in political affairs. He published in the daily press a series of articles, setting out the problems facing Sri Lanka and the solutions to resolve these problems.
He set out the scheme for reform suggested by his party as follows: 1. That the Government of Ceylon should be responsible to the people of Ceylon. 2. That a federal system of government is most desirable to Ceylon. The federal system to be based on the nine provinces, each province having autonomy. 3. That provincial government be carried on by village, district and provincial councils, the councils to be uni-cameral. 4. Franchise to be granted on a graduated scale, ranging from universal franchise in the village Councils and to a graduated restricted franchise in district and provincial councils. 5. That the federal government should be controlled by two Houses. 6. That the people of Ceylon should have the right to amend their own constitution without reference to any power outside Ceylon. 7. The two Houses to be called House of Senators and House of Commons respectively. These Suggestions made 73 years ago, have strong similarities to the present government's proposals for a federal from of constitution and devolution of power to the provinces.
Now, what were the circumstances under which and the immediate causes for the grant of Dominion Status to Ceylon? With the end of the Second World War (1939-1945), and with the cessation of hostilities and military expenditure, the problem of unemployment became a serious one. The employers started their offensive and withdrew benefits that were earlier forced out of them. With the repeal of the Defence Regulations, the findings of the Special Tribunals were no longer legally binding. Retrenchment of Workers began and even workers kept in employment were not given fulltime employment.

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160 Politics and Life in Our Times
ECONOMIC CRISIS
The years 1945-1946 saw the worsening of the economic crisis that set in with the end of the war. The total real earnings of the workers dropped as a result of the lack of overtime Work and rise in the cost of living, thus making living conditions intolerable for them. The unrest against intolerable conditions of living, was not confined to workers under private employment. The government employees were also affected and they joined in the general movement for better Conditions.
They were in addition, suffering from lack of trade union and political rights. The trade unions drew the attention of the Ceylon government to the fact that, at that time, the British Labour Government had withdrawn all the restrictions imposed on the trade unions of government employees. They urged the Ceylon government, to accord full union rights to all its employees by hand or brain. This was refused.
The discontent and unrest against intolerable living Conditions and the lack of ordinary civil rights among all sections of employees, Whether under private employment or government, gathered momenturn and led in the next year to the historic general strike of May-June 1947. This general strike was the biggest strike ever organised up till that time. At its peak it involved over 50,000 workers. Leaders like M. G. Mendis, Pieter Keuneman, Dr. N. M. Perera, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, T. B. Ilangaratne and others played a notable part in leading this strike and fighting back the repression of the Colonial government.
The government on its part, was bent on crushing the strike. The entire capitalist press misrepresented and slandered the strikers, the unions and their leaders. The Ceylon Defence Force was called out and the British Royal Marines paraded the streets of Colombo. On June 5, the police fired on an unarmed demonstration - killing V. Kandasamy of the GCSU, who thus joined the list of martyrs of the working class movement.

The Path Traversed to Independence and the Way Ahead 161
In addition, the government rushed through the State Council several repressive laws, like the Public Security Ordinance and the Police (Amendment) Ordinance, which gave wide powers to the police and the Governor. The Strike had to be called off in the third Week of June, although none of the strikers' demands were met. However, the consequences of this general strike brought about a turning point in the political and social life of the people of Sri Lanka. It was the militancy and the unity of action of the workers by hand and brain, both in the public and private sectors shown in the strike, that was one of the decisive factors in bringing to an end Ceylon's Colonial status in 1948.
The Soulbury Commission was appointed in 1944 by the British Government to go into and recommend Constitutional Reforms for Ceylon. Evidence was given by Political Parties and interested individuals as to what Constitutional Reforms, in thier opinion, should be made for Ceylon. On 30th January, 1945 Mr. M. Nagaratnam of Colombo 12, gave evidence before the Soulbury Commission, suggesting that the most suitable form of Government for Ceylon was the Federal System of Government. It appears that no other party or person had made such a Suggestion to the Soulbury Commission.
The British preferred to hand over "independence" to their own class friends among the Ceylonese, before real independence was wrested from them by the people.
The negotiations at Whitehall were handled, as stated earlier in this article, by O. E. Goonetilleke on D. S. Senanayake's behalf. At Whitehall, the British government officers and policy makers were made to understand that Senanayake and his associates were facing increasing pressure from left-wing forces, apart from other critics, and that the immediate grant of Dominion Status was now an urgent, if not a compelling necessity, to ensure their political survival. In recognition of this, the British government made the official announcement on June 18, 1947, that the island would receive "fully

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The Path Traversed to Independence arid the Way Ahead 163
responsible status within the British Commonwealth of Nations". This is how D. S. Senanayake and his friends were able to obtain "freedom" for Ceylon, Without any struggle on their part.
ADMISSION OF COMMUNISTS
At about this title, D. S. Senanayake, who was a member of the Ceylon National Congress (CNC), resigned from the Congress on the grounds that members of the Con Tunists Party of Sri Lanka were being admitted to membership of the Congress. Despite his objections, the majority Were for the admission of the Communists, and they were accordingly admitted to membership. I, a founder member of the COT Tunist Party, applied for membership and was enrolled a member of the Ceylon National Congress.
D. S. Senanayake now set about forming a new political party, the United National Party (UNP), in preparation to contest the parliamentary elections under the new set up, which was to be held in late 1947. Many members from the Ceylon National Congress joined the UNP. Two other groups that joined virtually en bloc, were the Ceylon Muslim League and the Sinhala Maha Sabha. The latter organisation, founded in 1937, represented Sinha lese and Buddhist interests, and Was led by S. W. R. D. Bandara naike, Who had earlier in the 1920s, joined the CNC.
Apart from these identifiable political organisations that antadated the formation of the UNP, Sananayake could count upon a Considerable following of his own. The UNP combined a variety of traditionally diverse elements into one political party. However at the parliamentary elections D. S. Senanayake and the UNP failed to win a majority, despite the vicious anti-Marxist campaign - with posters screamingslogans Such as "Save religion from the flames of Marxism". There was no doubt that the militant feelings aroused by the strike were
GLaaLaLLLLL LL LLCLLLLLLLLHH LLLLLLaLLLL LL LL LLLLLC LL LLLLLaLLLLLLL LLLLLLLL0S Out of 100 seats, the UNP won only 46.

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The three left parties fighting separately, won 20 seats (LSSP won 10, the BLP 5 and the CP 5), while the Tamil Congress and the Ceylon Indian Congress won 7 seats each. The independents won 20 seats. Thus it was in the hands of the independents, as to who would be enabled to form the government, the UNP or the anti-UNP group.
Both sides wooed them. The famous Conference of the antiUNP forces took place at "Yamuna", Colombo, the residence of H. Sri Nissanka. But the parties who met there failed to agree. D. S. Senanayake succeeded in luring sufficient number of independents into his camp, to enable him to form a Cabinet.
SRI LANKA FREEDOM PARTY
D. S. Senanayake continued substantially the same type of government, as when he was prime minister of the State Council. shall now proceed to describe what happened after the resiganation of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike from the Cabinet in 1951. After T.B. Ilangaratne became a member of parliament, contesting the Kandy seat in 1948-1949, he and H. Sri Nissanka, an outstanding lawyer of that time, and several other progressives met together and formed the Mahanuwara Samajawadi Peramuna (Kandy Socialist Front).
In 1951, S.W. R. D. Bandaranaike, after crossing over to the opposition from the UNP government, set about forming a new political party. He invited several prominent people to join him. Among those whom he invited were langaratne and Sri Nissanka. A program was agreed upon and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) was formed, incorporating the Mahanuwara Samajawadi Peramuna and the Sinhala Maha Sabha of Bandaranaike. A manifesto for the SLFP was prepared and printed in 1951.
in a statement given to the press by my late brother-in-law, advocate A.C. Nadaraja, a founder member of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and for some time its vice-president, he said that the S.L.F. P. manifesto, printed in 1951, had the following on national languages.
"National Languages: it is most essential that Sinhalese and Tamil be adopted as official languages immediately, so that the people of this country may cease to be aliens in their own land, so that an end

The Path Traversed to Independence and the Way Ahead 165
may be put to the iniquity of Condemning those educated in Sinhalese and Tamil to occupy lowliest walks of life, and above all that Society may have the full benefit of the skill and talents of the people. The administration of government must be carried on in Sinhalese and Tamil". Prime Minister Bandaranaike tried his utmost to have these two national languages adopted as official languages. To illustrate this quote from his speech, delivered in parliament on August 5, 1958, made on the "Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Bill". He ended his speech thus: "It has not been a pleasant or easy task for this Government to handle this language issue during the last two years.
"We have attempted to do it according to our expressed principles prior to the last elections, in a way we sincerely believe is a really satisfactory solution of this problem, giving to the Sinhalese Language its due place, giving due recognition to the other important language in the country, Tamil, in the way that we proposed to do.
"In doing so we have been criticized from all sides. From the Tamil side, from the Sinhalese side, from this side and from that side. Every kind of opprobrious epithet has been flung at me. Sinhalese anonymous letters have come to me that I have been a traitor to the Sinhalese people. From the Tamil point of view, I have simply ruined the Tamil race. All types of things have been said. They are all wanting to bump me off. But the Government as well as I am satisfied that we are doing the right thing. We are ready to let the people of this country decide, when the time comes, whether we have done right or wrong.
"I leave the final and ultimate decision in the hands of my people and my country, without any fear or any doubt. In the meanwhile, the task of governing this country, which the people of this country have entrusted us will be carried out without fear, but with sincerity to the best of our ability undeterred by threats of all kinds, leaving it democratically for the people to decide in due course, whether in fact we have been right or not".

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Before the 1956 elections, Bandaranaike's party, the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), had at their election meetings said in clear and unmistakable terms, that they were going to make Sinhalese the Official Language and give a reasonable status to the Tamil Language. I have given above a quotation from the speech of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike delivered in parliament. Now, I shall quote from his reply, in winding up the debate on the Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Bill:
FAST UNTO DEATH
"A few Weeks before the S. L. F. P. addressed its mind to this question and came to a decision, Mr. K.M.P. Rajaratne and Mr.F. R.Jeyasuriya called on the Rev. Talpawila Seelawansa - mention the names because it is important and told him that what they should do was to really support parity for Sinhalese and Tamil.
"But, a week or two later, they turned round and said, "No, now we must stand for Sinhala only, and not for both Sinhala and Tamil'. I am mentioning that as a fact, and I am also giving the names of the person to whom that decision was conveyed. You can now realize for yourself the value of this type of attitude on this question, which changed from week to week and month to month".
Sometime later, it was reported that S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, the leader of the Federal Party, and the government had reached an agreement on the language issue. Soon thereafter, F. R. Jayasuriya, who was an economics lecturer at the Peradeniya University, undertook a fast unto death for having "Sinhala Only", and against the agreement reached in relation to the Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Bill. For this purpose, he occupied a small room adjoining the front porch of the parliament building.
Sinhalese extremists and reactionaries whipped up a great uproar in the country, assisted by a section of the Buddhist priests, saying that the life of Jayasuriya must be saved. Bandaranaike was compelled to tear up the agreement that he had entered into with Chelvanayakam.

The Path Traversed to Independence and the Way Ahead 167
Bandaranaike had to make Concessions to his Critics, On his concept of how the law should be on the Official Languages. But despite the concessions that he was willing to make, he was killed by a political assassin, thus ending the life of a great man of Our times.
Within a period of three years when Bandaranaike was in power (1956 - 1959), he took all necessary steps to cut the remaining shackles binding Sri Lanka with British imperialism - as was the case in respect of the Trincomalee Harbour, the Katunayake Airport and other places in Sri Lanka. He established diplomatic and trade relations with the Soviet Union and other Communist countries. He introduced laws which gave relief to the workers and to the under privileged.
IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF BANDARANAIKE
There is no doubt that Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, with her proven ability in her efforts to solve the ethnic and other problems, will with the assistance of the People's Alliance Government, carry forward the mission of her father for the prosperity and welfare of the people by our country. By the support that this government was given by political parties, trade unions, intellectuals and people in general, its nominee had Won, three years back, a glorious victory in the presidential election, Creating World records. In her speech she referred to the ethnic problem and said that she is following in the footsteps of her father, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike.
JAFFNA PUBLIC LIBRARY REOPENED
The Jaffna Public Library was reopened on Thaipongal day, January 14, 1998, in a three storeyed building, by Minister of Posts, Telecommunication and Media, Mangala Samaraweera, and Minister of Education and Higher Education, Richard Pathirana.

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BURNING OF JAFFNA PUBLIC LIBRARY
Similarly, there are no pure Sinhalese and again as a race there are no pure Tamils. They are all of mixed blood. The grouping of people under a racial name has its good aspects, and it also has its bad aspects. Among the good aspects may be mentioned the development of the language, Culture and Social Welfare of that group, as developed during a period of time. However, misguided men or selfish men can abuse the group spirit of a race, and arouse it to damage the person, property and Culture of another racial group.
This is what happened during the long rule of the last UNP government. Thousands of Tamil men, women and children were killed maimed and manhandled, with their properties destroyed or damaged, and the Sinhalese leaders and their supporters justifying their crime with Self Satisfaction.
In addition to damage to persons and property, they attempted to destroy the ancient culture of the Jaffna Tamils. They burnt down, in 1981, the Jaffna Public Library building, with thousands and thousands of books in Tamil and other languages, including rare books not available anywhere else in the World.
In the past, men and women of goodwill, indomitable courage and with vision, brought together the progressive forces of this country, to struggle for peace, true independence and for the Welfare of our people. Today, the situation in the country demands that all progressive forces should be brought together, to solve the political, social and economic problems of our country. The fact that a number of progressive forces, who were divided on relatively minor issues, have now come together in the Peoples Alliance, under the leadership of our forthright President, Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, augurs well for the prosperity, Welfare and peace for the people of this country.
Courtesy: "Ceylon Daily News", February 4th, 1998.

CHAPTER 3
The Working Class Movement
The Working Class Movement in Sri Lanka
The workers in the factories, plantations and other workplaces organised in trade unions at present affiliated to the Ceylon Federation of Trade Unions, (C. F. T. U.) have during the last quarter of a century played an active and important part in fighting for the rights, the improvement of the living conditions and better wages of the working people. They have also worked consistently for the development of the trade union movement in this country, and for the national independence and social progress of Ceylon. Some of the leading members of the C. F. T. U. have been active since an earlier period in the political and trade union life of the country and some of them almost from the very inception of active trade unionism in Ceylon.
The Labour laws enacted during the first hundred years of British rule were intended to regulate the employment of the Workers engaged in the Construction of roads, bridges, railways, mines, domestic service and of Indian immigrant labour working in the plantations. These laws were generally weighted in favour of the employer and against the Workers.
During and immediately after the First World War, the cost of living rose steeply and essential goods were in short supply. Rice was rationed. The living conditions of the workers, which were always bad, became worse. There was general unrest in the country. The impact of the Great October Revolution of 1917, whereby the first Workers' State was formed in the Soviet Union, was felt throughout the world. Revolutionary movements were formed and became very active in several European countries. In colonial countries nationalist and workers' organisations, including trade unions were formed.

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AGITATION FOR BETTERMENT OF WORKERS
At that time in Ceylon there was no Organisation of the Workers to take up their cause and fight for their betterment. The earliest agitation in Ceylon for the betterment of the Workers was by Organisations of the upper and middle classes.
The Ceylon Workers' Welfare League, composed of employees, social Workers and professional men, Was inaugurated in 1919 to promote the interests of the Working classes of Ceylon. The League, led by Sir Ponnambalan Arunachalan, got the Ceylon National Congress to adopt in 1919 a resolution demanding "that the labour laws of the Island should be amended by the elimination of all provisions which do not fully recognise that Labour is a form of social service and that the labourer's well being is of greater importance than any material Wealth; it asked for the abolition of Criminal penalties and imprisonment for breaches of civil contracts of Service, abolition of child labour, Compulsory education of children, fixing of minimum remunerative wages by Wage regulations, regulation of hours of labour, provision for rest and recreation, Care of the encaine mother and of infants, good Working and living conditions, and recognition of the right of association of all Workers". (Report of the Asian Regional Conference of the International Labour Organisation, 1951, p. 81. Speech by Peri Sunderam).
The Ceylon Workers' Federation was also formed during this period and this organisation too, which was under the leadership of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam, Martin US C. Perera and others, Was a middle class organisation which agitated for the betterment of the Workers. It was, however, not a federation of trade unions as the name Would seem to imply.
ENTER GOONESIN HA
Te first a SSOCiation Of Workers 35 a trade Lion WasfOTT ed il 1922. This was the Ceylon Labour Union inaugurated in Colombo on 2nd September, 1922 and founded by A. E. Goonesinha. For about a decade Goonesinha was the undisputed leader and champion of the Urban Working class movement. There were several important strikes

173
The Working Class Movement in Sri Lалka
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174 Politics and Life in Our Times
between 1923 and 1930. A strike of railway workers which began in February 1923 spread to the harbour, the Wellawatte Weaving Mills, several engineering firms in Colombo and to the scavenging labourers of Colombo involving about 15,000 workers.
On 26th October, 1928 the All-Ceylon Trade Union Congress was inaugurated, with a number of trade unions affiliated to it. At this Congress the following demands were put forward:- (a) the right of combination and legal recognition of trade unions, (b) Workmen's compensation and the employer's liability for its payment, (c) minimum Wages, (d) regulation of hours of work, (e) arbitration courts, (f) old age pensions, (g) housing and rent restriction and (h) maternity benefits.
In 1928 there were strikes in printing establishments like the Colombo Apothecaries, Lake House, Cave & Company and the Times of Ceylon Ltd. To break the strike at Lake House the management brought in scab labour from South India.
In the year 1929 the Tramway workers went on strike and it was during this strike that the Maradana Police Station was set on fire. A. E. Goonesinha who led these and other strikes was accepted by the workers of Colombo as their champion. It was Goonesinha and his fellow trade unionists who for the first time showed the Workers of Ceylon, that their strength lay in unity and that they must fight for their rights. Workers both Ceylonese and those of Indian origin were, at that time, members of his union.
In 1931 the All-Ceylon Trade Union Congress struck work again at the Times of Ceylon. Following this strike the State Council enacted the Industrial Disputes (Conciliation) Ordinance in March 29, 1931, thereby providing a form of machinery for the settlement of industrial disputes which was also a brake on strikes by workers.

The Working Class Movement in Sri Lanka 175
At this stage A. E. Goonesinha tried to adopt the methods of work of the British right-wing labour leaders. He had been to the headquarters of the British Trade Union Congress in London and established connections with people like Ramsay MacDonald. He now became a "respectable" trade unionist who took pride in having the Imperial Governors of Ceylon like Sir Reginald Stubbs, Sir Arthur Moore and Sir Herbert Stanley, preside at functions connected with the annual sessions of the All Ceylon Trade Union Congress.
In June 1929 the Trade Union Congress entered into an agreement with the Employers' Federation of Ceylon by which the parties agreed to follow a defined procedure for the peaceful settlement of disputes. From being a militant and uncompromising leader of the working class, Goonesinha changed over to become a "peaceful" settler of disputes with the employers. The hero of the tramway workers' strike in 1929 Soon became a Supplier of Scab labour and, some years later, personally took part in sending scabs to man the trams in his efforts to break the tramway workers' strike led by the Colombo Municipal Workers' Union. The All Ceylon Trade Union Congress is now defunct.
UNIVERSAL ADULT FRANCHSE
Before 1931 the franchise was extremely limited. The number of registered voters was only 4 percent of the total population. Women had no vote.
The Legislative Council was the legislative body of that time. The British Governor had immense powers. A third of the membership of the Council consisted of official and nominated members. They had the sole power of voting on matters declared by the Governor to be of "paramount importance". The elected members had no vote in such matters. The elected members themselves were chosen by the privileged few who had the franchise.

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With this legislative set up, it is no wonder that at that time there was no legal provisions for relieving destitution, no workmen's compensation, only the most elementary factory legislation, no minimum wages and no regulation of hours of Work.
The Ceylonese capitalists and feudal land-owners carried on agitation against the then constitution and demanded more powers for themselves in the colonial set up.
The British Government sent to Ceylon, in 1927, the Donoughmore Commission to investigate into the working of the Constitution.
The bourgeois nationalist leaders of that time, giving evidence before the commission, demanded full responsible government under the British. But they were opposed to the extension of the franchise. They said that a person without the possession of property will not exercise his vote with a due sense of responsibility. They also said that "it would be unsafe to give the right to vote to the poor man as he was likely to sell it for 5 rupees or a bottle of toddy". The Ceylon National Congress and its leaders, D. B. Jayatilake and D. S. Senanayake, were opposed to the grant of universal adult franchise. The members of the Ceylon Labour Union and those who supported labour pressed for it.
Though, according to the new constitution, the elected members in the State Council were in the majority, yet the Governor and three Officers of State had the whip hand in all matters of importance. The three Officers of State were Englishmen and were in charge of finance, justice and the public services, which were called the "reserved subjects". Imperial control was maintained and Imperial interests were protected through these officers and through the use of the Governor's powers.
Despite these important limitations of the State Council, the fact that the members were elected by voters on the basis of universal adult franchise made the representatives to be receptive, to a certain extent, to the needs and wishes of the people. Whatever social legislation of any importance that has been enacted in Ceylon was enacted only after the people got their franchise.

The Working Class Movement in Sri Lanka 177
THE FIRST MARXST LEGISLATOR
Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe was elected to the first State Council in 1931 as the member for Morawaka. In his student days in London he had come into touch with the Left movement and was greatly influenced by the teachings of Karl Marx and by the practical achievements of the first socialist state, the Soviet Union. After coming back to Ceylon in 1929, Dr. Wickremasinghe introduced the ideas of Socialism to his circle of friends and associates.
At the State Council he spoke about the deplorable Conditions of the workers and peasants and the need for legislation to protect them. The voice of the working people began to be heard, for the first time, in the legislative assembly of the country. He made a Scientific analysis of the causes for the poverty and backwardness of the Ceylonese people and exposed the true nature of colonial exploitation in Ceylon. He pointed out that the poverty and degradation of the people were directly due to the political and economic domination by British Imperialism.
SURIYA MALMOVEMENT
The great economic depression of the early thirties and the consequent unemployment and hardship suffered by the people made the radical sections of the intelligentsia think of alternatives to the capitalist system and a number of them found that the Marxist solution was the only way out. They were impressed by the achievements of the first socialist state, the USSR, which had been unaffected by the general crisis that had engulfed the capitalist world. The first few leftists began to group around the Suriya Mal Movement. The sale of Suriya Mall was originally started by a few Ceylonese ex-servicemen of the First World War as a protest against the proceeds of the poppy sales on November 11th being sent to England. They wanted the monies collected to be spent among the ex-servicemen and their dependants in Ceylon.

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This idea of the sale of Suriya Mal on Poppy Day was taken over in 1933 by a group of Leftists and the Suriya Mal Movement functioned as an anti-imperialist organisation working for the upliftment of the people. The monies collected by the sale of Suriya Mal was utilised for social uplift work and also to print and publish booklets and leaflets exposing British imperialism. During the malarial epidemic of 1934 the members of the Suriya Mal Movement collected monies from the public and helped the villagers, who suffered during this epidemic, by purchasing and distributing among them medicine and food.
Among the Leftists who were at that time in the Suriya Mal
Movement were Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Dr. N. M. Perera, Philip Gunawardena, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, Leslie Goonewardene, Terence N. de Zylva, M. G. Mendis, T. Duraisingam, B. J. Fernando and Reggie Senanayake. Mrs. Doreen Wickremasinghe was elected first President of the Suriya Mal Movement.
With the dawn of the 1930s the leftists began to form trade unions and to lead working class struggles. A. E. Goonesinha was soon ousted from his position as labour leader. The Wellawatte Mill workers were organised by the leftists. A strike was called out in 1933 and about 1400 workers were out on strike for nearly 6 months. The leftists at this time organised and led serveral other working class struggles such as the strikes at Vavasseurs' Coconut and Fibre Mills at Mirigama and Lunuwila and at Colombo Commercial Co. Manure Works at Hunupitiya, Kelaniya. The docker's strike in Trincomalee was the first port strike led by the leftists.
Although these strikes were resisted by the Colonial Government and the employers, the stiffest opposition to most of the strikes in the industrial firms came from A. E. Goonesinha. He had entered into a pact with the employers to generally avoid strikes. However the wages and other conditions were solow at that time, that the workers were Compelled to rebel against these hard Conditions and in this the leftists assisted and led them.

The Working Class Movement in Sri Lanka 179
Goonesinha, as mentioned earlier, took the side of the employers and used force and blacklegs to break these strikes. He also split and weakened the Working class movement by his campaign to arouse racial hatred against Workers of Indian origin, who, at that time, were employed in many work places in Colombo.
it was in this period that Goonesinha began to lose his prestige and influence in the working class movement as he helped the employers to break a number of strikes. The big employers helped him by collecting for him the membership dues of his trade union members. Further they gave employment only to workers who came with chits from Goonesinha's union and thereby gave his union a premium by which they tried to ensure a docile labour force.
In 1935 the Trade Unions Ordinance was promulgated. "Unlike in England, in Ceylon registration is compulsory and the preamble to the Trade Unions Ordinance describes our Ordinance as one providing for the "Registration and control of trade unions"; so that in Ceylon any unregistered trade union would be an illegal association. (Trade Unions and the Law by C. Navaratnarajah, p.16).
Dr. S. A.Wickremasinghe took the lead in opposing the Trade Union Bill. He explained to his colleagues in the State Council the reactionary nature of the Bill, and pointed out that there was no adequate protection for the workers but that the Bill was weighted all on the side of the employers. The main objections to this ordinance was against the provisions for compulsory registration of trade unions and against the restrictions on the use of trade union funds for political purposes. "If any trade union does not apply for registration in due time, or if the registration of any trade union is refused, withdrawn, or cancelled, then the trade union shall be deemed to be an unlawful association....."(Trade Unions Ordinance. Section 18).
A number of members of the State Council, who did not earlier see the true nature of the Bill, subsequently joined Dr. Wickremasinghe in opposing it. He stated that "the provisions in this Bill which make the forming of trade unions unlawful and which place restrictions upon the expenditure of money which trade unions collect, alone make it clear that this Bill is not giving any rights to trade unions, but instead, rob them of their just rights." (Hansard, 1933. Col. No. 2890).

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1E} Polis ar Tid Lsg 7 ČOLN", Tir ES
THE AUTHOR WITH HIS FAMILY
The Author Seated with his wife Sathiabama, Standing are their Children. L-R.: Dr. D. Bhagirathan, Dr. Shyamala Alhawan and Accountant D. Diwakaran.
 

The Working Class Moverent in Sri Lanka 181
A. E. Goonesinha who, at an earlier stage of the Bill had supported it, later opposed it and said that "from the year 1923, when We had the first general strike down to the present moment, the cry has been raised by the capitalist classes that there Tust be some means by which trade unions could be controlled, by which the Government could control trade unions....Legislation Was de Thanded year in and year out by the capitalist classes." (Hansard 1933. Col. No. 2881). '
This Bill was opposed by all those who represented or supported labour. Among those who opposed it was S. W. R. D. Bandara naike. Despite this opposition it was passed and became law in 1935. This was the beginning of the struggle of the Workers to win elementary trade union rights and benefits from a reactionary Government and unwilling employers.
Among the rights given to a trade union by this Ordinance was the right to acquire and to hold property and to Sue and be sued in its registered name. It also gawe trade unions the same legal protection in respect to liability for damages as in England.
Courtesy : "The C. F.T.U. a 7d The Working Class Mower77 erit", August 19, 1966.

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The Development of Trade Unions Among the Estate Workers of Sri Lanka
During the last century and the early part of this century, the conditions of Indian Immigrant Labour were deplorable. In 1916 Sir P. Arunachalam describing the immigrant labour system said that "there is a labour system which in some of its aspects is a little better than an organised slavery, though it lurks under the name of free labour.....Cases have occurred where even Women were repeatedly sent to gaol for refusing to go back to their employer on the estate, and where a labourer's remonstrance as to insufficient pay or erroneous pay has been punished as insolence, with imprisonment". (Indo-Ceylon Crisis - pp.114 and 115).
By about the late 1920s or early 1930s an Indian journalist and author, K. Natesa Aiyar, who was a member of both the Legislative Council and the State Council, set up the All-Ceylon Indian Estate Labourers' Federation to Work for the betterment of the Conditions Of Indian immigrant labour. Later he organised the Ceylon Indian Workers' Federation. By his pamphlets, writings and speeches, he carried on a ceaseless agitation exposing the conditions of estate labour. Consequent to his agitation and that of leaders like Sir P. Arunachalam and Peri Sundaram, certain laws were enacted which gave some measure of relief to the estate labourerS.
But before 1940 plantation labour was not properly organised. At that time whenever immigrant labourers showed any interest in forming trade unions, the plantation employers could send them back to India. It was after 1940, when India banned immigration of labour to Ceylon, that the planters lost this right. The All-Ceylon Estate Workers' Union, under the leadership of the pre-war L.S.S.P. was formed on the 29th October, 1939 and the Ceylon Indian Congress Labour Union on the 2nd June, 1940. Natesa Aiyar's Ceylon Indian Workers' Federation

The Development of Trade Unions Among the Estate Workers of Sri Lanka 183
which was formed On 2nd October, 1939, was in existence for SOme time but later faded out. Though trade unions were legally recognised, the planters were unwilling to recognise or to negotiate with these trade unions, and prevented these unions from Organising estate labour and forming branch unions in the various estates.
The All Ceylon Estate Workers' Union, whose leaders were members of the pre-war Lanka Sama Samaja Party, broadened its influence and work in the plantations. In this work the Tamil weekly organ of the Party, which was edited by K.Ramanathan, did yeoman service. In the course of a strike organised by this union at Mooloya Estate, Govindan a worker, was shot dead by the police. Govindan was the first martyr who gave up his life for the working class of Ceylon. The union organised many other struggles in Badulla, Matale and Kandy districts. Famous among these were the Wewessa, Ramboda and Pundaluoya strikes.
As a consequence of these struggles a significant development in the industrial relations on the estates took place in 1940, when the Planters' Association and the trade unions entered into an agreement called the "Seven Point Agreement", which provided a procedure for settlement of disputes. The adoption of this agreement was responsible for the gradual reduction in the number of strikes in the plantations in the years that followed. Many disputes which would otherwise have ended in a strike were settled at a conference. But although the Seven Point Agreement was there, the employers were still reluctant to recognise the Trade Unions.
Soon after the CTUF was formed the need of organising effectively the plantation workers to fight for their economic and political demands was realised. The various district estate Workers' unions that were affiliated to the CTUF were amalgamated on October 29, 1944, to form the Ceylon Plantation Workers' Union (CPWU) which steadily grew in membership.

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184 Politics and Life in Our Times
By 1946 the Ceylon Estate Employers' Federation had repudiated the "Seven Point Agreement" and in 1948, the estate employers tried to pass the burden of the post-war crisis onto the shoulders of the workers by large scale retrenchment and increase of task to the workers left behind. The CPWU led the agitation against this offensive of the employers. In this connection, the strikes of the workers at Gasnawa, Edurugalla, Parambe, etc., will stand out as examples of the heroic manner in which workers will stand up, even against great odds, and fight when their interests are threatened.
The government came down on the side of the employers and on 1-7-49 removed the Rubber growing and manufacturing trade from the operation of the Wages Board, thus leaving the rubber workers at the mercy of the employers without a legal minimum wage.
The CPWU took the lead in calling a conference of other unions and put forward the proposal of a token strike against the decision of the government. Accordingly, the rubber workers on July 15th, and the tea and rubber workers on July 22nd came out on a one day protest strike. The CICLU and certain other minor unions also participated in these strikes. Altogether nearly three lakhs of workers took part.
The other unions would not agree to a further intensification of this campaign. But nevertheless, the CPWU carried out two more one day protest strikes on September 22nd and October 6th. These strikes were to produce results in early 1950, when the Government reintroduced the Wages Board.
When the U.S. monopolies were buying rubber at 45 cents a pound, there was a serious Crisis in the rubber industry. Many rubber estates closed down. Wages of Workers were cut, and the Minister of Labour threatened to abolish the Rubber Wages Board. The CTUF together with other progressive forces demanded the selling of rubber to the Soviet Union and to China and to buy Chinese rice. This agitation was so strong that the reactionary UNP Government was compelled to sign a rice-rubber agreement with China and our rubber industry was thus Saved.

The Development of Trade Unions Among the Estate Workers of Sri Lanka 185
The rapid growth of the Ceylon Plantation Workers' Union made the planters decide to crush it by refusing to recognise it. On the pretext that a strike was called by the Union without proper notice, the Ceylon Estate Employers' Federation withdrew recognition of the Union in May 1950. Protracted correspondence with the Federation to induce them to grant recognition failed. The Federation and their members refused to have any dealings with the CPWU. This had an adverse effect on the Union and the membership declined.
Following this action of the Ceylon Estate Employers' Federation, the Employers' Federation of Ceylon, whose members are the big firms of Colombo, refused official recognition to the CTUF on the grounds that it was "Communist-led". They too hoped to smash our unions. But the union continued to grow, protected their members and won demands from the employers. Nevertheless it was not until after one year after Bandaranaike's Government was formed in 1956, that the employers' federations were finally forced officially to recognise the CTUF once again.
One of the main weapons of the employers to crush powerful trade unions, is to deny recognition to the militant union and to recognise and patronise a rival union. The lack of unity among trade union organisations and the absence of one trade union centre, were the main weapons of the employers to crush the working class movement.
Courtesy: "The C. F. T. U. and the Working Class Movement", Colombo, August 19th, 1966.

Page 102
Pieter - The Doughty Fighter
Pieter Keuneman, used to the full his well known ability as an Orator, debater and public speaker, in his service to the people of our Country. He has now reached the age of seventy five. He was born on 3rd October, 1917. According to the Bible, the days of our years are three score years and ten, but by reason of strength they can be foLIrScore years.
I wish him that he lives for many more years than that, as he is physically and mentally fit, and is still of abundant service to the people of this Country and to his party, the Communist Party of Sri Lanka.
Keuneman Commenced his political life when he was an undergraduate at Cambridge University. He joined the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1937, when he was just twenty years old. At that time We, the communists in Sri Lanka, received with enthusiasm and pride the news of his activities in Britain, where he took a leading part in the anti-Colonial and anti-imperialist movement. We eagerly awaited the day. When he would arrive in Sri Lanka and join us in our political Work.
Pieter arrived in Sri Lanka in the latter part of 1940, and forth with plunged into the task of uniting the socialist forces in Sri Lanka. He took an active part in the formation, in November 1940, of the United Socialist Party, the precursor of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka. At this time he was employed as a journalist at Lake House.
In July 1943 the United Socialist Party was dissolved and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka was formed with Keuneman as its first General Secretary, Party work increased and the party decided that the general secretary should be a full-time party worker.

187
Peter - TF1 E Doughty Fighfear
Åt the presentation of a Casket with an award by
Lankā to Pieter Keune Tian, on the occasion of hiš the Sugiswara Hall, Colombɑ,
the Communist Party of Sri 75th Birthday (3.10.1992) at
|---R.; K. F. Silva, T. Duraisingarn, Raja Cöllure, Pieter Keuneman,Wajira Fēlpila,
L' Ariyawansa and C. A. Rāmiah.

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188 Politics and Life in Our Times
As a Successful journalist Keuneman was paid an attractive Salary. He knew that Our party, then with not even a hundred members and most of whom were workers, would not be able to pay him an adequate allowance. However, at the call of the party, Our Comrade gave up his job at Lake House and became a full-time party worker. The party paid him a small monthly allowance when there was money, and did not pay him when there wasn't any. We can never forget this great sacrifice made by him.
At this time the workers were neither properly organized in trade unions, nor did they have any of the rights or benefits that they later enjoyed. In this situation came Pieter Keuneman, the Son of a Supreme Court judge, walking or cycling in the streets of Colombo, organizing the workers into well knit trade unions. He and his comrades made the workers stand up and fight for their rights. Many of the demands then made were won later through bitter working class struggles.
It was these qualities of love and affection for the ordinary people, that enabled him to be elected a member of parliament in 1947. When he stood for this election, neither Pieternor the party had enough money to spend for even a poster campaign. But the people rallied round and contributed enough money to defray the expenses of printing posters and leaflets.
At that time Keuneman was known mainly to the organised trade unionists and political militants. He was a stranger to many wards in the constituency. He borrowed a Bug Fiat car and accompanied by me, his Election Agent, and with two or three other election workers squeezed into the car, went about the electorate introducing himself to the voters. He won this election and upto 1977, has been an M. P. for Colombo Central, and I have been his Election Agent at every Parliamentary election.
Pieter has always been interested in the development of the educational institutions in Colombo. Schools like Kotahena Madhya Maha Vidyalaya, Wolfendhal Girls' High School, Vivekananda Maha Vidyalaya, have progressed and developed beyond recognition through his efforts.

Pieter - The Doughty Fighter 189
He will go down in history as the Minister of Housing who introduced far reaching legislation, to protect the long suffering tenants of Colombo and the other cities of Ceylon. He has also introduced legislation bringing in a ceiling on the number of houses one could own. These two legislations have drastically altered the social structure of Sri Lanka, in favour of the houseless.
About Pieter, the former Prime Minister, Mrs. Bandaranike, has said: "No one can forget Mr. Pieter Keuneman's service to the people, both as a political leader and as a Member of Parliament. He is a brilliant speaker. His logical and closely argued speeches in Parliamentary debates have earned him the regard and respect of other MPs, and the love and respect of the people of this country. Needless to say, we shall need the services of a prominent leader of the Country's progressive movement and a true son of Lanka like Mr. Pieter Keuneman, even more in our future work for progress".
Dr. N. M. Perera has said the following of him: "Comrade Pieter Keuneman can look back with pride to years of solid service to the masses of this country. Both in parliament and outside, he has continued to be a doughty fighter for the down trodden and the exploited".
The Communist and Socialist movement in Sri Lanka is
fortunate in having Such an able leader, who has unfailingly helped it to find the correct path under the changing political situation in this Country. Let us wish him.many more years of fruitful service to the Cause of the people.
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, October 3rd, 1992.

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The Socialist Internationals
(The growth of the labour movements since the early 19th century and the building and strengthening of the Working Men's Internationals.)
Like the capitalist system, the labour movement is fundamentally international. As industries and transportation and communication systems surmount all national borders, so does proletarian class Consciousness. The spread of capitalism to the various Countries and the development of the world market inevitably generates sentiments of internationalism among the workers. This is especially the case as they begin to break with bourgeois conceptions and turn their attention to socialist policies and perspectives. The political maturity of a given labour movement can be measured pretty much by the degree of internationalism animating it.
In the early 19th century, the young proletariat already sensed a strong need for solidarity on an international scale. The workers had need to know and support each other in their growing economic and political struggles against the voracious capitalists, who, although sharply antagonistic to each other along national lines, nevertheless displayed a strong international unity against the specific demands of the working class. More concretely, the workers had to fight against international Strike-breaking, and they also sensed a growing need to struggle against war. The more socialist they became, the more internationalist they grew.
WILLIAMLOVETTAND THE CHARTIST MOVEMENT
England, the heartland of early capitalism, which had the largest and best developed working class and which gave birth to trade unionism, naturally became the scene of most of the preliminary efforts of the proletariat at international solidarity and organization. Ever since the strong rise of the labour movement in the 1830s, there were many

The Socialist Internationals 191
expressions of the growing worker spirit of internationism. The Chartist movement displayed powerful internationalist trends. William Lovett, one of its founders, has been described as "the first workingman of modern times with an international outlook." The Exiles' League (1834-36), the Federation of the Just (1836-39) and the Communist League (1847-52), were definitely internationalist and predominantly proletarian in outlook and membership. Their chief activities and centres were in England.
Only after the workers' movement had gained considerable experience and the working class had become more organized, was it possible for a genuinely scientific theory to come into being which would prove compatible with the historic mission of the proletariat. This theory was to provide a systematic exposition of the laws of social development and the ways in which the transition to a superior classless Social order, that of Communism, could be achieved. The authors of this theory were the great leaders of the working class, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels.
KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS
In 1845 Marx was living in Brussels, where he was very active politically in revolutionary organizations, the Democratic League and the General Workers' Society. In February 1846, jointly with Engels who was in England, the two began to form Communist Committees of Correspondence. These committees carried on Communist propaganda in the adjoining countries.
After some negotiations, the various groups came together in London during the summer of 1847, with Engels in attendance. There they formed the Communist League. This was the first international Communist organisation and it was a forerunner of the International Workingmen's Association of a decade and a half later.

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192 Polificas and 'ffe fir 7 0" TITIGIG
The Communist League Was made up chiefly of exiled Workers and intellectuals - French, German, Swiss, Italian, Russian, etc. - in London, Paris and Brussels. The League held a second congress in 1847, from November 29 to December 8, in London, with both Marx and Engels present. At this Congress the League definitely organized itself, adopting a Constitution and providing for a programme. The task of preparing the programme Was delegated to Marx, who was already widely known as a Well-developed and steadfast Communist. Throughout December 1847 and January 1848, Marx and Engels Worked on the draft, and by the end of the latter month it was completed and forwarded to London, where it Was published in February. The "Manifesto of the Communist Party", popularly referred to as the "Communist Manifesto," the most important single document in the history of mankind, had come into being.
The "Communist Manifesto" was the first revolutionary programme of the World's Workers. It laid down the Solid foundations of proletarian thought and action for the Workers, thenceforth on their road to Socialism. It showed them how to protect themselves under Capitalism, hoW to abolish the Capitalist System, and how to build the structure of the new socialist Society. It held aloft the slogan: "Working men of all countries, unite!" Marx, Engels, Lenin, and others were to write many books on Marxism during the ensuing decades, and their Writings served to elaborate and to buttress the basic propositions of the Manifesto. Today, Over 130 years after the great document was written, the "Communist Manifesto" stands as firm as a rock, a clear guide for the international Working class, justified by generations of revolutionary experience, and altogether impervious to the attacks of capitalist enemies.
Prior to 1848, the movement for Socialism was a Welter of Confusion regarding the analysis of Capitalism, organizational forms, methods of struggle, and the conception of the ultimate goal. It was a mixture of primitivism, utopianism, adventurism, and opportunism. But Marx, actively aided by Engels, with one masterly stroke, in the "Communist Manifesto", swept aside all this idealism, ignorance, and eclecticism, and put the socialist movement, for the first time, Lupon a Scientific basis,

The Socialist Tarra jorals 193
KARL MARX
(5.5. 1818 - 14.3.1883)

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The two great Communist pioneers, Marx and Engels, also swept aside all the existing uncertainty and utopian speculation about Socialism and placed the question upon a scientific basis. They uncovered the economic workings of the capitalist system that was exploiting the toiling masses, that was organizing the working class, and that was making the advent of socialism inevitable. They demonstrated that the workers were the historical "grave-diggers of Capitalism", that only the proletariat could lead the respective peoples to Socialism. Lenin says "The main thing in the teaching of Marx is the elucidation of the world-wide historical role of the proletariat as the builder of a socialist Society".
DISTINGUISHINGSOCIALISM FROM COMMUNISM
Without attempting, as the utopians did, to trace out every detail of the future Society, Marx and Engels showed that it would be the dictatorship of the proletariat and that socialism, with its motto of "From each according to his ability, to each according to his work," would be the introductory phase of a still higher social structure, Communism, with the principle, "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs". This basic Marxist analysis has been completely sustained by one-third of the human race, now definitely on the march to socialism and Communism.
The members of the Communist League, though not many in numbers took active part in the revolution of 1848. This revolution was one of the series of upheavals by which the capitalist class progressively established its rule in western Europe and eventually throughout the World. The movement, which Marx called "the Continental revolution", started in France and quickly enveloped Germany, Austria, Italy, Hungary, Belgium, Portugal, and other European countries. England and Ireland also distinctly felt it, and its influence was sharp as far east as Poland and Russia. Repercussions of it took place even in the United States and in Latin America. It was one of the biggest blows ever delivered by rising capitalism against the decadent feudal system.

The Socialist Internationals 195
The basic cause of the broad bourgeois revolution was the pressure of rapidly growing capitalist industrialization, with the equally Swiftly expanding working class, against the cramping economic and political fetters of obsolete feudalism. The immediate reason for the revolution was the deep and general economic crisis of 1847, which produced a widespread industrial shut down, great unemployment, and wholesale mass destitution. The forces of social emancipation long since driven underground were gathering strength and steadily gaining momentum. In 1848 the volcano erupted. The whole of Europe was gripped by revolutionary ferment.
THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 NEUROPE
The first outbreak of revolution was in Sicily. The king, renowned for his ruthless suppression of popular movements, fearing the collapse of his tottering throne hastily agreed to a series of concessions: all reactionary ministers were dismissed and a constitution was promised.
On February 22nd - 24th revolution broke out in France. A trivial incident was sufficient to bring thousands of workers out into the streets. Soon the barricades were up and before long the whole town was in the hands of the insurgents. The Prime Minister, who at the outset referred to the revolt as a storm in a tea-cup, was later obliged to flee from revolutionary Paris disguised as a woman. The next day he was followed by the King in a plain carriage. After breaking into the royal palace the Paris insurgents dragged the king's throne along the Cobbled streets of the city to the Bastille, where it was ceremoniously burnt amidst triumphant rejoicing.
On March 13th barricades appeared in the streets of Vienna and it was now the Austrian Chancellor's turn to flee. Budapest and Prague followed Vienna's example and soon the whole multinational Austrian Empire was seething with revolutionary ferment. On March 18th, a popular uprising captured Berlin. This victory had been preceded by revolutionary triumphs in a number of western German states. A mighty revolutionary tide was to sweep through the states of Italy. In Lombardy, the insurgent Italians defeated the Austrian occupation forces,

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and the Austrian army was overwhelmed in the Course of a popular uprising. The Austrians were driven out of Venetia, which was then proclaimed an independent republic. In England the Chartist movement was at its height. The revolutionary movement also spread to Spain, Switzerland and Belgium; the Poles rose up in protest against the partition of their country. The revolutionary tide was to sweep across the whole of Europe bringing about the downfall of hated political regimes, monarchs and ministers from the Atlantic Coast to the borders of Tzar Nicholas's Empire.
in Paris at the outset of the revolution real power was in the hands of the insurgent working class, which played the decisive role in the overthrow of the monarchy. The workers were still armed and the masters of the street in the capital. At the demand of the proletariat and contrary to the intentions of the bourgeois, politicians, France was proclaimed a republic on February 24th, 1848.
The weakness of the French proletariat lay in the fact that in its wave of revolutionary enthusiasm it was not sufficiently organized or aware of its tasks and goals. Not only the proletarians did not have their own party which might have brought organization and direction to their struggle, but they did not even have trade unions. A large number of political clubs sprang up, but they had few common aims, and feuds between them were rife. Neither did the proletariat have any real leaders. The majority of the workers blindly followed Louis Blanc, a Utopian Socialist who hoped by means of negotiation and persuasion to Wrest Social reforms from abourgeois government.
WORKERS' BLIND TRUST AND LACK OF ORGANIZATION
The bourgeois political leaders who had cowered with fear at the initial stage of the revolution and had hypocritically assured the workers of their fraternal sentiments towards them, made skilful use of the latter's blind trust and lack of organization. At the outset of the revolution the bourgeois politicians had possessed no real power and they had been obliged to resort to intrigue and cunning manouvres. Eventually they succeeded in setting up a provisional government.

The Socialist Internationals 197
The main concern of the bourgeoisie and its political champions, although cleverly disguised, was to get the Working class to submit and to deprive it of its newly acquired power. The problem was how to keep the proletariat at bay in the conditions of a democratic revolution. The bourgeois politicians realised that the best way was to isolate the proletariat from its potential allies. With state power in their hands, the bourgeoisie employed several dishonest methods to embitter the peasantry and the urban petty bourgeoisie against the proletariat.
On June 21st, the government issued a decree ordering the national workshops to be closed down and thousands of Workers came out into the streets in protest. The government had known full well that the workers would not accept such a decree lying down, and indeed they were counting on a new uprising in a situation in which the odds would be against the workers.
As was to beforeseen, the working class took up the challenge. Karl Marx commented: "The workers were left no choice; they had to starve or let fly. They answered on June 22nd with the tremendous insurrection in which the first great battle was fought between the two classes that split modern society. It was a fight for the preservation or annihilation of the bourgeois order".
MANNING OF BARRICADES BY PARIS PROLETARIAT
The whole of the Paris proletariat manned the barricades together with their brothers from the national workshops. The workers put up a heroic struggle, ready to sacrifice their lives for the cause. They revealed remarkable aptitude and initiative in their instinctive approach to military problems which seldom led them astray. Women and children helped their husbands, brothers and fathers, fearless in the face of a rain of bullets. The courage and determination of the insurgent proletariat stunned the world.
Yet the odds were against them. All property-owning interests in the country were concentrated against the workers. The big bourgeoisie launched a furious attack against their numerically Weak class enemy, and the revolt was ruthlessly crushed.

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The revolutions that broke out in Germany, Austria, Hungary and other European states were also defeated and the triumph of counterrevolution was complete throughout the whole of Europe. The Communist League ceased to exist by the beginning of 1850. Although the revolutions of 1848 ended in defeat, they were to exert a major influence on the Subsequent course of European history. They are significant not only because of the various concessions gained, such as the abolition of serfdom and a certain reduction of national oppression in the Austrian Empire and the introduction of some bourgeois liberal reforms in Germany. These revolutions gave the European proletariat invaluable experience in political struggle. They were a decisive force in shaping the general European situation to which, a few years later, the First International was born.
The rapid advance of capitalist industry inevitably went hand in hand with the rapid growth of the working class. The class consciousness of the proletariat, its organization and militancy also developed apace. By this time the working class had amassed considerable experience in class struggle.
LESSONS OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND COUNTER-REVOLUTION
OF 1848-1849
The lessons of the revolutions and Counter-revolution of 18481849 had also been of invaluable experience. Workers began setting up their own organizations; trade unions appeared in Britain, France, the USA and Germany. Strikes became more and more frequent and successes scored by this means served as a stimulus to the movement as a whole. Socialist groups and circles were set up, and Workers no longer approached their problems from the narrow angle of their own particular factory, town or country. International proletarian solidarity was gaining ground rapidly, particularly by the beginning of the 1860s.
After it had amassed considerable experience and attained new heights of class consciousness the workers' movement was ready to unite its forces on an international basis.

The Socialist Internationals 199
FOUNDING OF THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL
On September 28, 1864, the International Working Men's Association, also called the First International, was founded at a meeting in London attended by workers from Britain, France, Germany, Italy and various other countries. The representative of the German workers on the presidium was Karl Marx, the outstanding leader of the proletariat's liberation struggle. He was entrusted with the drawing up of the "inaugural Address" and the "General Rules". He and Frederick Engels were the movement's main political leaders and its outstanding thinkers. Workers who had attained varying levels of class Consciousness joined the International and for this reason its programme - the "inaugural Address" - had to be drawn up in such a way as to be clear and acceptable to all while remaining true to the basic principles of scientific communism. Marx carried out this task with remarkable skill. The "Inaugural Address" described the grim conditions in which workers lived under capitalism and pointed out that for this reason, "the attainment of political power has become the task of first priority before the working class". It was pointed out in the Address that the working class was already large enough to wage a successful struggle, but organization and experience were no less important than numbers. The 'Inaugural Address" also appealed to the workers to oppose wars of Conquest and aggression.
At that time no working-class political parties yet existed but many trade unions, co-operatives, workers' education groups and other organizations in various countries of Europe and the United States joined the First international. National branches of the International Working Men's Association (I.W.A.) were set up in all these countries and within a short period the International had become abroad international proletarian organization. Its main executive body was its Congress, and during the intervals between congresses the International's activities were presided over by a General Council which sat in London. The political leader of the General Council was Karl Marx, whose writings provided its inspiration.

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While carrying on his theoretical work, Marx neverabandoned his daily pursuit of practical revolutionary work in the ranks of the workers' movement. Under his leadership, the General Council became the militant headquarters of the international workers' movement. The International gave active help - both political guidance andmaterial assistance - to the workers' strike movement. At that period large strikes were being organized in a number of countries, such as Britain, Switzerland and Belgium. The help and guidance of the International enabled many workers' strikes to score successes and wrest significant concessions from their employers. This fact served to consolidate and enhance the authority of the International among the proletariat. Events now convinced the workers of how much it was possible for them to attain by striving to put the International's slogan "Working men of all countries, unite" into practice.
CLEAR LINE ON TRADE UNIONSM
One of the major achievements of the International was the clear line it worked out on the question of trade unionism. In the various countries, there was much confusion in this general matter, ranging from those conservative unionists in England, who saw in the unions merely instruments for winning minor economic concessions, to the Proudhonists in France who looked upon trade unions in general as a needless burden and a danger to the working class. The International recognized the great value of trade unions in the daily struggle. It saw them also as a powerful educational force, for the working class, and it considered them of fundamental importance in the fight for proletarian emancipation. Marx had long considered trade unions as "the basic nuclei of the working class". The trade union resolution written by him, stated: "If trade unions have become indispensable for the guerilla fight between Capital and Labour, they are even more important as organized bodies to promote the abolition of the very system of wage labour". The resolution urged the unions to paymore attention topolitical action than they were doing, and also to draw the masses of unskilled and agricultural workers into their ranks. The conception of trade unionism worked out by the First International still remains, by and large, that of Marxists the capitalist world over.

The Socialist Internationals 201
EIGHT HOUR WORK DAY
An important action of the International was its endorsement of the legal 8 hour work day as an immediate political objective to be fought for. The Workers in the capitalist countries were at the time fighting mainly for the 10 hour day, and this action gave them a higher goal also to strive for. It raised the question of the 8 hour day to the status of a basic international demand from then on, and in oncoming decades it was to assume the greatest importance. The International also demanded the abolition of night workfor Women and the regulation of the work of women and children in industry.
Both from an ideological and organizational point of view, the First International was to become an increasingly closeknit and influential workers' organization. The liberation struggle of the working class against the oppressors of the working people had by this time attained impressive new heights.
Towards the end of 1869 War clouds between France and Prussia began to thicken. Both Bonaparte and Bismarck wanted war, and they each manoeuvred to get it. The General Council of the I.W.A. had long been warning the workers against the danger of a FrancoGerman war and when the gathering conflict suddenly burst forth, the Council four days later, July 29, 1870, put out a manifesto calling for international solidarity of the workers. Written by Marx, the manifesto laid the blame for the war upon the rulers of both France and Germany. While it said that Germany had been placed on the defensive in the war, with reactionary Russia looming on its eastern frontiers, it warned the German workers against the danger of the war becoming one of Conquest.
THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR OF 1870 AND THE SEDAN DEBACLE
In the various countries the workers displayed high qualities of internationalism. In Germany, Liebknecht and Bebel voted in parliament against the war credits, and went to jail for it, and big meetings of German workers were "happy to grasp the fraternal handstretched out to us by the

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2O2 Politics and Life in Our Times
workmen of France." in France a similar international spirit prevailed, the workers pledging their "indissoluble solidarity" with the workers of Germany. Among the immigrant workers in the United States also, the General Council's anti-war manifesto was circulated far andwide, and jointmeetings of French and German workers were held to protest the war.
The war was brought to a swift climax by the better prepared German forces. The French armies suffered one catastrophic defeat after another. In six weeks the field phase of the war was over. On September 2, 1870, at Sedan, Bonaparte unconditionally surrendered himself and his army.
When news of the Sedan debacle reached Paris the people rose and, on September 4, 1870, they overthrew the Bonaparte regime and set up a republic. The new Assembly, elected on February 8, 1871, was made up, however, of about two-thirds Royalists and one-third bourgeois Republicans, with a few petty-bourgeois radicals thrown into make things more palatable to the working class.
The German army was at the walls of Paris, investing the city. Bismarck hesitated to attack Paris, however, because reportedly there were some 200,000 well-armed troops within it, and he well knew the revolutionary fighting spirit of the Parisian proletariat. The Paris troops, mostly the National Guard, made up chiefly of workers, had elected a Central Committee of 25 members, on February 15, and it largely controlled besieged Paris. The National Guard was especially on the alert against a coup d'etat by the Thiers government, which, fearing the revolutionary proletariat, was eager to turn the city over to the Germans. The government signed an armistice on February 26, in which it agreed to give up Paris.
THE PARISCOMMUNE
With the aim of forcing rebellious Paris to surrender, Thiers, at three o'clock in the morning of March 18th. had his troops under General Vinoy attempt to seize the 250 cannons of the National Guard. The plan was succeeding until besieged, famine-stricken Paris Woke up and Went into action. With women taking the lead, the people, by fraternization and direct attacks, halted the seizure. By eleven o'clock Thiers' troops

The Socialist Internationals 2O3
were completely defeated and the city was in the hands of the people. Two government generals were killed in the fighting. The red flag floated on the Hotel de Villa, and the Central Committee of the National Guard was acting as the provisional government. "The proletarians of Paris", declared the Central Committee," amidst the failures and treasons of the ruling classes, have understood that the hour has struck for them to save the situation by taking into their own hands the direction of public affairs".
Based on universal male suffrage, the Commune Was a legislative and executive body. All its members were subject to recall. The general model was Paris, and the revolutionary plan was to have such communes throughout all the cities, towns, and hamlets of France. All were to send representatives to the National Delegation in Paris. Marx says, the system "brought the rural producers under the intellectual lead of the Central towns in their districts, and Secured to them, in the workingman, the natural trustees of their interests"- a clear recognition of the leading revolutionary role of the proletariat.
The fundamental weakness of the Commune was that the workers had no party and no programme; the revolution and the government coming out of the struggle were all improvised. What should have been done, already on the 18th, was for the Central Committee acting in the name of the people, to arrest the Thiers government leaders, who were in Paris that day, and then march upon Versailles, the seat of the reactionary government. The government's forces were greatly demoralized by the insurrection, and Theirs later admitted that if an attack had been made promptly they could not have withstood it. Unfortunately, however, they were allowed precious time to reorganize their forces, a fact which became disastrous later on for the Commune.
PROGRAMME OFTHE PARISCOMMUNE
On April 19th the Commune published its first statement of programme. This stayed within the framework of abourgeois democratic revolution. The programme demanded, "the recognition and the consolidation of the Republic, and the absolute autonomy of the Commune extended at all places in France, thus assuring to each the

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FREDRICKENGELS
(28.11.1820 - 5.8.1895)
 

The Socialist Ir7iertjäflorials 2O5
integrity of its rights, and to each Frenchman the full exercise of his faculties and aptitudes as a man, a citizen, and a producer." It then Went on to specify needed civil rights. It said further that, "The political unity, as desired by Paris, is a Woluntary association of allocal initiative, the free and spontaneous co-operation of all individual energies with the common object of the Well-being, liberty, and security of the peoples", Under the direct inspiration and leadership of Marx and Engels, the Warious Sections of the International gawe a|| possible aid to the embattled Commune. In Paris the Internationalists were wery active, Writing to Kugelmann three weeks after the revolution began, Marx declared that "the present rising in Paris - even if it be crushed by the Wolves, SWine, and Wile curs of the old society - is the most glorious deed of our Party since the June insurrection in Paris". He declared that the Parisians Were "storming heaven".
The Paris Commune suffered from many weaknesses and handicaps, including internal dissensions among the various factional groupings and isolation from the rest of France. The lack of a clear-cut programme and a solidly Organized political party also hung like a millstone around the neck of the Commune from the first to the last. Moreover, the Commune, which existed only 72 days, had to operate in the face of a developing civil War. Although fighting for its life desperately, the Commune nevertheless had many constructive achievements to its credit, enough to Write its name imperishably in the revolutionary history of the World's Working class and for it to stand out as a veritable light-house to guide the Workers along the way to socialism,
Among its major political decisions, the Commune did away with the standing army in favour of a people's militia, stripped the police of political attributes, made all functionaries strictly responsible to the electorate, Setting 6,000 francs per year as the top limit for salaries, Selected and Controlled all judges and magistrates, established free and general education, burned the guillotine, and tore down the Wendome Columnas a symbol of militarism. There Were also many economic-social measures -adopted the abolition of night Work in bakeries, the cancellation of employer fines in Workshops, the closing of pawnshops, the seizure of closed Workshops, which were to be operated by Workers' Co-operatives,

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the organization of relief for the enormous mass of unemployed, the establishment of a bureau of labour statistics; it also rationed dwellings and gave assistance to debtors. All this work was infused with an intense Spirit of internationalism, and the Committee had as its flag the red banner of the world revolutionary movement.
THE DEFEAT OF THE COMMUNARDS
By the beginning of April the civil war was raging. The Communards fought a brave but losing battle. The Thiers forces, on the basis of monstrous lies and distortions, had lined up most of peasant France against the Commune. Bismarck also released 100,000 French peasant prisoners-of-war to help the Versailles government. On May 21 the Versaillestroops entered Paris and foreight days a bloody struggle took place, within the Communards backing up street by street in the face of heavy odds. On May 28 their last resistance was wiped out in Pere la Chaise cemetery and in Helleville and various other working class districts. The Commune was crushed.
The reactionary rulers of Europe exulted over the whole-sale massacres in Paris. They poured in messages of congratulation to the monster Thiers, and they put in motion repressive measures designed to wipe Out Socialism in their own countries. In France, particularly, says Lenin, "The bourgeoisie were satisfied. "Now we have finished with socialism for alongtime', said their leader, the bloodthirsty dwarf, Thiers, after the bloodbath which he and his generals had given the proletariat of Paris. But these bourgeois crows cawed in vain. Six years after the suppression of the Commune, when many of its fighters were still pining in prison, or in exile, a new workers' movement rose in France".
The Paris Commune, despite its ultimate overthrow, was the first real revolutionary success of the World's working class. It made the initial dent in the capitalist system, which the great Russian revolution, half a century later, was to follow up by smashing a vast, irreparable breach through the walls of world capitalism. Lenin said that, with all its errors, the Commune was "the greatest example of the greatest proletarian movement of the nineteenth century".

The Socialist Internationals 2O7
Following the downfall of the Paris Commune, the First International found itself under increasing persecution in various European countries. More dangerous than the police persecution was the internal crises that affected the organization after the end of the Commune. This was the growing ideological battle between the Marxists and the Bakunists. In a few years the International Workingmen's Association (I.W.A.) ceased to exist. The First International, as it was Constituted, could not carry out the specific tasks of the new era. This had to be primarily the job of the young and growing movements in the respective Countries. The experience of the I.W.A. had gone to show that its component parts were not yet developed enough to set up a strong Marxist International leadership. Lenin referring to this said: "The First international finished its historical role and yielded place to an epoch of infinitely greater growth of the labour movement in all the Countries of the World, namely an epoch of its expansion, of the creation of Socialist proletarian mass parties on the basis of the individual national States".
in the leading capitalist countries this was a time of enormous increases in the number of wage workers. It was also one of minor advances in the living standards of the working class, particularly with respect to the skilled workers. The big capitalists of the major nations, notably England, were already embarked upon the policy of corrupting the labour aristocracy with minor concessions, and in this way they were splitting and paralyzing the fighting solidarity of the workers.
EXPANSION OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT AND THE
FOUNDATION OF SOCIALIST PARTIES
Although this was not a period of Working class insurrections and bourgeois revolutions it was nevertheless one of many strikes, unexampled in size, discipline, organization and duration. This was true of France, Germany and Belgium, but especially so of the United States, with its violent general railroad strike of 1877, and its historic national

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208 Politics and Life in Our Times
eight-hour day strike in 1886. Among many other strikes, England had its epoch-making dock strike of 1889. In Russia, too, the Workers were beginning to organize and strike. In the space of five years (1881-86) there were in that country as many as 48 strikes, involving 80,000 Workers - all of which were violently repressed.
During this period there was, correspondingly, a big expansion of the trade union movement throughout the countries where capitalism was developed. This period was also marked by the foundation of socialist parties in the respective countries. The first was in Germany, which had been established in 1869. This was followed in rapid succession by the organization of socialist parties in Holland 1870, Denmark 1871, Bohemia 1872, United States 1876, France 1879, Spain 1879, England (group) 1880, Russia (group) 1883, Norway 1887, Austria, Switzerland and Sweden 1889. Dates of parties organized later were, Australia and Finland 1890; Poland and Italy 1892, Bulgaria, Hungary and Chile 1894; Argentina 1896, Japan 1901, Serbia 1903, Canada 1904, China 1911 and Brazil 1916. The pioneer socialist parties for the most part grew out of the old federations and groups of the First International. Far more countries were thus embraced by this new international movement than during the period of the I. W. A.
Many of the new parties, like the trade unions, had to face various forms of persecution by the governments. Outstanding in this respect was the experience of the German Social-Democratic Party. Taking advantage of two assassination attacks made upon the German Kaiser (with which the Socialists had nothing to do), Chancellor Bismarck tried to destroy the party by outlawing it under the notorious anti-Socialist laws. The period of illegality lasted from October 1878 until the end of 1890, during which time socialist organizations and meetings were prohibited, many leaders were banished and jailed, and the party press was banned. As the other side of his programme, Bismarck conceded a skeleton system of social insurance as sops to the workers. The Party held its congresses abroad and there also it printed its under-ground papers. Despite the persecution and trickery of Bismarck, however, the

The Socialist Internationals 209
party grew, increasing its national vote from 493,000 in 1878 to 1427,000 in 1890. The trade unions also grew from about 50,000 to 280,000. These successes not only forced Bismarck to resign, but caused the German government to lift the ban against the Socialists. This big victory inspired the whole international movement. Referring to Bismarck and his reactionary law, Engels said, "If we were paying the old boy, he Couldn't do better Work for uS".
Repeated proposals were made during the late Seventies and early eighties to re-establish the International, but both Marx and Engels felt such a move to be premature. The time finally ripened for the reconstitution of the International on a new basis, and the movement was to come to fruition in the historic congress in Paris in 1889.
FOUNDING OF THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL
The Congress which established the Second international opened in Paris on July 14, 1889, on the 100th anniversary of the fall of the Bastille in the great French Revolution. Called by the German and organized by the French Marxists, it brought together 391 delegates from 20 countries, four of the delegates being Americans. It was, up to that time, the largest international gathering in world labour history. The Congress was held amid a great blaze of enthusiasm. Across the hall stretched banners reading, "In the name of the Paris of 1848 and of March, April and May of 1871, in the name of the France of Babeuf, Blanqui, and Varlin, greetings to the socialist workers of both worlds".
MAY FIRST AS A DAY FOR INTERNATIONAL LABOUR
DEMONSTRATION
The most notable decision made by the Congress was the establishment of May First as a day for international labour demonstration. This proposal made by the French delegate, Lavigne, was in support of the proposed general strike of the American Federation of Labour for the eight-hour day set for May 1, 1890. The Congress

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210 Politics and Life in Our Times
resolution read: "The congress decides to organize a great international demonstration, so that in all countries and in all cities on one appointed day the toiling masses shall demand of the state authorities the legal reduction of the working day to eight hours, as well as the Carrying out of other decisions of the Paris congress. Since a similar demonstration has already been decided upon for May 1, 1890, by the American Federation of Labour at its Convention in St. Louis, December 1888, this day is accepted for the international demonstration. The workers of the various countries must organize their demonstrations according to conditions prevailing in each country". At later congresses this decision was repeated and May Day was established as a regular institution. Thus was born the great fighting holiday of the workers.
The right opportunist tendency in the Second International, which was later to Cause Such havoc to the World's workers, had two main Sources. First and most dangerous of all, it was developed among the skilled workers and labour bureaucracy in the trade union, whom, through wage concessions, the employers undertook to use against the great mass of the Working class, by Crippling its strikes, by keeping its unions Small and divided, and by fighting against class Consciousness and independent working-class political action. The second source of right opportunism was in the large number of petty-bourgeois intellectuals who sought to make careers by leading the political organizations of the workers, by filling the various city, state and national government posts as representatives of the workers. They constantly strove to reshape labour policy into mild reform programmes of importance to the pettybourgeoisie and the capitalists. Generally, during the life of the Second International these two currents of opportunism worked freely together, the working-class opportunists functioning mainly, but not exclusively, in the trade unions, and the petty-bourgeois intellectuals operating mostly in the political field. Both groups based themselves on the labour aristocracy and both tended to subordinate the interests of the working class as a whole to those of the capitalist class.

The Socialist Internationals 211
During this period, that is prior to 1914, it was a time of relatively few wars and revolutions, of a comparatively stable capitalist system. Consequently, the International devoted itself mainly to organizational and educational work; to the building of Socialist parties, trade unions, and Co-operatives, in a general atmosphere, save in Russia, of a relatively temperate class struggle. The exclusive concern of its "practical" right wing leaders was day to day routine work.
MISERABLE CONDITIONS OF THE WORKERS
All over the capitalist world the workers laboured under miserable conditions of poverty and oppression. The tremendous increase in productivity brought about by machinery and improved capitalist techniques during the previous decades had meant very little in the betterment of the workers living standards. The main benefits flowed into the Coffers of those who owned the industries and the national
eSOUCeS.
The Workers aboured under barbaric Conditions in the industries; they had little or no financial protection against unemployment, sickness, and old age, and they lacked many elementary political rights, including (for women and often for men) the right to vote. The opportunist leaders of Social-Democracy concentrated upon these immediate evils, but refused to attack the capitalist system which gave birth to them. This was the failure that eventually led to the undoing of the Second International.
The achievements of the Second International, however, were made at a terrible cost, namely the abandonment of the principles of Marxism. In the winning of immediate objectives, the leadership ignored the ultimate goal of socialism.
By the turn of the century the general trend of the Second International was definitely away from Marxism and towards right opportunism. The major parties comprised in the International were increasingly falling victim to petty-bourgeois illusions bred by the "prosperity" of the upswing period of imperialism in their respective

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212 Politics and Life in Our Times
countries. However, powerful opposition from the left was developing against the revisionism of the Second International. Its centre was in Russia and its leader was Lenin. The Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party came forth as the leading Marxist, anti-revisionist force in the Second international.
During this period Lenin led a profound renaissance of Marxism. Not only did he resurrect the great principles of Marx and Engels, which the pseudo socialists at the head of the Second International thought they had succeeded in burying for ever, but he also developed Marxism to greater heights than ever, to correspond with the workers' needs in the new, imperialist stage of the capitalist system.
THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND THE SPLIT OF THE SECOND
INTERNATIONAL
The outbreak of the war confronted the Second International with the supreme responsibility of taking a stand for peace. The interests of the workers imperatively demanded this and the International had repeatedly declared in its congresses that the Socialist parties would not only agitate against the war, but would vote against furnishing men and money for it, and most important of all, would "utilize the economic and political crisis caused by the War to rouse peoples and thereby to hasten the abolition of capitalist class rule". But when it came to the Crucial test the bulk of the Second International parties completely ignored all these solemn pledges and flagrantly betrayed their sacred duty to the working class by treacherously tailing along after their national bourgeoisies, shouting the "defence of the fatherland" war slogans of the imperialists and handing their respective peoples into the imperialist slaughter. In only two European countries-Russia and Serbia- where Bolshevik influence was predominant, did Socialist parties of the original belligerent countries stand firm against the war.

The Socialist Internationals 213
Lenin commenting on this said: "The objective conditions at the end of the 19th century were such that they strengthened opportunism, turning the use of legal bourgeois opportunities into servile worship of legalism, creating a thin layer of bureaucracy and aristocracy in the working class, attracting to the ranks of the Social-Democratic parties many petty-bourgeois "fellow travellers'. The war hastened this development; it turned opportunism into social chauvinism; it changed the alliance of the opportunists with the bourgeoisie from a secretto an open one".
The opportunist betrayal on the war split the Second international both organizationally and ideologically. There were several general groups of parties: those of the two belligerent camps, Central Powers and Allies, which were at dagger's point; and the parties of the neutral countries; and the Russian party, which fitted into neither of the other categories.
The ideological division between right, left and centre, always a factor in the Second international, was greatly accentuated by the war, especially as the struggle dragged on and the opposition to it began to take more definite shape. The three tendencies eventually Were to Crystallize into three definite international organizations - the resurrected right-wing Second International, the centrist Two-and-a-Half international, and the Communist Third International. The line of the right wing was class peace and all-out support of the imperialist war; the centre sought a bourgeois peace; while the left, acting in the spirit of the earlier resolutions, sought to transform the mass anti-war spirit into a revolutionary fight for socialism.
Courtesy: "Lenin and Asia", Colombo, 7th November, 1980.

Page 116
Complimentary Jubilee Dinner
to Pieter Keu neman
The Parents Teachers Council of Colombo, recently feted the Hon, Pieter Keuneman, M. P. for Colombo Central and Minister for Housing and Construction, on his completing twenty-five years of uninterrupted service in Parliament. A dinner was given to him at the Hotel Taprobane and a souvenir published in commemoration of the event was presented to him on the occasion. Many distinguished FerSOrls Were present at the dinner at which COwers were laid for One hundred and fifty guests.
When din ner was o wear, the President of the Counci|| Mr. T. Duraisingam addressed the gathering. He said he was happy that Several distinguished people had graced the Occasion and he referred to Mr. Keuleman's unique record of sacrifice and service to the electorate and to the nation at large, Perhaps, on account of his long and intimately personal association With Mr. Ke Luneman, he did not Want to make a long speech.
In presenting the Souvenir to Mr. Keuleman, Mrs. Shakuntala Jeganathan referred to Mr. Keuneman's proud achievement of a quarter Century in Parliament and his unswerving fidelity to the party which he represented. While Wishing him many more years of devoted service to the nation, she also thanked all those who contributed articles and messages to the Souvenir, and others who helped in its publication.
The next speaker was Hon. T. B. Ilangaratne, Minister of Internal & Foreign Trade. He spoke of Mr. Keuneman's significant contribution towards the formation of the United Left Front and to the change of the Constitution. He also paid glowing tributes to his political acumen and the Courage of his convictions. Hon. C. Kumarasurier speaking next,

215
LTtHHHGLGLGHCODCCCC SLLttLLOLGt LHHLHHLlaCLL LLLL LLLLLLa LLLTLCCLGGOH
COMPLIMENTARY DINNER TO HƠN, PIETER KEURIEMAN
Lī£; Miss Maureon Senęyiratnē, Hoss, C. Kumarasporiar, Hon.T. B. |langaraine, Mrs. Sathiaba Tia Duraisingam, Hon. Pieter Keunernan, L. Front. Mrs.Abeyāguṇāwārdēna.

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216 Politics and Life in Our Times
recalled his earliest memories of Mr. Keuneman addressing a political meeting at Kochchicade in 1946. He said Mr, Keuneman was a steadfast champion of the poor classes and was also a sort of an elder brother to younger politicians like him. Although the son of a Justice, and unlike many of his people who chose to go abroad, he preferred to throw in his lot with the people of this country.
Next, Mr. A. Aziz, M. P. and President, Democratic Workers Congress, spoke about his long association with Mr. Keuneman and his struggle for the upliftment of the working classes. He recalled many incidents of the years when they were in the opposition. He also wished him many more years of service in the Legislature.
The next speaker was Mr. D. G. William, General Secretary, Ceylon Federation of Labour. Speaking in Sinhala, he touched on many aspects of Mr. Keuneman's political life. He praised him for his resolute fight for the progress of the working class movement.
Mr. K. Jeganathan, speaking on behalf of the Parents Teachers Council, referred to his memories of the early forties when Mr. Keuneman's speeches stirred the youth. He commented on the excellence and polish of Mr. Keuneman's speech, the wizardry of words, the subtle humour and the pungent sarcasm. He also referred to the activities of the Council and the unstinted support given to it by Mr. Keuneman at all times.
Next, Mr. K. Lakshmana Iyer spoke of the excellent and all round performance of Mr. Keuneman, during his student days at Royal College. He also paid tributes to his popularity and support from all sections of the people.
Hon. Mr. Keuneman, in replying, thanked everybody for the sentiments and kind thoughts expressed by every body. He admitted that he was deeply moved by the fact that he saw among those present, men who had jointly fought with him in the long struggle for freedom. He said that though the Parents Teachers Council had arranged the function, he never had the good fortune of being a parent, nor was he

Complimentary Jubilee Dinner to Pieter Keuneman 217
ever So fool-hardy to be a teacher. He said there were two laws - the law of Survival and the law of not being found out. He said humourously that he had somehow survived the quarter century of life as parliamentarian, and also from what was said of him by all the speakers, he thought he had not been found out. He said that certainly his twentythree years in the opposition were much more enjoyable than his two years as a minister. He also expressed his deep debt of gratitude to the electors of Colombo Central for the abiding faith they reposed in him. He also thanked the Parents Teachers Council for the nice evening.
Mr. C. Balasubramaniam, secretary of the reception committee, finally proposed the Vote of Thanks.
Colombo, 3rd October, 1972.

Page 118
21B Follics Hrid Lig (1 CLIr Tirileg
HON, PIETER KEUNEMAAN
Photo that was included in the Souvenir presented to Pieter KëLITETär at the JubliéL Dinner,
 

O Libreakabla ProTSE 219
. -- سے "|" +
h -------- --- " حدا حد م --- التحيا يسية يتم
". = کتے تھے۔"۔ .ーマ حيد - - - -سعي. 1 -- یعہ سین۔ لد۔
-
(st 一
- 二一ー下 سعة ٢ ثم بعة في جم
The Unbreakable Promise
Consciously, unselfishly and without any compulsion, joined the Communist Party. I pledge my word to consider as my family all Communist Comrades anda || Who share our teaching, not only in Words but also indeeds; to fight for the rights of the Workers, the peasants and the oppressed people, and to work to the best of my ability and strength, for the good of the proletariat and the working people; to defend and strengthen the Communist Party, its honour and dignity, by deeds and personal examples; to fulfil implicitly and conscientiously all party duties assigned to me; to draw new followers to the teachings of Communism; to educate my family to be true Communists.
renounce to accumulate unconscionable personal Wealth; | Consider superstition to be shameful anda survival of remote antiquity and ignorance; Consider it intolerable to separate people according to religion, language or nationality, as in the future all people Will merge into one family,
| Promise Navar to Break this Pledge,

Page 119
Origins of May Day Demonstrations in Sri Lanka and Abroad
This article by one of the country's oldest surviving leftists was intended for May Day. But the postal strika preverted it reaching us in lirne, Nevertheless, we publish it for the berleft ofour readers.) - EվԱr
M. G. Mendis and I hawe participated in May Day demonstrations, practically e Very year since 1936. The Lanka Sama Samaja Party was founded in 1935 and I Was elected its Literature Secretary. We participated in the Party's first May Day demonstrations, with Colvin R. de Silva presiding. I remember a May Day Teeting held under a tree at Price Park, Colombo, with about 100 persons participating. At that time a May Day demonstration and procession was going along the road. This procession could be seen from our meeting place. There were thousands of demonstrators dancing and shouting, with bands, drums and trumpets playing. This was A. E. Goonesinha's Ceylon Labour Party May Day demonstration. He by then had become a reformist leader of labour, but was still powerful. participated in May Day demonstrations even if May 1st fell at a time when I was abroad. I have thus participated in May Day demonstrations in Moscow, Antanariwo in Madagascar (near South Africa) and in other places,
In 1940, the majority in the Central Committee of the LSSP came under the influence of Trotskyism and expelled a number of leading members, including comrade M. G. Mendis and me. These Communists formed the Colombo Workers' Club in early 1940. The Colombo Workers' Club itself started in a small way, with a small office at No. 61, Hulftsdorp Street, Colombo 12 and later at No. 37, Wilson Street, Colombo 12. The Club's first May Day demonstration is described in the book "CFTU and the Working Class Movement" as given hereafter.
"The first May Day demonstration organised by the Club was in 1940 and the procession, which started near the office of the Club and went to the venue of the meeting at Price Park, consisted of about 15 participants. But, despite the then existing Conditions, the 15 Comrades had the courage to step out on to the streets, carrying red flags inscribed

Origirs of May Day Der F70 strations ir 7 Sri Larka ar 7 Cd Abroad 221
The Author of this Book, T. Duraisingam
with the hammer and sickle, and shouting slogans calling for united action of the working class and for national independence for the Country. The confidence they showed in their cause and the correctness of their call, brought tens of thousands of workers to join them within the next three or four years, Less than 200 persons attended the May Day Teeting of Price Park in 1943. But the May Day meetings held in the following years were attended by thousands and thousands of Workers".
Of those who participated in the Club's first May Day demonstration, only M. G. Mendis and are among the living. The book referred to above was written by Tie, and it was the first book published (1966) in Sri Lanka on the working class movement.
The concept of having a day for a great international labour demonstration Was Centredroundthe derTland fOT an eight-hOur Working day. The 1880s was a period of many strikes, unexampled in size, discipline, organisation and duration. This was true of France, Germany and Belgium, but especially so of the United States, with its historic national eight-hour working day strikes in Chicago in 1886. Here a demonstration was fired at by the police and several men were killed, This led to wide-spread indignation and served as an impe, US for the agitation demanding an eight-hour Working day.

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222 Politics and Life in Our Times
The decision to have the 1st of May as the day for the international labour day demonstration, was taken by the Congress which established the Second international, opened in Paris on July 14, 1889, on the 100th anniversary of the fall of the Bastille in the great French Revolution. This decision that was taken, is described in the book "Lenin and Asia" written by me, as given hereafter.
"The most notable decision made by the Congress was the establishment of May First as a day for international labour demonstration. This proposal, made by the French delegate, Lavigne, was in Support of the proposed general strike of the American Federation of Labour, for the eight hour day set for May 1, 1890. The Congress resolution read:
"The Congress decides to organise a great international demonstration, so that in all countries and in all cities on one appointed day, the toiling masses, shall demand of the state authorities the legal reduction of the working day to eight hours, as well as the carrying out of other decisions of the Paris Congress. Since a similar demonstration has already been decided upon for May 1, 1890, by the American Federation of Labour at its convention in St. Louis, December 1888, this day is accepted for the international demonstration. The workers of the various countries must organise their demonstrations according to conditions prevailing in each country'. In later Congresses this decision was repeated and May Day was established as a regular institution. Thus was born the great fighting holiday of the workers".
in Sri Lanka, the first association of workers as a trade union, was formed in 1922. This was the Ceylon Labour Union, inaugurated in Colombo on 2nd September, 1922 and founded by A. E. Goonesinha. It was his Union which held the first May Day demonstration and continued to have May Day for many years thereafter.
For about a decade Goonesinha was the undisputed leader and champion of the urban working class movement. But after that the Leftists took over and his influence waned off. It was in 1956, after S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike became the Prime Minister, that T. B. langaratne as Minister of Labour, Housing and Social Services, declared May Day a government holiday. It is now a Public, Bank and Mercantile Holiday.
Courtesy: "Sunday Island", Colombo, May 17, 1998.

CHAPTER 4
Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe
The Political Life of Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe
Doctor Sugiswara Abeywardene Wickremasinghe was one of the founders of the original Lanka Sama Samaja Party, which was formed on 18th December, 1935. But the origins of this Party can be traced to the activities of the All Ceylon Youth Congress, which was inaugurated On 16.5. 1931.
The first sessions of the All Ceylon Youth Congress was held at Plaza. Theatre, WellaWatte, Colombo, with Valentine S. Perera in the chair. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mrs. Nehru, Mrs. Indira Gandhi (then Miss Nehru) and Mrs. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya attended these sessions as distinguished guests. Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, who took an active part in these Congress sessions, moved the following resolution: "That the Youth of Ceylon respectfully pays its tribute of profound admiration at the Supreme courage and tremendous sacrifice manifested by the youth of India in their great struggle for the liberation of their motherland". This resolution was seconded bv. Terence N. de Zilva and adopted by the Congress.
The "Swaraj" resolution which was moved by Stanley de Zoysa and seconded by S. H. Perinpanayagam read as follows: "That the Youth of Ceylon in Congress assembled do hereby resolve that whereas the people of this country have completely lost faith in British Rule and whereas any further continuance of British Rule is fraught with incalculable detriment to the social, economic, political and cultural life of this country and her people, an intensive campaign be launched for the immediate attainment of Swaraj for Ceylon".

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224 Politics and Life in Our Tinnes
The All Ceylon Youth Congress made a great impact on the progressive youth of those times and youth leagues were formed in various parts of the country. Dr. Wickremasinghe spoke about the achievements of the first Socialist state, the Soviet Union, and introduced the ideas of socialism to members of these youth leagues and to his circle of friends and associates.
Dr. Wickremasinghe was elected to the first State Council in 1931 as the member for Morawaka. At the State Council he spoke about the deplorable conditions of the workers and peasants and the need for legislation to protect them. The voice of the working people began to be heard, for the first time, in the legislative assembly of the country. He made a scientific analysis of the causes for the poverty and backwardness of the Sri Lankan people, and exposed the true nature of Colonial exploitation in Sri Lanka. He pointed out that the poverty and degradation of the people were directly due to the political and economic domination by British Imperialism.
An Article published in a progressive newspaper of that period commenting about Dr. Wickremasinghe's public activities stated in Sinhalese :
කම්කරු ගොවිකරු පංතියේ කිසිවෙකුට හෝ දෙශපාලනය ගැන පසුගිය අවුරුදුවලදී සැලකිල්ලක් දැක්වූ කිසිවෙකුට එතුමාව අමතක කළ
නොහැක.
"1934 සිට 1933 වනතෙක් විකූමසිංහ සහෝදරයා පරමවිඥානාරී බෙදාද්ධ සමිතියේ සාමාන්‍යයාධිකාරිත(න හැටියට ක්‍රියා කළේය. දුබලව අබලoව පැවතුන එම බෙදාදධ සමිතිය මගින් පාලනය කරනු ලබන 300 කට අධික පාඨශාලාවලට නව ජීවනයක් ලැබුනේ එතුමාගෙන්ය. 1931දී රාජ්‍යමන්තූන සභාව ආරම්භවූ විට එතුමා මොරවක ආසනය දිනා ගත්තේය. පළමුවෙනි රාජ්‍යමන්තූත සභාවේදී කම්කරු ගොවිකරු ජනයා වෙනුවෙන් යම් හඩක් නැගුවේනම් සහෝදර වික්‍රමසිංහගේ හඬ පමණකි. වැඩ කරන පංතියේ නියම ඉල්ලීම ඉදිරිපත් කරමින් මහජන මුදල් නාස්තිකිරීම ගැන ඇමති මණඩලයට තදින් පරිබව කලේය.
"අධිරාජ්‍යවාධීන්ගේ ගම්පටිකයාරයින් වෙනුවෙන්ද මැරිච්ච රප්පූරුවන්ගේ ජුබිලිය වෙනුවෙන්ද මුදල් වෙත් කිරීමට එතුමා විරුද්ධ වූහ.

The Political Life of Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe 225
"ඵoගලන්තයේ රජපුරුවන්ට පක්ෂපාතකම දැක්වීමේ යෝජනාව ඉදිරිපත්වූ අවස්තාවේදී මන්තූන සභාවෙන් නැගිට පිටවීමට පිටකොන්දේ පුධානය තිබුනේ සහෝදර වික්‍රමසිංහට පමණකි".
in 1931. Dr. Wickremasinghe actively assisted the organisation of the sale of Suriya Mal in Matara. Under the auspices of the Exservicemen's Association the sale of Suriya Mal was started in 1931 by a few Ceylonese ex-servicemen of the first World War as a protest against the proceeds of the poppy sales on November 11 being sent to England. They wanted the monies collected to be spent among the exservicemen and their dependents in Ceylon.
The All Ceylon Youth Congress gave its full support to the "Suriya Mal" campaign. Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe appealed to the public, through a letter in the daily press, for support. In his letter he stated that he earnestly appealed to the public in general and to the youth in particular to support the worthy cause of the Suriya Flower Campaign. "Our critical financial situation" he stated, "urgently demands the immediate cessation of the drain of money from this country. Also we need an organisation to collect large sums of money to give relief to the various institutions of charity in the country and to maintain the starving men, women and children. The Suriya Flower Campaign with the idealism of youth behind it is unique as it will serve both these purposes". Among the active workers at Matara was Miss Doreen Young, the then principal of Matara Sujatha Vidyalaya, who later married Dr. Wickremasinghe.
This idea of the sale of Suriya Mal on Poppy Day was taken over in 1933 by a group of Leftists and the Suriya Mal Movement functioned as an anti-imperialist organisation working for the upliftment of the people. Mrs. Doreen W. Wickremasinghe was elected first President of the Suriya Mal Movement.
Dr. Wickremasinghe, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and S. Somasundaram, who acted as trustees for the Suriya Mal Fund,
announced through the press that the fund was to form a nucleus to further and promote the cause of National Independence through

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(1) the establishment of scholarships in industry, agriculture and art; (2) the translation of literature into Sinhalese and Tamil and the encouragement of the production of Original Works in these languages; (3) the encouragement of Swadeshi enterprises and other national propaganda. The monies collected by the sale of Suriya Mal was utilized for the above purposes.
During the malaria epidemic of 1934 the members of the Suriya Mal Movement collected monies from the public and helped the villagers, who suffered during this epidemic, by purchasing and distributing among them medicine and food. It was under the direction of Dr. Wickremasinghe that the Suriya Malvolunteers dispensed medicine to the Victims of malaria.
With the second State Council elections approaching in 1936 the socialists in the Suriya Mal Movement, who were up to then functioning in an unorganised way, formed themselves in December 1935 into a political party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party.
At the first public meeting of the Party held on 21.12.1935 at the Lorenz College Hall, Colombo, Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe spoke on the abolition of social and economic inequality and oppression arising from differences of class, caste, race, Creed and sex. "Political subjection meant poverty and that was the problem they had to tackle" he said. Today they had in Ceylon the worst poverty and also rich men, which meant that there was economic inequality. The attitude of some of the Buddhist leaders was that some were born rich and some born poor on account of "karma". If there was a cause for poverty there must be a way of removing that poverty and that inequality. That was the problem they had to tackle, the greatest problem that the world was faced with. Continuing he referred to caste inequalities and inequalities resulting from a belief in different Creeds. In a Socialist society, he said, such inequality was impossible.
He worked untiringly for the Party. He was on its Executive Committee, and one of its most active propagandists and Workers.
In the 1936 elections all the leading bourgeois leaders of the time Concentrated their efforts in the Morawaka electorate and defeated Dr. Wickremasinghe.
After the elections he continued his work for the upliftment and relief of the oppressed and for strengthening the Party.

The Political Life of Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe 227
On 26th August, 1936 he left for England. He stayed there till the end of 1938, where he further developed his connections with the international working class movements of Europe. He was widely known and respected in the British working class movement. "Doctor Wick" was a Well known figure at meetings and conferences. He himself organised a number of Conferences, and was responsible for creating in England, public indignation at the appalling Conditions of estate labour in Sri Lanka.
An appreciation of Dr. Wickremasinghe's work in England as representative of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party was published in the Sama Samajaya of 16.12.1938, which reads as follows in Sinhalese:
වර්ෂ 1936 සහෝදර වික්‍රමසිංහ අප පක්ෂයේ ලන්ඩන් නියෝජිතයා මෙන් ක්‍රියා කිරීමට එයංගලන්තයට ගියේය. බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය වැඩ කරන පංතියටද සාමාන්‍ය එoගලන්තවාසීන්ටද මෙරට ඇතිවෙන සිද්ධීන් ගැන හරි අවබෝධ යක් ඇති කිරීමට එතුමා යුහුසුලු විය. ඉතාමත් පුයෝජනවත් මෙම කටයුතුවල යෙදෙමින් ලක්දිව මහජනයාගේ ඉල්ලීම ගැන කරුණු කීමට රැස්වීම් සහ සම්මේලන කීපයම ඇති කළේය. එoගලන්තයේ සිටින ලංකා ශිෂ්‍යයන්ගේ සිත් තුල අප පක්ෂයේ කටයුතු ගැන ආදරයක් ඇති කලේ සහෝදර විත්‍රමසිංහය, එතුමා එයංගලන්තයේ සිටි කාලයේදී වැඩ කරන පoතියේ යම් රැස්වීමක් පැවැත්වුනේද එහිදී අප හඩ නැඟීමට ක්‍රියා කළේය.
An active role was played by Dr. Wickremsinghe in the conference on "Socialism in India and Ceylon" convened by the Congress Socialist Party of India and the Lanka Sama Samaja Party. This Conference was held in London on June 5th and 6th, 1937. Its chief organisers were V. K. Krishna Menon, London Representative of the Congress Socialist Party and Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, London Representative of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party. Messages of greetings were sent to the Conference by Jawaharlal Nehru, C. R. Attlee, Sir Stafford Cripps, D. N. Pritt and others.
Harry Politt, the Secretary of the British Communist Party, in his message stated:
"The importance of your Conference cannot be over estimated. There is an urgent need in the present situation of giving to the working class of this country a full and clear picture of the actual position, in

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228 POWICS FT 7 Life ir 7 COLI" f'Tas
India and Ceylon, to expose the degree of the denial of democratic rights and civil liberties, the conditions of labour in factory, mine, plantation and among the peasantry, and to show the force making for mass awakening and national liberation in these Countries".
Dr. Wickremasinghe returned to Sri Lanka on 16th December 1938. All progressive people of this Country welcomed his return.
The "Sama Samajaya“ Welcoming him stated in Sinhalese: “පසුගිය අවුරුදු තුන අතරතුරේදී අප පක්ෂයේ ලන්ඩන් නියෝජ්තයා මෙත් ක්‍රියා කරමින් මෙරටෙහි ඇතිවන සිද්ධීන් ගැන ජංගලන්තයේ වාසීන්ට රැස්වීම මඟින් සහ වෙනත් මගින් කරුණු කියා දෙමින් ලක්වැසියාට මිළ භෞතJකලහැකි මහඟු සේවයක් කරපු සහෝදර එස්. ඒ. වික්‍රමසිංහ මෙම මස 16 වෙනි දින "දාතJහඳන්" නැමති ප්‍රංස තැවෙන් ලක්දිවට ගොඩබසින බැව් ප්‍රිතිෂය ත් මෙහි සඳහන් කරමු.
"තමන් විසින් ආරමිභ කරතලදුව දැනට ඉතා සීග්‍රව ගමන් කරන වැඩ කරන මහා ජනයාගේ බලවර්ධන ව්‍යාපාරයේ පෙරමුන ගමන් ගැනීමට නැවත අප අතරට පැමිණෙත සහෝදර වික්‍රමසිංහ අපි සාදරයෙන් පිළිගනිමු"
On his return to the Island Dr, Wickremasinghe resumed his Work among the Workers and peasants, together with the Lanka Sarna Samaja Party.
Up to this time the Lanka Sarna Samaja Party was spreading the teachings of Marx and Lenin and popularised the achievements of the Soviet Union through its publications and public meetings. In his presidential address at the LSSP2nd annual Conference held on 18th December, 1937, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva said that "the place of the USSR, in World politics is beyond ordinary importance. It is to her that the international working class movement ultimately looks for the concrete exemplification of the hope that animate it. Every rise in the standard of living in the USSR, every victory under her successive five year plans, every little growth in her relative strength, infuse into the oppressed of the World fresh courage to continue the desperate struggle in which they are engaged. For on her every action, depends the nearing of the day when a Socialist World, released from the threat of war and want, can bend its energies unhampered to the task of finally making man the Taster of Circunstances",

229
The Political Life of Dr. S. A. Wickreasingle
At the Sugiswara Hall, Colombo, on the occasion of the 75th birthday celebrations of Dr. S. A. Wickfernasinghe, on 13th April, 1975,
L-R.: D. P. Yosodis, L. Ariyawansa, M. G. Méridis, T. Duraisingam, Dr. S. A.Wickremasinghe and J. A. K. Pērēra.

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Similar sentiments were expressed at the 3rd annual Conference held in December 1938.
The anti-Soviet book "Revolution Betrayed" by Leon Trotsky was first published in English in 1938 and this book was read by some intellectuals in the leadership of the Party, and they became imbued with the disruptive ideas of Trotskyism. Though these ideas were still restricted to a few individuals, the seeds of disruption had been sown. Even at the time of the 4th annual Conference held in December 1939, the Trotskyites inside the LSSP did not feel strong enough to openly condemn the Soviet Union or the communist parties. On the contrary, the Party continued to support the Soviet Union and its actions.
At the 4th annual conference the Trotskyites in the Party manoeuvred to get a majority in the executive Committee which was amenable to them. At an executive committee meeting held in February 1940, a resolution condemning the 3rd Communist International was passed by a majority vote. After this the Party organs were filled with a spate of anti-soviet and Trotskyite propaganda.
This major change in Party policy, without consulting the general membership at a Conference, was opposed by a large number of leading members. The majority in the executive committee replied by expelling four members of the executive committee, namely Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, M. G. Mendis, W. Ariyaratne and A. Gunasekera. Thereafter, they expelled a large number of other members, among whom were Rev. U. Saranankara, A. Vaidialingam, D. P. Yasodis, T. Duraisingam and K. Ramanathan.
Dr. Wickremasinghe together with the expelled Communists set up headquarters at the Colombo Workers Club, 61, Huiftsdorp Street, Colombo. They began to build trade unions, organise Marxist study circles among the workers and issue newspapers and socialist publications. After a few months - in November 1940 - they held a conference at No. 333, Negombo Road, Peliyagoda and formed the United Socialist Party, the precursor to the Communist Party of Sri Lanka. Dr. Wickremasinghe is 75 and is still an active politician. He is the President of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka and member of the State National Assembly for Akuressa.
Courtesy: "Tribune", 10th April, 1976.

Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Doreen Young and the Suriya Mal
In 1929, Dr. Sugiswara Abeywardene Wickremasinghe completed his medical studies in England and returned to Sri Lanka. This was the time when, following the arrival of the Donoughmore Commissioners in 1927, there was heightened interest in politics. issues such as the degree of self-government for the country and the extension of the franchise were hotly debated. This was also the time when the world-wide great economic crises of capitalism began to hit Sri Lanka. The mass unemployment and the great hardships suffered by the people caused by the economic depression, made the radical sections of the intelligentsia to think of a way out. The policies of the bourgeois leaders of the national movement like Sir D. B. Jayatilleke and D. S. Senanayake, who advocated that our path to eventual selfgovernment and prosperity lay in collaboration with British imperialism, did not point the way out of the problems affecting the common man. The working people's movement also was being adversely affected by the crisis. The Labour Union led by A. E. Goonesinha had abandoned its radical policy after the onset of the depression. From being a militant and uncompromising leader of the working class, Goonesinha changed over to become a peaceful settler of disputes with the employers, to the detriment of the workers.
Among the nationalist youth there was great dissatisfaction with the existing political organisations and the need for a new approach to political, social and economic issues was felt. In March 1929 a meeting consisting mainly of students of the University College, Law College and Medical College was held at Ananda College, Colombo. This meeting had been called on the initiative of one of the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress, N. Kumarasingham. It was decided to form

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232 Politics and Life in Our Times
a "Colombo Youth League" and a committee consisting of Messrs P. de S. Kullaratne, T. B. Jayah, S. R. Kanaganayagam, D. S. S. Peiris, N. Kumarasingham, Robin Rutnam, M. Rajasingham, F. S. J. Cooray, M. Sally, M. Nadarajah and C. Ranasinghe had been elected. The Students' Congress itself was the first radical youth league to be formed in Sri Lanka. It was formed in Jaffna in December 1924. On the initiative of S. Handy Perinbanayagam and M. Balasundaram with the avowed purpose of eventually organising an all Ceylon Movement embracing young people of all races, creeds and castes, so that they may radically improve "the condition of their country in its social and political, cultural and intellectual and spiritual sides". The politically conscious youth of the early 1930s began to group themselves into youth leagues in various parts of the country. The young Doctor Wickremasinghe, soon after his return to Sri Lanka joined the activities of these radical youth leagues. T. Duraisingam, who had been associated with the political activities of Doctor Wickremasinghe since the early 1930s, had completed his schooling in Jaffna and had come overto Colombo in 1929 for his higher studies. He had joined the Students' Congress, Jaffna, in 1927 and later was elected to its executive committee. The Students' Congress was in 1931 renamed the Youth Congress.
By 1931 the youth leagues that then existed at Colombo, Kandy, Jaffna, Negombo and other parts of the country, decided to form a federation of these radical youth leagues. Thus was formed the All Ceylon Youth Congress, and its first sessions was held on 16.5.1931 at Colombo, with Valentine S. Perera in the chair. Several resolutions were adopted at this Congress Sessions.
A resolution calling for a boycott of the general elections of June 1931 as a protest against the Donoughmore Constitution was passed at this Congress. The youth leaguers carried on an active campaign for the boycott of the elections. The boycott was only

Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Doreen Young and the Suriya Mal 233
successful in Jaffna. However, the youth leaguers who did enter the State Council continued to expose, from inside the State Council, the defects of the Constitution. The All Ceylon Youth Congress made a great impact on the progressive youth of these times and more youth leagues were formed in various parts of the country. Doctor Wickremasinghe took an active part in the various activities of the youth leagues. A campaign was organised by the youth leagues to boycott foreign goods, especially rice, liquor, cloth and tobacco, and the people were urged to join the Swadeshi Movement launched to encourage the local products. Doctor Wickremasinghe spoke about the achievements of the first socialist state, the Soviet Union, to members of these youth leagues and to his circle of friends and associates and introduced the idea of SOcialism to them.
Doctor Wickremasinghe was elected to the first State Council in 1931 as the member for Morawaka. At the State Council he spoke about the deplorable conditions of the workers and peasants and the need for legislation to protect them. The voice of the working people began to be heard, for the first time, in the legislative assembly of the country. He made a scientific analysis of the causes for the poverty and backwardness of the Sri Lankan people and exposed the true nature of colonial exploitation in Sri Lanka. He pointed out that the poverty and degradation of the people were directly due to the political and economic domination by British Imperialism. In 1931, Doctor Wickremasinghe actively assisted the organisation of the sale of Suriya Mal in Matara. Under the auspicious of the Ex-Servicemen's Association the sale of Suriya Ma was started in 1931 by the Ceylonese ex-servicemen of the first World War, as a protest against the proceeds of the poppy sales on November 11 being sent to England. They wanted the monies collected to be spent among the ex-servicemen and their dependents in Ceylon.

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23. Polics and Life in Our Tires
 

Dr. S. A. Wickrer rasingle, Dorgar) Young and the Suriya Mal 235
The All Ceylon Youth Congress gave its full support to the Suriya Mal Campaign. Doctor Wickremasinghe appealed to the public through a letter in the daily press for support. In his letter he stated that he earnestly appealed to the public in general and the youth in particular to Support the Worthy cause of the Suriya Mal campaign. "Our Critical financial situation" he stated "urgently demands the immediate cessation of the drain of money from this country. Also we need an organisation to Collect large surns of money to give relief to the various institutions of charity in the Country and to maintain the starving men, women and children. The Suriya Mal Campaign with the idealist of youth behind it is unique, as it will serve both these purposes". Among the active workers at Matara Was Miss Doreen Young, the then principal of Matara Sujatha Widyalaya, who later married Doctor Wickremasinghe. In a letter to the Editor published in the Daily News of 10, 11, 1931, Miss Doreen Young explained to the public the real issue between the Suriya Flower and the Poppy, "There is said to be no rivalry" she wrote "between the two Sales. Even Some of the most ardent supporters of the Suriya Flower are taking great pains to assure everyone of this. But it is untrue, it is a delusion calculated to soothe their inner torments and allay their friend's misgivings. It is also a pathetic sign of Cowardice and an inability to face facts. Beyond a shadow of doubt the 11th of NowerTiber is to be a battle of flowers. The Suriya Flower is not a wain expression of narrow and Selfish nationalism, but a challenge to the moral right of the citizens of Ceylon to send donations abroad, when they are needed infinitely more urgently at home. Every cent that goes to the Poppy Collection lessens the amount which might otherwise have helped the needy of the country".
Cortesy: "Tribu'r 7e", Septembar 2GF /', 7987,

Page 127
Abolish Oppression arising from Differences of Class and Caste
This laea of the sale of Suriya Mal on Poppy Day was taken over in 1933 by a group of Leftists and the Suriya Mal Movement functioned as an anti-imperialist organisation working for the upliftment of the people. Mrs. Doreen Wickremasinghe was elected first President of the Suriya Mal Movement. Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and S. Somasundaram, who acted as Trustees for the Suriya Mal Fund, announced through the press that the fund was to form a nucleus to further and promote the cause of National independence through (1) the establishment of scholarships in industry, agriculture and art; (2) the translation of literature into Sinhalese and Tamil and the encouragement of the production of original works in these languages; (3) the encouragement of Swadeshi enterprises and othernational propaganda. These monies collected by the sale of Suriya Mal was utilised for the above purposes. During the malarial epidemic of 1934 the members of the Suriya Mal Movement collected monies from the public and helped the villagers, who suffered, during this epidemic, by purchasing and distributing among them medicine and food. It was under the direction of Dr. Wickremasinghe that the Suriya Mal volunteers dispensed medicine to the victims of malaria in the Kegalle and Kurunegala districts.
With the second State Council elections approaching in 1936 the socialists in the Suriya Mal Movement, who were up to then functioning in an unorganised way formed themselves in December 1935 into a political party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party. At the first public meeting of the Party held on 21.12.1935 at the Lorenz College Hall, Colombo, Doctor Wickremasinghe spoke on the abolition of social

Abolish Oppression arising from Differences of Class and Caste 237
and economic inequality and oppression arising from differences of class, caste, race, Creed and sex. "Political subjection meant poverty and that was the problem they had to tackle" he said. Today they had in Ceylon the worst poverty and also rich men which meant that there was economic inequality. The attitude of some of the Buddhist leaders was that some were born rich and some born poor on account of "karma". If there was a cause for poverty there must be a way of removing that poverty and that inequality. That was the problem they had to tackle, the greatest problem that the world was faced with. Continuing he referred to caste inequalities and inequalities resulting from a belief in different Creeds. In a socialist society, he said, such inequality was impossible. He worked untiringly for the Party. He was on its Executive Committee, and One of its most active propagandists and workers.
Since the Communist Party was founded on 3rd July, 1943, Doctor Wickremasinghe has been in the leadership of the Party either as General Secretary or as President. He has been, for several decades, a member of the legislative assembly of our Country. At the Morawaka by-election held in the 1940s he was elected a member of the State Council by a majority of 23,823 votes which was, at that time, the highest majority taken at an election. Subsequently he was elected to the Parliament and for a period of over twenty five years he has been a member of Parliament.
Dr. Wickremasinghe is one of the leading personalities of Sri Lanka, who has been always in the forefront in the struggle for World peace. He is a Vice-President of the Sri Lanka Peace Council and a member of the World Peace Council. He has attended many international peace conferences including the World Congress of Peace Forces held at Moscow in 1973, and in which Leonid Brezhnev delivered his famous speech on the maintenance of world peace. In a speech delivered by Doctor Wickremasinghe on "Asian Security as a Contribution to World Peace" at a National Seminar held by the Sri Lanka Peace Council he said, "More than half of mankind lives in Asia.

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238 Politics and Life in Our Times
The peoples inhabiting this continent have for centuries shared the same destiny. In keeping with the traditional policy of "divide and rule, the Colonialists encouraged regional, national and religious strife in this area too. This policy reached peak intensity following the Second World War when it became clear that political independence for the peoples of the Continent was certain and close. As a result, the past quarter of a century was marked by armed conflicts causing misery for many millions. The imperialists sought to Weaken the newly independent Countries and to instigate separatist movements and to create border disputes. Ever since the Second World War, this vast continent has been an area of friction, tension and dangerous conflicts. The events in this part of the globe have been jeopardising world peace". He then described the various problems faced by the different countries of Asia "traceable to the time of colonial division of Asia". Continuing his speech he said that "the real road to peace is no other but the road of good neighbourly cooperation between all the states concerned. Security in Asia can only be ensured by the joint collective effort of her people. All countries in Asia, irrespective of their social systems can agree, as essential minimums to the common objectives, such as renunciation of the use of force in international relations, respect for sovereignty and the inviolability of frontiers, non-interference in internal affairs and broad development of economic and other kinds of co-operation on the basis of full equality and mutual benefit".
In his long and fruitful life, there were times when Doctor Wickremasinghe had to face stress, strain and difficulties, including terms of imprisonment, as a result of his political activities. But never has he wavered in his convictions nor has he faltered in his struggle for independence, Socialism and peace.
Courtesy: "Tribune", 3rd October, 1981.

A Life Spent for the Service of Humanity - Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe
My close association with Doctor Sugiswara Abeywardene Wickremasinghe began in the 1930s. I was at that time an active member of the Jaffna Youth Congress, having joined it in 1927 and thereafter
elected to its executive Committee. Among the nationalist youth, there was great dissatisfaction with the existing political organizations and the need for a new approach to political, Social and economic issues were felt.
In March 1929, a meeting consisting mainly of students of the University College, Law College and Medical College was held at Ananda College, Colombo, This meeting had been called on the initiative of one of the joint secretaries of the Students' Congress, which was in 1931 renamed the Jaffna Youth Congress. It was decided to form a "Colombo Youth League" and a committee consisting of Messrs P. de S. Kularatne, T. B. Jayah, S. R. Kanaganayagam, D. S. S. Peiris, N. Kumarasingham, Robin Ratnam, M. Rajasingham, F. S. J. Cooray, M. Sally, M. Nadarajah and C. Ranasinghe had been elected.
The politically conscious youth of the early 1930s began to group themselves into youth leagues in various parts of the country. The young Doctor Wickremasinghe, soon after his return to Sri Lanka, after his medical studies in England, joined the activities of these radical youth leagues. The youth leagues that then existed at Colombo, Kandy, Jaffna, Negombo and other parts of the Country, came together to inaugurate the All Ceylon Youth Congress on 16.5.1931.
The first sessions of the All Ceylon Youth Congress was held at Plaza Theatre, Wellawatte, Colombo, with Valentine S. Perera in the chair. Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mrs. Nehru, Mrs. Indira Gandhi (then Miss Nehru) and Mrs. KamaladeviChattopadhyaya attended these

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240 Politics and Life in Our Times
sessions as distinguished guests. Doctor Wickremasinghe, who took an active part in the Congress sessions moved the following resolution: "That the Youth of Ceylon respectfully pays its tribute of profound admiration at the Supreme Courage and tremendous sacrifice manifested by the youth of India in their great struggle for the liberation of their motherland". This resolution was Seconded
by Terence N. de Zilva and adopted by the Congress.
A resolution calling for a boycott of the general elections of June 1931 as a protest against the Donoughmore Constitution was passed unanimously at this Congress. The All Ceylon Youth Congress, which was the representative body of radical and progressive opinion at that time, opposed this Constitution and wanted the elections to be boycotted as the Constitution did not go far enough, and because it did not grant freedom to Ceylon. The youth leaguers carried on an active campaign for the boycott of the elections. The boycott was only successful in Jaffna. However, the youth leaguers who did enter the State Council continued to expose from inside the State Council, the defects of the Constitution.
Doctor Wickremasinghe was elected to the first State Council in 1931 as the member for Morawaka. At the State Council
he spoke about the deplorable conditions of the workers and peasants and the need for legislation to protect them. The voice of the working people began to be heard for the first time in the legislative assembly of the country. He made a scientific analysis of the causes for the poverty and backwardness of the Sri Lankan people and exposed the true nature of colonial exploitation in Sri Lanka. He pointed out that the poverty and degradation of the people were directly due to the political and economic domination by British Imperialism.

A Life Spent for the Service of Humanity- Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe 241
Doctor Wickremasinghe has been, for several decades, a member of the legislative assembly of our country. At the Morawaka by election held in the 1940s, he was elected a member of the State Council by a majority of 23, 823 votes which was, at that time, the highest majority taken at an election. worked with Dr. Wickremasinghe in this election and had gone with him to remote parts of the Morawaka electorate. I saw how much he was loved and respected by the people.
My political and personal association with Dr. Wickremasinghe, for a period of over half a century, has been so close and so full of incidents, that space does not permit me to write even a brief account about them. I have to limit myself to listing some of the organisations in which worked with him closely. To name them they are: The All Ceylon Youth Congress; The Suriya Mal Movement; The Lanka Sama Samaja Party; The United Socialist Party; The Communist Party of Sri Lanka: The Ceylon National Congress; The Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity
Movement and the Peace Movement.
Courtesy: Souvenir published on Erection of his Statue, January 11th, 1992.

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CHAPTER 5
The World Peace Movement
Partial Test Ban Treaty
The following is from a speech, delivered by the author, at the World Council of Peace sessions, held in Warsaw from 28th November to 2nd December, 1963. This speech gives an indication of the type of work, then carried on by the World Council of Peace, With its headquarters at Vienna and by its national organisations. At that time, it was this organisation and its affiliated bodies that, in the main, worked for peace. The World Council of Peace was subsequently renamed the World Peace Council, with its headquarters shifted to Helsinki, Finland. Its scope of activities was enlarged, and it is now working in co-operation with other associations having similar aims and objects.)
We, the delegates from Ceylon are happy to participate in these sessions of the World Council of Peace which is dedicated to the sacred cause of saving mankind from the havoc and horrors of nuclear war and of preserving peace. We bring you greetings from the members of the Ceylon Peace Council and the peace-loving people of Ceylon.
Poland, this industrious country which received the first destructive blow of the Nazi War Machine at the Commencement of the last World War, and Warsaw, this City which was almost Completely destroyed in the war and has now been rebuilt and is now standing proudly with greater beauty and glory is a most appropriate place to hold this Peace Conference. This city was a Symbol of the destruction and misery caused by War and it is now the Symbol of the glorious possibilities of Creative labour under conditions of peace.

Partial Test Ban Treaty 243
Our country and our people were fortunate enough not to have been badly affected by the last war. A few bombs were dropped on our Country too and some buildings were destroyed and some lives were lost. But we have been the victims of successive imperialisms for more than two centuries. Our country has suffered under Portuguese imperialism, then under Dutch imperialism, then finally under British imperialism. We won our political independence in 1948 but we cannot still say that we have won our economic independence.
The struggle for national independence and the struggle to end all forms of colonialism, both old and new, are component parts of the struggle for peace. Every weakening of the forces of imperialism brings a strengthening of the forces of peace. The whole world knows how, when last year our state sponsored Ceylon Petroleum Corporation commenced the import and distribution of petroleum products, the foreign oil monopolies, finding that their monopoly was being broken in our country, started a big campaign against our country and our government. They utilised the World Press to malign us and the U. S. Government stopped its aid. We fearlessly fought back and the oil monopoly of Shell, Caltex and Esso has been broken in our country. This oil monopoly will still further be broken down and in the near future, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation will be the sole distributor of petroleum products. We have been able to fight back the oil monopoly because of the assistance given us by the Soviet Union and the U. A. R. by Supplying our country petroleum products at a cheap rate.
Our organisation, the Ceylon Peace Council, has always given its support to the struggles of all peoples against oppression and aggression. During the height of the crisis in South Vietnam, in October last, our Peace Council held a public meeting which condemned the atrocities of the Diem Government against the Buddhists and freedom fighters in South Vietnam, and urged our Government to do all that was necessary for active United Nations intervention to restore freedom to that country and to stop the atrocities against the people and to withdraw American troops from South Vietnam.

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244 Politics and Life in Our Times
We the people of Ceylon and our Government are dedicated to the ideals of peace and peaceful co-existence of different social systems. The united and organised strength of public opinion will force the war mongers to stay their hands from starting a new world war. The resolute and organised effort of the peoples of the world can and will bring about the ending of armaments and war.
Ours is a small country both in size and in population. Any major dispute among our neighbours will affect us detrimentally. Peace among our neighbours and peace in the World is in the best interests of our people and our country. When the border dispute between our great neighbour India and the great country China became aggravated our Prime Minister, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, took the initiative in trying to bring about a settlement between these two great countries. We earnestly hope that an early settlement would be reached.
Our people and our Government whole heartedly support the Partial Test Ban Treaty. Our country is a signatory to this treaty. Soon after the Treaty was signed our Peace Council welcomed the treaty and issued a statement as follows:
"The Ceylon Peace Council welcomes the treaty banning nuclear weapons tests in three elements which has been concluded between the governments of the USSR, UK, USA and signed by over 70 (now over 100) other governments to date. It welcomes the signing of the treaty by the Government of Ceylon.
"The conclusion of this treaty is the result of persistent actions by peace forces throughout the World. It helps not only to ease international tensions but also to reduce the dangerous levels of radioactive pollution of these elements.
"The treaty will encourage the peace forces throughout the World to press forward with the fight to ban underground tests as Well and to take further steps towards ending stock piles of nuclear Weapons and achieving general disarmament".
Colombo, December, 1963.

American Aggression in Vietnam and The Peace MOVement
(The following is a report given to the Sri Lanka Peace Council by the author on his return to Sri Lanka after attending the Berlin Peace Conference.] A Conference of representatives of the National Peace Committees, organized by the World Peace Council was held in Berlin, capital of the German Democratic Republic, from December 5th to 8th, 1972. This conference was held to bring together representatives of national peace committees so that they may have exchange of opinions and experience Concerning the Strengthening and broadening of the national peace movements in all the regions Of the World.
Chandra Gunasekera, M.P. and attended this conference as delegates of the Sri Lanka Peace Council. 163 delegates from 89 countries from all continents took part in this meeting.
The Sessions were opened on December 5th, 1972 by Romesh Chandra, the Secretary General of the World Peace Council. After the welcoming speech by the President of the German Democratic Republic Peace Council, the Secretary General gave his report on "The Results of the World Peace Council, Presidential Committee session in Chile, the situation of Our movement and our efforts to strengthen and extend it".
He referred to the discussions which took place at earlier peace conferences in 1965 and 1966, on the new developments in the peace movement and the consequent changes required in the structure and approach of the World Peace Council. He said that stress was laid on the fact that there had come into existence SCOres of organizations, associations and groups in several Countries, which had begun to act in their own way for peace and national independence, justice and progress. No longer was the situation the

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246 Politics and Life in Our Times
same as during the foundation years of the World Peace Movement in the late forties and the early fifties, when the national peace committees represented in the World Peace Council were perhaps the sole organizations in many Countries, which believed in the power of public opinion for peace and were initiating peace actions.
He stated that "this process, which was seen developing already during the period of the discussion of 1965, has gone ahead as the years have passed. We can see most vividly the fact of the existence of these many organizations and groups in the United States of America. Here literally, there are thousands of groups, associations and movements of all types which are working to mobilise U. S. public opinion for the ending of the United States aggression in Indo-China. We can see the emergence of these new groups also in several other countries, particularly following the great upsurge among people everywhere against the war in Vietnam".
Mr. Romesh Chandra then went on to draw attention to yet another development, which has become accentuated in the last two or three years. This development is the taking up of peace issues in a more active way than before, by many political parties and mass organizations of workers, youth and students, peasants, Women, etc., which had not been active in the work for the mobilization of public opinion for peace earlier.
He also noted a third characteristic of this period. The old Cold War prejudices, which existed during the early sixties and right up till 1966, when the World Peace Council met in Geneva and adopted the general line for its work of co-operation with other Organizations -those cold War attitudes have given place to a desire and willingness for co-operation, which never existed before.
He pointed out that the United States aggression in IndoChina led not only to the coming together of international organizations in the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam and in other ways; it also led to the coming together on a national scale of very different types of national organizations, movements and groups.

American Aggression in Vietnam and The Peace Movement 247
This process has been seen vividly in the formation of the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice in the United States. It can equally be noted in the coming together of the 48 organisations in France, which have been working together now for quite a considerable period in demonstrations and other actions against the war in Indonesia.
Similar coalitions exist equally in many other countries including Britain, Italy, Canada, Belgium, Australia, German Federal Republic, Sweden, Finland, etc.
He further stated that the emergence of these Vietnam coalitions in the countries of the West and, in a specially significant manner, in countries whose governments are directly or indirectly involved in the United States' aggression, is an indication of the change in the character and composition of the national peace movements in this period.
He referred to the new forms which the national peace movements are taking. The national peace committees or movements which have the longest history of work for peace, and which are associated most closely to the World Peace Council, have, in all cases, taken a leading part in the formation of these broad Coalition on the issue of Vietnam.
He suggested that special account should be taken of the fact that the World Peace Council itself during the recent period had achieved a new influence, and that it is in contact with, and is cooperating actively with a very large number of international organizations. The relations which the World Peace Council has today With the United Nations and its specialized agencies are, or at least should be, of decisive value in broadening the national peace movements. He said that it is necessary for the national peace Committees and their local organizations, at all levels, to take into account this new development which was unimaginable during the period of the Cold War.

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248 Politics and Life in Our Times
Romesh Chandra also advised the delegates that the main direction of the work of each national peace movement has to be towards building the movement in its own country as a national movement, specially and primarily concerned with the country's own struggle for peace and independence, justice and progress, its own struggle against imperialist attacks and burdens imposed by the pursuit of a policy, opposed to the interests of peace.
In the afternoon the plenary session resumed work and contributions were made by delegations from many countries.
In my speech at the plenary sessions of the conference, stated that the Sri Lanka Peace Council is broad based and that we have always been trying to broaden it still further. Members of our organization belong to various political parties in our Country. I pointed out that the government in power is a coalition government of three left political parties —The Sri Lanka Freedom Party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka - and that leading members of our Peace Council are from all three Parties. Officials of trade unions and other organizations are active members of the Sri Lanka Peace Council.
then gave a report of the work that our Peace Council is doing. I also referred to the work of the Sri Lanka-Vietnam Solidarity Organization of which the Sri Lanka Peace Council is a constituent member. About 25 organizations including political parties, trade unions, journalists and others are united in this organization giving support and solidarity to the heroic struggle of the Vietnamese people against American aggression. This organization arranges demonstrations, lectures, photo exhibitions and film shows to constantly keep in the minds of our people the contribution of the Vietnamese people to the cause of independence and peace and to expose the machinations of the American imperialists and the atrocities they perpetrate on innocent men, women and children. I stated that in these activities members of our Peace Council play a very active role.

American Aggression in Vietnam and The Peace Movement 249
welcomed the advice given by Romesh Chandra that the national peace movements should now be built up as a national movement, specially and primarily concerned with the Country's own struggle for peace and independence, justice and progress while strengthening its actions in solidarity with the peoples of the world fighting against imperialism. I stated that individual members of our Peace Council have, of course, been in the forefront of our national and anti-imperialist struggles. But our Peace Council, as such, has not been participating in these struggles. In future our Peace Council should participate actively in our urgent national tasks and thereby be able to enlarge and strengthen its actions in solidarity with the peoples Of the World.
On December 6th the plenary sessions were resumed and a number of representatives from various countries spoke. In all about 80 delegates spoke at the plenary sessions during the four days of the Conference.
A report on the preparation for the World Congress for Peace, Security and National Independence to be held in Moscow in 1973 and of the 25th anniversary of the foundation of the World Peace Council and on the Programme of activities was given on 6th December. The Congress will be held in Moscow, in autumn 1973 and it is to be a Congress not only open to all organizations and movements which agree with its aims but jointly sponsored and prepared by a large number of such organizations and movements. Many delegates spoke on the report. It was generally accepted that we should seek to bring to the Congress reports of political developments, of experience of activities, as well as proposals for mass activities, prepared by workshops, commissions and working groups, by conferences, meetings and study groups at all levels from all over the World.
On the international level the Congress itself will be sponsored by an international Committee, which would include representatives of a number of international organizations, which would be responsible, together with the World Peace Council for the direction of the Congress and for its preparations. On the national level it was stated that unless

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250 Politics and Life in Our Times
we can assure the participation of the actual leaderships of the national political parties, organizations and movements in the national preparatory committees for the Congress, all efforts to have a really broad participation at the grass roots level would be not possible. All the participants stated that we must make the 1973 Moscow Congress a grand Success.
In the morning of December 7th the regional groups met separately in different rooms. Delegates who belonged to a particular region attended the meeting of that regional group. There were separate regional groups for Asia, the Arab Countries, Europe, United States and Canada, Africa and Latin America.
All regional groups discussed the principal reports in their entirety, including all questions connected with efforts to increase the activities of the national movements, about working in cooperation, effectiveness of the national committees, utilization of the mass media, etc.
The Sri Lanka delegation attended the Asian regional group. In my speech I described the work of our Peace Council. also mentioned that as a result of the situation created by insurgent activities in Sri Lanka we had a set-back in our work for a period, but that we had already resumed our activities some time back. assured them that we would organise a representative national preparatory committee in Sri Lanka and that we would contribute our share to make the Moscow Congress a success.
A report was subsequently submitted to the plenary sessions on the basis of the discussions we had in the Asian regional group. Similar reports were submitted by other regional groups.
In the afternoon of 7th December, 1972, the plenary session resumed its sitting. I was nominated to preside at this session. At this session the German Democratic Republic Peace Council presented gold medals to Romesh Chandra, the Secretary General, and the other Secretaries of the World Peace Council in token of their great service in the cause of peace. I congratulated, on behalf of the participants, Mr. Romesh Chandra and the secretaries at the great honour bestowed on them.

American Aggression in Vietnam and The Peace Movement 251
The Final Plenary Sessions of the conference was held on 8th December, 1972, when the recommendations were adopted and the communique was endorsed.
The communique stated that the participants were "firmly convinced that peace can be safeguarded if the peoples resolutely fight for it. The participants in the meeting expressed their determination to develop close co-operation, on the international and national levels, with all forces concerned about peace. This co-operation will be based on full equality and mutual respect for the benefit of the peoples, true to the principles of the World Peace Council and the national peace committees.
"The participants in the meeting expressed their unwavering determination to continue even more energetically the struggle for the implementation of the principles of peaceful co-existence, equal co-operation and detente".
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, March 1st, 1973.

Page 135
"Security in Asia only through Joint Effort'
The author who attended the international Teeting of the LLLLLLLLSLLLLCHGHLLGLL LLL LLL LLGLLLLTLCLL SLLLLLGLLLLL LLL LL Warsaw, Poland, early last month, returned to the Island last week and gave the following report to the Press.
Mr. T. B. Subasinghe, Minister of Industries and Scientific Affairs, who was scheduled to attend the meeting was unable to do So Owing to pressure of work here.
In his address to the meeting which was attended by delegates from Over 50 countries, Mr. T. Duraisingam said that ten years ago he attend a session of the World Peace Council in Warsaw. It was the year of the 15th anniversary of the Wroclaw Congress of Intellectuals, which laid the foundation for the formation of the World Peace Council the following year.
The World Peace Council, too had moved on a great deal from what it was ten years ago. At that time the peace movement was, in the main, restricted to the activities of the World Peace Council and its National organizations. Now there were many organizations which had the same goal and Were fighting for peace. It has now become possible to get the active participation of broad sections of the people.
As far as security in Asia was concerned the real road to it was not one of military blocs and groupings, not the opposition of states to one another, but the road of good neighbourly co-operation between all the states in the region. Security in Asia would be ensured only by the joint collective efforts of her people. Collective Security, however, could not really be limited to countries or Continents.

25.3
GECLA ry fir 7 Msila or 7 ly through Joint Effort"
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Afro-Asian Solidarity Association and Ceylon Peace council Meeting
(~~~~ ·
L.-F.: Pieter Kauneman, Srimavo Bandaranaike, A. Aziz, T.Duraisingam, Dr. M. C. M. Kaleel, Rev. Medagoda Sumanatissa

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254 Politics and Life in Our Times
VITAL FOR LANKA
Peace in the Indian sub-continent was of vital importance to Countries near it, such as Sri Lanka.
Conflicts in this area had been engineered by the imperialists, since the time the countries in the region achieved independence. On behalf of the peace forces of Sri Lanka he wished the Asian Regional Peace Conference to be held at Dacca and the World Conggess of Peace Forces to be held at MoSCOW, all Success.
He wished Mr. Krishna Menon, their president of honour, on his 77th birthday, many more years of active life. He said the progressive movement of Sri Lanka owed a great deal to him for he directly and indirectly inspired many of Sri Lanka's freedom fighters, who were now guiding the destinies of the Country.
Courtesy: "Times of Ceylon", Colombo, June 5th, 1973.

Origin and Growth of the World Peace MOVement
The historic session of the World Congress of Peace Forces to be held at Moscow from October 23-31, 1973, is a congress of national and international organizations and prominent personalities who have participated in international actions aimed at easing tensions in the world, at developing solidarity with the national liberation movement and with the forces which struggle against racism and other forms of humiliating human dignity.
This Congress is being jointly prepared by the widest possible peace forces. This will be the largest ever international gathering in the entire history of the world peace movement. Over 3000 delegates from all parts of the World are expected to participate at this Congress and from Sri Lanka a representative delegation of about 15 members, including several members of parliament, are expected to participate. All problems vitally connected with the struggle for peace and independence - the problem of hunger for many millions, the problem of development, disarmament, environment, of co-operation in different fields, social problems, the question of human rights - all these problems would be dealt with at the World Congress.
The peace movement which started in a small way in the years immediately following the end of the Second World War, has grown up to be a mighty force and now participants at these international peace Congresses include delegations from nongovernmental organizations such as the World Federation of Scientific Workers, the World Council of Churches and the World Federation of Trade Unions and governmental organisations such as the League of Arab States, Organization of African Unity and the United Nations Organization.
The peace movement, this great movement of the masses of the people, this great movement of action by millions, began with a Congress of writers and artists, scientists and educationists, musicians, philosophers and journalists. This was the World

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256 Politics and Life in Our Times
Congress of Intellectuals in the Defence of Peace which was held in 1948 in the auditorium of the Technical University at Wroclaw, Poland. Some of the most eminent thinkers, Scientists, artists and Writers like Picasso, Joliot-Curie, Ehrenburg, Julian Huxley, Tikhonov and Bernal took an active part at this Congress. The intellectuals who founded our movement in Wroclaw were men and women who sought to give of their knowledge, their culture, to present before the vast masses in all countries, the true facts regarding the dangers of the new weapons of maSS destruction which threaten mankind.
The World Congress of Intellectuals sent out an appeal to all those who desired to prevent the out-break of a third world war, to meet in the great World Congress of Partisans of Peace, in April 1949, in Paris and Prague. It was at this Congress that the World Peace Council was founded with Fredric Joliot-Curie, the discoverer of radium, as its Founder-President and with John Desmond Bernal as the Chairman of
its Presidential Committee.
The World Peace Council stands for the: (1) prohibition of all weapons of mass destruction and ending of the arms drive; abolition of foreign military bases; general, simultaneous and controlled disarmament; (2) elimination of all forms of colonialism and racial discrimination; (3) peaceful co-existence between States with different social and political systems; and (4) replacement of the policy of force by that of negotiations for the settlement of differences between nations.
The Sri Lanka Peace Council, whose president is Mr. T. B. Ilangaratne, Minister of Foreign & Internal Trade, has from the very first years of the Peace movement worked for these ideals and has been functioning in association with the World Peace Council. A congress Session of the World Peace Council was held in Sri Lanka in 1957 and the session was inaugurated by the then Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, and presided over by the then Minister of Justice, Mr. M. W. H. de Silva. Another Session of the World Peace Council was organized to be held in Sri Lanka in April 1971, but due to the unsettled conditions then prevailing in Sri Lanka, these sessions were held in Budapest.

Origin and Growth of the World Peace Movement 257
For a number of years after the foundation of the World Peace Council, the peace movement was, in the main, restricted to the activities of the World Peace Council and its national organizations. Gradually the peace movement developed very much beyond that and many Organizations came into being which have the same goal and are fighting for peace. The World Peace Council now took the initiative to bring these organizations together and to unite their efforts for the common objectives.
The world peace assembly held in Berlin in 1969 was the first major landmark in the process of building this co-operation between the World Peace Council and a large number of international nongovernmental organizations. Over 30 international organizations joined hands to sponsor the Assembly. Among over 1,100 delegates who attended this Peace Assembly, there were representatives of 65 international organizations and over 300 national organizations representing more than a hundred countries of all the continents. From Sri Lanka a representative delegation consisting of Rev. Prof. Kotagama Vachissara, Rev. Lakshman Wickremasinghe, Mrs.Vivienne Goonewardene, Dr. P. Udagama, Messrs T. B. Subasinghe, Nihal Jayawickrema and T. Duraisingam attended this Assembly.
But soon after the Berlin Assembly, it became clear that the movement had grown far beyond the breadth of the participation at that historic Assembly. The Berlin Assembly itself gave the impetus for this process. The very development of the international situation brought new political mass forces into action for peace and independence in a manner in which they had never acted before.
At meetings of the World Peace Council held in subsequent years in Budapest and Helsinki, the idea that a great gathering of peace forces should be held at an early date was mooted and discussed. The Presidential Committee of the World Peace Council held its Sessions in Santiago, Chile in October 1972. Mr. L. Ariyawansa, secretary of the Sri Lanka Peace Council, representing Mr. T. B. Subasinghe, Minister of Industries and Scientific Affairs, who is a member of the Presidential Committee of the World Peace Council, attended this session. The Presidential Committee issued an Appeal, seeking the co-operation of

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Politics armi Life iri) COLLI r I jirriers
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Origin arid Growth of the World Peace Movement 259
all organizations and movements-international, regional and National - in the preparation of a World Congress for Peace, Security and National Independence to be held in Moscow in Autumn 1973.
The response to this appeal was wery good and an International Consultative Meeting was held in Moscow in March 1973 to make the necessary preparations for the World Congress. This Consultative Meeting was attended by representatives of 40 international and 81 national organizations from 60 countries. Chandra Gunasekera, M. P. attended this meeting as a delegate from the Sri Lanka Peace Council. It was decided at this Consultative Meeting that in the preparations for the Moscow Congress, provision must be made for the mass participation of millions of people of all Countries. Where wer possible sponsoring bodies were to be set up on the widest possible scale, including both representatives of the national peace organizations as Well as representatives of purely national parties, trade unions and other movements and groups.
In pursuance of this decision, the Sri Lanka Peace Council organized in March 1973 a seminar or "Asian Peace and Security" at the Royal College Hall, Colombo. Here lively discussions followed the reading of pa pers om different aspects of the Subject by Mr. L. Ariyawansa, Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Mrs. Wivienne Goonewardene and Mr. T. Duraisingam. In June a representative meeting of physicians, lawyers, architects, trade unionists, religious personalities and political leaders, was called by the Sri Lanka Peace Council and a National Preparatory Committee for the World Congress of Peace Forces was set up,
A second International Consultative Meeting was held in Moscow in July 1973 to finalise the joint preparations made for the World Congress. Mr. Ronnie de Mel, M. P. participated in this Consultative Meeting as a representative of the Sri Lanka National Preparatory Committee for the Congress.
The situation in the World today calls for the united action of all peace forces. It is the hope and expectation of all peace lowing people that the forthcoming World Congress of Peace Forces would substantially assist in the easing of tension and in the maintenance of peace in the World.
Courtesy "Tribune", October 27th, 7973.

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Peace Conference in Colombo
sOr 7 7 is retur 7 to Sri Lanka, a fer atterding a "eeting of the World Peaca Council held recently in Sophia, Bulgaria, the a L'hor 77a de the following stafer77 er 7 to the Press.)
The people of Sri Lanka and particularly the peace fighters are wery much perturbed by the news about the preparations on the part of USA and Britain to extend the military base in Diego Garcia which is strategically situated in the Indian Ocean. It is a serious blow to the initiatives taken by our Prime Minister, Mrs. Srimavo Bandaranaike to make the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. This imperialist provocation Comes at a time When this proposal is gaining popular support from practically all countries in this part of the World.
The fact that India, Sri Lanka, Australia, New Zealand and other Countries have rightly protested against this move, shows that the Diego Garcia base poses a serious threat not only to peace and tranquility in the area, in and around the Indian Ocean, but also to World peace in general. Further it demonstrates that the imperialists have not abandoned their policy of interfering in the affairs of the peoples of Asia and Africa, even after their ignominious defeat suffered at the hands of the heroic people of Vietnam.
Undoubtedly the Diego Garcia base Will lead to increased tension in this region, and Will be a serious impediment to the process of a general defense in World affairs brought about recently due to the peace offensive of the fighters for peace, the peace policy followed by the socialist countries and the tireless efforts on the part of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its General Secretary, Leonid Brezhnev,
Progressives throughout the World, the World Peace Council and all peace forces have in unambiguous terms Condemned these activities of the USA and Britain, as these Constitute a serious threat to
World peace,

Paacg Ca3r7 fer"er1Ce if 7 CD/J,77 bo 251
Founder of the Students' Congress, Jaffna, later renamed the Jaffna Youth Congress
S. Handy Perinpanayagam 28.03.1899 - 11.12, 1977
A meeting of members of the World Peace Council from the littoral states around the Indian Ocean Was held at Sophia, Bulgaria, to discuss the problem of War bases in the Indian Ocean. Members from about sixteen Countries including those from South Africa, Madagascar, Tanzania, Iraq, Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Australia attended this meeting. Here it was decided to hold an international Conference in August this year, about the elimination of War bases in the Indian Ocean and for the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, it was also decided to explore the possibilities of holding the International Conference preferably in Colombo, Sri Lanka, or if that is not possible, in any other suitable Country in or around the
Iridias. O'Cearl.
Colombo, March 1974.

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New Period of Detente
A session of the World Peace Council (WPC) was held in Sofia, Bulgaria, from February 16th to 19th, 1974. This was an event of immense historic significance for the development of the entire peace movement. The Council discussed the new character, the new tasks, the new role of the World Peace Movement in this new period of detente, this new period of victories for peace and independence and which is at the same time a period of tremendous problems which have to be tackled.
A. Aziz, M.P., Dr. M. C. M. Kaleel and T. Duraisingam, who are members of the World Peace Council, attended the Sofia Session from the Sri Lanka Peace Council. The session was attended by nearly 600 participants representing 103 countries and 30 international inter- and non-governmental organisations. Leaders of the World peace movement, outstanding scientists, men of culture and the arts, prominent personalities from all the continents, heads and representatives of religious organisations took active part in the work of the session.
Georgi Dimitrov Goshkin, President of the Bulgarian Peace Committee, in his speech declaring open the Session which was held in the Georgi Kirkov Conference Hall in the centre of Sofia, stated that "this is a Session in which the world's progressive mankind with its basic problems of life and burning issues of the day is being reflected. He said that their people attach high value to the activities of the World Peace Council, both to its present achievements in the struggle to improve the political climate on the planet, and to its future efforts for
the further consolidation and building of world peace".
Dimitrov-Goshkin, who presided at the session then gave the floor to Todor Zhivkov, President of the State Council of the People's Republic of Bulgaria and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party. Zhivkov welcomed the envoys and said, "We work with the conviction that the future of socialism is inseparably linked with peace, and peace in our atomic age is indivisible".

New Period of Detente 263
The World Peace Council Secretary General, Romesh Chandra, thanked Todor Zhivkov, the Bulgarian Communist Party, the Government and all Bulgarian organisations involved in the preparatory work for the session. He pointed out that the present session was convened in the homeland of Georgi Dimitrov, one of the greatest men of our epoch. "This inspires and obliges us" he said, "to take decisions which will essentially influence the future of mankind. The world peace movement makes every effort to implement the behests of Georgi Dimitrov on the unity and cohesion of all democratic and peaceful forces in the struggle against fascism, imperialism, colonialism and racism". Thereafter messages of greetings to the participants in the Session were offered by Curtis Roosevelt on behalf of UN Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim, Salim Ahmed Salim on behalf of the Arab League and Arturo Montoya, on behalf of the UN Special Committees on Apartheld and Decolonization. Soon after the morning's proceedings were over the participants of the session paid homage to and laid a wreath at the mausoleum of Georgi Dimitrov, the leader and teacher of the Bulgarian people, a prominent figure in the international communist and workers movement. His body has been embalmed by a special process which has made it possible to keep the body well preserved over the years. In the afternoon and in the following three days the Session operated in plenaries, 4 commissions and 4 regional meetings.
The participants from Sri Lanka took an active part in the plenary as well as the various commissions and regional meetings.
The Session adopted a general appeal and two other important documents: a resolution on the situation in Indo-China and a resolution
On the situation in the Middle East
The Sri Lanka Peace Council, which has functioned as the national organisation of the WPC for the past many years is now the national organisation of the new World Peace Council. T. B. Ilangaratne, Minister of Foreign and Internal Trade, the President of the Sri Lanka

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26. Politics irid Lif I ĊILI r Tirri Teas
The Sri Lankar delegation at the Sofia Sessions of the W. P. C. L.-R. A. Aziz, Dr. M. C., M. Kalaal and T. Duraisingar II
 

New PEG flee 285
Peace Council and L. Ariyawanse, the Secretary of the Sri Lanka Peace Council are also members of the WPC. T. B. Subasinghe, Minister of Industries and Scientific Affairs, has been re-elected a member of the
Presidig ti| CCTT)Tittee of the WPC.
The Peace movement has grown and broadened because of its steadfast adherence to the sound principles on which it has based its action. These principles were outlined at the Congress of Supporters of Peace in Paris, in 1949 by the Founder President, Fredric JolietCurie himself, and at the Congress of Warsaw in 1950 where the WPC Was born. They have drawn strength also from the great principles adopted by the Afro - Asian Countries at Bandung.
The principles of the World Peace Council are:
k Prohibition of all Weapons of mass destruction and ending of the arms drive; abolition of foreign military bases; general, simultaneous and Controlled disar Tament.
k Elimination of all forms of Colonialist and racial discritination; sk Respect for the right of the peoples to sovereignty and
independence, essential for the establishment of peace; k Respect for the territorial integrity of states; k. Non-interference in the internal affairs of slations, k Establishment of mutually beneficial trade and cultural
relations based om friendship and mutual respect; k Peaceful Co-existence between states With different political
Systems; The ReplaceTment of the policy of force by that of megotiations for
the settle Tent of differences between nations.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colorribu, May 11th, 1974.

Page 142
Development of the World Peace MOVement
The Silver Jubilee Celebrations of the World Peace Council and the Presidential Committee meeting of the WPC were held on 27th - 30th May, 1974 at Paris, the city which witnessed the birth of the World Peace Council 25 years ago, in April 1949. At this meeting represented Presidential Committee member T. B. Subasinghe and the Sri Lanka Peace Council.
The 25th anniversary celebrations and the Presidential Committee meeting, which were held during the same days, differed in every respect from the founding Congress. The contrast was best summed up by WPC Secretary General, Romesh Chandra, in his opening speech. "The world in which we live today", he said, "is very much different from when our Movement was first founded. Not only are we not forced to celebrate the 25th anniversary in two different cities as the founders of our movement were forced to do in launching the World Peace Movement, but the impact of our efforts and voices is much greater today. The World Peace Movement is like a tree planted to provide protection and shade. It is today bearing fruit. In the past We had to defend peace, but today we have to build the peace We have Won. Today we have achieved detente which was unthinkable in the past when peace was a dirty Word, and We must make it irreversible".
Mr.Chandra was alluding in his reference to being forced to meet in two cities, to the unfortunate incident in 1949, when the architects of the cold war prevented some delegates to the first Congress from entering France, and consequently forced them to hold a parallel Congress in Prague, Czechoslovakia.
The broadly representative character of the world peace movement could be seen by observing the wide range of participants in the anniversary celebrations. Present at the meeting were government ministers, MPs, leaders of political parties and liberation movements, university professors and representatives from all walks of life who belong

Development of the World Peace Movement 267
to Socialist, Social democratic, Christian democratic, communist, liberal radical, centre and nationalist parties. They came from 70 different countries and 15 international, inter-and non-governmental organizations, a fact which testifies to the un precedented and unparalleled growth and strength of the World Peace Movement.
Representatives of the UN Special Committees on Decolonisation and Apartheid as well as personal representatives of UNESCO's Director General and UNCTAD's Secretary General greeted the meeting, which also received messages of Congratulation from 39 heads of state and government, and hundreds of other messages from ministers, peace movements and mass Organizations.
Among the heads of states and governments who sent messages of greeting were Leonid Brezhnev, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Indira Gandhi, Archbishop Markarios, Sheik Mujibur Rahuman, Ahamed Sekou Ture, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Horst Sinderman, Ahamed Hassan Al-Bakr, Prince Souphanouvong, Pham Van Dong and Hafez Al-ASSad.
During the four-day meeting of the Presidential Committee, part of the time was devoted to the jubilee celebrations and part of the time to the regular work of the Committee. On the first three days the celebrations and meetings were held at the French Senate which was put at the disposal of the participants by the French authorities. On the last day a reception was given in honour of the participants by the French National Peace Movement at their headquarters.
Celebrating the occasion a meeting was held on May 27 at which a number of eminent personalities including the personal representative of UNESCO's Director General and that of UNCTAD's Secretary General spoke. Among the speakers were also Mrs. Salvador Allende, Mrs. Eileen Bernal (widow of Professor J. D. Bernal), Vasco Cabral (Guinea-Bissau's Commissioner of Economy), Kalervo Siikala (Finland), Khaled Mohie El Din (Egypt) and academician E. Fydorov (USSR).

Page 143
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268
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Davasoprent of the World Peace Movemerit 269
On May 28 a mass meeting was held at the Salle Pleyel. It was in this very hall that twenty five years ago the World Peace Council was born. Present at this meeting were such personalities as Hungary's Gyla Kallai (Chairman of the Peoples' Patriotic Front), Belgium's Isabelle Blume, Soviet Writer Konstantine Simonow, Cuban Poet Nicolas Guillen, France's Jean Laffitte (the first Secretary General of the WPC) and Bulgarian academician Georgi Nadjakow, all of whom were present at the Movement's birth. In the chair was former French Minister Pierre Cot, and speakers included Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim, Chairman of the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation, Iraqi Minister Aziz Sherif, Soviet writer K. Simonow and Finnish Minister Ulf Sundqwist.
| Waspersonally happy and grateful to the peace movement for giving me the opportunity to participate at this historic meeting, accommodated at the tribune where twenty-five years ago the founders of the mowerTent announced the establish Tent of the World Peace Council.
The Work of the Presidential Committee meeting was carried on in plenary sessions, and three Commissions:
(1) the first, drafting a declaration on the 25th anniversary. (2) the second, Working on the problem of raw materials and
development. (3) the third, on the problem of European security and
Co-operation, The plenary meeting adopted fourteen documents which dealt With the three Thain items on its agenda, and the most urgent developments since the Sofia session of the WPC, held in February 1974. These documents dealt on the following subjects: namely, a declaration on the 25th anniversary of the World Peace Movement, on Tasks of the Peace Forces with regard to Raw Materials and Development, on Relations with UNESCO, on Saving the lives of Chilean Political Leaders, on European Security and Co-operation, on Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, on the Middle East, on Solidarity with the Peoples of Iraq, Democratic Yemen and the Arab Gulf, on South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia, on the Portuguese Colonies, on Asian Security, on Threats
LLLCCLLLC LL aLaLLLLL LLLLLLaCCLLLCLSSS LLL LLLLCCS LLLLL L LLLLLLLLmLLLaLLLLLCLLS

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270 Pales a I LPfa IT OLI TaS
One of the subjects on which important discussions took place was that on Asian Security. The resolution on Asian Security Wasmo Wed by The in the plenary meeting and was accepted unanimously.
The resolution stated that the Presidential Committee noted with deep satisfaction the positive developments in Asia. In the Middle East the effectiveness of united Arab resistance against imperialist designs, the setting up of the Government of National Unity in Laos, the further successes of the Vietnamese people in their struggle for national salvation, the development on the road to mutual Co-operation and durable peace in the South Asia Sub-Continent, "all these developments confirm the conviction that increasing Co-operation and mutually beneficial relations among Asian countries open up the path for further advance in their struggle for self-reliance and independent development, free from all imperialist interference".
"I this situation," the resolution further stated that "the interests of the Asian Countries can best be safeguarded by advancing the process of a systern of mutual security for the Whole continent."
On May 29th a special meeting of the participants from the littora states around the Indian Oceani Was held to diSCLUSS the problert LL LLL LLLLL0K LL LaL LLLLLLH LLLCLLLCLS LLLLLLL LLL LLLLLLa LLLLLaa Countries, including those from South Africa, Madagascar, Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh attended this meeting. Discussions were Centred around the decision taken in February 1974 at the Sofia sessions of the WPC, to hold an international Conference in August this year, about the elimination of war bases in the Indian Ocean and for the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. After some discussion about the velue of the Conference, it was decided that it should be held at New Delhi,
The Presidential Committee issued a declaration. On the 25th Anniversary of the World Peace Movement.
The declaration stated that "25 years after the for Tation of the LLaLLLLL LLLaLLaLL LLL LLLL LLL LLLLLLLH LaLL LLL LLLLLa L C LaLLLL period of detente which is characterised by the fact that the Cold Warno longer dominates international relations. The peace forces grow ever stronger, scoring new wictories for national independence, democracy,

271
Devalopment of the World Peace Mawa Tarif
World Peace Council delegation ledby Romësh Chandra, it's President,meeting the Sri Lankan President, William Gopalawa, T. B.|langaratnē, L. Ariyawansa and T. Durãisingarn, members of the Sri Lanka Peace Council arealso here with the delegation.

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272 Politics and Life in Our Times
justice and social progress - new victories over the forces of imperialism, colonialism and aggression, domination and exploitation. Despite the efforts of imperialism and reaction, the balance has shifted decisively in favour of the forces of peace and progress.
"This change in the political climate has been brought about, above all, by the heroic struggles and actions of the peoples of the World, and the positive initiatives, policies and programmes of governments, genuinely dedicated to the cause of peace.
"During the last 25 years, the World Peace Council and the international, regional and national organisations and movements represented in it, have Contributed greatly towards bringing the force of public opinion to bear in Solidarity with struggles and actions and in support of all these initiatives, policies and programmes.
"The World Peace Council extends its hand of Co-operation to all public organizations and movements, all political parties, all Social, Cultural and religious bodies, to the United Nations and all its specialised agencies, to the Organisation of African Unity, to the Conference of Non-aligned Countries, to all inter-governmental organisations, to all governments which stand for peace. Our Co-operation and common action are essential for the achievement of Our noble aims.
"We appeal to all the peace forces in the World: Let us work together to use the power of our united action which has won the victories of today, for the still greater victories required in the future for the defence and the building of peace".
The four day meeting of the Presidential Committee ended with greatenthusiasm among the participants. They pledged that on going back to their respective countries, they will work still more ardently for the great cause of World Peace.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, September 14th, 1974.

Signature Campaign for General and Complete Disarmament
The Sri Lanka Peace Council has recently decided to launch a signature campaign in support of the new Stockholm movement for general and complete disarmament, urging all governments, parliaments, political parties, trade unions and mass organizations to join hands in a world wide offensive for stopping the arms race and achieving general and complete disarmament. This movement was inaugurated in June 1975 at Stockholm, Sweden, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the 1st Stockholm Appeal launched on 19th March, 1950 at the same place, urging the banning of atomic weapons, the setting up of international control to see that this measure was enforced, and declaring that any government which used this offensive weapon of mass destruction first, should be dealt with as a war criminal.
The world situation in 1950 was very tense. A fierce war was on in Korea. The US imperialists had expected to gain a quick victory by the use of heavy bombs, napalm and SuperSonic planes. Having failed in this, they threatened to drop an atomic super bomb in an attempt to win the battle against the people of North Korea. The spectre of a third world War loomed over the horizon. It was then that a group of intellectuals from different countries gathered at "The People's House" in Stockholm, with the aim of opposing a new atomic Catastrophe threatening mankind. Among those who were gathered there were the distinguished French scientist Federic Joliot Curie, one of the founders of modern atomic physics, Professor J. D. Bernal, Rev. Hewlett Johnson, Alexander Fedeyev and Ilya Ehrenburg. It was Joliot Curie who proposed the famous Appeal to Ban Nuclear Weapons and which was adopted at this conference. Joliot Curie's signature to the appeal was followed by millions and millions of signatures from people from all parts of the world.

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274 Politics and Life in Our Times
In Sri Lanka the national Peace Council carried on an intensive campaign and collected hundreds of thousands of signatures in support of the Stockholm Appeal. The appeal was signed by members of parliament, intellectuals, religious dignitaries, workers and peasants. This campaign made the people of our country alive to the dreadful threat of the atomic bomb, the terrible effects of which had been experienced by the men, women and children of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
The Stockholm Appeal mobilized public opinion in a massive manner against the manufacture and use of atomic weapons. Signed by over 500million people from the continents, the Stockholm Appeal became a decisive factor in preventing the imperialists from using the atom bomb in Korea and Indochina. It gave a tremendous impetus to the World peace movement. Given below is the text of this historic document:
"We demand the absolute banning of the atomic bomb, weapon of terror and mass extermination of populations. "We demand the establishment of strict international Control
to ensure the implementation of this ban. "We consider that the first government to use the atomic Weapon against any country Whatsoever, would be committing a crime against humanity and should be dealt with as a war criminal. "We call on all men of goodwill throughout the world to
sign this appeal". With the changes in the world situation the campaigns of the World Peace Movement also were modified. In the Stockholm Appeal, the World Peace Movement drew the attention of all to the dangers to mankind arising from atomic weapons. But a few years later the threat to mankind arose not only from war, it arose also from nuclear tests in times of peace.
At its conference held in Colombo from 10 to 16 June, 1957, the World Peace Council launched its "Colombo Appeal" to all governments for the immediate ending of nuclear tests. This appeal Stated:

Signature Campaign for General and Complete Disarmament 275
"Eminent scientists have awakened the world to the dangers arising from the continuation of nuclear tests. Governments, parliaments, great organizations of many kinds in many countries, and moral and religious leaders have demanded the ending of these tests. Despite these powerful expressions of world opinion, test explosions still continue to pollute the air, land and water and to menace the future of all mankind. They are the culminating expression of the arms race now in progress and can only eventually end in the final horror of atomic war. We demand that the governments concerned immediately declare a truce to all test explosions and accelerate negotiations to reach an agreement on the prohibition of all such tests. In the name of all that is sacred to man, we appeal to all governments of the world to act in favour of the immediate ending of Such tests".
The Colombo conference was the first conference of the World Peace Council to meet in Asia and was also one of the most representative. It was described, by the press of that time as "the most cosmopolitan conference ever held in Ceylon". The hall of Hotel Taprobane (then called the Grand Oriental Hotel) in which the sessions were held, was filled by over 500 delegates from 70 countries. The conference was inaugurated by the then Minister of Justice, Senator M. W. H. de Silva, Q. C. In his message to the conference the Prime Minister, S. W. R. D. Bandaraniake, said: "Today more than ever before, it is necessary to think in terms of mankind rather than as individuals or separate units. If we can in this way have peace for another 25 years, I feel confident that the danger point would have been passed and man would have had an opportunity of achieving a stable new society and a new civilization. At the same time the methods resorted to in settling such differences in the past war is today unthinkable, owing to the terrible weapons which man has recently discovered and developed. It is most urgently necessary therefore to increase the climate of peace in every possible way and to resort to negotiation for the settlement of differences rather than force and to foster national and international understanding and friendship".

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276 Politics and Life in Our Times
The holding of the WPC sessions in Colombo created boundless enthusiasm among the peace partisans of this country. Mass meetings were held in Colombo, Matara and other places in Support of the Colombo Appeal. Over a hundred thousand signatures were obtained in support of the Colombo Appeal. Active in this campaign was Lenin Peace Prize winner Rev. Udakendawala Saranankara, Doreen Wickremasinghe, D. N. W. de Silva, Dr. S. Rajendram, Maud Keuneman, Theja Gunawardene, Dr. J. T. Amarasingam and some others.
The appeal to ban the nuclear tests was as successful as the Stockholm Appeal. All over the world over 650 million people signed the appeal. This organized mass action of the people contributed in a great way to the signing of the Moscow Treaty of 1963 banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, outer space and under water. This treaty has been signed by nearly all governments of the world with the exception of a few.
The efforts of the peace forces have greatly contributed, in addition to the signing of the nuclear Test Ban Treaty, to the conclusion of several important treaties and agreements aimed at controlling the arms race. Among these important measures are the treaty providing for the demilitarization of the Antarctic, the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the Soviet-American agreement on the prevention of nuclear war, the agreement between the USSR and the USA on strategic arms limitation, the treaties banning the installation of weapons of mass destruction in space and on the sea-bed, the convention banning biological weapons and the agreement on the limitation of underground nuclear tests.
However, nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction have been manufactured and stockpiled to such an extent that, if used, would be enough to kill all life on earth several times over. Hence, the next objective of the peace movement is to stop the arms race and to achieve general and complete disarmament. For this purpose the new appeal was launched by the Stockholm sessions of
the WPC Presidential Committee held on May 31-June 2, 1975.
This appeal named "Appeal-Stockholm 1975" states that "the victories for peace and detente have created a new international climate, new hopes, new confidence, new optimism among the peoples. The principal obstacle to making the process of detente irreversible is the arms race. The stockpiles of weapons in the

Signature Campaign for General and Complete Disarmament 277
hands of the imperialists, incite and encourage the forces of aggression, militarism and fascism, colonialism and racism; detente is a vital factor for strengthening the efforts in all lands for national independence, justice and social progress. World public opinion has greater responsibility and greater power than ever before. It can turn the tide against the armaments profiteers, the supporters of the cold-war and the enemies of mankind." The appeal concludes by saying that: "To make detente irreversible, to move forward rapidly towards a new international economic order, to defend peace and
build a new world - Stop The Arms Race. Together for Banning All
Nuclear and Other weapons of Mass Destructions! Together for General and Complete Disarmament! Together for the Calling without Delay of the United Nations World Disarmament Conference".
A World Conference of representatives of national peace movements from over a hundred countries was held On 21-24 November, 1975 at Leningrad to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the World Peace Council. It was on 22nd November, 1950, at the Second World Peace Congress held in Warsaw, that this permanent organization for peace was founded. The representatives at the Leningrad conference looked back at the glorious past of the peace
movement - at its successes, its innumerable contributions over
the years to the cause of peace, national independence, international security, justice, democracy and social progress. These representatives also worked out an action programme embracing a wide range of issues affecting the people of the world. Among the heads of states and personalities who sent messages of greetings and good wishes for the Success of the Conference were Leonid I. Brezhnev, Indira Gandhi, Sirima R. D. Bandaranaike, Hafez Al-Assad, Archbishop Makarios, Luis Cabral, Ahamed Hassan Al-Bakar, YaSSer Arafat, Francisco Da Costa Gomes, and Phan Van Dong.
In her message to the conference our Prime Minister had stated: "The World Peace Council has for over a quarter of a century engaged itself actively in the task of strengthening world peace and security. I notice that the Leningrad Conference will discuss many urgent international issues which are of concern to non-aligned Countries like Sri Lanka. I am confident that the deliberation at the Conference will further strengthen, and consolidate the cause of peace and progress".

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Shayä Tala Duraisinga T1, Tember of the Sri Lankan delegation to the Leningrad Conference of the W. P. C.,
The Sri Lanka delegation, consisting of Suriya Wickremasinghe, Shyamala Duraisingam and T. Duraisingam, prepared and moved the resolution on the imperialist military bases in the Indian Ocean. It was unanimously accepted. The resolution stated that the imperialist military and naval presence in the area, and particularly the projected US nuclear base on the island of Diego Garcia, which is linked with US bases in the Arab Gulf (Masera and Bahrein), remains an ever present threat to the littoral States of the Indian Ocean and their peoples, ranging from the young State of Mozambique on the one side to the newly victorious Vietnamese people on the other, The resolution also stated that the Conference reiterated the demand that the Indian Ocean be declared a zone of peace, demanded that all imperialist bases in the Indian Ocean, including the Arab Gulf, be immediately dismantled and returned to the sovereign states from which they had been detached, demanded in particular the abandonment of the US base on Diego Garcia,
 

Origin and Growth of thg World FSaga Moyernerst ፰፻፵
requested the French and British governments to respect the territorial integrity of the Comoro and Seychelles islands, denounced CENTO Tanoeuvres in the Indian Ocean Arab Gulf area, expressed its appreciation of the Support of the people of the World, in particular the people of the United States, who have succeeded in mobilising public opinion against the Diego Garcia base, and urged them to intensify their efforts.
At this conference the World Peace Council issued a declaration on its 25th anniversary. The declaration stated that the past 25 years have been years of intense dedicated struggle for Tillions of peace defenders throughout the World to save mankind from the threat of another World War, to isolate aggressive imperialist circles and expose their misanthropic designs, to strengthen solidarity With those fighting for national and social emancipation of people and to give them every possible support. This struggle has been an in Valuable Contribution to the development and strengthening of an atmosphere of Confidence and understanding among nations, without Which the establishment of lasting and just peace in the World is in possible.
The past 25 years hawe Seen great Changes in the World. The Tovement of peace forces has changed. It has become broader and stronger. The ranks of the peace fighters have widened greatly, Its prestige and influence in the international arena has grown like Wise. At the same time there has been a tremendous increase in the responsibility of the peace forces for the destiny of peace. The active participation of broad sectors of the population in settling problems of War and peace is an essential factor in the present-day international situation. The solution of the ultimate question of whether the future of civilization will be reliably safeguarded in the life-time of the present generation is, in the final analysis, in the hands of the nations and Consequently, in their own hands.
The declaration ended with the following appeal: "The present World Conference of Representatives of National Peace Movements Whole-heartedly supports the New Stockholm Appeal of the World Peace Council and its demands to stop the arms race and make International delete irreversible".
Courtesy. "Tribune", Colombo, May 22nd, 1976,

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World Forum of Peace Forces
The World Forum of Peace Forces recently met at Moscow and the central place in the agenda of the forum was occupied by problems relating to the strengthening of international security and the deepening of detente, and steps to ensure tangible progress towards disarmament. Rev. Medagoda Sumanatissa, Uvais Ahamed and the author attended this Forum as delegates from the Sri Lanka Peace Council. The author on behalf of the Sri Lanka delegation, gave the following report on the Forum to members of the Sri Lanka Peace Council.
"Five hundred delegates from over 115 countries of all the continents meeting together in the World Forum of Peace Forces, in Moscow, from January 14 to 16, 1977, discussed in depth the urgent and vital issues of strengthening, deepening and consolidating the process of international detente and of overcoming the obstacles to it, both on a global and a regional Scale.
"The participation of high-level representatives of major political parties of a great majority of countries of the world, together with representatives of international, regional and national organisations, gave the Forum a very special significance.
"The Forum represented the widest spectrum of political parties and forces, of world public opinion, assembled for a common dialogue and exchange of views on the most burning problems of today".
This is how the communique issued by the Forum at the conclusion of its deliberations, described the composition and the objectives of the Forum. This Forum was initiated by the International Continuing Liaison Council, which the World Congress of Peace Forces set up in 1973.

World Forum of Peace Forces 281
The World Congress of Peace Forces, held in Moscow in October 1973 with over 3,500 participants, was the largest ever international gathering in the entire history of the world peace movement. From Sri Lanka a representative delegation of over 20 members Consisting of parliamentarians, educationists, trade unionists, women and student leaders attended this Congress.T. B. Subasinghe, member of the presidential Committee of the World Peace Council and then Minister of Industries and Scientific Affairs led the Sri Lanka delegation. Though the Moscow Forum was on a lesser scale than the World Congress, the participation at the Forum demonstrated the social and geographic dimensions of the worldwide peace movement. In it were represented the people of the socialist countries, the developed Capitalist countries, and the newly independent and developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. It brought together scientists, writers, trade unionists, and representatives of a wide range of political parties and views as well as religions.
Sri Lanka was represented at this Forum by a three member delegation from the Sri Lanka Peace Council, consisting of Rev. Medagoda Sumanatissa, Uvais Ahamed and T. Duraisingam. T. B. Illangaratne, Minister of Trade and Public Administration and President of the Sri Lanka Peace Council was also nominated member of this delegation, but he was unable to attend the Forum.
Romesh Chandra, President of the Continuing Liaison Council of the World Congress of Peace Forces, said in his opening speech that "we are meeting at what must be described as a Crucial and vital moment in the history of mankind. The New Year has opened in an atmosphere of optimism and confidence in the power of the peoples to be able to make still further contributions, during 1977, to the supreme Cause of defending and building peace".
"This World Forum of Peace Forces" he Continued "has been Called with the specific purpose of bringing together representatives of political parties, mass organisations and peace movements of various viewpoints to discuss in depth ways by which the peoples can contribute to making this process of detente an irreversible process, to protecting the flowers of the tree of detente from the icy storms of the cold war"

Page 150
Politics arid La Our Tris
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Wors Four of Peace Forces 283
The consensus of opinion of the participants in the Forum was that World public opinion has become a more and more powerful factor for the solution of international problems, for the promotion of peace and national independence, for the strengthening of deter le. World public opinion is giving a new impetus to peace initiatives by governments and Contributing to the strengthening of the United Nations and to the full implementation of U. N. Covenants, decisions and resolutions, which promote international security and national independence and assist in expanding and consolidating
de fa 7 fe.
The participants in the Forum stressed the Wital need for strengthening defense and making it universal. Detente, the ending of strained relations among nations, has resulted in lessening the danger of a global nuclear conflagration, though it has not removed it completely.
The participants regarded international defense as the only road to lasting and just World peace. Mankind has no other choice, Peaceful coexistence is the only sensible and acceptable basis for relations between states, especially in this age of nuclear Weapons. The arms race not only prevents the more rapid advance of detente, it threatens to weaken and even destroy it. One should resolutely oppose all concepts of the fatal inevitability of the arms race and the impossibility of disarmament, of "prosperity through armaments", as well as a kind of mental inertia, i.e., a dangerous acceptance to live on piles of Weapons. It is imperative, before it is too late, to bring about the cessation of the arms race which maintains an explosive situation.
First and foremost the existing focal points of conflict and tension must be removed through peaceful and just solutions, and the emergence of new areas of conflict prevented. The use of force in international relations Tust be banned, together with the use of nuclear and other types of mass annihilation Weapons, Their proliferations must be stopped. The development of new, still more dangerous types and Systems of such Weapons must be prohibited,

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The participants were of the opinion that the process of development and stablisation of international detente Creates new favourable conditions for the solution of the most vital problems of today - those of food, raw materials, energy and environmental protection, mutually beneficial economic, scientific and cultural Cooperation and applying all achievements of the scientific and technical revolution for the good of civilisation, of mankind; and equally, every success in the struggle for the solution of these problems strengthens international detente.
The participants in the Forum were unanimous in their firm belief that the development and stabilisation of detente will create new favourable conditions for the triumph of the struggles for national liberation, for the exercise of the Sovereign right of the peoples to choose their countries' way of development independently and without outside interference, for the consolidation of the independence of the developing countries and for a new international economic order, for the abolition of all Colonialist, racist and fascist regimes. And equally, every Success of these struggles for national liberation strengthens international detente.
The process of development and stablisation of detentecreates new favourable conditions for social progress and full exercise of the economic, social, civil, political and cultural freedom and human rights, and abolition of all forms of racial, national, linguistic, religious and sex discrimination. And equally, every advance in these fields strengthens international detente.
The participants in the Moscow Forum not only spoke about the need for peace and maintenance of detente but also discussed concrete ways and means of achieving them, the concrete tasks before the peace forces. In order that this may be done more effectively and to allow a more thoughtful dialogue and to ensure the maximum participation of as large a number of delegates as was possible, a new procedure was followed at the Moscow Forum. Its plenary sessions held in the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance

World Forum of Peace Forces 285
building, were briefly addressed by representatives of a number of parties and organisations. After that, the delegates divided into thirteen discussion groups of 30-40 persons in each group and met separately in thirteen different rooms at the Trade Union Higher School and at the Moscow Friendship House.
The discussion groups dealt with different subjects, but all round the central theme of detente, its development and consolidation, its expansion and strengthening, overcoming the impediments in the way to its becoming irreversible. This procedure enabled each group to single out specific aspects of the problem and to go to the root of it.
The members of the Sri Lanka delegation decided to participate in three different discussion groups. Rev. Medagoda Sumanatissa participated in the discussion group on "Problems of co-operation of peace forces", Uwais Ahamed participated in the discussion group on "Non-use of force in international relations, problems of banning mass destruction weapons, reducing conventional weapons and carrying out otherpartial measures on disarmament" and participated in the discussion group on "Detente and the non-aligned movement". Rev. Sumanatissa actively participated in the discussion group on "Problems of co-operation of peace forces" and several of his suggestions were included in the Communique issued by the Forum at the end of the sessions. This group discussed and agreed upon different proposals for continuing and carrying forward the dialogue and co-operation. Seminars, symposiums, study groups, Conferences on a number of issues have been planned in this Connection.
In the discussion group that I participated, which was on "Detente and the non-aligned movement", was called upon to lead the discussion. pointed out that the non-aligned countries from the time that they started functioning as a movement have worked for the reduction of international tensions, for the elimination of military bases and for world peace.

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I traced the history of the Non-aligned movement from the Bandung Conference, which was the first representative forum of the newly emerged independent Asian and African countries. This conference reflected the striving of Asian and African peoples for Common action against Colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism, for social progress and strengthening of national sovereignty of independent countries in Asia and Africa.
Jawaharlal Nehru, who was one of the prime movers for the holding of the Bandung Conference, was inspired by the vision of a united and renascent Asia and Africa. One of his first acts as the Prime Minister of India, was to convene, in March 1947, an Asian Relations Conference in Delhi. It was the Success of this conference that led to the holding of the Asian-African Conference in April 1955, at Bandung in Indonesia, and popularly referred to as the Bandung Conference. The ten principles adopted by this Conference as the basis for international relations were based on the Panchaseela principles of mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty, non-aggression, noninterference in each others national affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful co-existence.
further stated that the non-aligned movement can rightly be called the direct successor to the Bandung Conference. Il referred to the five summit conferences held in Belgrade (1961),Cairo (1964), Lusaka (1970), Algiers (1973) and Colombo (1976). The Bandung spirit was reflected in all these summit conferences. The Algiers Summit declared: "imperialism is still the greatest obstacle to the emancipation and progress of the developing Countries which are struggling to achieve levels of living Compatible with the most basic standards of well-being and human dignity. Imperialism not only hampers the economic and social progress of developing Countries, but also adopts an aggressive attitude towards those who oppose its plans, trying to impose upon them political, social and economic structures which encourage alien domination, dependence and neo-Colonialism.

World Forun of Peace Forces 287
"Thus the developing countries, in general, are still subject directly or indirectly to imperialist exploitation. Colonialism and imperialism have been unable to withstand the vast political liberation movement marked by the historical turning point of Bandung, but they have adapted themselves in order to perpetuate in another form their stranglehold on the resources of the developing countries and to ensure for themselves all kinds of privileges and guaranteed markets for their manufactured products".
I also referred to the active part taken by our Prime Minister, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, in trying to make the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace. It was at her initiative that the General Assembly of the United Nations adpted, on December 16th, 1971, its historic "Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace".
A number of scientists participated in the discussion group On non-use of force in international relations; problems of banning mass destruction weapons, reducing conventional weapons and Carrying out other partial measures on disarmament. It was pointed out by the participants that the arms race was not only fraught with the danger of a destructive war but was swallowing up enormous material and man power resources. Fifteen years ago the armed forces of the world numbered 20,000,000. Ten years later, despite Considerably greater mechanization and an unprecedented increase in the effectiveness of armaments, they have increased to 23-24,000,000. According to United Nations experts, the number of people directly involved in military production and in military institutions, fifteen years ago, was 30,000,000. But today more than 50,000,000 people all over the world are directly involved in the military sector.
The cessation of the arms race is the prime task on the road to disarmament. Fifteen grammes of TNT are enough to kill a man. It is a known fact that the TNT equivalent of the present world stocks of nuclear bombs and warheads works out to more than 15 tons of high explosives for every man, woman and child in the world.

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Therefore, no responsible politician or public personality has the right to lose sight for a moment of the colossal danger presented by the mountain of arms mankind is sitting on.
This enormous expenditure on armaments is incurred when many countries sorely need funds to meet their most urgent needs. About 500 million people live on the verge of starvation, and they Could be fed for 8,000 million. It would cost the same amount to teach 700 million people, now illiterate, to read and write.
The following from the message of Leonid Breznev, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to the participants in the World Forum of Peace Forces expresses in a nutshell the hopes and aspirations of all partisans of peace: "The main thing today is to act, to find rational solutions that would lead as rapidly as possible, without procrastination, to real disarmament, to the materialization of detente and its transformation into a universal
and absolutely irreversible process. Much in this endeavour can be done by political parties, trade unions, women's and youth organizations, parliamentarians, scientists and cultural workers, all public peace forces actively engaged in the struggle against the threat of a new world conflict, builders of lasting peace and reliable security. It may be said without exaggeration that right now is the time that new and broader prospects are opening up for their activity. The Worldwide campaign in support of the new Stockholm Appeal against the arms race and for disarmament, which has now gathered more than 400 million signatures, attests to the firm resolve of the peoples to strengthen peace".
Colombo, January, 1977.

Problems of Arms Limitation
The Problem of arms limitation is a desperately serious one. The stockpiles of weapons through the world are higher today than what they have ever been before. Their explosive power is equivalent to Several hundreds of thousands of times that of the bomb that devastated Hiroshima, and more sophisticated weapons are continually being developed. Arms expenditure is higher than at any time in history and Continue to increase. The annual expenditure on arms exceeded 250 thousand million US dollars. In the meantime, the annual military expenditure according to the latest UN estimates, as given by Dr. Kurt Waldheim, Secretary General of the United Nations Organisation, has reached the amount of 350 thousand million US dollars.
Speaking about the cost of the arms race, One must take note of the diversion of the services of 400 thousand highly skilled specialists and professional people from socially useful purposes to highly destructive ones. It is estimated that throughout the World about 15 million workers of all kinds are engaged in military work or in the arms industry. This does not count those working to supply the raw materials of food used by armies, the armaments industry and workers in that industry. Counting military personnel it is estimated that about 50 million people in all are engaged in military activities or arms production.
The salaries paid to all these provides purchasing power which is not offset by any production of consumer goods. It has to be financed by the large scale printing of currency or provision of credit and thus makes a major contribution to the widespread inflation that characterises economic relations in capitalist Countries today. Military expenditure exceeds by 40 per cent all expenditure on health of all governments. Arms production is a major consumer of the most important raw

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materials. Between 5 and 10 per cent of the world's annual production of these materials is devoted to arms. At a time When Serious Consideration is being given to saving energy, large amounts of energy are dissipated in arms production.
The arms race has extremely harmful effects on developing countries. The rate of increase of the expenditure on arms is twice as great in these countries as in the most advanced countries. While the Gross National Product (GNP) of the Third World has grown on the average by 5 per cent per annum since 1950, their military expenditure has grown by 7 per cent per annum and their arms import bill by 9 per cent per annum. The trade in arms with the Third World represents a substantial proportion of the trade of some developed countries and helps to sustain their armament industries. Developing Countries get into debt in order to acquire arms and a high proportion of their usually meagre investment capacity goes in acquiring arms. Often the arms sales are made on the basis of loans, the interest on which creates relations of financial dependence which can be easily exploited as has happened in the form, for example, of economic pressure and economic domination exerted on former colonies. They are often obliged to finance the arms purchases through the sale of the raw materiais they produce. These raw materials include foodstuffs urgently needed to feed their own people.
The highly developed western industrial countries vie with each other in promoting arms sales on an unprecedented scale to oil producing Countries, in order to participate in the profits bonanza following the drastic oil price rises in recent years. They show little concern for the damage this can cause to secure peaceful relations between the states in the regions concerned and with the local arms races which these sales initiate. It is not a very edifying spectacle. Economic aid to developing countries is made up very largely of the supply of arms. Already, in 1958, it was pointed out by F. Joliet-Curie, founder president of the World Peace Council, that more than 80 per

Problems of Arms Limitation 291
cent of aid to developing countries was made up of military equipment and the pattern does not seem to have changed much since that time. The arms are supplied to countries with reactionary regimes pursuing anti-popular aims and are used to strengthen their control. For example, 40 percent of French sales of arms have been going to Latin America to Support fascist type regimes, which the vendor Country accepts politically because they are primarily good customers. The arms trade is a major obstacle to the development of the Third World and Creates additional tensions there.
industrial and financial circles reap enormous and often uncontrolled profits from arms production and trade. Recentrevelations in the course of enquiries by US Congress committees have demonstrated how arms salesmen corrupt and manipulate politicians and business men, mount press campaigns to Support arms expansion and to discredit politicians who take a progressive line. Political, military and industrial pressure groups are formed which derive their influence and importance from their conections with arms manufacturers and Salesmen.
Despite all these negative factors, there is a growing realisation in the World that Continuation of the arms race is the main threat to the existence of humanity. The proceedings of the United Nations General Assembly's special session on disarmament, from May 23 to June 28, are being followed with the closest attention. This session will be a major political event. For the first time in the 33 year history of the United Nations, disarmament will be discussed at an international forum attended by 149 states. Decisions at the special Session will be adopted by Consensus. The session will discuss the question of ending the arms race, adopt a declaration and programme of action for disarmament, Consider the role of the United Nations in this field and of the international mechanism of negotiations on this question.

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A good deal has been done in the field of disarmament over the past few years. A number of treaties and agreements have been concluded to curb the arms race in some important spheres and to limit or ban some types of weapons and their proliferation in certain areas. These treaties and agreements including the following, which provide an important point of departure and also an encouragement - for the struggle for further measures to halt the arms race completely and bring about serious steps towards disarmament.
The Antarctic Treaty was signed in Washington on December 1, 1959, took effect on June 23, 1961 and was ratified by 19 countries. It lays down that Antarctics should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes, and bans military bases or fortifications, military exercises and the testing of any weapons whatsoever in the areas. The Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water, also called the Partial Test Ban Treaty, was signed in Moscow on August 5, 1963 took effect on October 10, 1963, and was ratified by 106 countries. China and France have not yet acceded to it. it bans nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in space and under water (including territorial waters and the high seas).
The Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and the Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and other Celestial Bodies, also called the Outer Space Treaty, was signed in Moscow, London and Washington on January 27, 1967, took effect on October 10, 1967 and was ratified by 71 countries. It prohibits putting means of delivery for nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction into the space close to the earth, depositing weapons of this kind on other celestial bodies or otherwise emplacing thern in space, Setting up military bases or installations, testing types of Weapons on celestial bodies and holding military exercise there.
The Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America, also called the Treaty of Tilatelolco, was signed on February 14, 1967, and has so far been ratified by 20 signatories, (Potential nuclear -Weapon countries like Brazil and Argentina are not parties to it). It bans the testing, use and production of and access to, nuclear Weapons for

Problems of Arms Limitation 293
all Latin American countries, and also the reception, stockpiling instalation and any other form of possession of weapons of this kind. The Treaty on the Non-proliferation or Nuclear Weapons, also called the Non-Proliferation Treaty, was signed in Moscow, London and Washington on July 1, 1968, took effect on March 5, 1970 and was ratified by 98 countries. It has not until now been acceded to by the People's Republic of China, France, the Republic of South Africa, Israel, Brazil and some others. It places a ban on the transfer of nuclear Weapons or nuclear explosive devices, their acceptance and production and any other access to them on the part of non-nuclear weapon states. it contains provisions on control by the International Atomic Energy Agency and on peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
The Treaty on the Prohibition of Employment of Nuclear Weapons and other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the Sea-bed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil thereof, also called the Sea-bed Treaty, was signed in Moscow, London and Washington on February 11, 1971, took effect on May 18, 1972 and was ratified by 58 signatories. it has not yet been acceded to by the People's Republic of China, France, Brazil, Chile, Argentina and others. It prohibits the emplacement on the sea-bed and the ocean floor and their subsoil of nuclear weapons or other types of weapons of mass destruction and also launching facilities or other installations specifically designed to stockpile, test and use weapons of this kind.
The Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and stockpiling of Bacteriological and Toxic Weapons and on their Destruction, also called the Biological Weapons Convention, was signed in Moscow, London and Washington on April 10, 1972, took effect on March 26, 1975, and was ratified by 64 countries and signed by more than hundred. It has not until now been acceded to by the People's Republic of China, France and others. It prohibits the development, production, stockpiling and transfer of biological or toxic

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weapons and also of equipment and means of delivery. Since it contains provisions on the destruction of weapons, equipment and means of delivery, it is the first disarmament in history. And it also constitutes the first-ever total ban on one particular weapon of mass destruction.
In addition to the above international treaties and agreements, the following bilateral Soviet-American agreements, which are major successes in the struggle for the cessation of the arms race and for disarmament, have been concluded. The Interim Agreement on Certain Measures with Respect to the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms was signed in Moscow on May 26, 1972, and took effect on October 2, 1972. The Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems was signed in Moscow on May 26, 1972, and took effect on October 3, 1972. The Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War was signed in Washington took effect on June 22, 1973. This agreement, will be valid indefinitely provides that the two parties should do everything to avoid military confrontation and prevent nuclear war breaking out between each other and between each of them and other countries. The Treaty on Underground Nuclearxplosions for Peaceful Purposes was signed in Moscow on May 28, 1976.
However, the arms race has not yet been stopped and the nuclear threat to the human race is ever present. Implementation of the programme of general and complete disarmament would be the most radical and straight road towards nuclear disarmament. It is to be hoped that the current UN Special Session on Disarmament will be able to make some headway towards real disarmament.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, June 10th, 1978.

Strengthen Detente and Build Peace
A World Peace Council Presidential Committee Session to mark the 30th anniversary of the First World Peace Congress (held in Paris/ Prague in 1949) was held in Prague from April 25th to 27th, 1979. The 25th anniversary was observed by a session of the Presidential Committee in Paris. It was thus natural to celebrate the 30th anniversary in Prague, which, together with Paris, was host to the delegates to the First World Congress. The present session of the Presidential Committee discussed questions relating to the strengthening of detente in Europe, further promotion of international solidarity with the Vietnamese people, as well as the Arab people, following the US sponsored separate Egyptian-Israel deal, and expansion of the World Peace Council's co-operation with the UN and other international organisations. The proceedings at this session testified to the growing activity and effective efforts of the peace forces for the continuation of political detente, against war and for the maintenance of peace. The Session was attended by nearly 225 participants representing 66 countries and 17 international inter- and non-governmental organisations. Leaders of the World peace movement, outstanding Scientists, men of Culture and arts, prominent personalities from all the continents, heads and representatives of religious organisations took active part in the work of the session. attended this Prague session as a delegate from the Sri Lanka Peace Council.
In his message of greetings to the Presidential Committee session G. Husak, the General Secretary of the Central Council of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and President of the Czechoslovakia Socialist Republic said: "You are meeting at a time at which the progressive and peace loving people of the whole World Commemorate the historic days of April, thirty years ago, in which the first world Congress of peace defenders took place simultaneously in Paris and in Prague. We are

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proud of the fact that in the capital of our republic, too, were laid the foundation of that world movement of billions of members which United the peace loving forces of all continents for an active struggle against war and arming, for the right of the nations to live in peace, freedom and independence and against all reactionary forces who are continuously creating the danger of a belligerent conflagration in various parts of the world with their hazardous policy. The World Peace Council plays a part, full of initiatives in the mobilization of world public opinion for the struggle for these noble aims and in the preparation and co-ordination of broad international peace initiatives and actions".
Messages were also received from heads of states from all the continents. The Hon. A. C. S. Hameed, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, in his message, wished the World Peace Movement every success in its continuing efforts and said: "The aspirations of people for peace is universal. But experience has shown that an ever lasting peace can best be established and Consolidated in a restructured world order based on freedom, independence, the recognition of human dignity, equity and social justice. The creative potentials of our age make this possible. The non-aligned Countries have worked unceasingly and can take legitimate pride in their role towards the attainment of this objective. Non-governmental oganisations such as the World Peace Council have also joined in this Common endeavour With their Commitment to liberate mankind from the fetters of imperialism, colonialism, neo-Colonialism, racism, apartheid, their Commitment to disarmament and to the establishment of the new
international economic Order".
Morarji R. Desai, Prime Minister of India, in his message said: "Thirty years ago the World Peace Council started as a movement against War and has since taken up many worthwhile courses affecting the welfare of mankind. The world today is still fearful of war and craves for peace. If nations of the world are able to shed fear and suspicion of one another and are able to content themselves with the promotion of

Strengthen Detente and Build Peace 297
welfare and happiness of their own people and help one another likewise, believe the prospects of apprehending war could be brighter than before. While India has endeavoured to assist and Will Continue to assist in the achievement of World Peace, it is essential that the World Community both jointly and severally presses forward towards prosperity through peace. In this common endeavour the contribution of Non-governmental Agencies like the World Peace Council would be of immense value in Creating public awareness of the Scourges of war and fruits of peace". After the festive opening session the plenary session began and was held the whole day. At this session was called upon to read the message of Hon. Mr. A. C. S. Hameed. On the 2nd day in addition to the plenary session, three commissions and regional meetings were also held. The first commission dealt on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the second on the World Peace Council and the United Nations and the third on Vietnam, Middle East and Southern Africa. I was called upon to preside at the meeting of the third commission. The regional meeting in which participated was attended by representatives of the National Peace Movements from Asia. I gave at this meeting a report of Our Work in Sri Lanka.
Several resolutions were adopted by the Presidential Committee sessions and among them were those on (a) Security and Co-operation in Europe, the World-Wide impact of the Helsinki Final Act, (b) Vietnam holds high the banner of Freedom, (c) Israeli Aggression in Lebanon, (d) Middle East and the Support of Arab Peoples, and (e) Southern Africa. Messages were also sent to the United Nations, to the UN Centre for Disarmament and to the Director General of UNESCO.
At the end of the sessions was adopted a declaration. The declaration referred to the vast changes seen in this world of ours since the thirty years that the First World Congress of the Partisans of Peace met in Paris and Prague. It stated that the cold war, which was the characteristic of the international situation during the earlier years of the World Peace Council was defeated. The World Peace Council has become during these thirty years the biggest international movement of

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the peoples fighting for the best causes of all humanity. The declaration further stated that the World Peace Council enters the period of its fourth decade at a time when new and grave dangers to peace have arisen. The arms buildup of the NATO powers with its emphasis on new types and systems of ever more barbarous weapons of mass destruction has brought the arms race to a new stage. The collusion between the reactionary, aggressive forces in the World and the Chinese leaders is a threat to peace and security in Asia and elsewhere.
The declaration ended with the following appeal: The task awaiting us in the coming decade of the coming century is to be properly prepared for, and is heavy with responsibility: (1) definitely to prevent a third world war; (2) to eliminate the threat from weapons of mass destruction; (3) to reject the insupportable burden and the waste of ever-increasing military expenditures; (4) to put an end to colonialism and racism; (5) to guarantee to all people the right to choose their own way of life and development; (6) to wipe out the backwardness of hunger, epidemics and illiteracy.
On the occasion of its 30th anniversary the WPC greets you all: all social and political forces and all people of good-will. We face our tasks as a joint responsibility. Let all join hands in a new mighty offensive, mightier than ever before, united, determined, full of optimism and confidence. Together, we can save the World. Together we can change the world. Together we can defend and build peace!
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, June 16th, 1979.

Gunboat Diplomacy Against Libya and Peace in the Indian Ocean
The shooting down, on the 18th of August this year, of two Libyan aircraft by US navy jets off the northern coast of Libya, has brought a storm of protest from the Arab world and misgivings in the Western press, about Washington's tough foreign policy. The navy manoeuvres staged by the United States in areas regarded by Libya as its territorial waters, was deliberate muscle-flexing and provocation. London's conservative paper, the "DailyMail" headlined its report "Tough Reagan Scares Allies". The report said: "It was the most serious and potentially explosive incident, in any war game by the big powers since World War II". The French paper"Le Monde" sawthe incidentas"a deliberate show of force, designed to prove that the United States would not hesitate to use its military might, anywhere it was called into question". "A high-handed act by a big power against a small country" the "Indian Express" said in an editorial. It further said that "it was a pity that Washington had so soon forgotten the lesson of Vietnam-the limitations of military power in a changed world". The Organisation of African Unity has condemned the United States for shooting down the two Libyan aircraft, and accused the Reagan administration of gunboat diplomacy. Libya plays an active role, in the Consolidation of all the patriotic forces of the Arab world, against the intrigues of imperialism and its allies, resolutely declares against the Capitulatory policy of separate deals, in defence of the national interests of the Arab peoples, for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. According to the "Indian Express" the idea behind the shooting was to provoke Libyan leader Gadaffito fly off the handle, and then come down on him with a heavy hand.
No one can be indifferent to the sabre-rattling, the acts of provocation, violence and aggressive attempts to SCuttle detente made by the imperialists led by U. S. imperialism. People all over the world must organise joint mass actions of all classes, Social strata and religious beliefs to avert the war danger, and bring about negotiations on disarmament and international detente. It is the great responsibility of

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peace-loving mankind, for averting a catastrophe destroying all life. All forces must be won for the historic task of safeguarding peace. The experience of the post-war struggle for peace, shows that war can be prevented. What dangers have not originated in the past three and a half decades. There was the cold war. There were dangerous moments and one can say critical ones, but the imperialists did not succeed in pushing mankind into the abyss.
Both the peace and security of the region in which we live, are seriously threatened today. The U.S. government and its allies, as part of their global shift to a new era of cold war and armed confrontations, have begun to militarise the Indian Ocean in a big way. They are rapidly turning this ocean into a zone of military bases, greatly expanded navies and rapid deployment forces.
Like other peoples of the region, the people of Sri Lanka want the Indian Ocean to be a zone of peace. The initiative to work out measures to curb military activity in the Indian Ocean basin, was taken by Sri Lanka which, way back in 1964, at the Second Conference of the Non-aligned States in Cairo, moved a proposal to turn the Indian Ocean into a non-nuclear Zone. This idea was, in principle, approved by the conference participants.
A resolution of the Cairo Conference stated: "Preservation or Creation of foreign bases and deployment of foreign troops on the territories of other states, despite their expressed will, is considered by the Conference as the greatest violation of the sovereignty of these countries, and as a threat to their freedom and international peace. Still less justified is the further creation of military bases, on the dependent territories which could be used for supporting colonialism or other aims of the ruling power. The conference condemns the manifest intention of the imperialist powers to create military bases in the Indian Ocean region, as an attempt to intimidate the young countries of Asia and Africa, and to illegally spread the policy of neo-colonialism and imperialism in this region....".
At the Third Conference of Non-aligned Countries in Lusaka in 1970, Sri Lanka again proposed that the Indian Ocean be declared as a zone of peace, and received all round support. The views of Sri Lanka on ensuring security in the Indian Ocean zone, were detailed in a memorandum presented at the Conference of Commonwealth Countries on January 14, 1971.

Gunboat Diplomacy Against Libya and Peace in the Indian Ocean 3O1
It was noted in it, that the aim of creating a peace zone in the Indian Ocean" is to ensure that great powers, silently or openly, by way of mutual agreement or unilaterally, agree to respect this region as a zone where they would refrain from any acts that can harm the cause of peace".
The Conference adopted a declaration on the Indian Ocean, which contained a call to all countries "to reconsider and respect the Indian Ocean as a peace zone, in which there should be no rivalry of the big powers for military bases connected with them, nor for land forces, navy or air force. This region should also be free from nuclear weapons".
The same year, the XXVI session of the UN General Assembly adopted resolution 2832 proposed by Sri Lanka, with the support of a large group of Coastal states, declaring the Indian Ocean a Zone of peace (the "Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace"). The resolution declared:
"Recalling the Declaration of the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned countries, held at Lusaka from 8to 10 September, 1970, calling upon all States to consider and respect the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, from which great power rivalries and competition as well as bases conceived in the context to such rivalries and competition should be excluded, and declaring that the area should also be free of nuclear weapons,
"Convinced of the desirability of ensuring the maintenance of such conditions in the Indian Ocean area, by means other than military alliances, as such alliances entail financial and other obligations that Call for the diversion of the limited resources of the States of the area, from the more compelling and productive task of economic and social reconstruction, and could further involve them in the rivalries of power blocs in a manner prejudicial to their independence and freedom of action, thereby increasing international tensions,
"Concerned at recent developments that portend the extension of the arms race into the Indian Ocean area, thereby posing a serious threat to the maintenance of Such Conditions in the area,
"Convinced that the establishment of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean would contribute towards arresting such developments, relaxing international tensions and strengthening international peace and security,

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3O2 Politics and Life in Our Times
"Convinced further that the establishment of a zone of peace in an extensive geographical area in one region, could have a beneficial influence on the establishment of permanent universal peace, based on equal rights and justice for all, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations,
1. Solemnly declares that the Indian Ocean, within limits to be determined, together with the air space above and the ocean floor Subjacent thereto, is hereby designated for all time as a zone of peace; 2. Calls upon the great powers, in conformity with this Declaration, to enter into immediate Consultations with the Littoral States of the Indian Ocean.....".
This resolution adopted by the 26th session of the United Nations General Assembly, asked the great powers to enter into immediate Consultations with the littoral states of the Indian Ocean, with a view to halting the further escalation and expansion of their military presence in the Indian Ocean and to eliminate from the Ocean all bases, military installations, logistical supply facilities, disposition of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction, and any manifestation of great-power military presence in the Indian Ocean, conceived in the context of greatpower rivalry.
The resolution pointed out that warships and military aircraft should not use the Indian Ocean, for any threat or use of force against the states in the area. The resolution urged the Indian Ocean states, the great powers and other major maritime users of the Indian Ocean, to enter into consultations so as to implement the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
Ever since, the question of declaring the Indian Ocean as a Zone of peace was considered at every regular session of the UN General Assembly.
In order to study the consequences of the proposal to declare the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace, with special emphasis on the practical measures which could be taken to promote the achievement of the goals of this resolution, an Ad-Hoc Committee was set up in 1972 at the 27th session of the United Nations General Assembly. This committee included Australia, Zambia, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Iran, Yeman, China, Mauritius, Madagascar, Malaysia, Tanzania, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Japan.

Gunboat Diplomacy Against Libya and Peace in the Indian Ocean 303
In 1974, the 29th session of the United Nations General Assembly again considered the issue of the implementation of the Declaration on turning the Indian Ocean, into a zone of peace. The Assembly again called on the countries of the Indian Ocean, the permanent members of the UN Security Council and other states - major maritime users of the Indian Ocean, to give an effective support to the idea of turning that area into a zone of peace. The resolution urged all states, the great powers in particular, to co-operate in a practical manner with the Ad-Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean. The General Assembly asked the great powers, to refrain from increasing their military presence in that area.
The 29th session of the General Assembly raised, for the first time, the question about the convening of an international conference on the Indian Ocean. One of the points of the resolution said, that the General Assembly asked the littoral and hinterland states of the Indian Ocean, to start as soon as possible consultations for the purpose of convening an Indian Ocean conference. In accordance with the Assembly's decision, the Ad-Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean was enlarged from 15 to 18 members. The three additional members were Bangladesh, Kenya and Somalia.
At the 5th Conference of the Non-aligned Countries in Colombo (August 16 to 19, 1976), the demand for the liquidation of foreign bases was reflected in the political declaration, as also in the special resolution on the Indian Ocean. In the political resolution, the Conference participants condemned the "creation, preservation and expansion of such foreign and imperialist bases and installations, as the base on the Diego Garcia island". It called for "liquidating the existing foreign bases and military facilities which threaten or can threaten territorial integrity, peaceful and progressive development of other states of this region, or are used for hindering the self-determination by the peoples of this region".
The 31st session of the United Nations General Assembly was held in New York in September, 1976. The Soviet Union submitted to the session a Memorandum on halting the arms race and achieving disarmament in which, among other important issues, the Soviet Union's stand on turning the Indian Ocean into a Zone of peace was outlined. The Soviet Union indicated that it was sympathetic towards the proposal to convert the Indian Ocean to a zone of peace. It stressed that the key

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issue for establishing such a peace Zone, was the elimination of foreign military bases in the area, and stated that it neither had nor intended to build military bases in the Indian Ocean. Provided the issue of foreign military bases is to be decided along these lines, the Soviet Union said, it was prepared to join other powers in seeking ways to reduce, on a mutual basis, the military activities of non-coastal states in the Indian Ocean, and in the regions directly adjacent to it. Such measures, of course, should take fully into account the generally recognised rules of international law on freedom of navigation on the high seas, and the need for commercial calls at the ports of the coastal states, as well as freedom of Scientific research.
The Soviet Union's concern over the realisation of ConCrete practical steps to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, is also confirmed by its attitude to Soviet-American talks on the issue. It may be remembered that during the period between June 1977 and February 1978, fourrounds of talks were held during which the two sides considered various aspects of the problem of arms reduction, and of a limited military presence in the Indian Ocean. The very fact of the negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States, which on the whole proved quite useful and were held in a constructive atmosphere, was received favourably in the countries of the Indian Ocean.
With regard to the problem of demilitarisation of the Indian Ocean, the Soviet Union took, at the talks with the United States, a clear-cut and unambiguous stand which was outlined, among other things, in the Soviet proposals submitted to the special disarmament session of the UN General Assembly. The gist of this stand is that after an agreement is reached, and freezing of military activity in the Indian Ocean at the existing level is achieved, it is necessary to start to drastically reduce such activity, including the elimination of foreign bases. Regretably, the dialogue between Moscow and Washington was suspended more than two years ago, for no fault of the Soviet side. Facts show that in refusing to resume talks with the Soviet Union, the United States is guided, in the first place by its unwillingness to be bound by certain commitments preventing its military presence in the Indian Ocean from increasing. On the contrary, after the victory of the antiShah revolution in Iran, the United States has taken steps to increase the military potential in the Indian Ocean.

Gunboat Diplomacy Against Libya and Peace in the Indian Ocean 305
The true nature of the US attitude towards transforming the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, was clearly seen in the voting at the 33rd session of the UN General Assembly on a resolution urging the resumption of Soviet-American talks on the issue. The Soviet Union voted for the resolution while the United States refused to support it.
In his speech delivered at the Indian Parliament in December 1980, Leonid Brezhnev, the Chairman of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet, said: "The Soviet Union is a staunch champion of the idea that the Indian Ocean be turned into a peace zone. We are ready actively to Work together with other interested states in this direction. We believe that the Indian Ocean has been and remains a sphere of the vital interests of the states located on its shores, but not of any other states". At the 34th session of the UN General Assembly, held in 1979, it was resolved to Convene an International Conference on the Indian Ocean in 1981, and charged the Ad-Hoc Committee with making arrangements for the Conference, including the consideration of proper measures for the implementation of any international agreement which might be reached in the final run, so as to preserve the Indian Ocean as a Zone of peace.
The USA has stalled the holding of the International Conference on the Indian Ocean due to open in Colombo in 1981. It has deliberately blocked the work of the 46 member Ad-Hoc UN Special Committee, which has been meeting in New York to give effect to this decision of the UN General Assembly's 34th session. Although December 1981 will mark the 10th anniversary of the unanimous adoption by the UN of the policy of making the Indian Ocean a peace Zone, the USA has systematically sabotaged every effort to give effect to this decision. Moreover, it has undertaken a policy of massive militarisation of the Indian Ocean, which includes augmenting its bases and fleets in the area, stationing of a Rapid Deployment Force, the rearmament of Pakistan, and aggressive actions against Afghanistan and Iran.
At the current discussions of the UN Ad-Hoc Committee, the US delegate started with their usual" linkage" argument that the IOPZ conference should be put off until a peaceful solution was found to the problems concerning Afghanistan.
But the delegates from India, Ethiopia, Democratic Yemen, Malaysia and several other countries pointed out, that there was broad agreement on a number of matters, and that outstanding ones could be taken up at the Colombo Conference. Iran, India, and several other countries proposed December 1981 as the date for this

Page 162
3.06 Policis arī Life ir r ir ES
L LLO OLLL LLLLLaLLLLLLL0 LL LLLLLLLaC LLLLLLL LLLLmLLLLLLL LLLLLL done by a boat which was called a Ferry. Here is seen the author of this book, ready to go by this Ferry to India by the boat Called "Irwin" in the 1950s. This Ferry Service was betwen
LLLLGLGGL BtOLL LLtttLLLLLLL LLLL LLL LLLL LLLaLLLLLLL for tha last thre de Cades,
Conference. The Soviet delegate strongly supported the states that wanted the Conference held this year,
It is the duty of all peace lowing forces to make the peoples fully aware of the danger inherent in the imperialist plot of Unprecedentedly huge dimensions, which is at present being put into effect in the Indian Ocean, and to intensify the World campaign to have the military base at Diego Garcia and also other military bases in the region of the Indian Ocean dismantled. The Island of Diego Garcia should be restored to Mauritius Island, as the people and the government of this country are demanding it.
By our common actions, we should and we can transform the Indian Oceani into a genuine zone of peace.
Color Ti Etio, Septer 77 Eter, 1987,
 

Towards Making Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace
The Peace and Security of the region in which we live are seriously threatened today. The US government and its allies, as part of their global shift to a new era of Cold War and armed confrontations, have begun to militarise the Indian Ocean in a big way. They are rapidly turning this Ocean into a zone of military-bases, of Wastly expanded navies, and of the Rapid Deployment Force.
Like other peoples of the region, the people of Sri Lanka want the Indian Ocean to be a zone of peace. The initiative to work out measures to Curb military activity in the Indian Ocean basin was taken by Sri Lanka which, way back in 1964, at the second conference of the non-aligned Countries in Cairo, moved a proposal to turn the Indian Ocean into a non-nuclear zone. This idea was, in principle, approved by the conference participants.
A resolution of the Cairo Conference stated: "Preservation or creation of foreign bases and deployment of foreign troops on the territories of other states, despite their expressed will, is considered by the Conference as the greatest violation of the Sovereignty of these countries and as a threat to their freedom and international peace, Still less justified is the further creation of military bases on the dependent territories which Could be used for supporting Colonialism or other aims of the ruling power. The conference condemns the manifest intention of the imperialist powers to Create military bases in the Indian Ocean region as an attempt to intimidate the young Countries of Asia and Africa and to illegally spread the policy of neo-Colonialism and imperialism in this region.....",
At the third Conference of non-aligned countries in Lusaka in 1970, Sri Lanka again proposed that the Indian Ocean be declared as a zone of peace and received all-round support, The views of Sri Lanka On ensuring security in the Indian Ocean zone were detailed by it in a memorandum presented at the Conference of Commonwealth countries опЈапшагу 14, 1971,

Page 163
308 Politics and Life in Our Times
it was noted in it that the aim of creating a peace zone in the Indian Ocean was to ensure that great powers, silently or openly, by way of mutual agreement or unilaterally, agreed to respect this region as a Zone where they would refrain from any acts that can harm the cause of peace.
The conference adopted a declaration on the Indian Ocean which gave a call to all countries to consider and respect the Indian Ocean as a peace Zone in which there should be no rivalry of the big powers for military bases connected with them, nor for land forces, navy or air force. This region should also be free from nuclear weapons.
The same year, the 26th session of the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 2832 proposed by Sri Lanka with the support of a large group of littoral states, declaring the Indian Ocean a Zone of peace. The resolution pointed out that warships and military aircraft should not use the Indian Ocean for any threat or use of force against the states in the area. The resolution urged the Indian Ocean states, the great powers and other major maritime users of the Indian Ocean to enter into consultations so as to implement the Declaration for turning the Indian Ocean into a Zone of peace.
Ever since, the question of declaring the Indian Ocean as a Zone of peace has been Considered at every regular session of the UN General Assembly.
The 29th session of the General Assembly raised, for the first time, the question about the convening of an international conference on the Indian Ocean. One of the points of the resolution said that the General Assembly asked the littoral and hinterland states of the Indian Ocean to start, as soon as possible, consultations for the purpose of Convening an Indian Ocean Conference.
At the 5th conference of the non-aligned countries in Colombo (August 16 to 19, 1976) the demand for the liquidation of foreign bases was reflected in the political declaration as also in the special resolution on the Indian Ocean. It called for "liquidating the existing foreign bases and military facilities which threaten or can threaten territorial integrity, peaceful and progressive development of other states of this region or are used for hindering the self-determination by the peoples of this region"

Towards Making Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace 309
The 31st session of the United Nations General Assembly was held in New York in September 1976. The Soviet Union submitted to the session a memorandum on halting the arms race and achieving disarmament and among other important issues, the Soviet Union's stand on turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace was outlined. The Soviet Union indicated that it supported the proposal to convert the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. It stressed that the key issue for establishing such a peace Zone was the elimination of foreign military bases in the area, and stated that it neither had nor intended to build military bases in the Indian Ocean. Provided the issue of foreign military bases was to be decided along these lines, the Soviet Union said, it was prepared to join other powers in seeking ways to reduce, on a mutual basis, the military activities of non-littoral states in the Indian Ocean and in the regions directly adjacent to it. Such measures, of course, should take fully into account the generally recognized rules of international law on freedom of navigation on the high seas and the need for commercial calls at the ports of the littoral states as well as freedom of Scientific research.
The Soviet Union's concern at the implementation of concrete practical steps to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace was also confirmed by its attitude to its talks with the USA on the issue. It may be remembered that during the period between June 1977 and February 1978 four rounds of talks were held in which the two sides considered various aspects of the problem of arms reduction and of a limited military presence in the Indian Ocean. The very fact of the negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States was received favourably in the Countries of the Indian Ocean.
With regard to the problem of demilitarization of the Indian Ocean, the Soviet Union took at the talks with the United States a clearcut and unambiguous stand which was outlined, among other things, in the Soviet proposals submitted to the special disarmament session of the UN General Assembly. The gist of this stand is that, after an agreement is reached and freezing of military activity in the Indian Ocean at the existing level is achieved, it is necessary to start to drastically reduce such activity, including the elimination of foreign bases.

Page 164
Politics ard Life ir Our 777aG
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I WET f'dis Mak irrig nadiary Ocearm a Żornea of Peace 311
Regrettably, the talks between Moscow and Washington Were Uspended more than two years ago, for no fault of the Soviet side, Facts show that in refusing to resume talks with the Soviet Union, the United States is guided, above all, by its unwillingness to be bound by Certain Commitments preventing its military presence in the Indian Ocean from being increased. On the Contrary, after the Wictory of the anti-Shah Volution in Iran, the United States has taken steps to increase its Tilitary potential in the Indian Ocean.
The true nature of the US attitude towards transforming the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace was clearly seen in the voting at the 33rd Session of the UN General Assembly on a resolution urging the SLIription of Soviet-A Terican talks on the issue. The Soviet Union Woted for the resolution While the United States refused to Support it.
LLLLLL LLLLLL LL LLatL LLaLLtttLL0L LLL LLL LLLLL LSLLLLLLGL L
SLLLaLLaL 000S LLLLLLLHHLLLLLumLLLLLLL LLLLLSLaL aLrGLLLa LLLLLaLL LLL C LLLH
upporter of the idea of turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. We are ready to work actively in this direction together with other states concerned. We believe that the Indian Ocean has been, and should
train the sphere of wital interest of its littoral states and no others",
At the 34th session of the UN General Assembly, held in 1979, LLLKLLL LLLLLLLCCLL LLLL caLLLLLLLaLa LL aLaLLLLLLLaaLLL LLaLaLaLaLa aLaL LLLL LLLLH cean in 1981, and charged the ad-hoc Committee with making Irangements for the Conference, including the consideration of proper
it asures for the implementation of any international agreement which Icht be reached in the final round so as to preserve the Indian Ocean
a zone of peace. -
The USA has stalled the holding of the international Conference the Indian Ocean due to open in Colombo in 1981. It has deliberately |cked the Work of the 46-member ad-hoc UN Special Committee, Wilch has been meeting in New York to give effect to this decision of
Il UN General Assembly"S 34th session,

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312 Politics and Life in Our Times
Although December 1981 marked the 10th anniversary of the unanimous adoption by the UN of the resolution on making the Indian Ocean a peace Zone, the USA has systematically sabotaged every effort to give effect to this decision. Moreover it has undertaken apolicy of massive militarisation of the Indian Ocean, which includes augmenting its bases and fleets in the area, stationing of the Rapid Deployment Force, arming of Pakistan, and aggressive actions against Afghanistan and Iran.
It is the duty of all peace-loving forces to make the people fully aware of the danger inherent in the imperialist scheme of unprecedentedly huge dimensions which is at present being carried out in the Indian Ocean, and to intensify the world campaign to have the military base at Diego Garcia and other military bases in the region of the Indian Ocean dismantled. Through our common actions we should and we can transform the Indian Ocean into a genuine zone of peace.
Courtesy: "Soviet Land", New Delhi, 1982. Republished in 13 languages.

Worldwide Concern at Missile Attack on Iraq
The missile attack unleashed by the U.S. and Britain on Iraq has provoked worldwide concern. U.S. missiles slammed into Iraq for the third day in a row as President Bill Clinton, his presidency in peril, planned last-minute manoeuvring to try to avoid impeachment by the House of Representatives.
The air strike started on 16th December, 1998 and the Iraqi anti-aircraft tore into the night sky over Baghdad late Thursday, the 17th and early Friday and explosions shook the city as U.S. and British forces launched a second round of air strikes. Baghdad radio reported that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein went out to inspect the damage from the first assault early on Thursday.
U.S. officials Said more than 200 cruise missiles were launched in the first wave of attacks, raining down on barracks of Saddam Hussein's elite Repulican Guards, anti-aircraft facilities, airfields and military command-and-control sites.
"There have been no American casualities and we are achieving good coverage of our targets", Defence Secretary William Cohen said. "Our targets include Iraq's air defence system, its command-and-control system, airfields and other military infrastructure and facilities", he said. Particularly unsettling are the civilian casualities which have been reported from the heart of Baghdad. A press release by the Lankan Foreign Ministry in reference to this matter, is given here. The Sri Lanka Government and its people are gravely concerned about the turn of events in Iraq and the air strike that commenced on December 16. We regret very much that efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations have not been successful in resolving the crisis in Iraq. Any

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action towards a settlement of all the complex issues in respect of Iraq should be in accordance with the relevant UN Resolutions and On the basis of the principles of the United Nations Charter and not through unilateral action. Sri Lanka has consistently opposed the use of force in the resolution of international disputes.
The people of Sri Lanka who have historic ties with the people of Iraq are particularly concerned about the grave prospect of civil casualities in Iraq. The innocent people of Iraq must not become victims in this Conflict.
The Government of Sri Lanka urges the greatest restraint in the situation and a return to diplomacy and negotiations through which Iraq could fulfil its obligations and the international Community could move dicisively towards the review and removal of sanctions placed on that country.
Here it may be relevant to mention certain personal problems facing President Bill Clinton. Grappling with the two crises that have dogged him all the year as they approached Crescendos, Clinton braced for a debate in Congress on Friday, the 18th, that looked likely to end with his impeachment.
If the 435-member House passes an impeachment measure, as it was expected to do by a narrow margin, Clinton would face trial in the Senate over charges he tried to cover up illegally his affair with White House assistant Monica Lewinsky. No one expects the Senate to muster the two-thirds majority needed to remove Clinton from office. Repulicans have 55 Senate seats against 45 for the Democrats.
Colombo, 25th December, 1998.

CHAPTER 6
The Afro-Asian Movement
Kashmir, Hyderabad and Imperialist intrigues
Peace in the Indian subcontinent is of vital importance to us who are living so close to India. Conflicts in this region have been engineered since the time the countries in this region had achieved independence. In fact when the British imperialists were forced to give up direct rule in the Indian subcontinent, they manipulated and divided India into incongruous parts and granted independence to these parts in such a way as to maintain and perpetuate the conflicts among the various peoples living in this subcontinent. Thereafter British Imperialism laid its hidden plans to maintain its indirect rule or economic dominance over all the peoples in this subcontinent.
When the British ruled India they held direct rule over a large part of it, but also held sovereignty over about 700 states which were ruled by princes. These were generally autocratic rulers and the states they ruled over were of varying sizes. The powers that these princes had over their respective states and the control that the British sovereign had over them varied widely. Further, in India there are many races speaking different languages and belonging to different religions. All these differences were made use of by the imperialists, in the scheme of partitioning the country to keep the people divided and to perpetuate the conflicts.
The Cabinet Mission Memorandum on the Indian States published in 1946 shows how the British furthered their ends by the facts mentioned above. By provisions of this Memorandum the theory was advanced that with the transfer of power the paramountcy of the British Crown had lapsed and that the 700 and odd Indian states had become sovereign and independent, free to enter or refuse to enter into

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relationship with India or Pakistan. By this the British imperialists sought to maintain the states and their pro British autocratic regimes as convenient bases, from which they could continue to interfere in the internal affairs of the people of India and Pakistan.
The British Government insisted that the princely states were free to enter into relations of any sort with either India or Pakistan, to join either of them in federal relation irrespective of the territory in which they were situated, or to maintain treaty relations if the terms of federation were not tempting enough. The majority of the princely states were encouraged by the British Government to enter into negotiations with the political leaders, to drive hard bargains, to press the leadership to recognise the sovereignty of the princes, and to guarantee noninterference in their internal autocratic regimes.
in general, the princely states acceded either to India or Pakistan depending on their geographical location. But the bigger ones, mainly Hyderabad and Kashmir, declared for independence.
Hyderabad, with its vast territories, roughly the size of England plus Scotlandstretched right into the middle of India. With its immense resources in the grip of a pro-British aristocracy, and with a Britishofficered army, air bases and munition factories, Hyderabad was nursed by the British Government as a secret strategic base against the Indian people.
The Nizam requested the Viceroy to recognise Hyderabad as a separate Dominion in the British Empire, having special treaty relations with Britain. He rejected the suggestion of the Government of India that Hyderabad accede to India. He also rejected a suggestion that he establish a responsible government. In 1948 India suggested a plebiscite. This proposal was also rejected. Then India gave an ultimatum and took over the control of the state by force. The Nizam was left as a nominal ruler.
Kashmir, touching both India and Pakistan, and with its territories bordering on the Soviet Union, China and Tibet was of even greater strategic value to the British imperialists than Hyderabad. Hence the deeply laid intrigues to retain Kashmir under their domination. They incited bitterness between India and Pakistan on the question of

317
Kashmir, Hyderabad and Imperialist Intrigues
The author of thisbook, T. Duraisingam, in his tour ofIndia with Savimon Urugodawatta, is seen hereviewing the Taj Mahal
Taj Mahal, a dream in marble, is one of theSeven Wonders of the World. This was built in 1632by Emperor Shah Jahan, inmemory of his favourite wife, Mumthaz Mahal.

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accession. They attempted to persuade both India and Pakistan to accept a barter in which Hyderabad would be allowed to join India provided Kashmir was given to Pakistan. In these intrigues the imperialists made use of the reactionary Maharaja of Kashmir and his pro-British advisers.
But Sheikh Abdulla, the leader of the Kashmir National Conference, immediately on his release from prison, came forward to rally his people and put forward the democratic slogan which could cut through the imperialist plan. Sovereignty of the people first; accession only afterwards. This was a challenge to the imperialist plan. ProBritish tribes from the North-West Frontier Province were organised in October 1947 to pass through Pakistan and attack Kashmir.
The aim of the armed attack was to incite the people to Communal bitterness and thereby disrupt the National Conference base, to throw the existing administration into panic and confusion, and to seize Srinagar, the capital, forcibly before the National Conference could assume power. The National Conference leadership appealed to the Indian Government for armed help against the invaders. Kashmir provisionally acceded to India and the accession was subject to ratification by a democratic plebiscite.
As the Indian army pushed back the raiders, the British Press Set up a hue and cry that the army operations in Kashmir were resulting in mounting tension between India and Pakistan, and were a grave threat to international peace. The then Governor-General of India, Mountbatten, insisted on either out right partition of Kashmir or on the immediate reference of the issue to the Security Council. India decided to refer the issue to the Security Council.
The terms of India's complaint to the Security Council were - that the invaders were allowed transit across Pakistan and the use of Pakistan's territory as base of operations; that they included Pakistan nationals and drew their military equipment, transportation and supplies from Pakistan, and that Pakistan army officers were training and guiding them in actual fighting. This, the Indian Government complained, was an act of aggression, and the security council should call upon Pakistan to desist from all Such acts.

Kashmir, Hyderabad and Imperialist Intrigues 319
Pakistan's representative Mohamed Zafarullah Khan, denied all complicity in the raids and countered India with a list of charges on Junagadh, on allegations of genocide of Muslims in India, and on India's failure to fulfil various inter-Dominion agreements.
The Security Council which was then dominated by the American and British governments did not proceed to find out the facts about India's complaint and try to resolve it.
The Anglo-American imperialists wanted to use this opportunity to take control of the administration of Kashmir through a Chief of Interim Administration, nominated by the Security Council to run the Government until the proposed plebiscite. Mr. Nehru expressed disappointment and surprise at the way the Security Council had handled India's reference to it of the Kashmirissue. He said that instead of discussing and deciding it in a straight forward manner the nations of the world sitting in the Security Council got lost in power politics.
The Kashmir issue was purposely made more complicated by extraneous matters being dragged into it.
In the territory held by the raiders a provisional Free Kashmir government was set up, and during the period the dispute was dragged on in the Security Council, this government was being consolidated. India agreed to the suggested plebiscite, on condition that the invaders withdraw before the referendum was taken. Pakistan also agreed - if the Indian troops were withdrawn. This was the essence of the deadlock Which Could not be resolved.
In July 1949, under the aegis of the United Nations a ceasefire was worked out and demarcation line drawn along the stabilized military front. Pakistan believed that a fair plebiscite would join Kashmir to Pakistan, but India pointed to the Pakistan supported invasion and the presence of Pakistan troops, and made the withdrawal of foreign troops an indispensable condition for a plebiscite. The Kashmir dispute still remains unresolved and it is essential for peace in this subcontinent that it be resolved.

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Pakistan itself has been going through the throes of a great internal conflict which has ended in the separation of East Pakistan and the formation of Bangladesh.
Pakistan was founded in 1947 amidst Communal Strife between Muslims and Hindus. The two wings of Pakistan were carved out of the Indian sub-continent and brought together as one nation purely on the basis of religion - that is on the basis that the majority of the people living in these two wings were Muslims. Thus anation was created which was divided by culture, language and a thousand miles of foreign territory.
Richard Simonds in his book "This Making of Pakistan", published in 1949, observed, "the place of East Bengal in Pakistan is the least easy of all provinces to assess, and its future the most difficult to foresee. The west is dry where the camel is the main means of transport, of tallmen with high cheekbones, turbans and baggy trousers, the East where in the rainstransport from village to village and house to house is by boat, where men are short and Wear bright and check fungis. West Pakistan is oriented towards the Middle East, East Pakistan is irrevocably part of South East Asia".
The grievance of East Pakistan was that the rulers of Pakistan followed colonial policy towards it and drained its resources for the development of its western wing. Further the bulk of the foreign aid received from Britain, the United States, France and China has been used to support industrialisation of West Pakistan with only a handful of projects undertaken in East Pakistan, and even these were owned by West Pakistani industrialists. In 1959-60, the per capita income in West Pakistan was 32 per cent higher than in the East. Over the next ten years the annual rate of growth of income of West Pakistan was 6.2% while it was only 4.2% in East Pakistan. As a result, by 1969-70 the per capita income of the West was 61% higher than in the East. East Pakistan's foreign trade earnings were diverted to finance imports for West Pakistan and specifically, tariffs, import controls and industrial licensing compel East Pakistan to purchase commodities from West Pakistan which but for the controls, they could obtain more cheaply in the World market.

Kashmir, Hyderabad and Imperialist Intrigues 321
Ninety per cent of the Pakistan army were recruited from West Pakistan. The huge national expenditure on the army maintenance add to the advantage of the people there.
To resolve East Pakistan's problems Sheik Mujibur Rahman, leader of the Awami League, announced in 1966 his six-point Programme. The Programme is as follows:
(1) The Constitution of Pakistan must be federal, with parliamentary form of government and a legislature directly elected on the basis of adult franchise. (2) Federal subjects to be limited to defence and foreign affairs. (3) There should be () separate Currencies for the two wings, freely convertible into each other; (ii) in the alternative one Currency subject to statutory safeguards against flight of capital from the East to the West wing. (4) Power of taxation and revenue collections to be vested in the federating units; the centre to be financed by allocation of a share in the States' taxes. (5) Separate foreign exchange accounts to be kept for East and West Pakistan, the requirement of the federal government to be met by the two wings in proportion or on any other fixed basis as may be agreed upon. (6) Self-sufficiency of East Pakistan in defence matters, an ordnance factory and a military academy to be set up in the eastern wing, the federal naval headquarters to be located in East Pakistan. This programme was enthusiastically welcomed by the people of East Pakistan, but President Ayub Khan dubbed it as a camouflage for separation. In March 1966 Mujib was arrested with his followers and his journal "Ittefaq" was suppressed. He and his followers were then involved in what came to be known as "Agartala Conspiracy Case" which charged them of conspiracy with India against Pakistan. After 3 years, having failed to prove anything, the case was withdrawn and Mujib and his followers released in February 1969.

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Between October 1968 and March 1969, an unprecedented mass upsurge swept Pakistan against Ayub Khan's corrupt and oppressive regime. Under its pressure Ayub Khan called a RoundTable Conference in March 1969, of political parties to resolve the political crisis in Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who had been released, attended this Conference.
On March 24, 1969, panicked by the rising revolt against his regime, Ayub Khan transferred power to the Armed Forces of the country headed by General Yahya Khan.
In his broadcast to the nation, on March 26, 1969, as its President, Yahya Khan declared that he had assumed all the powers of the Chief Martial Law Administrator and Commander of Pakistan's armed forces. He declared his firm intention was to transfer power to the elected representatives of the people, elected on adult franchise.
Accordingly between December 7, 1970 and January 17, 1971 elections were held all over Pakistan and according to Yahya Khan they Were "free and fair".
The Awami League won 167 of the 169 East Bengal seats in the National Assembly and thus came to command a clear majority in a house of 313 members. It also won 288 of the 300 seats of the provincial legislature gaining 80% of the votes cast. The Awami League won the election on the basis of the six-point programme.
Thus as the Awami League had secured a clear majority in the elections, Yahya Khan should have called upon its leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. But instead, the National Assembly session fixed for 3rd March was postponed by Yahya Khan, not for any definite period, but sine die.
This raised a storm in the country and protest meetings were held everywhere. Now Yahya Khan made a show, of coming to terms with Sheikh, even hailed him a future Prime Minister of Pakistan and went to Dacca on March 15, 1971, with his advisers and Generals to talk with Mujib. The talks were carried on till the 24th of March. The impression created was that talks were continuing and substantial progress had been made.

Kashmir, Hyderabad and Imperialist Intrigues 323
Then on the orders of Yahya Khan on 25th March the Pakistan army suddenly struck at the people of East Pakistan. Mujib was arrested and taken away. The rest are recent events and need not be described in detail here. It is estimated that about 300,000 were killed, several millions were displaced and went into India as refugees. East Pakistan then declared its independence under the name of Bangladesh. On the request of Bangladesh, India sent in its armies to help the new government and the Pakistan army was defeated. Yahya Khan resigned and Bhutto became president of Pakistan. Hostilities between India and Pakistan Was ended.
The Agreement signed at Simla on July 3, 1972 by Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Pakistan President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto opens With these Words:
"The Government of India and the Government of Pakistan are resolved that the two countries put an end to the conflict and confrontation that has hitherto marred their relations, and work for the promotion of a friendly and harmonious relationship and the establishment of durable peace in the subcontinent, so that both countries may, henceforth devote their resources and energies to the pressing task of advancing the welfare of their peoples".
Peace and good relations among the peoples and governments Of the three Countries of the Indian Sub-Continent - India, Pakistan and Bangladesh - would be of vital importance for Asian security and for World peace.
Colombo, October 1st, 1972.

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Collective Security in Asia
The world is celebrating these days the 25th anniversary of one of the greatest and most important mass movements of our time, the Peace Movement. The consistent, tireless, painstaking and effective work of the fighters for peace helped to frustrate many aggressive imperialist actions and schemes, helped to increase the chances of Success for the opponents of war and to tie the hands of the reactionary forces. Never before have acts of aggression and violence against the peoples met with such widespread indignation, protest and active resistance as it is today.
The main force behind the peace movement is the World Peace Council. It was inaugurated by the First World Congress for Peace, which was held in Paris and Prague in April 1949, when the horrors of World War II were still fresh in people's memory. This Congress saw its prime task in making it clear who wanted peace, and who wanted war. And if at every juncture in these 25 years more and more people were able to see who was to blame for the tension, who engaged in brinkmanship, who was behind the cold war and the armed conflicts, the credit for this belongs primarily to the Peace Movement.
Ever wider and more influential sections of world opinion, the representatives of many governmental and non-governmental, national and international organizations, openly declare in support of the principles of peaceful co-existence. They see in the realization of these principles the way to a just, democratic peace based on respect for the rights and interests of all peoples.
Peace is indivisible and all peoples and governments of all states, big and small and from all the continents should actively participate to preserve and strengthen it. International security is essential for the maintenance of peace in the World and the most important prerequisites for the strengthening of international security

Collective Security in Asia 325
are the just settlement and effective prevention of possible international conflicts and the developments of economic, political and cultural cooperation among the nations of the World. The acceptance of the principles of peaceful co-existence and the ensuring of international security create the most favourable conditions for democratic freedoms, social and national liberation and development.
To achieve international security the nations and peoples of the various continents should work to build dependable security systems in these continents.
The road to full normalisation of the political climate in Europe and the transition from confrontation to co-operation based on the principles of peaceful co-existence has been paved by such developments as the radical improvement in the USSR's relations with France, the United States, the Federal Republic of Germany and some other Western Countries. The treaties of the USSR, Poland, the German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia with the FRG have been of significant importance in bringing about this process of normalisation in Europe.
The Soviet Union and other socialist Countries have played an important role in bringing about this detente in Europe and which has expressed itself in the admission of the two Germanys, the GDR and the FRG, to the United Nations and in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.
The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe in which 35 countries are participating is consolidating the results of this process on a continental scale, and laying the foundation formultilateral relations based on enduring peace, security and Co-operation among Countries participating in the Conference.
The European states have been responsible for most of the Wars fought throughout the World during the last two centuries, Wars to subjugate other nations and wars to redivide Colonial spheres of influence.

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B2B Politics - Lig 7 CL TITIS
Azelez Sheriff, Minister Pleni-potentiary of Irak, and the author of this book, T. Dura isingam, wiewing the Peradeniya Botanical Gardens after attending the 1976 Non-aligned Summit Conference Sessions
స్ట్రో
Azeez. Sheriff participated in this conference as the leader of the delegation and as its members T. Duraisingam and A. Azeez. This delegation is that of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization, with its Headquarters at Cairo.
వ్లో
 
 

Collective Security in Asia 327
If Europe Can Towe for Ward to Collective security, why Can't Asia? With the dawn of independence to the Countries of Asia, Asia's quest for peace and for mutual Co-operation began. By the fifties the Asian Countries had already Worked out principles which envisaged the development of their relations in the direction of peaceful Coexistence and Co-operation.
In 1954 India took the initiative with China in expounding the Parchaseela, the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence which formed part of the preamble to the Indo-China Agreement on Tibet. These principles are: (1) mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and SOVereignty; (2) non-aggression; (3) non-interference in each other's internal affairs; (4) equality and mutual benefit; and (5) peaceful Co-existence. Referring to this agreement Chou Enlai, the Chinese Prime Minister, stated that on the basis of the five principles laid down in the Tibet agreement "all nations of the World can peacefully Co-exist Whether they are big or small, strong or weak, and no matter What kind of Social system each of them has". He further stated that it Would be desirable "for appropriate, responsible persons of the principal Asian Countries, to meet occasionally and consult each other" in order to seek Common measures for maintaining peace and security in Asia. The Soviet newspaper Pravda, commenting editorially on the PanChasheela principles, stated: "There cannot be any doubt that the acceptance of these important principles by the Asian as well as other COUntries Would diminish the possibility of Wars, serve to alleviate tension in the World community and improve the valuable co-operation between COLutries".
The Pancrasheela principles were reiterated in the joint Communique of the Governments of the People's Republic of China and Malaysia which was signed at Peking on May 31, 1974, by the two Prime ministers Chou En-lai and Tun Abdul Razak. The communique stated that the "two Governments hold that although the social systems of the People's Republic of China and Malaysia are different, this should

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not constitute an obstacle to the "two Governments and peoples, in establishing and developing peaceful and friendly relations between the two Countries on the basis of the principles of mutual respect for Sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, noninterference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful co-existence".
Jawaharlal Nehru was inspired by the vision of a united and
renascert Asia.
One of his first acts as the Prime Minister of India Was to convene an Asian Relations Conference in Delhi. It was the SUCCeSS of this conference and his wision of an united Asia and also of an united Africa, which led to the holding of the Asian-African Conference in April 1955 at Bandung in Indonesia, and popularly referred to as the Bandung Conference. This Conference Was organised by Indonesia, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Burma and 29 other Asian and African states participated.
The Prime Ministers of India, Indonesia, China, Sri Lankal and a number of other states attended this conference as delegates, The Bandung Conference was an important landmark and has given inspiration to nations and peoples of the World. The ten point declaration to promote World peace and Co-operation adopted at this conference and which was based on the Panch as heela principles, has been used as the basis of declarations and the aims and objects of organizations for the promotion of peace and COoperation.
|t is unfortunate that due to major Schis ITIS and differen COS along the sponsors of the Bandung Conference, it has not been possible to hold a similar Conference thereafter. This was a direct consequence of imperialist policy. When the imperialists ruled, they in keeping with their traditional policy of divide and rule, encouraged regional, national and religious strife among their subject peoples. Ewen after independence the imperialists fomented and encouraged these di WiSi3S.

329
Collective Security frt Asia
Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organization, whose headquarters is at Cairo, held at Bandung in April 1961, a conference of representatives from governmental and nongovernmental organisations of Asian and African Countries. This conference was held in the same hall as where the famous "Bandung Conference" was held in April 1955 with Jawaharlal Nehru and Suoekarno participating. The author of this book, T. Duraisingam is seen here with his colleagues.

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They instigated separatist movements and border disputes. Territorial disputes between Indonesia and Malaysia, Malaysia and Philippines, India and Pakistan, India and China, Iran and Iraq, Yeman Arab Republic and Peoples' Democratic Republic of Yemen are traceable to the old time Colonial divisions of Asia.
In 1961 efforts were made by several nations, to bring together the heads of States of Asia and Africa at another Asian-African conference. But this did not materialise. It was only possible to hold at Bandung, in April 1961, a conference of representatives from governmental and non-governmental organisations of Asian and African countries. This conference was organised by the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation whose headquarters is at Cairo. Several ministers of state attended this conference. From Sri Lanka, Theja Gunawardene, T. Duraisingam and Dr. Kumari Jayewardene attended this conference as delegates from the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka. Thereafter, preparations were made to hold the second Asian-African Conference of heads of states in Algiers in November 1965. However, this had to be indefinitely postponed and the Bandung Conference has not had a SUCCessor So far.
Thus it can be seen that there are difficulties on the way. To quote from the book entitled "Towards Collective Security in Asia" by Dr. Devendra Kaushik and Satyendra Peerthum, both Research Fellows at the Institute of Peoples of Asia, USSR Academy of Sciences, Moscow: "A system of collective security in Asia cannot be created overnight. It will require considerable time and effort not only by all the Asian states, but also by all those who cherish the cause of peace on the continent. Although a solution to the problem of security in Asia has to be primarily achieved through the result of joint Asian efforts and the mansion of peace on the continent has to be essentially raised on Asian pillars, outside powers interested in the stability of the region, too, have an important role to play. In the present Asian conditions an institutionalised form of regional security can only be a long-term goal to be attained gradually, through a system of bilateral and multilateral treaties of non-aggression and mutual co-operation. An Asian

Collective Security in Asia 331
Convention on the renunciation of force in inter-State relations and the neutralisation of trouble spots like Southeast Asia can pave the way to the ultimate realisation of the idea of collective security in Asia. The march of events is pushing to the fore the urgency of convening an Asian Conference to work out a declaration of Principles of Collective Security and Co-operation in Asia".
Here may be mentioned the development of increasing cooperation and mutually beneficial relations among Asian countries. The Bandung principles of "settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration, or judicial settlement as well as other peaceful means of the parties own choice in conformity with the U.N. Charter" has been adopted by Sri Lanka and India on reaching agreement on the problem of Kachchativu. All peace lovers welcome this agreement and congratulate the Governments of both countries for the statesmanship and goodwill shown by them in reaching agreement on this vexed problem.
The Soviet Union, which is both an European as well as an Asian country, is actively working for a system of Collective security for Asia. Leonid Brezhnev, the CPSU General Secretary, told the Soviet trade unions on March 20, 1972, that "the road to security in Asia is not One of military blocks and groupings, not one of opposing the countries against each other, but one of good neighbourly co-operation among all the states interested in such co-operation. To our mind, collective security in Asia should be based on such principles as renunciation of the use of force in relations between states, respect for sovereignty and inviolability of borders, non-interference in domestic affairs and extensive development of economic and other co-operation on the basis of Complete equality and mutual advantages".
At the 25th anniversary WPC Presidential Committee meeting, held in Paris on 27th-29th May, 1974, one of the subjects on which important discussions took place was that on Asian Security. At this meeting T. Duraisingam, who is a member of the World Peace Council, represented Presidential Committee member T. B. Subasinghe and the Sri Lanka Peace Council. The resolution on Asian Security was moved by the former in the plenary meeting and was accepted unanimously.

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The resolution Stated that the Presidential Committee noted with deep satisfaction the positive developments in Asia. That the events . in the Middle East demonstrated the effectiveness of united resistance of Arab nationalism against imperialist designs. It referred to the setting up of the Government of National Unity in Laos which marked a significant victory in the long and determined struggle of the people of Laos against U.S. imperialism. That in spite of the continued attempts by U.S. imperialism and the Thieu regime to sabotage the Paris Agreement, the Vietnamese people have registered further Successes in their struggle for national salvation.
It also stated that the South Asian sub-continent has registered further successes on the road to mutual Co-operation and durable peace. The meeting of the Foreign Ministers of all the three countries of the Sub-continent in New Delhi was a development of great significance. The release of all prisoners of war and the mutual recognition of Bangladesh and Pakistan have created a new climate of peace in the Sub-continent.
The resolution further stated that "all these developments confirm the conviction that increasing co-operation and mutually beneficial relations among Asian countries open up the path for further advance in their struggle for self-reliance and independent development free from all imperialist interference. They underlined the necessity of strengthening their security and stability in co-operation with all the peaceloving and anti-imperialist forces; the admission of Bangladesh to the United Nations will pave the way for further normalisation of the situation in the sub-continent and will further this process.
"In this situation the interests of the Asian Countries can best be safeguarded by advancing the process of a system of mutual security for the whole continent".
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, August 24th, 1974.

Krishna Menon's Consistent Struggle Against Imperialism
(The authorwho.attended the International Conference against Foreign Military Bases in the Indian Oceanand to keep the Indian Oceanasa Zone of Peace held at New Delhi, gave the following report, on his return to members ofthe SriLanka Peace Council)
The World Peace Council and the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation in co-operation with the All India Peace and Solidarity Organisation convened an International Conference against Foreign Military Bases in the Indian Ocean and to keep the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. This Conference was held in New Delhi from November 14 to 17, 1974. The main subjects discussed at the conference were (1) Imperialist military bases in the Indian Ocean as a threat to the sovereignty, security and independence of the littoral states; (2) Imperialist military bases as a support to the colonialist and racist regimes in Southern Africa; (3) The Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
Chandra Gunasekera MP, Raja Collure and attended this Conference as delegates of the Sri Lanka Peace Council, Mrs. Manouri Muttetuwegama, attended it as a delegate of the Women's International Democratic Federation. 70 delegates from 30 countries from all the Continents took part at this conference. Over 200 delegates from all parts of India also attended this conference. Representatives from International non-Governmental organisations such as the Asian Buddhist Conference for Peace, International Union of Students, Women's International Democratic Federation, World Federation of “Democratic Youth and the World Federation of Trade Unions actively participated at this conference.
The first day of the conference, 14th November 1974, fell on the 85th birthday of Jawaharlal Nehru. Before the inaugural sessions all Whe delegates proceeded to Shantivana and laid floral Wreaths of red rOSes at the memorial to Jawaharlal Nehru.

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NAUGURATED
The Conference was inaugurated by Y. B. Chavan, the External Affairs Minister for India, who in his inaugural address told the great powers to honour the UN General Assembly's call and take concrete action towards establishing a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean. He said that the onus for such an action clearly lay with the great powers "for it is they who have to curb their military presence and activity in the Indian Ocean and to eliminate existing bases and to refrain from setting up new bases. This is so, not for any reasons of expediency but of principle and deep conviction".
"Justification for external naval presence in the Indian Ocean or bases in it as an instrument of diplomatic leverage was a thesis reminiscent of the era of gun-boat diplomacy" Chavan observed.
"In our day and age there is no strategy more effective and no concern more vital than that which serves the interests of peace and the welfare and progress of mankind" Chavan said and added that the Indian Ocean and what goes in it was the concern of not only India, the littoral States and the hinterland, but of the international community.
The Chairman of the Communist Party of India, S. A. Dange said that India's neutrality or non-alignment did not mean that it would remain "neutral" to the misery of the peoples of the world and declared that though committed to peace, India would be prepared to fight for ever, if peace was threatened.
The slogan of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace was not a negative view but "part and parcel of our idea of world peace", Dange said. "It is not the question of super power rivalry, but of tho independence and development of the newly liberated countries around the Indian Ocean and the World Over".
Referring to the US Naval presence in the Indian Ocean, Dange charged the US administration with trying to impose neo
colonialism in the Indian Ocean area, where colonialism had recently
Crumbled.

Krishna Menon's Consistent Struggle Against Imperialism 335
The question of big power rivalry in the Indian Ocean did not in fact arise, as only the US warship and naval taskforces were moving menancingly in the ocean, Dange said, and pointed out to the presence of the US Seventh Fleet in the Bay of Bengal before Bangla Desh liberation.
Congress president D. K. Barooah, who presided declared that peace in the Indian Ocean was not an issue of principle alone with India, but a "matter of life and death".
Establishment of a military base in Diego Garcia or in any part of the Indian Ocean was likely to create a situation in which "all our efforts at peace would be completely frustrated" he said and announced that India was firmly opposed to conversion of the ocean into a war ZOne.
Terming the establishment of Diego Garcia base as an "unprovoked aggression" on the peoples way of life in the littoral Countries, Barooah said it was also a "grave threat" to the security in the region. India or any other littoral country could not take this neoimperialist move "lying down" he added.
World Peace Council secretary-general Romesh Chandra termed the conference as "one of the most important events in the world peace movement", and said the US was building up Diego Garcia base because it wanted to threaten the process of liberation in the region.
He expressed the confidence that the peoples of the littoral Countries would frustrate the neo-imperialists' effort to "turn the clock of history back" and said that the Indian Ocean was now the ocean of victories - of Vietnam, Bangla Desh and now Mozambique.
Sri Lanka delegate Chandra Gunasekera condemned the Conversion of the island of Diego Garcia by United States of America into a war base and asked the littoral states to wage a determined fight. against this new imperialist move.
Indrajit Gupta MP, on behalf of the Indian delegation, gave a 'detailed report on "Peace and National Independence threatened by imperialist Bases in the Indian Ocean". He stated that "it was at the initiative of the Sri Lankan Prime Minister, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike

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336 Politics and Life in Our Times
that the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted, on December 16th, 1971, its historic "Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace". Sixty nine nations voted in favour of the Declaration including the Soviet Union none against and fifty five abstained among whom were the USA., UK., and France".
At the outset of the second day's session of the conference homage was paid to the memory of V. K. Krishna Menon. Several delegates ranging from the US and Australia to those from the newly liberated Small Asian and African Countries talked of Krishna Menon as a man of conviction, dedication and a staunch and astute fighter against oppression and exploitation the World over. In my speech paying tribute to Krishna Menon, stated that he had inspired many of our leaders and people by his persistent campaign for India's freedom and his consistent struggle against imperialism. I further stated that several of the present day Sri Lanka Ministers were his pupils. Romesh Chandra described Krishna Menon as the spirit behind the world peace movement.
ZONE OF PEACE
A report on the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace was presented at the plenary session by Chandra Gunasekera on behalf of the Sri Lanka delegation. The report stated that the peoples of former colonial countries "have shown that apart from looking after themselves they can also play a significant role in world development in consonance with progressive mankind marching towards a better future. They have merged into a powerful stream that is sweeping away the rubbish of colonialism and laying the basis for peaceful development". The report further stated that "it is our position that the application, observance, recognition and fulfilment of the following principles are indispensable in achieving lasting peace in this region and the rest of the world; the application of the principles of Pancha Sheela, which enunciates the basic tenets of peaceful co-existence in interstate relations; the strict observance of the right of self-determination of the peoples; the recognition of the right of the peoples to achieve economic independence

Krishna Menon's Consistent Struggle Against Imperialism 337
and their right to develop an independent and viable economy; the solution of all international and regional disputes by peaceful means; the exact fulfilment of the obligations emanating from international and interstate agreements; the development of large-scale interstate cooperation in the spheres of economic affairs, cultural activities and others on the basis of equality and mutual benefit".
In my speech at the plenary sessions, I referred to the conference convened by the Ceylon Federation of Trade Unions held in Colombo on 9th November, 1974. This conference of delegates from trade unions, Women's fronts, youth and student organisations, religious organisations, writers' organisations, Afro-Asian Solidarity Association, Sri Lanka Peace Council and other progressive mass organisations declared that the people of Sri Lanka join hands with all peoples of the World who are carrying on a protest campaign against the attempts of the US imperialists to establish a nuclear powered military base in Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean. also stated that the Conference held at Colombo, while deeply appreciating the significance of the New Delhi International Conference convened by the World Peace Council on military bases and the proposal for a Peace Zone in the Indian Ocean, extended its wholehearted co-operation for its success.
PLENARY SESSION
In my speech at New Delhi, which was recorded and broadcast over Radio Moscow, I referred to what is stated as great power rivalry in the Indian Ocean. I said that "the Sri Lanka point of view was clearly stated by the Finance Minister of Sri Lanka, Dr. N. M. Perera, when he addressed the Commonwealth Parlimentary Conference held recently in Colombo. In his leading address he said "she (USSR) has no bases in the Indian Ocean. These provocative acts would compel her to put up bases. Nobody in his senses seriously belives that the USSR intends to occupy India or any other small country from Singapore to Laos or this puny little Island, Sri Lanka. We have no fear of the Soviet Union ... I am

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TՒlt: President of the Indian Republic, Fakhruddin Ali Ahamed, is seen seated with the Sri Lankan delegates to the Conference.
Standing L.-R. Raja Collure, Manouri Mutheluwegama, T. Duraisingam and
Chandra GinaSekord.
 
 

Krishna Meron's Consistant Struggle Against Imperialism 339
entitled to ask are they being directed against Countries like India which are moving towards Socialism or China which has already built a socialist society or smaller Countries in the Indo-China peninsula, Burma, Malaysia, Singapore and Sri Lanka? What else is the purpose of these bases? We have not asked for their protection. Does the United States think that she is the self-appointed policeman of the world? We do not want them policing this part of the World. We are quite capable of maintaining peace and order in the Indian Ocean. It is these big powers who by their presence disturb and jeopardize the harmony and peace that now prevail".
The International Conference was fully supported by the Indian Government and the Indian National Congress. The Foreign Minister Y. B. Chavan, the Defence Minister Swaran Singh, the Petroleum Minister K. D. Malawiya, the Minister for Steel and Mines Chandrajit Yadav and the supplies Minister R. K. Khadilkar spoke at the sessions of the Conference. Ministers from the state assemblies also actively participated in the conference.
A number of ministers of state and many leading personalities from the littoral countries of the Indian Ocean came as delegates to this International Conferen Ce.
The President of the Indian Republic, Fakhruddin Ali Ahamed gave the foreign delegates a reception at his residence, Rashtrapathi Bhawan. The Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, gawe a reception at her residence. Receptions were also given by the Indian National Congress and the Communist Party of India.
THE DECLARATION
At the concluding sessions a declaration was adopted unanimously. The declaration stated that "We the participants in the International Conference on the Indian Ocean against Foreign Military Bases and for a Zone of Peace address this most urgent declaration to the peace forces of the World,

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"United States imperialism and its partners have embarked on a dangerous new course - the creation of a network of military bases and an expanded naval presence in the Indian Ocean region. A dangerous new strategy of U.S. imperialism is unfolding - borne of its defeat by the heroic Vietnamese people, nurtured by the disintegration of the British, French and Portuguese empires in the region, and created in desperate response to the maturing crisis of imperialism at home and abroad.
"But the struggle of the peoples of the Indian Ocean region and the unity of the peace loving peoples of the World can defeat this design. From a zone of military bases, nuclear submarines and air-craft carriers, the region of the Indian Ocean can become a Zone of peace - free of nuclear weapons and open to peaceful trade, and scientific research to benefit all humanity. The Indian Ocean can and must be a part of the everwidening, detente - which express the will of the people to impose upon imperialism the peace alternative of co-existence, national independence and economic progress, free of Colonialist exploitation.
"We Call upon the forces for peace to organise meetings, rallies, demonstrations, educational events, political actions, etc., to defeat the desperate provocations of imperialism in the Indian Ocean and to advance World peace".
After the Concluding sessions of the conference a public meeting was held at the large hall at Vigyan Bhavan which was packed to capacity. This meeting was addressed by several ministers, members of parliament and other personalities.
The International Conference ended with a feeling of confidence in the stability of the peace loving forces and that by their united effort they would defeat imperialism and reaction.
Courtesy: "Daily Mirror", Colombo, December 27th, 1974.

The Struggle of the Non-aligned Countries
(The Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka organised a seminarat Colombo in May 1976, on the "Role of the NonAligned movement in the world today". One of the themes at this seminar was "The struggle of the Non-Aligned countries for world peace and elimination of military bases". The following is from the speech by the author of this book.)
The Non-Aligned countries from the time they started functioning as a movement have worked for the reduction of international tensions, for the elimination of military bases and for World peace.
The Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation, with its headquarters at Cairo, is a peoples' organisation having official support and recognition in most non-aligned Countries. Its activities by Way of seminars, Conferences, Consultations, etc., supplement the official exchanges that take place at various levels among many of the nonaligned countries. Our Association, the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka, is affiliated to this organisation.
The Afro-Asian Solidarity movement originated and developed in the process of the struggle for peace conducted by the Asian and African peoples, within the framework of the world-wide peace movement which unites peoples of diverse political opinions and religions who belong to different classes of society, but are at one in their desire to prevent war and assure lasting peace.
it was in June 1954 at the meeting for easing international tension convened by the world movement in Stockholm, that the proposal for the International Afro-Asian Solidarity Organisation was first mooted. On June 22nd and 23rd, at the instance of the veteran Indian public leader Rameshwari Nehru, winner of an International Lenin Peace Prize, the delegates of the Asian countries of India, the USSR, the Chinese People's Republic, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam,

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Japan, Syria and Lebanon met during that conference. They decided to hold in Delhi in April 1955 an Asian conference for easing international tension. This conference was held on April 6 - 10, 1955 and it was attended by fifteen Asian countries. At this conference the first international Asian Solidarity Committee was formed with a permanent secretariat consisting of representatives of Burma, Ceylon, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Pakistan, the USSR and the Arab countries.
These developments led to the formation of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation and its first conference was held at Cairo from 26th December, 1957 to 1st January, 1958. The President of that conference was Mr. Anwar Sadat who is today the President of the Republic of Egypt and the Secretary-General of that conference Was Mr. Yousef El Sebai.
The very first resolution adopted at this conference was to demand an immediate, an unconditional banning of the nuclear weapon tests, as a first step towards the complete prohibition of the manufacture, the stockpiling and the use of these weapons of mass destruction, and as a step towards universal disarmament. "in the name of peace and happiness of all peoples", this resolution further stated, "an agreement on this problem must be reached".
The declaration adopted at this conference stated: "Afro-Asian people believe that imperialist domination, foreign exploitation and the other evils which result from the subjugation of peoples are a denial of the fundamental rights of man anda violation of the United Nations Charter, apart from the other harmful effects on both governments and governed, which impede the development of peace and international Co-operation. The continued existence of imperialism is not compatible with the new era the world is now passing through. Afro-Asian peoples firmly believe in the right of every people to secure freedom and independence".
The declaration further stated that the Afro-Asian peoples desire unity. They also want to work together and to help each other in order to struggle for the welfare of the Afro-Asian peoples as well as that of the whole of mankind. They will devote their relentless efforts for the achievement of enduring peace in the world.

The Struggle of the Non-aligned Countries 343
The declaration also stated that the ten principles adopted by the Bandung Conference of April 1955 should remain as the basis of international relations and that they were fully convinced that if these ten principles are accepted, the present world tension would definitely relax and the deadly fear of annihilation, that now grips the hearts of millions, can be lifted and that the foundations of peace cannot be firmly established until this tension is dissipated.
Jawaharlal Nehru was one of the prime movers for the holding of the Bandung Conference. He was inspired by the vision of a united and renascent Asia. One of his first acts as the Prime Minister of India was to convene an Asian Relations Conference in Delhi. It was the SUCCess of this Conference and his vision of a united Asia and also of a united Africa, which led to the holding of the Asian-African Conference in April 1955 at Bandung in Indonesia, and popularly referred to as the Bandung Conference. This conference was organised by Indonesia, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Burma and 29 other Asian and African states participated. The Prime Ministers of India, Indonesia, China, Sri Lanka and of a number of other states attended this Conference as delegates.
The Bandung Conference was an important land-mark and has given inspiration to nations and peoples of the world. The ten point declaration to promote world peace and co-operation adopted at this conference and Which was based on the PanchaSheela principles, has been used as the basis of declarations and the aims and objects of organisations for the promotion of peace and co-operation.
It is unfortunate that due to major schisms and differences among the sponsors of the Bandung Conference, it has not been possible to hold a similar conference thereafter. This was a direct Consequence of imperialist policy. When the imperialists ruled, they in keeping with their traditional policy of divide and rule, encouraged regional, national and religious strife among their subject peoples. Even after independence the imperialists fomented and encouraged these

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divisions. They instigated separatist movements and border disputes. Territorial disputes between Indonesia and Malaysia, Malaysia and Philippines, India and Pakistan, India and China, Iran and Iraq, Yemen Arab Republic and Peoples Democratic Republic of Yemen are traceable to the old time Colonial divisions of Asia.
The non-aligned movement can rightly be called, at the official level, the direct successor to the Bandung Conference. The leaders of the non-aligned countries have been for the past many years taking an active and leading part in the struggle for world peace and elimination of military bases.
It was at the initiative of our Prime Minister, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, that the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted, On December 16th 1971, its historic "Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace". Sixty nine nations voted in favour of the Declaration including the Soviet Union, none against and fifty five abstained, among whom were the USA, UK and France.
Courtsey: Souvenir"Non-Aligned Summit '76", Issued by "Daily Mirror", Colombo, May 1976.

Bandung Conference and the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation
The non-aligned countries from the time that they started functioning as a movement have worked for the reduction of international tensions, for the elimination of military bases and for world peace. The Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation, with its headquarters at Cairo, is a peoples' organisation having official support and recognition in most non-aligned Countries. Its activities byway of seminars, Conferences, Consultations, etc., supplement the official exchanges that take place at various levels among many of the non-aligned countries. Our association, the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka, is affiliated to this organisation.
The Afro-Asian Solidarity movement originated and developed in the process of the struggle for peace Conducted by the Asian and African peoples, within the framework of the world-wide peace movement which unites people of diversepolitical opinions and religions who belong to different classes of society, but are at one in their desire to prevent War and assure lasting peace.
It was in June 1954 at the Meeting for Easing International Tension Convened by the world peace movement in Stockholm, that the proposal for the international Afro-Asian Solidarity organisation was first mooted. On June 22nd and 23rd at the instance of the veteran Indian public leader Rameshwari Nehru, winner of an International Lenin Peace Prize, the delegates of the Asian countries of India, the USSR, the Chinese People's Republic, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, Japan, Syria and Lebanon met during that conference. They decided to hold in Delhi in April 1955 an Asian conference for Easing International Tension. This conference was held on April 6-10, 1955 and it was attended by 15 Asian countries. At this conference the first international Asian Solidarity Committee was formed with a permanent secretariat consisting of representatives of

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Burma, Ceylon, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Pakistan, the USSR and the Arab countries. These developments led to the formation of the AfroAsian People's Solidarity Organisation and its first Conference was held at Cairo from 26th December, 1957, to 1st January, 1958. The president of that conference was Mr. Anwar Sadat, who is today the president of the Republic of Egypt, and the Secretary General of that Conference was Mr. Youssef El Sebai. The very first resolution adopted at this Conference was the demand of an immediate and unconditional banning of the nuclear weapon tests, as a first step towards the complete prohibition of the manufacture, the stockpiling and the use of these weapons of mass destruction, and as a step towards universal disarmament. "In the name of peace and happiness of all peoples", this resolution further stated, "an agreement on this problem must be reached".
The declaration adopted at this conference stated: "Afro-Asian peoples believe that imperialist domination, foreign exploitation and the other evils which result from the subjugation of peoples are a denial of the fundamental rights of man and a violation of the United Nations Charter, apart from the other harmful effects on both governments and governed, which impede the development of peace and international co-operation. The continued existence of imperialism is not compatible with the new era the world is now passing through. Afro-Asian peoples firmly believe in the right of every people to secure freedom and independence". The declaration further stated that the Afro-Asian peoples desire unity. They also want to work together and to help each other in order to struggle for the welfare of the Afro-Asian peoples as well as that of the whole of mankind. They will devote their relentless efforts for the achievement of enduring peace in the World.
The declaration also stated that the ten principles adopted by the Bandung Conference of April 1955 should remain the basis of international relations and that they were fully convinced that if these ten principles are accepted, the present world tension would definitely relax and the deadly fear of annihilation, that now grips the hearts of millions, can be lifted and that the foundations of peace cannot be firmly established until this tension is dissipated.

Bandung Conference and the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation 347
Jawaharlal Nehru was one of the prime movers for the holding of the Bandung Conference. He was inspired by the vision of a united and renascent Asia. One of his first acts as the Prime Minister of India Was to Convene an Asian Relations Conference in Delhi. It was the Success of this Conference and his vision of a united Asia and also of a united Africa, which led to the holding of the Asian-African Conference in April 1955 at Bandung in Indonesia, and popularly referred to as the Bandung Conference. This conference was organised by Indonesia, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Burma and 29 other Asian and African states participated. The Prime Ministers of India, Indonesia, China, Sri Lanka and of a number of other states attended this conference as delegates. The Bandung Conference was an important landmark and has given inspiration to nations and peoples of the world. The ten point declaration to promote world peace and co-operation adopted at this conference and which was based on the Panchasheela principles has been used as the basis of declarations and the aims and objects of organisations for the promotion of peace and Co-operation.
in 1954 India took the initiative with China in expounding the Panchasheela, the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence which formed part of the preamble to the Indo-China Agreement on Tibet. These principles are mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference in each others national affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence.
The Ten Principles adopted by the Bandung Conference as the basis for international relations were (1) respect for the fundamental rights of man and the principles and objectives of the United Nations Charter; (2) respect for the sovereignty of all peoples and the integrity of their territories; (3) recognition of equality among all races and all nations, big and small; (4) abstention from all intervention in the internal affairs of other countries; (5) respect for the rights of every nation to self-defence, individually or collectively according to the United Nations

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348 Postics arid Life I Our TrTICS
Charter; (6) (a) abstention from the use of collective defensive organisations for the service of the private ends of any great power; (b) abstention of any power from applying pressure on other Countries; (7) avoidance of aggressive actions and threats and of the use of force against the regional security or the political independence of any Country; (8) settlement of all international disputes by peaceful methods such as negotiations, conciliation, arbitration, judicial measures or any other peaceful methods chosen by the parties concerned, according to the United Nations Charter; (9) the development of our Common interests and Tutual Co-operation and (10) respect for justice and international obligations.
It is unfortunate that due to major schisms and differences among the sponsors of the Bandung Conference, it has not been possible to hold a similar conference thereafter. This was a direct Consequence of imperialist policy. When the imperialists ruled, they in keeping with their traditional policy of divide and rule, encouraged regional, national and religious strife among their subject peoples. Even after independence the imperialists fomented and encouraged these divisions, They instigated separatist movements and border disputes. Territorial disputes between Indonesia and Malaysia, Malaysia and Philippines, India and Pakistan, India and China, Iran and Iraq, Yemen Arab Republic and Peoples' Democratic Republic of Yemen are traceable to the oldtiThe COlOria divisiOS Of ASia,
In 1961 efforts were made by several nations to bring together LL LLLLLLLLSL LLL LLLLaLaL LLLL LLLL LLL LLL LLL LLLLLaLLLL LLLL LLLaLLL Conference. But this did not materialise. It was only possible to hold at Bandung. In April 1961, a conference of representatives from governmental and non-governmental organisations of Asian and African Countries. This conference was organised by the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation. Several ministers of states attended this conference. From Sri Lanka, Theja Guna Wardena, Dr. Kumari Jayawardene and lattended this conference as delegates from the AfroAsian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka.

3.49
Bandung Conference and the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisator
of the Bandung Council Sessions of the Afro-AsianPeople's Solidarity Organisation, Indonesia, April 1951.
Seated L-R.: Dr. Kumari Jayawardene, T.Durãisingarn and Mrs. Theja Gunawardena.

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350 Politics and Life in Our Times
Thereafter, preparations were made to hold the second AsianAfrican Conference of heads of states in Algiers in November 1965. However, this had to be indefinitely postponed and the Bandung Conference has not had a successor So far.
However, the non-aligned movement can rightly be called, at the official level, the direct successor to the Bandung Conference. The leaders of the non-aligned Countries have been for the past many years taking an active and leading part in the struggle for world peace and elimination of military bases.
It was at the initiative of our Prime Minister, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, that the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted, on December 16th, 1971, its historic "Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace". Sixty-nine nations voted in favour of the Declaration including the Soviet Union, none againstand fifty-five abstained, among whom were the USA, UK and France.
At the Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference held in Colombo about two years ago the then Minister of Finance. Dr. N. M. Perera, clearly stated the Sri Lanka point of view when he addressed the conference. In his leading address he said "she (USSR) has no bases in the Indian Ocean. These provocative acts would compel her to put up bases. Nobody in his senses seriously believes that the USSR intends to occupy India or any other small country from Singapore to Laos or this puny little island, Sri Lanka. We have no fear of the Soviet Union. I am entitled to ask, are they being directed against countries like India which are moving towards socialism or China which has already built a socialist society or smaller countries in the IndoChina peninsula, Burma, Malaysia, Singapore and Sri Lanka? What else is the purpose of these bases? We have not asked for their protection. Does the United States think that she is the self-appointed policeman of the world? We do not want them policing this part of the world. We are quite capable of maintaining peace and order in the Indian Ocean. It is these big powers who by their presence disturb and jeopardize the harmony and peace that now prevail".

Bandung Conference and the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation 351
The World Peace Council and the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation, in co-operation with the All India Peace and Solidarity Organisation convened an International Conference against Foreign Military Bases in the Indian Ocean and to keep the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. This Conference was held in New Delhi from November 14 to 17, 1974. The main subjects discussed at the conference were Imperialist military bases in the Indian Ocean as a threat to the sovereignty, security and independence of the littoral states; Imperialist military bases as a support to the colonialist and racist regimes in Southern Africa; the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
This international Conference was fully supported by the Indian Government and the Indian National Congress. The Foreign Minister Y. B. Chavan, the Defende Minister Swaran Sringh, the Petroleum Minister K. D. Malaviya, the Minister for Steel and Mines Chandrajit Yadav and the supplies Minister R. K. Khadilkar spoke at the sessions of the Conference. Ministers from the state assembles also actively participated in the Conference. A number of ministers of state and many leading personalities from the littoral countries of the Indian Ocean came as delegates to this international Conference.
The Indian Congress president D. K. Barooah, who presided declared that "peace in the Indian Ocean was not an issue of principles alone with India, but a matter of life and death.
"Establishment of a military base in Diego Garcia or in any part of the Indian Ocean was likely to create a situation in which all our efforts at peace would be completely frustrated" he said and announced that India was firmly opposed to conversion of the ocean into a War Zone.
Terming the establishment of Diego Garcia base as an "unprovoked aggression" on the peoples way of life in the littoral countries, Barooah said it was also a "grave threat" to the security in the region. India or any other littoral country could not take this neo-imperialist move "lying down", he added.

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An International Conference in Support of the Arab Peoples for Justice and Peace in the Middle East was organised by the World Peace Council and the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organistation and was held in Cairo on 25-28 January, 1969. Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike was one of the chief sponsors of this conference. A delegation from Sri Lanka led by Mr. T. B. Ilangaratne, the present Minister of Public Administration, Home Affairs and Trade, and is the president of the Sri Lanka Peace Council, attended this conference.
We are happy that our Prime Minister has actively participated in practically all the Non-Aligned summit conferences.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, June 12th, 1976.

Afro-Asian International Conference in Colombo
An international conference of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation is to be held in Sri Lanka at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall, Colombo, from 27th to 29th June, 1978. Among the topics to be discussed would be those on the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace and on the struggles against Apatheid and against Zionism. An Yousef El Sebaimemorial meeting will be held during the sessions of this international Conference. Over 150 delegates from about 92 Asian, Arab, African and Socialist Countries and International organisations are expected to participate at this conference.
The Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation, with its head quarters at Cairo, is a peoples' organisation having official support and recognition in most non-aligned and socialist countries. It originated and developed in the process of the struggle for peace conducted by the Asian and African peoples, within the framework of the worldwide peace movement which unites peoples of diverse political opinions and religions who belong to different classes of society, but are at one in their desire to prevent war and assure lasting peace.
The first conference of this Organisation was held in Cairo on 26th December, 1957 - 1st January, 1958. Participating at this conference were 500 representatives from 48 countries of Asia and Africa and who represented the aspirations of nearly 1500 million inhabitants of these Countries and whose forefathers Were the founders of Culture and civilization in the World and who had now been reduced in their persons, their lands and waters to mere objects of exploitation by another part of the world.
The participants denounced the scandalous exploitation, tyranny and racial segregation perpetrated by imperialists and racists; they disclosed the numbers of the patriots executed by colonialism, to what extent the treasures of the earth had been looted and the number of resistance fighters killed, humiliated and imprisoned. But at the same time, they affirmed their desire for peace and that they did not wish to fight hatred with hatred, in spite of what they had suffered under

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Polics and Life in Our Treas
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LtCuSLTTLLL GGuGGGGGGGGGOCOt LCLLCLCGGHGH GHC LLeLeLLaLHHLLLLa 355
colonialism. This is what the Afro-Asian peoples affirmed in their first meeting in Cairo at the beginning of 1958. For a continued period of twenty years they strowe and struggled, had their ordeals and their Victories, in order that they may achieve their goal of Thaking the World a better pola Ce to liwe in.
The present International Conference, organised under the auspices of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation, is hosted by its affiliate organisation, the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka. The Conference will debate and come to a decision on the definition and development of the tasks of the Afro-Asian Solidarity Movement in the present political situation, especially in respect of the following issues: The liberation movements in Southern Africa, the struggle against apartheid and racism, the Middle East Question and the Struggle of the Palestinian People for their legitimate rights, the struggle of the national Arab liberation Thovement and the Combat against Zionism, the military bases in the Indian Ocean and the struggle for transformation of the Indian Ocean into a Zone of Peace, the question of development and establishment of a New International Economic Order and equitable economic relations, the Movement of Nonalignment, its anti-imperialist content and the strengthening of the cooperation between the solidarity movement and the Non-aligned movement, the question of disarmament and detente and finally the consolidation of relations between the solidarity movement and the UN system and the Non-governmental organisations.
A meeting in commemoration of the late Youssef El Sebai, the founder Secretary General of the AAPSO will be held. He fell a martyr to the cause of the Solidarity Movement to which he devoted his whole life. He was assassinated while heading the Presidium Session of the AAPSO in Nicosia, on 18th February, 1978. During the morning of 29th June, 1978 a Consultative Regional Meeting of AAPSO on Asian Co-operation will be held.
The Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation stands side by side with all forces struggling for the freedom and dignity of man. It is committed to go forward as a major part of the World anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist front. It gives its absolute support to the militant peoples' struggle for freedom and independence and to achieve their social, economic and cultural development and progress,
Courtesy; "Tribune", Colombo, July 1st, 1978.

Page 187
International Charter of Human Rights
On December 10, 1978 the peoples of the world will celebrate the 30th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It was thirty years ago on this day, that the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed this declaration, which has become a landmark and a most important instrument in the struggle of humanity for peace, independence, justice and human dignity.
lts influence has been great, both internationally and nationally. it has inspired many important international conventions, and has made its impact on national constitutions and laws. It has been used as a code of conduct and as a yard-stick, by which respect for and compliance with international standards of human rights have been judged. The Declaration did not have the force of law at the time of its adoption, but since then it has had a powerful influence for the development of Contemporary international law.
At the time the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was proclaimed by the United Nations in 1948, it was viewed as the first step in the formulation of an international bill of human rights, that would have legal as well as moral force. Three decades after this comprehensive undertaking was launched by the United Nations, the international bill of human rights became a reality, with the entry into force by 1976, the following three important instruments:
The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; and the Optional Protocol to the latter covenant.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights had set out the basic principles of human rights, such as (a) All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights; (b) Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person; (c) No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; (d) Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression and (e) Everyone has the right to work. Generally the

International Charter of Human Rights 357
Covenant provisions reflect the rights set forth in the Declaration. But a major provision not included in the Declaration was included in the Covenants, namely, the right of all peoples to self-determination and to enjoy and utilize fully and freely their natural wealth and resources.
The Declaration, the two Covenants and the Optional Protocol are known as the International Charter of Human Rights. Among the many Conventions, inspired by the Declaration, are the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries, and the international Convention On the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination.
The Principles of the international Charter of Human Rights, give clarity and strength to humanity's struggle for peace, justice and a better life. If all governments and peoples upheld and put these principles into practice, then peace, progress and a happy life, free from fear and Want, Would be assured to every man, woman and child in this world.
Though most governments are parties to the Charter and the Covenants, not all of them follow the principles in practice. Some of the capitalist states like the United States, France, Switzerland, Australia and Israel, though parties to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, are not parties to most of the Covenants.
The Soviet Union, the other Socialist Countries and a number of other Countries are parties to the following very important covenants, whereas the United States and certain other capitalist countries, are not parties to them. These covenants are:
The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966) binds the states to ensure a wide range of economic, Social and cultural rights on their territory, including the right to work, rest, education, social maintenance, housing, the highest obtainable level of health, and participation in cultural life.
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) binds the states to ensure a wide range of civil and political rights on their territory, including the right to life, participation in the administration of the state, notably the right to elect and to be elected, equality before the law, inviolability of the person and home, and freedom of COnSCience.

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The international Covenants On the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965) binds the states to prohibit and abolish racial discrimination and ensure the equality of every person before the law, irrespective of race, colour of the skin, and national and ethnic origin. The International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (1973) binds the states to take steps to prevent the crime of apartheid and punish persons committing them.
The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948) binds the states to take steps to prevent genocide and punish persons guilty of it. The Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity (1968) binds the states to prosecute persons guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity irrespective of the time of their commission.
The Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in persons (1950) binds the states to take steps to combat prostitution.
From the fact that the Soviet Union and other Socialist Countries are parties to these important covenants, and the United States and allied Countries are not, it is clear who is for and who is against human rights. The facts prove conclusively, that the clamour in these Countries about alleged violations of human rights in the socialist countries, actually serves as a screen for their own refusal to guarantee these rights at home, and to co-operate with other countries in this field.
The ugly features of the American way of life are shown up by its undisguised disregard for human rights in the United States, by its . persecution and harassment of racial and national minorities, and by its obsession with the idea of enabling American imperialism, to retain its role of world policeman.
How does the United States implement one of the basic principles of the Declaration of Human Rights - the right to work? It has 7 to 10 million unemployed. The level of unemployment is particularly high among coloured and young US citizens. Unemployment is chronic in the United States and it evokes within the working people uncertainty in their future and brings tremendous material hardships and moral

International Charter of Human Rights 359
suffering to them. Even during its economic boom, the United States registered more than 4 million unemployed. According to recent US data 10 percent of the wealthiest American families account for 26.1 percent of the US annual monetary income, while a mere 1.7 percent falls to the share of the 10 percent of the poorest families. As a result, tens of millions of US citizens live in poverty.
One of the realities in the capitalist countries today, is the denial to millions of people of the primary and elementary right of all human rights - the right to earn with their own hands their living for themselves and their children.
Doing absolutely nothing to guarantee the rights of the American working people, and leaving intact the social order leading to violence and the violation of law, and itself based on the omnipotence of the monopolies, US Administration attempts, by means of a noisy slanderous campaign, to Cast aspersions on the genuinely popular and genuinely comprehensive socialist democracy.
A great deal of propaganda is made around a handful of traitors in the Socialist Countries, who are described as "dissidents", but who were punished on the basis of existing legislation, by no means for their way of thinking, but for their illegal activities. At the same time silence is maintained about the violation of the fundamental rights of tens of millions of working people in the capitalist countries. Problems such as the denial to millions of people of the right to work, to medical care, education and maintenance in old age, these bourgeois ideologists refuse to regard as relating to human rights in general.
On the other hand, the Soviet Union, the Socialist Countries and all progressive mankind, being aware of the importance of human rights in the struggle for peace, independence and progress, have paid close attention to the defence of human rights and to the faithful implementation of the provisions of the International Charter of Human Rights.
Colombo, December 1978.

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Against Apartheid and Collaboration with Racist Regimes
"Africans are winning one State after another - that is certainly important and necessary. But what is more important is that we have states in Africa with socialist orientation". So said S. A. Dange, Chairman of the Communist Party of India, while extending greetings on behalf of his Party at the plenary sessions of the international Conference for the Liberation of Southern Africa and Against Apartheid. He further stated that it was the advance of socialist states which had led to the collapse of colonialism, the expansion of freedom and the contraction of racism now confined to two or three states. He paidrich tributes to the glorious victories achieved in Ethiopia and Angola and described how the Chinese leaders were trying to "develop the socialist revolution in the company of American imperialism" and trading with the racist powers in the name of revolution. "What was most reprehensible" he said "was their trying to threaten even Vietnam which had defeated American imperialism in the fiercest of recent battles".
This International Conference was held at New Delhi from September 28 - October 2, 1978 and was the biggest and the most significant international event held to further the aims of the United Nations anti-apartheid year. It was also the most important world assembly so far organised in support of the Liberation movements of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia. The New Delhi Conference was organised by the World Peace Council, Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation and the All India Peace and Solidarity Organisation in cooperation with the United Nations Special Committee Against Apartheid. Representatives of political parties, peace and solidarity movements, trade unions, Women, youth, students, religious, Social and Cultural organisations from about 70 countries took part in the conference. The total number of delegates were more than 800, of whom about 600 were from different parts of India. Vivienne Goonewardene and participated at this conference as delegates from the Sri Lanka Peace Council and from the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka.

Against Apartheid and Collaboration with Racist Regimes 361
The five day International Conference was inaugurated by N. Sanjiva Reddy, President of the Republic of India. In his speech he reiterated India's "unqualified support" to liberation struggles and total identification with all nationalist movements fighting against apartheid, racism and neo-colonialism. He spoke of Mahatma Gandhi's pioneering struggle in defence of the persecuted populace of South Africa and highlighted his principles of non-violence and brotherhood of man, irrespective of colour, religion, caste and Creed. Amidst applause he said India had "condemned apartheid as not only a Crime against humanity but also as a potential threat to world peace and international security". He welcomed the prospects of early independence for both Namibia and Zimbabwe and hoped that the peoples there will prosper following self-determination.
The United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid and the United Nations Centre against Apartheid gave their full Co-operation in organising this conference and joined it as full participants. Leslie O. Harriman, Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid in his statement said that "the apartheid regime has constantly escalated repression in the vain hope of suppressing the growing resistance of the oppressed people against apartheid. It has enacted a series of obnoxious laws - such as the Unlawful Organisations Act, the Sabotage Act, the Terrorism Act and the International Security Act - which violate all principles of the rule of law. It has banned the liberation movements and many organisations opposed to apartheid. It has subjected numerous patriots to imprisonment, restrictions and brutal harassment. Resorting to systematical sophisticated torture of political detainees, it has murdered many black leaders. It has massacred peaceful black demonstrators against apartheid, including school children".
On 31st October, 1977 the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 417 (1977) demanding that the racist regime end violence and repression against the black people and other opponents of apartheid; release all persons imprisoned under arbitrary security laws and all those detained for their opposition to apartheid; cease forthwith its indiscriminate violence against peaceful demonstrators against apartheid, murders in detention and torture of political prisoners,

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and abrogate the bans on organisations and the news media opposed to apartheid. The apartheid regime has flagrantly flouted this resolution, arid has continued its crimes. Mr. Solomon Mahlangu, a young militant, has been Sentenced to death and several more political detainees have been killed. A series of trials have been instituted against hundreds of persons under the notorious Terrorism Act which provides for a minimum sentence of five years' imprisonment and a maximum sentence of death. The apartheid regime has, thereby, aggravated the explosive situation in South Africa and flung an inescapable challenge to allmen and women of conscience.
Leading figures of the national liberation movements from Southern Africa actively participated at the Conference. Front line fighters gave first hand reports about the present situation in Southern Africa. Alfred Nzo, Secretary General of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), spoke of the crucial stage the South African liberation movement had reached with growing crisis of the apartheid regime and the mounting advance of the revolutionary struggle alongside a spurt in the extreme fascist measures adopted by the minority rulers. He reaffirmed the ANC's determination to continue waging armed struggle against the current fascist Botha regime and declared that the mass political action of the South African people would grow in depth in the coming days with the expansion of the revolutionary struggle both in Scope and intensity. Mr. Nzo spoke of the heightened war psychosis in South Africa with the fabulous growth of its defence budget by almost 200 per cent over the last four years. The Botha regime was getting arms from all its traditional Western imperialist patrons along with Israel and Iran. He also called for an international campaign to save the life of young Solomon Mahlangu, a member of the ANC military wing, and demanded the release of all political prisoners. He expressed sincerest gratitude to the USSR and other socialist countries and non-aligned nations like India helping the cause of the liberation movement and roundly condemned the deeds of the Peking rulers vis-a-vis the racists.

Against Apartheid and Collaboration with Racist Regimes 363
Samuel MunOdawafa, National Chairman, Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU), said that the regime in Rhodesia was in the doldrums and the whites were running for their lives. As a result, Mr. lan Smith was resorting to barbarous tactics and daily about 50 people were being butchered. Mr. Munodawafa pointed to the fact that the revolutionary forces of Zimbabwe had achieved significant victories across the country and were presently operating inside the capital - Salisbury - an event of extraordinary importance. The resounding Successes, he said, Were traceable to the selfless aid of the Socialist Countries, in the first place the USSR, Cuba and the GDR. The impressive results of the armed struggle, he said, had forced the Smith regime to revise the so-called internal settlement, with the imposition of Martial Law and Savage repression. Shapua Kaukungua, member of the leadership of Namibia's militant organisation SWAPO, called upon the international Community for total economic sanctions against the South African rulers, especially absolute oil embargo. He also declared that the SWAPO will never participate in any election in Namibia under South African supervision.
The 800 delegates attending the conference divided themselves into three commissions discussing (a) South Africa and the Arms Race underlining the apartheid regime's threat to the security of Africa and the world, (the role of the NATO, plans to create the SEATO, and the problem of militarisation of the Indian Ocean), (b) Southern Africa and the struggle for Economic Liberation highlighting the operation of multinationals in South Africa and the apartheid regime's threat to the struggle for economic independence of Asia, Africa and Latin America, (c) violations of human rights in Southern Africa (apartheid and racism - crimes against humanity, the question of political prisoners, torture).
Alongside the Commission meetings the plenary session of the Conference was simultaneously held in order to enable the foreign delegates and representatives of various mass organisations to greet the Conference. Mrs. Vivienne Goonewardene and lactively participated in the plenary sessions and in the commissions. I was called upon to

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Against Apartheid and Collaboration with Racist Regimes 365
preside at a plenary Sessions of the International Conference. Mrs. Goonewardene Was appointed reporter to the commission of Southern Africa and the struggle for Economic Liberation. Romesh Chandra, President of the World Peace Council, in his address to the Conference said that "the Urgent need of the hour was the international mobilisation of all anti-imperialist forces, government and non-governmental organisations, against all collaboration with the racist regimes.
"The apartheid lives and Continues to exist only because of the financial and economic support of imperialism. It is vital to emphasise this fact. The imperialists were eloquent now-a-days about their supposed 'opposition' to a partheid, about their desire to ensure "majority rule' in Southern Africa. Faced by the victorious armed struggle of the liberation forces poised for their final assult, the imperialist powers, aided by their reactionary partners, desperately seek to Taintain their economic and financial interests in Southern Africa - using new methods, new Conspiracies.
"There is only one solution in South Africa, only one solution in Zimbabwe, only one Solution in Namibia. That solution is full and tota | liberation nOW".
In one of the most rousing Speeches heard at the conference, Mr. Feinglass launched a vitriotic attack on the US administration for its shameless hypocrisy in assisting the regimes of apartheid to Crush popular revolts with the Wilest forms of butchery and massacres, posting 40,000 US troops in Iran to help the Shah to survive and then shedding crocodile tears over What happened in Kat-anga. He demanded total boycott of "every Company that deals or trades with African racists", and called for all encompassing unity of the forces sighting for freedom and equality and against War. "The struggle", he declared amidst prolonged applause, "is Worldwide, When We Win at one place We Win everywhere. But when we win the struggle against apartheid, we win the World. It's worth fighting for that ".

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In the plenary sessions on the last day of the conference reports from the various commissions were adopted. On the basis of discussions had at the Conference it was decided to send messages to the General Assembly of the United Nations, to the Co-ordinating Bureau of Non-Aligned Countries, to the Organisation of African Unity and messages of solidarity, among others, with the peoples of Chile, Vietnam and the patriots of Iran. Resolutions on the Middle East, on Southern Africa and on solidarity with African front line states were also adopted.
The New Delhi Declaration adopted at the Conference declared that the peoples of the world condemn the sinister forces of imperialism and its allies, which seek to split and divide the liberation movements. The unity of the liberation movements has already resulted in resounding successes. The further cementing of that unity is the guarantee for final victory. It paid special tribute to the Front Line States of Africa - Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia - for their, steadfast solidarity with the liberation movements, despite the constant aggressive attacks by the racist regimes. It stated that the liberation movements enjoy the support of the most powerful forces in the world: of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, of the anti-imperialist non-aligned states, of the democratic and progressive forces right inside the countries ruled by imperialism and reaction, of the vast movement for peace and Solidarity.
The Conference declared its full solidarity with the liberation movements of Southern Africa at this crucial moment, when they have launched their final assault on the illegal racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury and called for the urgent total mobilisation of all anti-imperialist governments, political parties, mass Organisations, peace and Solidarity movements, all inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations for all-out support to the liberation movements and a full-scale offensive against all collaboration with the racist regimes.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, January 13th, 1979.

The Achievements of the Non-Aligned Movement
The non-aligned movement has, during its existence of 18 years, steadily consolidated the cementing of the unity and solidarity of all anti-imperialist forces - that is the non-aligned countries, the Socialist Countries, the national liberation movements and all other progressive forces. The peoples of the developing countries have realised that only such unity will defeat imperialist, neo-Colonialist and fascist conspiracies directed against them.
The concept of non-alignment began to take shape during the fifties when the international situation was poisoned by the Cold War and by the threat of a nuclear war by the imperialist powers. The newly liberated nations of Asia and Africa were brought together by the need to defend and consolidate their political independence, by the need to support national liberation struggles thus liberating all remaining areas under Colonialism and racialism, by the need to struggle for a New International Economic Order in order to reap the fruits of independence both politically and economically and, finally, by the need to struggle for international peace and security, detente, development and peaceful Co-existence irrespective of different social systems.
This movement has grown from strength to strength. Whereas 25 member countries and 3 observers attended the First Summit Conference held in Belgrade in 1961, the number of participating member Countries at the Second Summit Conference held in Cairo in 1964 rose to 47 and observers to 10. Nearly half of the independent Countries of the world were participating in the Second Non-Aligned Conference. The Fifth Summit Conference held in 1976, in Colombo, Was attended by 86 nations and national liberation movements.
The strength of the movement of non-aligned countries has been confirmed by its ability to arriveatcorrect political positions and by the increased number of countries that fall within the proper criteria for admission, criteria adopted not only with a view to increasing the number of member countries, but also to maintaining the quality of the movement as such.

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The movement of non-aligned countries has made important contributions towards changing the balance of international relations in favour of peace and progress-loving forces, and it is, undoubtedly, one of the most important phenomena in modern international relations. Because of their continuous exploitation, the non-aligned countries have a genuine hatred against imperialism. The various resolutions in different non-aligned conferences and summits speak of support to national liberation movements:
At the First Summit Conference held in Belgrade in 1961 the participants, reaffirming their support to the U.N. Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries, recommended the immediate, unconditional, total and final abolition of Colonialism and resolved to make a concerted effort to put an end to all types of neocolonialism and imperialist domination in all its forms and manifestations. At the Fourth Summit Conference held in Algiers in 1973 the participants declared that imperialism is still the greatest obstacle to the emancipation and progress of the developing Countries which are struggling to achieve levels of living Compatible with the most basic standards of well-being and human dignity. Imperialism not only hampers the economic and Social progress of developing Countries, but also adopts an aggressive attitude towards those who oppose its plans, trying to impose upon them political, Social and economic structures which encourage alien domination, dependence and neo-colonialism.
This fundamental opposition to imperialism has continued to be one of the chief characteristics of the non-aligned movement up to the present times.
False theories are being Spread by neo-Colonialism and its supporters to the effect that non-alignment means alignment with all, or a middle distance from the neo-Colonialist powers on the one hand and the socialist powers on the other hand.
The non-aligned movement should always deepen its antiimperialist and anti-pacts content that champions peace, detente, peaceful co-existence and the struggle of peoples for their national independence and social progress. We also see that the progressive content of the non-aligned movement should acquire greater

The Achievements of the Non-Aligned Movement 369
dimensions and depths since this movement should never have a centrist stand between the enemy and the friend. Therefore, the necessity of co-operation between this movement and its natural ally, the socialist community must always be underlined. Without such close co-operation and common action, it is difficult for the non-aligned movement to achieve its tasks and goals in the political, military and economic spheres. For example, it is difficult for the non-aligned movement, to which the great majority of developing countries belong, to achieve economic development, restriction of the multinationals' exploitation, successful struggle for the establishment of a new international economic order, the realisation of deep social changes in the interest of the broad masses in these Countries, without COOrdination and alliance with the Socialist Countries and the World democratic forces, which enhance the position of these states and deepen the policies and goals of the non-aligned movement.
It is difficult, without such alliance and co-ordination, to repulse imperialist machinations, and neo-colonialist methods, and to face the dangers of political setbacks and reverses, many of which we have seen in the recent years.
On detente and disarmament as well as on questions of peace and development, the socialist community and the non-aligned Countries have Common interests.
THE AIMS OF THE SOCIALIST COMMUNITY AND THENON-ALIGNED
MOVEMENT ARE PARALLEL
It was the Soviet Union and its people who bore the main brunt of the last World War and it was the enormous efforts and sacrifices of the Soviet Union and its people which was the deciding factor in the defeat of fascism. Further, the Soviet Union and the Socialist community have been the steadfast champions of the cause of world peace and understanding among all nations. It is in a great measure due to their efforts and the implementation of their peace objectives that we have avoided a world War for over thirty years and have achieved relaxation of international tension, detente and the success of the Helsinki Summit. Helsinki showed that it is possible to

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attain similar understanding in other parts of the world. Detente should be made irreversible and for this it is essential to follow it up by disarmament and thus release huge sums of money, now spent on destructive arms, for the upliftment of millions of people who are now suffering from hunger and starvation throughout the World and especially in the developing countries.
Most of the peoples in the non-aligned countries are illnourished and many are starving. Many are unemployed and those who have jobs, work at low wages. The peoples of these countries are aware that if they are to advance economically and achieve social progress, it can be done only in a peaceful world, free from fears of war and nuclear weapons. Detente has brought many gains to the developing nations and has helped them in their struggle for a new World economic Order.
Thus the interests and aims of the socialist Community and the non-aligned countries are not opposed to each other but run parallel.
THE 6TH CONFERENCE TO BE HELD AT HAVANA.
Cuba has helped other non-aligned countries in their struggle against imperialism and neo-Colonialism. It has supported Ethiopia and Angola with volunteers and arms to resist and overcome the conspiracies and armed aggression of imperialism, Colonialism and racism.
The choice of the Republic of Cuba as host for the 6th Summit Conference of the Movement of Non-aligned Countries is most fitting at this stage of the development of the movement. This implies not only a show of the Movement's solidarity with the first socialist state in the western hemisphere, but is also an expression of the bankruptcy of the policy of diplomatic isolation and economic and commercial blockade to which this young-socialist Republic has been subjected.
Colombo, June, 1979.

Abdul Aziz - Consistent Fighter for Afro-Asian Solidarity
The impetus towards the idea of Afro-Asian Solidarity came as a result of Sociological, psychological and Cultural developments In Our Countries, which led the Afro-Asian peoples to become aware of the fact that each country was not alone in being exploited in this World. That there were other peoples undergoing the same sufferings and being enslaved by the same exploiters. That their solidarity will ultimately lead them to face colonialism with self-confidence and Courage, and to break away from the colonial yoke and to achieve independence and freedom.
The victory of the October Socialist Revolution in 1917, marked the beginning of the crisis of the colonial system. The peoples of the East saw their neighbours, the nationalities of the Asian part of Russia, gaining after the revolution in strength and might, and acquiring equal rights with the other peoples of Russia. This was an example for the peoples of Asia and the national liberation movement experienced an unprecedented upsurge in India, China, Indonesia, Turkey, Iran, Korea, Syria and other countries of Asia.
The defeat of fascism in 1945 by the Soviet Union and other democratic forces of the world, hastened the collapse of colonialism, first in Asia and thereafter in Africa. However, the independent
Countries soon learnt that though imperialism was forced to give up naked forms of colonialism, yet it continued its exploitation, by adopting concealed forms of colonialism called neo-colonialism.
Imperialist capital is able to subordinate and exploit independent Countries as well as former colonies, pillaging them without military occupation, through the mechanism of the world market and of the 80 Called "economic aid".

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Abd // Aziz — Corsisfer Ft Fighter for Afro-Asia, 7 Solidarity 373
These Countries had obtained independence as national units and now they saw the need for a united front to promote their common strLuggle. The historic Bandung Conference Was held in April 1955 on a governmental level, bringing together sovereign states from Asia and Africa, with Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers participating in the Conference.
However, at this stage the need was felt for a solidarity organisation on the peoples level also, to complete the liberation of the countries in these two continents. Thus by the end of 1947 came into being the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation. The ideas and objectives of this organisation was given in the closing speech at the final session of the first Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Conference held in Cairo. The leader of the Indian delegation, Mrs. Rameshwari Nehru, in her closing speech said: "We have together given a pledge not to rest, till all of us are completely liberated. The Will of the people is the ultimate force which harnessed to just good causes is ever victorious. have no doubt that the united voice of 1,700 million people represented at this conference will not and cannot be ignored".
I have heard it said that brother Aziz, as a student leader, had played an important part in the Indian independencestruggle. I, however, personally Cartle to know him in the early 1940s. I had the priviledge of Working closely with him in several organisations, especially in the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union and in the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association Of Sri Lanka.
The Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union was established in 1942, during the Second World War, and brother Aziz was a founder member of this organisation and he took an active part in all its activities. The airTIS and objects of this organisation was to enlighter the public regarding (a) the condition of life and the work of reconstruction in the U.S.S.R.; (b) the Cause, character, progress and results of the then raging War against the Soviet Union; and (c) to give as direct and practical aid as possible to the Soviet peoples in their fight against Fascism and Reaction.

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After the war, a new friendship organisation was formed called the Lanka-Soviet Friendship League. Brother Aziz was a founder member of this organisation too and actively participated in its activities. All these years he has been a true friend of the Soviet Union and has consistently supported it, even when it had to face various problems and adverse Criticism from hostile Sources.
Brother Aziz has also been an active member of the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka since its inception in 1957. He has been elected and re-elected as the Secretary General of this organisation. He continues to be our ever active Secretary General for the past two decades and more.
In consideration of his valuable Services to the Afro-Asian Solidarity movement, brother Aziz was unanimously elected a VicePresident of the parent organisation, the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation. This election took place at the Solidarity Conference held in 1981 at Aden, where participated with him as a delegate from Sri Lanka. He continues as a Vice-President of this Organisation and actively participates in its activities.
Perhaps, our Afro-Asian Solidarity Association is the only political association in Sri Lanka which has, in its effective membership, leading politicians from all the recognized political parties. This, in greatmeasure, is made possible by the guidance, and direction given by brother Aziz to the association, and also to his personal charm and tact with which he handles difficult problems that sometimes arise at meetings, with members holding different points of view.
I wish brother Aziz many more years of active life, so that he may continue to give his invaluable services to our Country and to the Afro-Asian Solidarity Movement.
Colombo, November 27th, 1986.

Nelson Mandela and the Illumination of Dark Africa
The history of all great civilizations show that the growth of a civilization has been in proportion to its ability to develop its script and literature. On the other hand a conquering power or race, in its attempt to subdue another power or race, has knowingly or unknowingly, struck at the script and literature of the latter. The starting point of civilization is usually associated with one primary invention, namely Writing.
For thousands of years, it would have been possible to distinguish the main racial divisions of mankind as we know them today. In early historic times, the black Negroid peoples had their main range in the forests of tropical Africa, the Caucasoid or white races inhabited a vast territory from North Africa and Europe through western Asia to India and Sri Lanka, and the Mangoloid peoples, the yellows, spread over the whole of Asia east of the Caucosoid range. But each of these three great divisions includes a number of different types, and outside them are many smaller ethnic groups that cannot be fitted into any of the three. There are different opinions as to the relationships of the numerous varieties of the human race. The Caucasoid division is made up of two main branches - the Nordic or Aryan, and the Brunet or Heliolithic branches. The Dravidians come under the latter group.
MINGLING OF RACES
it must be noted, that human races can all interbreed freely, and that they have in the past and they do in the present constantly separate, mingle and reunite. Human races do not branch out like trees from cut branches that never come together again. It is a thing that we must bear constantly in mind, this mingling and remingling of races at every opportunity. We shall be saved from many disastrous delusions and prejudices if we do so. People will use such a Word as race in the loosest manner, and base the most preposterous generalizations upon it. They will speak of a "British' race or a 'European' race. But nearly all the European nations are confused mixtures of racial elements.

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BURNING OF JAFFNA PUBLIC LIBRARY
Similarly, there are no pure Sinhalese and again as a race there are no pure Tamils. They are all of mixed blood. The grouping of people under a racial name has its good aspects, and it also has its bad aspects. Among the good aspects may be mentioned the development of the language, Culture and Social Welfare of that group, as developed during a period of time. However, misguided men or selfish men can abuse the group spirit of a race, and arouse it to damage the person, property and culture of another racial group. This is what happened during the long rule of the last U. N. P. government. Thousands of Tamil men, Women and children were killed, maimed and manhandled, with their properties destroyed or damaged, and the Sinhalese leaders and their supporters justifying their crime with self satisfaction. In addition to damage to persons and property, they attempted to destroy the ancient Culture of the Jaffna Tamils. They burnt down, in 1981, the Jaffna Public Library building, with thousands and thousands of books in Tamil and other languages, including rare books not available anywhere else in the World.
LEGAL SHAPE TO APARTHEID
The bad aspects of grouping people had been given legal shape in South Africa under the term Apartheid. I give here the brief history of the term Apartheid. In the white general election of 1948 held in South Africa, the ruling United Party, led by General Smuts, opposed the revived National Party. While Smuts had, in the Second World War, enlisted South Africa on the side of the Allies (Britain, France, Soviet Union, etc.), the National Party refused to support Great Britain and publicly sympathised with Nazi Germany. The Nationalists, led by Dr. Daniel Malan, a former minister of the Dutch Reformed Church, were a party animated by bitterness - bitterness towards the English, who had treated them as inferiors for decades, and bitterness towards the African, who the Nationalists believed was threatening the prosperity and purity of Africaner culture. Africans had no loyalty to General Smuts, but had even less for the National Party.

Nelson Mandela and the Illumination of Dark Africa 377
Malan's platform was known as apartheid. Apartheid was a new term but an old idea. It literally means 'apartness', and it represented the codification in one oppressive system of all the laws and regulations that had kept Africans in an inferior position to whites for centuries. What had been more or less de facto was to become relentlessly de jure. The often haphazard segregation of the previous three hundred years was to be consolidated into a monolithic system that was diabolic in its detail, inescapable in its reach and overwhelming in its power. The premise of apartheid was that whites were superior to Africans, Coloureds, that is persons of mixed brown and white or black and white descent, and Indians, and the function of it was to entrench White supremacy for ever. As the Nationalists put it, "The white man must always remain boss'. Their platform rested on the term: baaskap, literally 'boss-ship', a loaded word that stood for white supremacy in all its harshness. The policy was supported by the Dutch Reformed Church, which furnished apartheid with its religious underpinnings by suggesting that Africaners were God's chosen people and that blacks were a subservient species. In the Africaner's world view, apartheid and the Church Went hand in hand.
NATIONALIST PARTY'S VICTORY
With the Nationalist Party's victory in the white general election of 1948, Malan began to implement his pernicious programme. Within weeks of coming to power, the Nationalist government pardoned Robey Leibbrant, the wartime traitor who had organised uprisings in support of Nazi Germany. The government announced their intention to curb the trade union movement and do away with the limited franchises of the Indian, Coloured and African peoples. The Separate Representation of Voters Bill eventually robbed the Coloureds of their representation in Parliament. The Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act was introduced in 1949 and was followed in rapid succession by the Immorality Act, making sexual relations between white and non-white illegal. The Population and Registration Act labelled all South Africans by race, making colour the single most important arbiter of an individual.

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THE CORNERSTONES OF APARTHEID
TWO a WS passed in 1950 formed the cornerstones of apartheid: the Population Registration Act and the Group Areas Act. The Population Registration Act and the Group Areas Act authorised the government officially to classify all South Africans according to race. The arbitrary and meaningless tests to decide black front coloured Or Coloured from White, often resulted in tragic cases where members of the same family Were classified differently, all depending on Whether one child had a lighter or darker complexion. Where one was allowed to live and Work could rest on such absurd distinctions as the curl of One's hair or the size of one's lips. A person will be designated an Indian, even though he, his parents and grandparents were born in South Africa, if his ancestors came from India. The Group Areas Act Was the foundation of residential apartheid. Under its regulations, each racial group Could own land, occupy premises and trade only in its OWn Separate area. Indians Could henceforth only live in Indian areas, Africans in Africans, Coloureds in Coloured. If Whites wanted the land Or houses of another group, they could simply declare the land a white area and take it. The Group Areas Act initiated the era of forced removals, when African communities, towns and villages in newly designated "white" urban areas were wiolently relocated because the nearby white landowners did not want Africans living near them or simply wanted their land.
The following year, the government passed two more laws that directly attacked the rights of Coloureds and Africans. The Separate Representation of Woters Act aimed to transfer Coloureds to a separate voters' roll in the Cape, thereby diluting the franchise rights that they had enjoyed for more than a century. The Bantu Authorities Act abolished the Natives' Representative Council, the One indirect forum of national representation for Africans. Both laws epitomised the characteristic spirit of the Nationalist government, which pretended to preserve what they were attempting to destroy, Laws stripping people of their rights, were inevitably described as laws restoring those rights.

LLLL ELtLLLLLLLLO OMH OO TGHGGCaLC LL LTOLL LLTLLLLL 379
On the Brink of a Wolcano
The author of this book standing with Dr. Kumari Jayawardena, on the Erik of a crator of the volcano, with boiling and bubbligawa at the pit of the Crater, Dense clouds of vapour are seen here bolching forth from the Crater of this volcao in Java, Indonesia. This photo was taker. Wher these Sri Lankan delegates were on their way to attend an Afro-Asian International Conference held ir April 1951 in BadLing, Jawi.

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MAHATMA GANDH'S PASSIVE RESISTANCE
The Coloured people rallied against the Separate Representation of Voters Act, organising a tremendous demonstration in Cape Town in March 1951 and a strike in April that kept shops closed and School children at home. It was the Success of this demonstration and strike that led to Nelson Mandela and co-activists to outline a plan under which selected volunteers from all groups would deliberately invite imprisonment by volunteers defying certain laws. This was in keeping with Mahatma Gandhi's line of mass action and non-violent protests in India and his 1946 passive resistance campaign. It was in South Africa, where Gandhi was practising as a lawyer in his early years, that in 1913 he held a passive resistance procession of Indians Crossing illegally from Natal to the Transvaal.
At the annual conference of the African National Congress held in 1951, the organisation adopted its Youth League's Programme of Action, which called for boycotts, strikes, stay-at-homes, passive resistance, protest demonstrations and other forms of mass action. In keeping with this decision, a mass action, namely the Defiance Campaign, was decided upon. All across the Country, those who defied On 26th June, did so with courage, enthusiasm and a Sense of history. The campaign began in the early morning hours in Port Elizabeth, where thirty three defiers, entered a railway station through a Whites Only entrance and were arrested. On the first day of the Defiance Campaign more than 250 volunteers around the country, violated various unjust laws and were imprisoned. It was an auspicious beginning. Over the next five months, 8,500 people took part in the campaign. Doctors, factory workers, lawyers, teachers, students, ministers, defied and went to jail. They sang as described in the book by Nelson Mandela entitled "Long Walk to Freedom", "Hey, Malan Open the jail doors. We want to enter'. The campaign spread throughout the Witswaterstrand, to Durban and to Port Elizabeth, East London and Cape Town, and smallertowns in the eastern and western Cape. Resistance was beginning to percolate even in the rural areas.

Nelson Mandela and the Illumination of Dark Africa 381
The government tried a number of underhand means and also brought in further repressive laws to suppress the Campaign. It saw the Campaign as a threat to its security and its policy of apartheid. They regarded civil disobedience not as a form of protest but as a Crime, and were perturbed by the growing partnership between Africans and Indians. Apartheid was designed to divide racial groups and the prospect of a united front between Africans and Indians, between moderates and radicals, greatly worried them. The Nationalists insisted that the campaign was instigated and led by communist agitators. The minister of justice announced that he would soon pass legislation to deal with this defiance, a threat he implemented during the 1951 parliamentary sessions with the passage of the Public Safety Act, which empowered the government to declare martial law and to detain people without trial, and the Criminal Laws Amendment Act, which authorised corporal punishment for defiers. In spite of the hardships caused by the implementation of these repressive laws, the Defiance Campaign was carried on for a period of six months, without a single act of violence on the part of the defiers. Further, there was a significant achievement - from the Defiance Campaign onward, going to prison became a badge of honour among Africans.
CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE
The next stage in the African freedom struggle, against White tyrannical rule, was the Congress of the People - a convention uniting all the oppressed and all the progressive forces of South Africa to make a clarion call for change. The Congress of the People took place at Kliptown, a few miles southwest of Johannesburg,On 25 and 26 June, 1955. The notices calling for suggestions sometime before the Congress said:"We call the people of South Africa, Black and White - let us speak together of Freedom - Let the voices of all the people be heard. And let the demands be gathered together in a great charter of freedom". The call had a tremendous response. Suggestions came in from sports and Cultural clubs, church groups, ratepayers' associations, Women's organizations, schools and trade union branches. The most commonly cited demand was for one-man-one-vote. There was a recognition that the country belongs to all those who made it their home.

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More than three thousand delegates braved police intimidation to assemble and approve the final document. They came by car, bus, truck and foot. Although the overwhelming number of delegates were Black, there were more than three hundred Indians, two hundred Coloureds and one hundred Whites. Like other enduring political documents, such as the American Declaration of Independence, the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Communist Manifesto, the Freedom Charter is a mixture of practical goals and poetic language, It extols the abolition of racial discrimination and the achievement of equal rights for all. It Welcomes all who embrace freedom to participate in the making of a democratic, non-racial South Africa. It captured the hopes and dreams of the people and acted as a blueprint for the liberation struggle and the future of the nation. I give below the main points in the preamble and in the text of the Freedom Charter,
THE FREEDOM CHARTER
The gist of the preamble was: We, the people of South Africa, black and white, together - equals, Countrymen and brothers - adopt this Freedom Charter. And we pledge ourselvestostrive together, sparing nothing of our strength and courage, until the democratic changes here Set out ha We been WOII.
The main points in the text of the Freedom Charter were: 1. The people shall govern. 2. All national groups shall| hawe equal rights. 3. The people shall share in the country's wealth.
4. The land shall be shared among those who work it.
The charter was a revolutionary document, precisely because the changes it envisioned could not be achieved without radically altering the economic and political structure of South Africa. It was not meant to be capitalist or socialist but a melding together of the people's demands to end the oppression. In South Africa, merely to achieve fairness, one had to destroy apartheid itself for it was the very embodiment of injustice.

LLLTLlL LtttLLK GGGMH HCO LLLLLaLLLHLH LLL CCOLLL LLLLLL
■
Nelson Mandela and his former Wife Winnie on their wedding day,
He married again when he was 80 years old.

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At the Congress sessions, the Charter was read aloud, section by section, to the people in English, Sesotho and Xhosa. All the sections of the charter were approved. But before the sessions ended, a brigade of police and Special Branch detectives brandishingsten guns swarmed on to the platform. One of the police took the microphone and announced that treason was suspected and that no one was to leave the gathering without police permission. The police began pushing people off the platform and confiscating documents and photographs. Another group of constables armed with rifles formed a cordon round the crowd. Though the Congress of the People had been broken up, the charter itself became a great beacon for the liberation struggle.
GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY
The liberation struggle had to go on formany more years before the South Africans could achieve their goal. On 27th April, 1994, the first one person one vote election in South Africa's history was held. Here at last Nelson Mandela and all his people were truly free. The African National Congress won a convincing victory. Under the Government of National Unity, Nelson Mandela became the first fully home grown President of South Africa. F. W. de Klerk, the leader of the white-dominated National Party, became the Vice President. The unity of the black and white people is essential and is the best way for the prosperity of the country. Unfortunately, there are murmurings of dissent in the Government of National Unity. It is reported that the National Party has decided to withdraw from the Government. We hope that they would soon smoothen out their differences, and that South Africa will become a peaceful, united and prosperous country.
From Sri Lanka, a high powered Government delegation went to South Africa in early June 1996. The delegation went in an Air Lanka plane, commencing a regular service to and from there. Trade and diplomatic relations between the two countries are to be entered into soon, with benefit to both countries. South Africa has already entered into Such relations with China and other Countries. With all its natural resources, it will soon become one of the leading countries of the world.
Colombo, 1st August, 1996.

AAPSO - XIV Council Session MOSCOW 1986
Mr. Chairman, Friends and Comrades,
I am very happy to participate at this Special Meeting devoted to the 25th anniversary of the Non-Aligned Movement and bring you greetings from the people of Sri Lanka and the members of the AfroAsian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka.
The Non-Aligned movement's contribution towards the struggle for the achievement of world peace, national independence for all peoples, and for the elimination of imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism, has been very great indeed. It has also constantly been fighting for disarmament and for the creation of an atmosphere of security for all peoples.
The Non-Aligned countries from the time they started functioning as a movement have worked for the reduction of international tensions, . for the elimination of military bases and for world peace. The Nonaligned movement drew its inspiration from the Bandung historic principles. The ten principles adopted by the Bandung Conference of April 1955, has from the inception of the Non-Aligned movement to this day been the basis it advocated on international relations. They were fully convinced that if these ten principles were accepted, the present World tension would definitely relax and the deadly fear of annihilation that now grips the hearts of millions, can be lifted and that the foundations of peace cannot be established until this tension is dissipated.
The Bandung Conference was an important land mark and has given inspiration to nations and peoples of the world. The ten point declaration to promote World peace and co-operation adopted at this Conference and which was based on the Panchaseela principles has been used as the basis for the declarations and the aims and objects of organisations for the promotion of peace and Co-operation.

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IN THE YEAR 1932
The author of this book was an undergraduate at the University College, Colomba, Ceylon
7. Duvaisingar 77
At that time some of his fellow undergraduates were M. Srikantha, Osmund de Silva, S. Thambidurai, C. Wanniyasingam, W. Sittampala T, N. R. Rajavarothayam, A. M. A. Azeez and fellow LLLLTaLLLaLLLL LLLLCLCL LaLLLLL LLLLCLmLLLLLLLLCS aLLLLC LLLSSS S LLLLLLLLS Anula Ehelaola and Grace SLibra nania m.
LLLLLL CLLLLLL LLLLmLLLLLLL LLLL tL LaL LaLaLLLLLS aLLLLLLLaaLLLLLLLS Colombo. Prof. C. Suntharalingam was then the Warden of the Ւ1ԼյSle|
 

AAPSC) – X/W COLICił SesSiOF MOSCOW 1986 387
However, the World situation which existed then has now, two decades later, changed for the Worse. Peace and Security are seriously threatened. Like other peoples of the region, We the people of Sri Lanka want the Indian Ocean to be a zone of peace, The US government and its allies, as part of their global shift to a new era of cold war and armed confrontations, are militarising the Indian Ocean in a big way. They are rapidly turning this ocean into a zone of military bases, of vastly expanded navies, and of the Rapid Deployment Force.
The initiative to Work out measures to curb military activity in the Indian Ocean basin was taken by Sri Lanka, which way back in 1964, at the second Conference of the Non-Aligned countries in Cairo Thowed a proposal to turn the Indian Ocean into a non-nuclear Zone, This idea was, in principal, approwed by the Conference participants.
At the third conference of Non-Aligned countries in Lusaka in 1970, Sri Lanka again proposed that the Indian Ocean be declared as a Zone of peace and received all-round support.
The same year, the 26th session of the UN General Assembly adopted the resolution proposed by Sri Lanka with the support of a large group of Fittoral states, declaring the Indian Oceanazone of peace, The resolution pointed out that warships and military aircraft should not use the Indian Ocean for any threat or use of force against the states in the area. The resolution urged the Indian Ocean states, the great powers and other major maritime users of the Indian Ocean to enter into consultations so as to implement the Declaration for turning the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace.
Ever since, the question of declaring the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, has been considered at every regular session of the UN General Assembly.
Although 15 years have passed since the unanimous adoption by the UN of the resolution on making the Indian Ocean a peace zone, the USA has systematically sabotaged every effort to give effect to this decision. Moreover it has undertaken apolicy of massive militarisation of the Indian Ocean, which includes augmenting its bases and fleets in the area, stationing of the Rapid Deployment Force, arming of Pakistan, and aggressive actions against Afghanistan and Iran,

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With the beginning of this decade the US and its allies are perpetrating a multipronged and all out offensive against the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Their money, Weapons and neo-globalism have become a menace and threat to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Afro-Asian and Latin American countries which refuse to accept the diktat of imperialism.
The US aligns with the worst reactionaries who have been discarded by their peoples and against whom hundreds and thousands of peoples are fighting. The US and its allies adopt threats, intimidation, blockade, blackmail and direct aggression in violation of all international law.
Imperialism in the interests of monopoly capital and transnational corporations have vested interests in the arms race, in exploiting the natural resources and cheap manpower of the developing countries.
Sri Lanka, which was standing in the forefront of the antiimperialist, anti-colonial and progressive movements, is now in great financial difficulties because of its debt burdens to the IMF and the
World Bank.
We are fighting against this in our country, as are all peoples throughout the world. We are fighting for a peaceful, prosperous free world, without the threat of nuclear annihilation.
Thank you.
(Speech made by the author of this book at the special meeting devoted to the 25th Anniversary of the Non-Aligned Movement, 1986.)

Meeting of Asian Solidarity Committees
The Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka sent Mr. T. Duraisingam to Kabul, as its delegate to the Asian regional consultative meeting of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation. On his return from Afghanistan, he gave this report to the Solidarity Association, on the three day regional meeting and on his visit to that country.)
An Asian regional consultative meeting of the Afro-Asian Peoples's Solidarity Organisation (AAPSO) was held at the intercontinental Hotel in Kabul, Afghanistan, from 17th to 19th April, 1984, in preparation for the sixth congress of the AAPSO which was held in Algeria from May 26th to 31st, 1984. Representatives from the national organisations of thirteen countries, including those from Nepal, Bangladesh, India, Philippines and Sri Lanka participated at the three days sessions of this meeting. The individual national organisations affiliated to the AAPSO, whose headquarters is at Cairo, had its meetings in its own country to make preparations for the 6th congress of the AAPSO and to brief their delegrates who were to attend the Congress. In our country, the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka held, for the above purpose, a well attended meeting at the BMICH hall, on 4th May, 1984, on the theme "The Strategy of Neo-Colonialist Offensive to destabilise the Countries of the Third World".
At the meeting of the Asian Solidarity Committees, held at Kabul, the matters discussed came under the following heads: (a) The Security of Asia; (b) The political issues concerning the Asian countries; (c) The situation prevailing around the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan; (d) The conflict between Iran and Iraq; (e) The normalisation of relations between Indo-China and the ASSOCiation of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries; (f) Transforming Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, (g) Preventing militarism in the Pacific; (h) Supporting the proposals of the Asian countries to transform Asia into a zone of durable peace; () Condemning the attempts of the imperialist countries to meddle in the internal affairs of the Asian countries; (j) To enhance solidarity with the progressive forces of Asia.

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Several reports were given at the inaugural sessions including a report on the consultative meeting between the Vice-Presidents and representatives of the Permanant Secretariat, a report on activities of the Permanent Secretariat and a report of the Algerian Preparatory Committee.
The opening session was inaugurated by Anahita Ratebzad, the Chairman of the Peace, Friendship and Solidarity Organisation of Afghanistan and Vice-President of AAPSO. She is a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the ruling party, the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). Speaking at the session she said: "This session begins at a time when the international situation, as a result of the anti-peace militaristic policy of imperialism, the US imperialism at the head, becomes more complicated, at the universal level in general and in the Asian continent in particular, and remains as a source of concern to all peace-loving forces in this continent.
"The United States of America by declaring various regions of the Asian continent as her zones of "vital interests" is trying hard to recover the positions that have been lost by them due to the victories Scored by national liberation movements, and to overthrow progressive and revolutionary regimes of the continent and chain the whole area with a massive network of military bases".
Referring to the American military presence in the Indian Ocean, Anahita Ratebzad said: "American military presence in the Indian Ocean has not only led to an ever heightening concern of the littoral countries, but also poses an actual threat to global peace.
"For more than one decade, countries in the Indian Ocean region are involved in a Common effort to declare the region as a Zone of peace. But, the United States of America has been hindering the realization of this serious question of the littoral countries".
was one of the delegates called upon to speak at the inaugural session. In my speech I referred to the increasing neo-colonialist penetration of the imperialist powers in Sri Lanka and the consistant struggle of the progressive sections of our people to resist it. I also referred to the initiatives taken in 1964 by Sri Lanka, at the second Conference of the Non-Aligned countries in Cairo, to turn the Indian Ocean into a non-nuclear zone, and since then the initiatives taken by her towards making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace.

Meeting of Asian Solidarity Committees 391
The speakers who participated in the inaugural session, expressed confidence that the victory of the April Revolution of 1978 brought great Welfare and prosperity to the Afghan people. These Successes were achieved with the support of the socialist Countries and all progressive and democrative forces of the world headed by the Soviet Union.
The speakers also condemned the US intervention in the internal affairs of Afghanistan under the pretext of the so-called preservation of the vital interests of world imperialism headed by US imperialism. They also expressed their firm confidence that the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan will overcome all the existing obstacles and that all the plots of imperialism will be doomed to failure.
The communique issued by the Solidarity Committees of Asia at the end of their three day meeting stated that "the participants were of the unanimous view that the Reagan administration has aggravated the tension all over the World and is persuing a policy of intervention, pressure, blackmail and destabilisation in Asia. The growing militarisation of the Indian Ocean and the Gulf, the linkage of the ocean strategy with the Pacific region pose a grave threat to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the countries of Asia. The revival of militarisation in Japan and the Washington-Tokyo-Seoul military alliance and the deployment of varieties of nuclear weapons in the Far East as an extension of the strategy of deploying Pershing land Cruise missiles in Europe have furthur perpetuated the crisis.
The communique also stated that "the participants decided to intensify their activities on the national level, to mobilize public opinion in the individual countries against the machinations of US imperialism, transnational corporations and neo-colonialist forces".
The meeting terminated with a resolution expressing deep-felt gratitude to the people, the government and especially to the Peace, Solidarity and Friendship Organisation of Afghanistan for their warm hospitality and invaluable co-operation to ensure the success of the meeting.

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Thereafter the delegates went to meet Babrak Karmal, General Secretary of the CC PDPA and President of the Revolutionary Council of the DRA. He spent about an hour with us explaining the situation in Afghanistan. . He answered our questions and made all matters connected with the April Revolution clear to us. In answer to a question regarding the presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan, he said: "The Soviet Union was the first country to recognise the independence of Afghanistan and to provide and is still providing it with disinterested assistance.
"Concerning the limited contingents of the Soviet Union, we explicitly declare that as long as all those causes and factors which resulted in the invitation of the limited military contingents of the Soviet Union into Afghanistan are not completely eliminated, and as long as the national independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country is not guaranteed, the limited military contingents will remain in Afghanistan.
"Whenever this guarantee is obtained, the courageous, peaceloving and internationalist soldiers of the USSR, the true friends of Afghanistan, will return to their country. Our word has been repeatedly declared through the tribune of the UNO, Geneva Conference and in Afghanistan itself".
Some friends from Sri Lanka and India, who are employed in Kabul, came to see me with their families. They told me that they had no difficulty whatsoever in obtaining their provisions or the other things they needed. They felt quite safe and moved about freely in Kabul and the adjoining areas. The activities of the counter-revolutionaries were now mainly confined to the border regions with Pakistan and China.
was present at a well attended Muslim religious meeting. ACComodated in the platform were religious dignitaries of the Muslim faith belonging to different sects. Religious sermons were delivered and these were translated to me. From their speeches found that the State paid respect to the sacred religion of Islam and the good traditions of tribes, nationalities and clans, and that it is making efforts for raising the living standards of the people and that it enjoys the support of the majority of the people.

Meeting of Asian Solidarity Committees 393
In addition to providing all facilities to ensure the success of the meeting, the organisers made arrangements to take us to places of interest in and around Kabul. One of the sights that interested me most was Babur's Gardens which was laid out by Babur, the founder of the Moghul Dynasty. Here there is also a commemorative mosque by Emperor Shah Jahan.
A reception was given to the delegates by AbdulWali Abdiani, the Mayor of Kabul City, at the summer pavilion situated in this garden. Among those present for the reception was Gul Dad, the DeputyChairman of the Council of Ministers of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Just before the reception, Gul Dad and the Mayor took us round the garden. Among the monuments they pointed out to us, was the tomb of Babur. They told us that Babur, who was a khan or chieftain from that region, established the Moghul dynasty. Though he died in Agra, his body was burried in his native place, Kabul, according to his last wish, which was fulfilled by his Afghan wife, Bibi Mobaraka.
The tomb of Barbur reminded me of the lessons of history - of the rise and fall of empires. Kabul Babur advanced from Central Asia into India and took Delhi, Agra and other places. He set up his empire in 1526, which came to be known as the Moghul Empire, with Agra being his capital. He did not live long thereafter. He died in 1530, but the Moghul Empire that he established was the largest, most advanced and centralised state of mediaeval India. Thereafter the Empire had varying fortunes but lasted till 1835, when India came under British rule. To consolidate their colonial system in India, the British Colonialists Considered that Afghanistan, due to its geographical situation, should be in their occupation. They claimed that this country came within the sphere of British interests and in 1838, to protect these interests, a British force entered it. Kabul was occupied and the British not only plundered the economic resources of the country but also wanted to use it as a strategic field for the realisation of their colonial programmes in the Eastern countries.
The Afghans resisted these intrusions. They massacred the British forces and the first Anglo-Afghan war broke out in 1839 and lasted till 1842. The war ended with a thorough defeat for England. The second Anglo-Afghan war was the continuation of the first war after

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the elapse of 35 years of truce. The cause of this war was the same, the "Forward policy of British Colonialism in Central Asia". In this war which broke out in 1878, the British were able to impose on the Afghans, in 1879, the Treaty of Gandomak, whereby Afghanistan lost its political independence and became a semi-colony of England.
The armed national uprising of Afghanistan's people, in the year 1919, which resulted in the expulsion of colonialism, was the third war of the people of Afghanistan against the sanguinary domination of Britain. The Emir, Ammanullah Khan, who came into power in 1919, opposed Britain's attempts to retain her domination over Afghanistan. But Britain's intrigues and conspiracies to maintain her political and economic hold in this region, continued well into the 1940s, until she lost most of her colonies and was no longer a world imperial power. Thereafter the United States has Stepped into the shoes of Britain and employs any and every means to destabilize and dominate this region with its claim of "a zone of Vital interest".
In contrast to the actions of the imperialist powers, the newly established Soviet State, after the victory of the October Revolution in 1917, became a great inspiring and supporting force to the anticolonial freedom movements of the peoples in the East. It issued a declaration addressed to all toiling peoples of Russia and the East, stating that "all the agreements and treaties of Tzarist Russia and the imperialist states concerning the distribution of the lands of eastern countries are cancelled, and after this the eastern peoples should themselves determine their destinies directly".
This declaration applied also to the agreement which was signed in 1907, on behalf of their respective Governments, by Arthur Nicols, Ambassador of Great Britain in Tzarist Russia, and by Alexandre Azoski, Foreign Minister of the Tzar. According to this agreement, Afghanistan becomes part of an area under British influence and ran was to be divided into an area of influence of Britain and Tzarist Russia. The Soviet declaration made this agreement null and void.

Meeting of Asian Solidarity Committees 395
The Soviet State recognised Afghanistan's independence and national sovereignty on the 27th of March, 1919, and she was the first state to do so. A treaty was signed on February 28, 1921, by both Countries and the treaty's preamble says that it was "aimed at strengthening the friendly relations between Russia and Afghanistan and at safeguarding Afghanistan's true independence". It was the first editable treaty Afghanistan had ever signed with any great power. The two parties recognised each other's independence, agreed to establish normal diplomatic relations, and undertook "not to enter into any military or political agreement with a third power which would be damaging to either of the Contracting Parties". Ever since, the Soviet Union has been a friendly and helpful neighbour to Afghanistan.
On 27th April, 1978, the April Revolution, which took place with the aim and desire of building a new society, of securing the welfare and prosperity of the toiling masses and of taking an anti-imperialist path, won its victory under the leadership of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan. Noor Mohamed Taraki, Secretary General of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and President of the Revolutionary Council became the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
The Soviet Union was the first nation that extended its recognition to the new government, expressing its profound and allsided support to the April Revolution. Soon thereafter, the Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Good Neighbourliness between Afghanistan and the USSR was entered into on 5th December, 1978.
But the response to the April Revolution was entirely different from the reactionary and imperialist circles. US imperialism and Chinese hegemonism, in collusion with their accomplices, soon commenced and are now continuing an undeclared war against Afghanistan and her people from the territory of Pakistan. Mercenary bandits and Afghan counter-revolutionary bands are given unlimited money and modern Weapons to launch large Scale massacres and subversion in the Afghan country. According to the London-based "Sunday Times", every year the Central intelligence Agency (CIA) spends over 80 million dollars from its secret funds to support the Afghan counter-revolutionaries.

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There are more than a hundred military camps in Pakistan, where the mercenary bandits and Afghan counter-revolutionaries are provided with military and terroristic training by American and Chinese instructors, and are dispatched to Afghanistan for murder, arson, devastation and theft. When they are counter attacked by the Afghan army or by the armed people, they retreat into the safety of Pakistan territory.
The intervention of imperialism, hegemonism and reaction against the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country continued to expand. The Central Committee of the PDPA, perceiving the critical situation caused thereby, in accordance with the Treaty of Friendship and Good Neighbourliness and Cooperation between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan (1978), requested the assistance of that country in March 1979. This request was made in keeping with the provisions of the United Nations Charter, which approves the right of collective defence and that of seeking the assistance Of Other Countries.
in early December 1979, the Soviet Union sent its limited military contingents to Afghanistan, to help the Afghan army and people to repel this intervention and undeclared war. The Soviet Union is performing its internationalist duty in helping afraternal country to defend itself from aggression, and it will callback the limited military contingent when the need for its presence ceases.
The Afghan toilers, in their struggle against the plots and conspiracies of imperialism, have shown their mettle and the sturdy Spirit for independence for which they have always been famous. Undoubtedly they will be victorious in their just struggle against imperialism and reaction.
Kabul, 19th April, 1984.

AAPSO - XIV Council Sessions
The XIVth Council Sessions of the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation (AAPSO) was held at the House of Unions, Moscow, from 14th to 17th May, 1986, in order to intensify Anti-Imperialist action for National Liberation and Independence, Disarmament and Comprehensive Development, Universal Peace and Security and in preparation to the 30th anniversary of the AAPSO, which falls due by the end of next year.
Discussions at the Council Sessions were based on Subjects Comprising:
(a) The new challenges and major tasks of the Afro-Asian solidarity movement, particularly vis-a-vis the new imperialist global strategy and the AAPSO being in the forefront of the anti-imperialist struggle for peace, independence, democracy and social progress, and for the strengthening of the Non-Aligned Movement.
(b) The new phase of the struggle of the Southern African peoples and front-line states against imperialism, colonialism and apartheid and the campaigns of militant solidarity with the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and other African states.
(c) The escalation of imperialist and Zionist aggression and manoeuvres - the constant threat to lasting peace, justice and Arab unity in the Middle East and the Mediterranean and the mobilization of effective support to the Arab people's struggle against imperialism and Zionism.
(d) The U.S.-Asian Doctrine and its destabilization policy as the main obstacle and threat to peace, Security, dialogue, good neighbourliness, co-operation and development in Asia and the Pacific region and the efforts to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace.

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(e) Disarmament and development, AAPSO's contributions to the struggle for peace and Security, against nuclear War and to the LLLLLL LGLLL LLLL C LLLLLL LLLLLLLaLLL LaaaaHLLLL LLLL LLtLLL L LLLLLL
literational for Tlation Order.
The participants at this Council sessions were delegates from member organisations of 57 Countries, delegates from 7 International Governmental Organizations and 6 Non-Governmental and regional Organisations, Abdul Aziz, Jaya Pathirana and the Writer attended this Council Sessions as delegates from the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association Of Sri Larka.
The Secretary General of AAPSO, Nouri Abdel Razaak, referring to the great importance of this Council session, said in his speech "that it takes place at a time when imperialism, particularly US imperialism, has escalated its aggressiveness and has already decided to resort to gun-boat policies to dispose of its staunch adversaries, be it national liberation movements, or national and progressive regimes which refuse to be a part of the imperialist global strategy of War and aggression".
Continuing his speech, he referred to the 27th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union held a short time back in Moscow. S LLLLL C LLLLLCL LLLLLLLHGLLmtLLLLLLLLS LLta LLLLL SL LaLL LLLLLL LLaLLLLLLLLH and firm political Will to join forces with all peace and freedom-lowing peoples allower the World to put an end to imperialism, exploitation and War. With its peace programme this Congress expressed the firm determination to create a better future for Thankind, where peoples enjoy peace, freedom, and the fruits of development".
During the Council sessions, a Special Meeting was held, devoted to the 25th Anniversary of the Mon-Aligned Movement. The Writer, in his speech at this meeting, pointed out that "the Non-Aligned COLUIntries, from the time they started functioning as a movement, hawe LLLLLL L LLLLa LLLLLLL LLL LLGLGLLLLLLL LLamLLaLS aL LLLtL LLLLLtLLLL
Tilitary bases and for World peace".

399
AAPSO - XYWCOLTC SSS for 15
XIV CD-uricii 5E55ions of the AAPSC)
|-s. : : : | (){!,|så SriLankan Ambassador, Neville Kanạgaraine, havingą discussion outside the Conference Hall with the Sri Lankaŋ dēlēgātēs. The Iñternational Cēnferencē was the XIVth Council Session Ďf ihÈ Afro-Asiarī Pēöple's*體Organisation, held from 14th to 17th May, TE|-
---- 巴圖的圖圖 L-F : Neville Kanagāratne, Dr. Jaya Patritana and T. Durassinga Tı.

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The Writer also stated that it was "at the third Conference of Non-Aligned countries in Lusaka in 1970, Sri Lanka proposed that the Indian Ocean be declared a zone of peace. The same year, the 26th session of the UN General Assembly adopted the resolution proposed by Sri Lanka with the support of a large group of littoral states, declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. The resolution pointed out that warships and military aircraft should not use the Indian Ocean for any threat or use of force against the states in the area. Although 15 years have passed since the unanimous adoption by the UN of the resolution, the USA has systematically sabotaged every effort to give effect to this decision".
By the resolutions adopted at the AAPSO - XIV Council Sessions, the participants pledged to mobilise the Afro-Asian solidarity movement for the active fulfilment and realisation of AAPSO activities in the field of peace, disarmament and development and to work for a world in which the Afro-Asian peoples can advance on the road to economic and Social progress.
Moscow, 17th May 1986.

CHAPTER 7
The So Viet Union
Stalin and the Victory Over Hitler Fascism
Thirty years ago, on May 9, 1945, the people of the World rejoiced at the glad tidings that fascist Germany, on the previous day, had surrendered unconditionally and that Hitler's "new order", which perpetrated the most barbaric atrocities against humanity, was finally crushed.
It is estimated that more than 50 million people from 70 Countries lost their lives before fascism was defeated in Europe and Asia in 1945. Twenty million of them were Russians and other Soviet people, 6 million were Polish, 1.7 million were Yugoslav, 600,000 French, 405,000 American and 375,000 British. Another 35million were permanently disabled. People in Germany and in other countries also had to pay dearly for the policies of their governments. The military Operations conducted on an area of 22 million square kilometres in 1939-45 spread death and devastation to an extent never before Oxperienced. The war destroyed 1,700 towns and over 70,000 villages in the Soviet Union and almost one million houses in France. Four hundred villages were razed to the ground in Greece and two-thirds of All livestock perished in Yugoslavia.
Hitler Germany was defeated by many countries which had formed the anti-Hitler coalition, amongst others the Soviet Union, Great Britain, France and the United States. Judged by the number of GRBualties, the Soviet Union bore the main brunt of the Second World War. Throughout the war, between 60 and 70 percent of Hitler's armies were on the German-Soviet front. When the three million strong German Army invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, nearly all of Western

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O2 Poft:5 al7id Lif9 frT (JL'"TV795
Europe, with the one exception of Britain was already at Hitler's feet. One by one the Countries of Europe had been overrun by the Nazis and it had taken only a few days or weeks to overcome each nation. Hitler had drawn the remaining Countries, Italy, RuTania, Hungary and Finland, into the Axis coalition and these countries joined Germany in her war against the USSR.
Hitler and his generals had planned a blitzkrieg (lightning War) against the USSR. They believed that in a few months they would knock out the Red Army, break the Soviet people's will to resist, destroy the Soviet Socialist systern and enslave the peoples of the Soviet Union. The Red Army's operations against the fascist aggressors began in extremely unfavourable circumstances, Germany's onslaught was unexpected and the Soviet forces Were taken by Surprise. Through its Surprise attack, the German Air Force had put out of action a large number of Soviet planes and tanks in the very first hours of the war, The Soviet forces fought heroically, but the Red Army was forced to retreat and in a month's time the Germans had seized part of the Ukraine, Moldavia, Byelorussia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and even parts of Russia propeг.
The Soviet Government had frankly and courageously told the people the grim truth about the setbacks suffered by their army. In its appeal, the Government had revealed the intentions of the Germans and had declared the Country to be in mortal danger. But no matter how great the danger, the Government had expressed firm confidence in ultimate wictory. The radio address delivered on July 3, 1941 by Joseph Stalin, then Chairman of the USSR, the Generalissimo of the Soviet armed forces and General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, was published in many newspapers throughout the World, including this country. On that day, I listened to this speech over the English channel of Radio Moscow, Stalin had said that "a perfidious military attack on our fatherland begun on June 22 by Hitler's Germany is continuing in spite of the heroic resistance of the Red Army, and, although the enemy's finest divisions and finest air force units have already been Smashed and hawe met their doom on the field of battle, the enemy continues to push forward, hurling fresh forces into the attack",

Sta Min arrod The Wictory Ower Hitler Fascis TIT O3
The author of this book is here seen with his Russian interpreter, standing in front of the Palace built in the style of the Stalin Era, in Georgia, U. S. S. F., where the author stayed holidaying for three weeks
Frederick Engels predicted in the 1860s that the erection of large Palaces on National Estates as corrimor dwelling for communities of citizens engaged in industry as well as agriculture and combining the advantages of both urban arid rural life, without the onesidedness and disadvantages of either.

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404 Politics adrid Life ir Cour Tin Tas
"How could it have happened", he asked, "that our glorious Red Army surrendered number of our cities and districts to the Fascist armies? Is it really true that German Fascist troops are in wincible, as is cease lessly trumpeted by boastful Fascist propagandists? Of course not! History shows that there are no invincible armies and never have been. Napolean's army was considered in wincible, but it was beaten several times by Russian, English and German armies. Kaiser Wilhelm's German army in the period of the first imperialist war was also considered invincible, but it was beaten several times by Russian and Anglo-French forces and was finally smashed by Anglo-French forces. The same must be said of Hitler's German Fascist army today. This army had not yet met with serious resistance in the continent of Europe. Only in our territory has it net serious resistance, and if as the result of this resistance the finest divisions of Hitler's German Fascist army have been defeated by our Red Army, it means that this army too, can be smashed and Will be slashed as Were the arties Of Napolean and Wilhelm".
Then he set out the Teasures that should be taken to defeat the enemy. But even at this stage, the Soviet Union did not confine itself to national tasks alone. In this speech Stalin had declared that "the aim of this people's Patriotic War against the fascist oppressors is not only to avert the danger that is hanging over our country, but also to aid all the European peoples who are groaning under the yoke of German fascism". The Soviet people and army, by their struggle, gawe the peoples of the World faith in Victory over fascism, and so encouraged the anti-fascist resistance movements even in the Nazi occupied countries, and also contributed greatly to the fusion of the War in defence of the socialist homeland and the struggle of the peoples for national and social liberation. People all over the World, who had been overwhelmed by rapid victories of the Nazis, regained hope.

Stalin and the Victory Over Hitler Fascism 405
50th Anniversary of the USSR
-
Members of the Lanka-Soviet Friendship League with the Soviet Delegation, who had corne to participate in the celebrations on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the USSR. Photo taken at the Soviet Embassy grounds on 4th November, 19Eք,
L-R.: Dr. Y. Senoviralne, Mer Tiber of the League; Sowiet Delegate; Abdul Aziz, Vice President of the League; G. D. C. Weerasinghe, General Secretary of the League; Mrs, Fernando, Member of the League; Soviet Delegates; A. C. Nadaraja, Vice President of the League (standing behind); Mrs. Barbara Seneviratne, Asst. General Secretary; Cherrikov of the USSR Embassy, Translator and Russian teacher (standing behind); Soviet Delegate; Korobin, Ambassador of the USSR. Embassy; T. Duraisingam, Treasurer of the League. Master Mohan Senawiratne, President of the Young Pioneers of Sri Lanka (seated).

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4O6 Politics and Life in Our Times
in many countries organisations of friends and well-wishers of the Soviet Union were formed. In Sri Lanka, the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union (CFSU) was formed in early 1942. Its aims and objects were: (a) to study and enlighten the public in general about the USSR; (b) to give as direct and practical aid as our conditions and interests allow to the Soviet peoples in their fight against Fascism and Reaction; and (c) to work for full and friendly relations between the peoples of Ceylon and those of the Soviet Union. The Lanka-Soviet Journal, the organ of the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union, in its issue of November 1943, stated in its editorial that "we in Lanka owe the Soviet peoples a great debt. Their valiant resistance at Leningrad, Moscow and Stalingrad has saved us from fascist attack and their brilliant Counter Offensive has finally smashed the fascist threat from the West. It is up to us to learn the Soviet example, how to unite to smash the fascist threat from the East and by doing so win our freedom in a free world. For the past 19 months, the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union have sought to supply this knowledge through lectures, pamphlets and public campaings. We have sought to build and increase friendly relations between our peoples and those of the USSR and to express our admiration for and solidarity with them in the fight against fascism by organising collections for Soviet Medical Aid".
Pieter Keuneman, on 7th November, 1943, at a public meeting organised by the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union to celebrate Revolution Day, said: "The whole world now realises the debt owed to the Soviet Union, which for two years stood between the fascists and the realisation of their dream of world conquest, which has destroyed the best divisions of the German Army, given other people time to prepare their forces and made possible the celebration of the third November 7th Since the attack on the USSR".
in a good will message to the December 1944 issue of the Lanka Soviet Journal, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, then Minister for Local Administration, said: "Through the centuries mankind has ever yearned for the Golden Age - an age of friendship and brotherhood, of prosperity and happiness. These things have never been beyond

Stalin and the Victory Over Hitler Fascism 4O7
human reach, though man has hitherto failed to achieve them. In the face of what many thought were insuperable difficulties, both internal and external, a few dreamers and theorists set to themselves this noble task in Russia. Whether we agree or not with all aspects of the activities of Soviet Russia, no one can deny that within the short space of a quarter of a century an almost unbelievable progress has been made in industry, agriculture, education, health services - indeed, in most of the things required for human prosperity and happiness. Above all, the truly remarkable manner in which Russia has stood the terrible test of this war has proved that to the jaded spirits of man there has come a new Courage and a new hope, the Courage to overcome inconceivable difficulties, in the hope of achieving mankind's true heritage".
In a message to the same journal, George E. de Silva, then Minister for Health, said:
"If one looks to Russia's achievements during the short period of 27 years, one cannot help but admire the heroism of the Soviet people, which has made possible the stupendous advancement in every sphere of human activity. When Hitler attacked the Soviet Union, many wrongly thought that the Red Army would not be able to survive against the might of German arms. Today the Soviet Union has demonstrated to an astonished world what a united people could achieve in defence of freedom and liberty. It is no wonder then that the whole of freedom loving humanity is looking to the Soviet Union for inspiration and guidance in the struggle against World reaction".
The only tangible way that the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union sought to assist the Soviet Union was by collecting money from all sections of the public and send it for medical aid in Russia. Thrice during the period of the war, the CFSU sent the money so collected to the Soviet Ambassador in London for transmission to the Soviet Union. In May 1945, soon after the allied victory over Hitler Germany, the CFSU organised a public meeting to celebrate the victory. At this meeting Pieter Keuneman spoke about Soviet foreign policy. He said that the central fact on which Soviet foreign policy was based was that the USSR was a socialist country in a capitalist world. All the main

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4.08 Politics and Life in Our Times
principles of its foreign policy, he said, arose from this fact. Briefly, he set out this policy as: (1) Rejection of imperialist expansion at the cost of other nations; (2) Political and economic co-operation with all states, irrespective of their social systems, based on the sovereign independence and equality of the contracting parties; (3) Nonintervention in the internal affairs of other states; (4) Alliance with any state or states for the purpose of mutual protection from acts of aggression; and (5) Maintaining peace through Collective Security.
"Now that Hitlerism is defeated," Keuneman continued, "what does the Soviet Union ask for as a necessary guarantee for keeping the peace. He enumerated them as: (a) the political, economic and moral destruction of fascism; (b) continuing and extending the unity of the United Nations as the essential factor for peace, as it was for victory; (c) building a security organisation, based on such unity, which will maintain peace through the use of Combined might against aggressor states; (d) seeing that Europe is re-fashioned on the basis of independence, self-determination and democracy for its various nations; (e) seeing that Colonial and subject peoples obtain independence as early as possible.
The victory of the anti-fascist coalition in the Second World War produced far reaching changes in the world. The world socialist system was enlarged with 13 socialist states comprising a quarter of the territory of the globe and more then a third of its population. Most of the Countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America had, thereafter, achieved their independence.
The thirtieth anniversary celebrations of the victory over fascist Germany now coincides with the celebrations of the victory of a small nation - Vietnam - over the armed might of the greatest imperialist power of the world - the United States of America.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, May 10th, 1975.

Lenin's Decree on Peace and Broad International Co-operation
The foreign policy of the Soviet Union, since the October Socialist Revolution 60 years ago, was consistently aimed at ensuring international co-operation and making it serve peace and progress, at stopping the arms race and at taking positive steps along the road to disarmament and detente.
The very first decree adopted by the Soviet State under the leadership of Lenin, was the Decree on Peace which offered peace to all nations and appealed to the governments and peoples of all Countries participating in the First World War, to cease hostilities immediately and begin talks for concluding a universal and democratic peace. "The Workers' and peasants' government", the Decree on Peace stated, "created by the Revolution of October 24-25 and basing itself on the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, calls upon all the belligerent peoples and their governments to start immediate negotiations for a just, democratic peace. By a just or democratic peace, for which the overwhelming majority of the working class and other Working people of all the belligerent countries, exhausted, tormented and racked by the war, are craving - a peace that has been most definitely and insistently demanded by the Russian Workers and peasants ever since the overthrow of the tsarist monarchy-by such a peace the government means an immediate peace without annexations (i.e. without the seizure of foreign lands, without the forcible incorporation of foreign nations) and without indemnities".
The Decree then proceeded to explain what it conceived as annexation or seizure of foreign lands and appealed to the class Conscious workers of the advanced belligerent nations who would "understand the duty that now faces them of saving mankind from the horrors of war and its consequences, that these workers, by Comprehensive, determined, and supremely vigorous action, will help us to conclude peace successfully, and at the same time emancipate the labouring and exploited masses of our population from all forms

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410 Politics and Life in Our Times
of slavery and all forms of exploitation". It was this Decree with its commitment to peace, as enunciated by Lenin, that has inspired Soviet Foreign Policy throughout the past 60 years. It formulated a fundamentally new foreign policy and diplomacy which basically differed from those of the capitalist states. The Decree described the partition of the world and the enslavement of the colonial peoples and territories by imperialist powers as "the greatest of crimes against humanity" and thereby expressed its solidarity with the national liberation movements and called on the enslaved peoples to step up the struggle for their national emancipation. The Decree gave concrete expression to the two fundamental Leninist Concepts - proletarian internationalism and the peaceful co-existence of states with different social systems.
Within a few minutes of Lenin reading out the text of the Decree on Peace, the telegraphist of the Cruiser Aurora whose gun, the previous day, fired the heralding of the dawn of a new era, broadcast the text of the Decree to the governments and peoples of the belligerent countries. Though the call for peace was made by the infant Soviet State, peace did not come to it easily. It had to go through incredible hardships to achieve peace and gain the opportunity to get down to peaceful creative endeavour. The governments of Britain, France and the United States ignored the Soviet Government's proposals for a democratic peace and from the first days of the Soviet government, they began to conspire actively to bring about its downfall. Thus the Soviet Government was compelled to conduct negotiations with the Germans separately and concluded the Brest Litovsk treaty with Germany and her allies in March 1918. This treaty, though the terms were very harsh, enabled Soviet Russia to pull out of the imperialist war. It also made it more difficult for Germany and her allies to link up with Britain and France in a joint struggle against the Soviet State. All the efforts of the US, British and French leaders to hinder the signing of this peace treaty Collapsed.

Lenin's Decree on Peace and Broad International Co-operation 411
The signing of this treaty was of tremendous international significance and a triumph of the Leninist policy of peaceful Coexistence. But it was not for long that the Soviet Republic was able to enjoy its hard won breathing space. The deposed exploiting classes would not reconcile themselves to the loss of power and privileges. Immediately after the October Revolution the deposed exploiters - the landowners and the capitalists- began building up their armed forces and formed whiteguard armies to overthrow Soviet power. The foreign imperialists too could not reconcile themselves to the existence of a country governed by workers and peasants, whose example had a revolutionising effect on the Working people of the capitalist Countries. The monopolists did not want to lose the thousands of millions of rubles they had lent to the Tsarist Government and the bourgeois Provisional Government, or the huge profits derived from the factories, mines, etc. which they had owned in Russia. Moreover, they feared that Soviet Russia would by her peace policy, set an example to the working people of other countries of how to put an end to the hated war.
The counter revolution organised by the defeated landlords, Capitalists and kulaks started an armed struggle against Soviet power. Russia's former allies, Britain, France, Japan and the USA, gave every assistance to the counter-revolution. 14 capitalist states sent their troops to intervene in Soviet Russia's internal affairs in a bid to "strangle the Russian Revolution in the cradle", as Churchill cynically said. Russia's working people rose to defend the gains of the Socialist Revolution. The Red Army was formed and it began to wage a successful struggle against external and internal enemies. By 1921 the Red Army succeeded in compelling practically all the forces of intervention to get out of Russia. The victory of the Red Army was facilitated by the revolutionary struggle of the international proletariat against intervention. The working people of the capitalist countries stopped arms deliveries, and set up "Hands Off Russia!" committees, thus making operations more difficult for the interventionists and helping the working people of the Soviet Republic. Speaking of international solidarity, Lenin said: " It was precisely this Support, it was precisely the sympathy which the Working masses - the masses both of workers and peasants, tillers of the soil-showed for us all over the world, even in the States that were hostile to us, it was just this support and this sympathy that were the last and most decisive source, the decisive reason why all the invasions against us ended in defeat".

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412 Politics and Life in Our Times
Even as the forces of intervention were being repulsed, the Soviet state made every effort to normalise relations with the capitalist states. An armistice agreement was concluded with Poland and the peace treaty was signed in March 1921. A little earlier peace treaties were concluded with Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia and Finland. At this time there were a number of influential members in the British Government who believed that since Britain was facing mass unemployment, business deals with Russia should not be ignored. The Soviet delegation which was then in London took advantage of this situation to sign on March 16, 1921, a Soviet-British agreement on the resumption of trade relations between the two countries. The importance of that move went far beyond the economic sphere. Britain recognised the Soviet State de facto. Soviet Russia and capitalist countries now began to establish official diplomatic and trade relations. A period of peaceful coexistence with the capitalist Countries set in.
The Soviet State pursued a flexible foreign policy. It was prepared to make compromises and showed the ability to take advantage of the contradictions dividing the imperialist powers. The first time Soviet Russia was represented at an international Conference was in April 1922 at the European conference held at Genoa. Plans were drawn up at this conference for a European Financial Consortium to organise the "Restoration of Europe". Speaking on behalf of the Soviet delegation, Georgy Chicherin, the People's Commissar for External Affairs, stated that "the Russian delegation believes that in this historical epoch, making possible the parallel existence of the old system and the emerging new social order, economic Co-operation between states representing these two systems of ownership is imperative for universal economic recovery. The Russian delegation has arrived here to enter into business relations with the governments and trading and industrial circles of all countries on the basis of reciprocity, equality and complete and unconditional recognition". That was an official declaration of the Leninist principle providing for peaceful coexistence and Co-operation among countries with different social systems. At the same time the Soviet delegation also proposed a general reduction in armaments. That was the first time the Soviet State took the initiative in raising the disarmament problem in practical terms. It has always remained loyal to Lenin's motto: disarmament is the ideal of socialism. The sponsors of the conference, however, refused outright to discuss disarmament.

Lenin's Decree on Peace and Broad International Co-operation 413
No agreements were reached at the Genoa Conference because of the differences and antagonisms, especially between the victor powers and defeated Germany. This situation enabled the Soviet delegates to sign a treaty with the German representatives in Rapallo, not far from Genoa, whereby the two sides restored diplomatic relations and agreed to settle all their outstanding issues on the basis of equality. The Rapallo Treaty was the first to embody the principle of peaceful coexistence. "The Rapallo Treaty", said Georgy Chicherin, "is an example of the treaties we should like to have with all countries. We have been following this course steadily and We shall Continue to do so. It is a course of developing ever closer political and economic relations with all the peoples".
The peace policy of the Soviet Union has developed continuously since its foundation. From the Outset the distinctive character of the Soviet peace policy has been that it has striven untiringly for universal peace for all the peoples of the World. The range and scale of the Soviet fight for World peace has continuously enlarged and expanded. The Soviet foreign policy of peace has been enshrined in the New Constitution of the USSR, which was recently adopted by the Soviet people. Article 28 states: "The USSR steadfastly pursues a Leninist policy of peace and stands for strengthening of the security of nations and broad international co-operation. The foreign policy of the USSR is aimed at ensuring international conditions favourable for building communism in the USSR, safeguarding the state interests of the Soviet Union, Consolidating the positions of world socialism, supporting the struggle of peoples for national liberation and social progress, preventing wars of aggression, achieving universal and complete disarmament, and consistently implementing the principle of the peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems. In the USSR war propaganda is banned".
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, November 26th, 1977.

Page 216
Novosti and the Consolidation of
international Understanding
| Convey my Congratulations and best wishes to the Nowosti Press Agency (APN), on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of its foundation. The APN has all along been actively functioning in keeping with its motto, "Information for peace and international friendship".
For many years || hawe been reading APN books, booklets, brochures, articles and other informative material on Soviet home and foreign policy and the Soviet people's public, economic and Cultural affairs, as well as material reflecting the Soviet public view on key developments in the Soviet Union and abroad, APN articles appear off and on in the Sri Lanka press. The range of subjects dealt with by APN publications are very wide indeed. There are APN publications on political knowledge, the national liberation movement, the Soviet Way of life, on Socialism, Marxism-Leninism, human rights and on many other topics which are of interest to the people of Our Country.
The APN facilitates in every way the promotion and conso | idation of international Lunderstanding, Confidence and friendship, by widely circulating in other Countries, true information about the Soviet Union and by acquainting the Soviet public with the life of other peoples.
| hawe wisited the Sowiet Union many times during this period of twenty years. During my wisits, APN representatives hawe met me and had interviews with me on various topics that interest the Soviet public. | hawe also been requested by APN to Write articles Com different subjects. These interwiews and articles hawe been po Lublished in the ne Wspapers and magazines of the Soviet Union, thus acquainting the Soviet public With the point of view of our peoples on these topics.

Nowosti and the Corsolidation of Kriterrmational Urderstarding
PETER THE GREAT ON HORSE BACK
. 1 : 11 1 : 11 1
“
The author is seen here rear the statue of Potor the Great
at Leningrad, With two Sri Lankar students of the First Leningrad Medical Institute
41 5

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416 Politics and Life in Our Times
The APN encourages authors to produce writings, which serve to promote friendship and co-operation between the peoples of foreign countries and the Soviet Union. Here, I must gratefully mention the assistance given to me by the staff of the APN office in Sri Lanka, to enable me to write a book entitled "Lenin and Asia", which was
published this month. There were books which I needed for writing my book, but which were not available in Sri Lanka. The APN obtained these for me from India and the Soviet Union, and these Were of
immense use to me.
After the manuscript of my book was ready, the staff of APN again helped me, by obtaining comments and constructive Criticisms on the manuscript from a Soviet Professor, Grigory Bondarevsky D. Sc., (Hist.), who was an authority on these subjects. He was on a short visit to Srianka. On the basis of the Comments and Criticisms, revised
the manuscript and the published book is now so much the better for the assistance given to me by the APN.
Colombo, 29th January, 1981.

HOW did the SOViet Union Defeat the "Invincible" German Army?
On the 22nd of June, 1981 will fall the fortieth anniversary of the Hitler attack on the Soviet Union. When this attack was made, Germany had already Subjugated by force of arms or by Cunning most of the countries in the continent of Europe and the remaining few countries joined Germany as its junior partners. Only England, badly battered and weakened held out in its island fortress. The manpower, factories and arsenals of all Europe were at the disposal of Hitler Germany and they were working, day and night, to strengthen Germany's war machine. Militarily Germany had by then become the most powerful nation in the World.
When they started the invasion of the Soviet Union, Hitler and his General Staff estimated that their troops would be in Moscow in two or three weeks. This estimate would have proved right, if conditions in the Soviet Union were similar to those in the capitalist countries. Most of the nations in Europe were brought under the Nazi heel within a period of one year of the War.
How then was it possible for the Soviet Union to first withstand the attack, then proceed to the offensive and finally to defeat Hitler Germany? The main source of Soviet strength lies in the socialist sociopolitical system. The socialist system is based on public ownership of the means of production and rules out exploitation of man by man. It is based on collective ownership and collective labour, the root of the intrinsic unity and solidarity of the people.
The nations of the multinational Soviet state are united by their common world outlook, unbreakable friendship, mutual trust and fraternal co-operation. The Soviet System has established friendship and fraternity between all the nations and nationalities of the country, and at the time of danger to their country, all of them stood up together against the vaunted "invincible" German army.

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418 Politics and iseg i 7 OLJr Tir G5
The Soviet people and their artiny, by their heroic struggle, gave the peoples of the World faith in Victory over fascism, and so encouraged the anti-fascist resistance movement, The freedom Iowing peoples of the World, who saw with dismay the rapid victories of German Fascism over One Country after another, regained hope, first at the resolute resistance of the Soviet Army and thereafter at the victories achieved by it. Soviet victories inspired the resistance movements in the Nazioccupied Countries, and they grew in Scope. This Contributed greatly to the fusion of the War effortin defence of the Socialist homeland and the struggle of the peoples for national and social liberation.
The victory of the forces of peace and progress in the Second World War produced far reaching changes in the World. The socialist system emerged with 13 socialist states and comprising a quarter of the territory of the globe and more than a third of its population. Most of the Countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America hawe a chiewed their independence.
The Soviet Union and the other Socialist states are anxious to preserve the peace that they have Won at SLJCh great sacrifice. It has been estimated that more than 50 million people from 70 Countries lost their lives before fascism was defeated in Europe and Asia in 1945. Twenty million of ther I were Russians and other Soviet people.
The arms race has acquired a truly global scale, such that it now poses a deadly threat to every household, to every people and to the future generations. According to UN data, the nuclear arsenal of the great powers today is equivalent in force to more than 1,300,000 bombs of the Hiroshima type. The tactical Weapons alone, spread over the continent of Europe, exceed several times the explosive force of all the artiaments used in the six years of the Second World War.
The Soviet Union and the Socialist Countries hawe during the past few decades taken Tiany initiatives to further peace and defenfe. Those initiatives Which hawe been su CCessful, hawe led to such international legal acts of the 1970s, as the Moscow Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapons Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under

41 9
How did the Soviet Union Defaat the "Invincible" German Army?
Losin's statuess seen infront of Smolny, the building where the 1917 Russian Revolution wasÖfganizēs and sed by Lenin and the Bolshevik Party. Hēre is also seen the author of this bookwith two Sri Lankan students from a Russian medical institute

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Water; the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe; the Agreement between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America on the Prevention of Nuclear War; the SALT- and SALT-litreaties, and others. These all find reflection in the course of Soviet policy defined by the Peace Programme.
But since the beginning of 1980 an arms race of unprecedented Scale was unleashed by the USA. The Pentagon's global strategic manipulations, the feverish activities designed to establish world domination by U.S. imperialism has aroused quite understandable protests and indignation of peoples all over the world.
A wide programme of specific measures to create a healthier international climate and buildup confidence between states has been put forward at the recent CPSU Congress by comrade Leonid Brezhnev. Summing up his speech on this programme he said: "Comrades, the new measures we are proposing embrace a wide range of issues. They Concern Conventional as well as nuclear-missile armaments, land forces, and naval and air forces. They touch on the situation in Europe, in the Near East, the Middle East, and the Far East, They deal with measures of a military as well as a political nature. All of them pursue a single aim our one common aspiration - to do everything possible to relieve the peoples of the danger of a nuclear war, to preserve world peace".
Colombo, June 15th, 1981.

Significance of the October Revolution
The Great October Socialist Revolution drastically changed the whole international situation, and was the chief source of inspiration for the revolutionary movements and for the upsurge of the national liberation struggles. No other event in history has influenced the course of world development as much as the victory of the October Revolution in Russia, a logical result of social development and a turning point from which humanity began its advance to socialism. Human history these days, Lenin wrote in March 1918, is making a momentous and most difficult turn, a turn, one might say without the least exaggeration, of immense significance for the emancipation of the world.
RULE OF THE WORKING PEOPLE
The establishment of the Soviet regime represented the victory, for the first time in history of a new principle - the rule of the working people, led by the industrial working class, on the basis of the common ownership of the means of production replacing the previous rule of a minority owning class, on the basis of the class ownership of the means of production and the exploitation of the working masses.
This transformation was achieved by the conquest of power by the working class led by the Communist Party, in November 1917. The Soviets, or mass organs of the workers, soldiers and peasants, after developing first as the organs of the struggle for power, then became the organs of the new power. The first task of the new Soviet regime was to establish and maintain its power against its enemies within and without. The second task was to lay the foundations of socialist economy, in order to prepare the way for the future classless Society.
From the outset the relations of imperialism to the new Soviet power were marked by unconcealed hostility. All the forces of imperialism, German, British, French, American and Japanese, launched their armed offensive against the new regime. Every effort was made to overthrow it by armed violence, by invading expeditions, by blocade, by subsidising counter-revolutionary and bandit forces,

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Significance of the October Revolution 423
and by the organisation of terrorism, assassinations, forgeries and sabotage. During this period the aim of the armed overthrow of Bolshevism was openly proclaimed. Military expeditions invaded Russian territory from every side. Elaborate strategic plans were Worked Out.
But these early hopes of imperialism Were destined to remain unrealized. Through prolonged and desperate struggles, in the face of the heavy material superiority of the imperialist and counter-revolutionary forces, their assaults were nevertheless defeated by the resistance of the Russian Workers and peasants, in unity with the international working class. This victory was due to the revolutionary heroism and devotion of the Russian people, fighting to maintain their own land and rule against the return of the hated exploiters; to the divisions of the imperialist powers; to the corruption and incompetence of the White officers; and to the rising revolutionary advance in all the imperialist Countries which paralysed the plans of imperialism, the class-Conscious Workers of all Countries fighting in conscious unity with the Russian Revolution.
The foreign policy of the Soviet Union, since the October Socialist Revolution, was consistently aimed at ensuring international cooperation and making it serve peace and progress, at stopping the arms race and at taking positive steps along the road to disarmament and defense.
DECREE ON PEACE
The very first decree adopted by the Soviet State, under the leadership of Lenin, was the Decree on Peace which offered peace to all nations and appealed to the governments and peoples of all countries participating in the First World War to cease hostilities immediately and begin talks for concluding a universal and democratic peace. The Decree gave concrete expression to the two fundamental Leninist concepts - proletarian internationalism and peaceful co-existence of states with different social systems,
It was this Decree with its commitment to peace, as enunciated by Lenin, that has inspired Soviet foreign policy throughout the past period of seven decades. It foumulated a fundamentally new policy and diplomacy which basically differed from those of the capitalist states. Lenin's Decree on Peace was simultaneously a demand to stop fighting, a demand for peace and

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It was this Decree with its commitment to peace, as enunciated by Lenin, that has inspired Soviet foreign policy throughout the past period of seven decades. It foumulated a fundamentally new policy and diplomacy which basically differed from those of the capitalist states. Lenin's Decree on Peace was simultaneously a demand to stop fighting, a demand for peace and a demand to liquidate colonialism. From November 8, 1917, the day the Decree on Peace was proclaimed, the two main lines of Soviet peace policy have been (a) the fight for peace and peaceful co-existence; (b) the fight for the liberation of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and the international help and assistance to the liberation movements.
The foreign policy postures, which the Soviet Government adopted from its very initial period, made a tremendous impact on the peoples of the East; its proclamation in respect of the rights of all nations, and the recognition of the rights of each nation of selfdetermination, inspired confidence in the ranks of the nations engaged in liberation struggles. For the first time in history, a state legislatively proclaimed the legality and justice of the liberation struggles of Asia.
The entire course of developments after 1917, corroborated Lenin's well-known statement: "The period of the awakening of the East in the Contemporary revolution, is being succeeded by a period in which all the Eastern peoples will participate in deciding the destiny of the whole world, so as not to be simply objects of the enrichment of others. The peoples of the East are becoming alive to the need for practical action, the need for every nation to take part in shaping the destiny of all mankind".
IMPACT OF THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION
The impact of the October Revolution was felt by me very early in my life. V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar, a socialist, with the help of Wadia, an intellectual, established on April 27, 1918, the Madras Workers' Union. This was the very first trade union of the workers, established in India. This trade union was founded a few months after the October Revolution.

Significance of the October Revolution 425
Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar now set about establishing a Tamil newspaper, to spread socialist and progressive ideas, and to publish trade union news in order to build up the trade union movement. My father, S.Thambimuttu, helped him to collect funds for the establishment of such a newspaper, and the Nava Shakti, meaning New Force or New Power, was founded in 1920. My father subscribed to this paper from its inception, and became a regular reader of the paper from my tenth year.
During the 1920s read a number of Tamil books written by Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar and also books written by another trade unionist, M. Singharavel. Singharavel was associated with all progressive movements of that period. He was the first communist of Tamil Nadu and he presided at the First Congress of the Communist Party of India. I was greatly influenced by the writings of these two great men. By 1927 I was convinced of the Correctness of the Communist Cause.
The Suriya Mal Movement was founded in 1931 by the Ceylonese Ex-servicemen's Association. In 1933 the leadership of the Suriya Mal Movement was taken over by the leftists of that time and the movement was given an anti-imperialist and antiwar orientation. This was the first organised grouping of leftists in Sri Lanka and I was one of them from its inception and later Was elected to its executive Committee. The SOCialistS and Communists of the Suriya Mal Movement, together with some Others who believed in socialism, formed, in December 1935, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, that is, the Ceylon Socialist Party. In 1940, il with other communists left the Sama Samaja Party because of its turn towards anti-Sovietism, and formed the United Socialist Party. This was the precursor of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka Which was founded in 1943.
In 1942, during the Second World War, I helped to establish the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union and took an active part in all its activities. The aims and objects of this organisation Were to enlighten the public regarding (a) the condition of life and

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LENIN AT THE SMOLNY
W. I. Lenin talking with Red Guards in the Smolny
 

Significance of the Octobar Revolution 427
the Work of reconstruction in the USSR; (b) the cause, character, progress and results of the then raging war against the Soviet Union; and (c) to give as direct and practical aid as possible to the Soviet peoples in their fight against fascism and reaction. In pursuance of these objectives its members, among other activities published a journal called the Lanka-Soviet Journal of which was
the editor,
Courtesy: "The October Revolution and Asian Destiny", ColorTnbO, Sapter 77ber, 7987.

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The October Revolution - What it Meant
I A Solicitor and Attorney-at-Law, Thambimuttu Duraisingam bills himself "the First Marxist in Sri Lanka". Born in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in October 1911, he joined the Parameshwara College, Jaffna, which was founded by Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan. Duraisingam was taught by Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan, Sir ArunaChalam Mahadeva and Hon. S. Natesan. At the age of 16 he joined the Jaffna Students' Congress, which later became the Jaffna Youth Congress. He was thereafter elected to its Executive Committee. Coming to Colombo in 1929 to enter the University College, Duraisingamjoined the Surya MalMovementin 1931. When the LSSP was formed in December 1935 he was elected its Literary Secretary. He established a firm called Mohan and Bhatt to print and import communist literature and in 1937 established the readers group of the Left Book Club. When the LSSP split, Duraisingam went with the Communists. He has been the Chairman of the Central Control Commission of the CPSL for serveral decades. T. Duraisingam has spent the past few years collecting, compiling and arranging his Writings (and those of others) to be published in a volume entitled "Politics and Life in Our Tinnes". It will Conne out before the end of this year. In response to our invitation, Mr. Duraisingam wrote this essay exclusively for the Lanka Guardian.)
Eighty years have gone by since the October Revolution of 1917, and the world has seen many, many changes brought about in the lives, approach to events, things and people in all countries of the world. During this period mighty empires have fallen and new powers have been trying to take their place. Britain which had a sprawling empire, having its rule over countries and peoples in every part of the globe, is no longer a world

The October Revolution - What it Meant 429
power. It has to be satisfied with being the nominal leader of the British Commonwealth of Nations. Even in Britain, its effective rule is only over England and its rule over the constituent parts of Great Britain is becoming shaky, with ever louder demands for self rule.
DRASTICAL CHANGE IN THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION
It was the Great October Socialist Revolution which drastically changed the whole international situation, and was the chief source of inspiration for the revolutionary movements and for the upsurge of the national liberation struggles. No other event in history has influenced the course of world development as much as the victory of the October Revolution in Russia, a logical result of social development and a turning point from which humanity began its advance to socialism. "Human history these days", Lenin wrote in March 1918", "is making a momentous and most difficult turn, a turn, one might say without the least exaggeration, of immense significance for the emancipation of the World".
But this transformation was achieved in the teeth of opposition by the capitalist states. From the outset the relations of imperialism to the new Soviet power were marked by unconcealed hostility. All the forces of imperialism, German, British, French, American and Japanese, launched their armed offensive against the new regime. Every effort was made to overthrow it by armed violence, by invading expeditions, by blockade, by subsidising counter-revolutionary and bandit forces, and by the organisation of terrorism, assassinations, forgeries and sabotage. During this period the aim of the armed overthrow of Bolshevism was openly proclaimed. Military expeditions invaded Russian territory from every side. Elaborate strategic plans were Worked out.
But these early hopes of imperialism were destined to remain unrealised. Through prolonged and desperate struggles, in the face of heavy material superiority of the imperialist and Counter-revolutionary forces, their assaults were nevertheless defeated by the resistance of the Russian workers and peasants, in unity with the international working

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class. This wictory was due to the revolutionary heroism and devotion of the Russian people, fighting to maintain their own land and rule and Against the return of the hated exploiters; to the division of the imperialist OWers; to the corruption and incompetence of the White officers; and to the rising revolutionary advance in all the imperialist countries which aralysed the plans of imperialist, the class-Conscious Workers of all Countries fighting in conscious unity with the Russian Revolution.
As Lenin declared in 1921: "Only because the revolution is leveloping throughout the World is the international bourgeoisie unable to strangle us, although it is a hundred times stronger than We are Iconomically and from a military standpoint". By 1921 the main forces of the imperialists and the Counter-revolutionaries had been defeated, And the Soviet Republic was unchallenged master of its territories.
TSIMPACT ON THE PEOPLE OF SRI LANKA
What was the impact of the October Revolution on the people of Sri Lanka? It rolled like a Wawe of inspiration among the radical sections of the people as marking the end of the tsarist regime. In 1918 Walentine S. Perera, one of the leaders of the Young Lanka League, pointed out in the book A Vision of the Future that "Russia will emerge into public riotice now that the Russians have recognised the real stability of a
overnment of the people, by the people, for the people".
Pioneer leaders of the national TowerTent like Sir Ponaribalan Arunachalam, acknowledged the new situation created by the October Revolution led by Lenin for the freedom movement in Sri Lanka. For this he was attacked in the local newspapers, then controlled by the British Colonialists, who blamed him for "drifting into Bolshevism". Sir Ponnambalam's reply was: "We are in very good company".
A. E. Goonesinha, the founder of the trade unior Towerient in Sri Lanka and, for ten years beginning with 1922, the organiser and leader of the urban Working-class mowerTent, was greatly influenced by Lenin and the October Revolution. In his weekly paper Kamikaru Harda (Workers' Woice), he wrote several articles about Lenin and his Achievements. In 1925 he wrote the following in the paper: "Lenin is a

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great hero, who liberated the people of Russia from imperialism. He was an outstanding personality who displayed exceptional talent in establishing in 1917 the Bolshevist Russian Republic, a new form of government. All his undertakings Were Crowned with success".
WHAT DID THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION MEAN TO ME
| hawe indicated here aboLut the impact of the October ReVolution on our people. But what did the October Revolution mean to me, personally? Its impact was felt by The very early in my life. It came to me via India. W. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar, a prolific Writer in Tamil and also a socialist, with the help of Wadia, an intellectual, established on April 27th, 1918 the Madras Workers' Union. This was the wery first trade union of Workers, established in India. The Victory of the October Revolution was accomplished by the 7th of November, 1917 and this trade union was founded a few months after it.
Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar now set about establishing a Tamil newspaper, to spread socialist and progressive ideas, and to publish trade union news in order to build up the trade union movement. To set up a newspaper he needed money. People from India and Ceylon, at that time, Went to Malaysia to Collect monies for such purposes, from their friends, acquaintances and others. Malaysia was and is a rich country with greater opportunities to earn money. Kalyanasundara Mudaliyar went over to Malaysia and Tiet people there, among whom was my father, Sinniah Thambimuttu. My father gave him a liberal contribution and also helped him to collect funds for the establishment of such a newspaper, and the Na wa Shakti, meaning New Force or New Power, was founded in 1920. We subscribed to this paper from its inception, and became a regular reader of the paper from my tenth year.
During the 1920s I read a number of Tamil books Written by Kalya nasundara Muda liyar and also books Written by another trade unionist, M. Singharavel. The latter Was associated with all progressive movements of that period. He was the first Communist of Tamil Nadu and he presided at the First Congress of the Communist Party of India, was greatly influenced by the Writings of these two great men. By 1927 I was convinced of the correctness of the Communist cause.

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Raja Collure, the General Secretary, addressing a public meeting organised by the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, in 1998 at Colombo. Seen here sealed is the Party Organiser, comrade S. Sudasinghe.

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THE SURYA MAL MOVEMENT
The Suriya Mal Movement was founded in 1931 by the Ceylonese Ex-servicemen's Association, with Aelian Pereira as its founder President. This movement sold Suriya Mal on November 11th (Armistice Day) to counter the sale of Poppy Flowers on that day. At that time our rulers were the British and to curry favour with the rulers, large sums were contributed by the Government officers and others to the Poppy Fund. A major portion of the poppy fund Collections was sent to Britain, to be distributed among the disabled ex-servicemen and the dependants of the dead soldiers there. Only a fraction of the collections was kept back and distributed among the Ceylonese ex-servicemen and dependants of the Ceylonese dead soldiers. The entire Suriya Mal collections were distributed among the Ceylonese ex-servicemen and the dependants of the Ceylonese dead soldiers. Miss Doreen Young and Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe were among those who actively worked in support of the 1931 campaign for the Suriya Mal Movement. Speeches at meetings and letters to the editor by them, were published in the newspapers. Miss Doreen Young described their campaign in one of her letters to the editor as the "Battle of Flowers". Some of the speeches and letters to the editor were on the basis of opposing an anti-national and imperialist cause with a national one.
In 1932, no arrangements were made by the Ceylonese Ex-servicemen's Association to sell Suriya Mal on November 11th. Aelien Pereira was a Magistrate and after retirement he started practice as a lawyer. , as a fellow practitioner, came to know him very well. While talking to him one day, I asked him why his Association stopped selling Suriya Mal for 1932. He told me that the movement took a different turn from its original purpose and as such they gave it up. What he meant was that instead of confining itself to helping the ex-servicemen and dependants, those who volunteered to help them gave it an anti-imperialist and anti-war Orientation.

The October Revolution - What it Meant 435
RECONSTİTUTED "SURIYA MAL' MOVEMENT
In 1933 the Suriya Mal Movement was reconstituted with Wilmot Perera, Corbert Jayawardene, Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, Mrs. Doreen Wickremasinghe, nee Doreen Young and others participating. Subsequently an executive Committee was formed of which the above mentioned persons, Mrs. Selina Perera, myself and others were members. The proceeds from the sale of Suriya Mal were utilised for social work. During the malarial epidemic of f934-1935 the members of the Suriya Mal Movement did good relief work in the malaria-striken areas. Among the social work done by the Movement, was the education of a Rodiya girl, to come up in the nursing profession.
LANKA SAMA SAMAJA PARTY
The Suriya Mal Movement was the first organised grouping of leftists in Sri Lanka and I was one of them from its inception. The socialists and communists of the Suriya Mal Movement, together with Some others who believed in Socialism, formed, in December 1935, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, that is, the Socialist Party of Ceylon. I was appointed its Literature Secretary. All these activities were the direct and indirect results of the October Revolution. To complete the narrative, in 1940, I with other communists left the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, because of its turn towards anti-Sovietism, and formed the United Socialist Party. This was the precursor of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, which was founded on 3rd July, 1943. Now the political situation has changed and these two parties, which are constituents of the Peoples Alliance Government, are likely to coalesce at an early date and become one party again.
GENERALISSMO STALIN'S SPEECH ON REVOLUTION DAY
Now I wish to describe some incidents of the Second World War. Hitler Germany suddenly attacked the Soviet Union on 22nd June, 1941, abandoning the Soviet-German Neutrality Pact entered into in 1939. Because of the element of surprise, the German army was able to capture large areas of the Soviet Union and was able to come up to within six miles of Moscow. The Soviet government had to be removed to Kuibyshev.

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With grim determination the Russian Army is here seen marching from the Red Square direct to the war front
The German Army was halted and the Russians begain a vast Counter attack, whereby they cleared the enemy from the regions of MOSCOW, Stalingrad and Leningrad and then captured Berlin.
 

The October Revolution - What it Mear 437
On November 7th, 1941, the Revolution Day celebrations were held at the Red Square in Moscow, though the enemy was within six miles of Moscow. , as a staunch supporter of the Soviet Union, tuned in to the English channel of Radio Moscow, and listened to Generalissimo Stalin's speech at the Red Square on that day. In his speech he set the true situation in the war front and the reasons for the rapid advance of the enemy into a large area of their Country. Then he set out the military strength, as it existed then, of the enemy and that of the Russian Army and air force, and of the possibility of haiting the further advance of the enemy. Then he set out the factors that Were in favour of the Russians and the factors that were detrimental to the enemy, and the reasons why they could and should halt the enemy and send him back. Stalin said that the enemy should not be allowed to take one step further into Russian territory. At the end of the Revolution Day celebrations, the Russian army marched from the Red Square direct to the war front, which was just six miles away. The German Army was halted and the Russians began a vast counter attack, the high points of Which were the repulse of the enemy from the Moscow region; the battle of Stalingrad; the raising of the 12-month seige of Leningrad; the capture of Berlin by the Russians, and the defeat of Nazi Germany by the Allied forces.
CEYLON FRIENDS OF THE SOVIET UNION
In 1942, helped to establish the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union and took an active part in all its activities. The aims and objects of the organisation were to enlighten the public regarding (a) the condition of life and the Work of reconstruction in the USSR, (b) the cause, character, progress and results of the then raging War against the Soviet Union, and (c) to give as direct and practical aid as possible to the Soviet peoples in their fight against fascism and reaction. In pursuance of these objectives its Tembers, a Tong other activities, published a journal called the Lanka-Sovief Journal, of which was the editor.

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TWIG, ČOctober FeWOWLiOP 7 — MW'la' f' Megar 77 439
WISIT TO PLACES OF HISTOR|CAL SIGNIFICANCE
After the War and after peace was restored, had the opportunity to Wisit many of the places of historical significance in various parts of the Soviet Union. Germany's Linconditional surrender was signed by General Jodl on May 7th, 1945. But before this, on February 13th, 1945, the Declaration on liberated Europe by the leaders of the three Allied Powers was published. This Declaration is the basis on which a Third World War has sofar been averted, despite the subsequent efforts of Winston Churchill and others to undermine the provisions embodied in the declaration. My Wife and were given the opportunity to visit the palace at Livadia, Crimea, in which the Conference took place and the Declaration signed. I give below the text of the Declaration:
"The Premier of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, and the President of the United States of America have Consulted with each other in the common interests of the peoples of their Countries and those of liberated Europe. They jointly declare their mutual agreement to concert during the temporary period of instability in liberated Europe, the policies of their three Governments in assisting the peoples liberated from the domination of Nazi Germany and the peoples of the former Axis satellite states of Europe, to solve by democratic means their pressing political and economic problems.
"The establishment of order in Europe and the rebuilding of national economic life must be achieved by processes which will enable the liberated peoples to destroy the last vestiges of Nazism and Fascism and to create democratic institutions of their own choice. This is a principle of the Atlantic Charter - the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live - the restoration of Sowereign rights and self-government to those peoples who hawe been forcibly deprived of them by the aggressor nations.
"To foster the conditions in which the liberated peoples may exercise these rights, the three Governments will jointly assist the people in any European liberated state or former Axis satellite state in Europe where in their judgment conditions require (a) to establish conditions of

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internal peace; (b) to carry out emergency measures for the relief of distressed people; (c) to form interim governmental authorities broadly representative of all democratic elements in the population and pledged to the earliest possible establishment through free elections of governments responsible to the will of the people; and (d) to facilitate where necessary the holding of such elections...
UNITY FOR PEACE AS FORWAR
"..... Our meeting here in the Crimea has reaffirmed our common determination to maintain and strengthen in the peace to come that unity of purpose and of action which has made victory possible and Certain for the United Nations in this War. We believe that this is a sacred obligation which Our Governments owe to Our peoples and to all the peoples of the world.
"Only with the continuing and growing co-operation and understanding among our three countries and among all the peaceloving nations can the highest aspiration of humanity be realised - a secure and lasting peace which will, in the words of the Atlantic Charter, 'afford assurance that all the men in all the lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and Want".
"Victory in this war and establishment of the proposed international organization will provide the greatest opportunity in all history to create in the years to come the essential conditions of such a peace".
Winston S. Churchill Franklin D. Roosevelt J. V. Stalin
The Atlantic Charter is the declaration made in 1941, by the President of U. S. A. (F. D. Roosevelt) and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (Winston Churchill) that their two countries sought no territorial advantages, would support only changes that accorded with the wishes of the peoples concerned, respected the right of all peoples

The October Revolution - What it Meant 441
to choose their own form of government, have access to trade and raw materials, and enjoy improved standards of life, and aspired to security for all nations in the post-war world through disarmament and international co-operation. The declaration was widely acclaimed as a statement of Anglo-American aims, and was received in many parts of the world as a promise that after the war self-government would be extended to all peoples.
WINSTON CHURCHILLS FULTON SPEECH
But once the Allied states won the war, there was a change of tune. Winston Churchill in a speech at Fulton (U.S.A.) on March 13th, 1946, attacking the democratic system in the European states neighbouring with the U.S.S.R., asserted that "Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Sofia - all these famous cities and populations around them lie within the Soviet sphere and all are subject to one form or another, not only to Soviet influence, but in a very high and increasing measure of Control from Moscow". Mr. Churchill describes all this as boundless "expansionist tendencies" of the Soviet Union, and called for War against the Soviet Union.
I am giving below extracts from the interview, given on March 14th, 1946, by Stalinto the Pravda correspondent concerning Churchill's
speech.
Question: How do you appraise the latest speech Mr. Churchill delivered
in the United States of America? Answer: I appraise it as a dangerous act calculated to sow the seeds of discord between the Allied states and hamper their cooperation. Question: Can Mr. Churchill's speech be regarded as harmful to the
cause of peace and Security? Answer: Unduestionably, yes. As a matter of fact, Mr. Churchill's position is now that of the incendiaries of war. And Mr. Churchill is not alone in this - he has friends not only in England but in the United States of America as well.

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Question:
ASWBr:
Politics irid Life iri) CMLJ r Tires
It should be noted that in this respect Mr. Churchill and his friends strikingly resemble Hitler and his friends. Hitler set Out to unleash War by proclaiming the race theory, declaring that the German speaking people Constituted a superior nation. Mr. Churchill sets out to unleash War also with a race theory, by asserting that the English speaking nations are Superior nations called upon to decide the destinies of the entire World. The German race theory led Hitler and his friends to the Conclusion that the Germans as the only superior nation must dominate other nations. The English race theory leads Mr. Churchill and his friends to the conclusion that the English speaking nations, as the only superior nations, must dominate the other nations of the World.
As a Tatter of fact, Mr. Churchill and his friends in England and the U. S. A. are presenting something in the nature of an ultimaturn to nations which do not speak English: recognize our domination voluntarily and then everything will be in order - otherwise War is inevitable.
But the nations shed their blood during five years of fierce war for the sake of the freedom and independence of their Countries, and not for the sake of replacing the domination of the Hitlers by the domination of the Churchills. Wherefore, it is quite probable that the nations which do not speak English and at the same time Constitute the vast majority of the World's population, Will not agree to submit to the new slavery,
How do you appraise that part of Mr. Churchill's speech in Which he attacks the democratic system in the European states neighbouring with us and in which he criticizes the good-neighbourly relations established between these states and the Soviet Union? This part of Mr. Churchill's speech represents a mixture of elements Of Sander With elements of rudeness and tactlessness, No special effort is necessary to prove that in this case Mr. Churchill is rudely and shamelessly slandering both MOSCOW and the above-mentioned states neighbouring With the U.S.S.R.

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50th Aririiwersary Cēlebratiūris Ởf the C. P. S., L, at Colombo
Second from the left is the author of this book, and further on to theright is H. G. S. Fạsnaweệra and S. D. Bandaranaike. Presiding is Pieter Keungman asid on his fight is K. F. Silva. On this occasion, that is on 3rd July, 1993, was publishɛŋtsɛ book Compendiuŋ Ɔŋ Marxism-LĘninism by T. Duraisinġam. The pärticipants are seen here hawing thë botik in their hands

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Firstly, it is utterly absurd to speak of exclusive control of the U.S.S.R. in Vienna and Berlin, where there are Allied Control Councils composed of representatives of the four states and where the U.S.S.R. has only one-fourth of the votes. It does happen that some people cannot help slandering, but even then there should be a limit.
Secondly, one must not forget the following fact. The Germans invaded the U.S.S.R. through Finland, Poland, Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary. The Germans were able to effect the invasion by way of these Countries because at that time governments hostile to the Soviet Union existed in these countries. Owing to the German invasión, the Soviet Union irrevocably lost in battles with the Germans and also as a result of German occupation and the driving off of Soviet people to German penal servitude some 7,000,000 persons. In other words the Soviet Union lost several times more people than Britain and the United States of America taken together. Possibly some quarters are inclined to consign to oblivion these colossal sacrifices of the Soviet people which secured the liberation of Europe from the Hitlerite yoke. But the Soviet Union cannot forget them. The question arises, what can there be surprising about the fact that the Soviet Union, desiring to insure its security in the future, seeks to achieve a situation when those countries will have governments maintaining a friendly attitude towards the Soviet Union? How can anyone who has not gone mad describe these peaceful aspirations of the Soviet Union as expansionist tendencies Of Our State?
Mr. Churchill is wandering about the truth when he speaks of the growth of the influence of the Communist parties in Eastern Europe. It should be noted, however, that he is not quite accurate. The influence of the Communist parties has grown not only in Eastern Europe but in almost all the countries of Europe where fascism ruled before (Italy, Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria, Rumania,

The October Revolution - What it Meant 445
Finland), or where German, Italian or Hungarian occupation took place (France, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Denmark, Poland, Czetschoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Greece, the Soviet Union, and so forth).
The growth of the influence of the Communists cannot be regarded as fortuitous. It is a perfectly legitimate phenomenon. The influence of the Communists has grown because in the hard years of fascist domination in Europe the Communists proved reliable, courageous, selfsacrificing fighters against the fascist regime, for the freedom of the peoples. Mr. Churchill sometimes mentions in his speeches "the simple people of cottages", patting them on the back in a lordly manner and posing as their friend. But these people are not so simple as they may seem at first glance. They, these "simple people", have their own views, their own policy, and they are able to stand up for themselves. It is they, the millions of these "simple people", who voted down Mr. Churchill and his party in England by casting their votes for the Labourites. It is they, the millions of these "simple people", who isolated the reactionaries in Europe, the adherents of collaboration with fascism, and gave preference to the left democratic parties. It is they, the millions of these "simple people", who tested the Communists in the fire of struggle and resistance to fascism and decided that the Communists fully deserve the people's trust. That is how the influence of the Communists has grown in Europe. Such is the law of historical development.
Naturally, Mr. Churchill does not like such a course of development and he sounds the alarm, appealing to force. But he similarly did not like the birth of the Soviet regime in Russia after the First World War. Then too he sounded the alarm and organized the military campaign

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of "14 states" against Russia, setting himself the goal of turning the wheel of history back. Yet history proved stronger than Churchillian intervention, and Mr. Churchill's quixotic ways brought about his utter defeat. I do not know whether Mr. Churchill and his friends will succeed in organising after the Second World War a new military campaign against "Eastern Europe". But should they succeed - which is hardly probable, since millions of "simple people" are guarding the cause of peace - one can confidently say that they will be beaten just as they were beaten in the past, twenty-six years ago.
(End of Frawda Correspondent's interwieW.)
THE SOVIET UNION'S HELP TO THE PEOPLES OF THE WORLD
The Sowjet Union, since the October Revolution, has helped the peoples of the World in various Ways. It has helped the independence movements and the revolutionary movements in many countries of the World. It has supplied arms to revolutionaries as in the case of the Spanish Republican Government in the 1930s. It has entered into trade relations with many Countries, which assisted them to maintain their independence as in the case of Cuba. It was the Soviet Union, in the main that sawed the World from Nazism and Fascism, as already stated in this article,
The recent developments in Russia, with Mihail Gorbachev and his glosinos!, peresfroica and his insistence in bringing in Boris Yeltsin into the government, though the majority was against the latter, has brought disaster to the Country,
This is a setback to the World Communist movement, but certainly not what some over-enthusiastic, anti-communists mistakenly call the fall of communism, because of the temporary reverses in Russia. China, which country has the largest population in the World, is

447
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J. W 5 sāļin ÕTI鱷3th, 1945, thệ Đệclạration gn liberated Europe by the leaders of the shfēę Alliềd Powers was published. This Declaration isihē basis on which a Third
World Was has so sąr bệen avertęg, despitę the subsequênī£forts öīWinstön Churchill and others to undermine thë provisions embodi&din the Declarätiön.

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communist since 1949 and celebrates its National Day on October 1st, and celebrated it in a grand way this October 1st also. Cuba, a Caribbean island a few miles off the Coast of U. S. A., became Communist in 1959 under the leadership of Dr. Fidel Castro and continues to be so under his leadership. The current developments in Russia and other former communist Countries are due to the mistakes made by their rulers. Before long the people will realise this and these countries will get back to scientific Socialism. Already this is taking place as in the case of Albania and Hungary.
All over the world there are socialist and communist parties. In Sri Lanka, the Communist Party and other Marxist parties are constituents of the Peoples Alliance Government. In the not too distant future the peoples of the whole world will accept communism and scientific socialism as their political philosophy.
Courtesy: "Lanka Guardian", Colombo, November 1st, 1997.

CHAPTER 8
The Palestinian Struggle
The Origin and Growth of Israel
Fighting has flared up again in the Middle East. Sri Lanka, India, the Soviet Union and many other states have branded Israel the aggressor and have expressed sympathy and solidarity with the Arab peoples and states. They have declared that the cause of the tension in the area was due to Israel's aggression and refusal to vacate territories occupied by armed force and have demanded that Israel should withdraw immediately from all Arab territory occupied by her in June 1967. The United Nations Security Council has been able to bring about a cease fire after 17 days of fighting. But tension is still prevailing in the area.
The Israeli aggression against Arab lands and people did not commence in June 1967. The aggression commenced very much earlier and was supported and sponsored by the imperialist powers. For several hundred years the Turkish Ottoman Empire ruled Over the Arab lands. With the invention of the internal combustion engine and the large scale use of motor vehicles, the value of oil was brought to the forefront. The Arab lands were rich in oil and the European powers began to take a keen interest in affairs of the Arab lands. In 1914 all the Arab Countries were drawn into the First World War between the Anglo-French bloc and the German-Turkish bloc for the redivision of the world and its spheres of influence.
Both sides made use of the territory, bases, communications, natural resources and manpower of the Arab countries that were dependent on them. The Anglo-French bloc used the territory and resources of Egypt, the Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco and the British domains in Arabia. The German-Turkish bloc placed at its own disposal all the natural resources and manpower of Palestine, Syria, the Lebanon, Iraq and part of Arabia.

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450 Politics and Lifeg in Our TirrTeas
WISITTO THE MIDDLE EAST DURING THETIME OF TENSION
Т. Dшгај5іпдал7
Photo taker or his 80th Birthday
The author has been to Syria during the time of tension in the Middle East in 1967 and had also been to the Syrian frontier at that time
 

The Origin and Growth of Israel 451
FOREIGN OPPRESSORS
The Arab Countries formal participation in the War, however, whether on one side or the other, still did not determine the people's real stand. Actually, they were hostile to both belligerents and both the Anglo-French and German-Turkish rear were unstable. The Arab people hated their foreign oppressors, and this hatred was skilfully used by one imperialist bloc against the other.
Each belligerent supported the national movements and the uprisings in the enemy's rear and spurred them on, using them for t|12|ľ OWT1 TCCdS.
Under the pretext of military necessity, the Turkish authorities fleeced the civilian population. Forced labour was used extensively, Thousands of peasants were taken away from the land and forced to Work on all sorts of military projects, Agricultural and industrial productions dropped sharply. Prices of essential goods rose steeply and many articles dropped out of sale and the "black Tarket" throwe. Hundreds of thousands of people in the Lebanon, Syria, Palestine and Iraq were on the verge of starvation. Tens of thousands of people died of hunger and disease. The economic difficulties, economic dislocation and the Consequences of the War gave rise to a Wave of spontaneous expression of discontent throughout the country. The Turkish Government persecuted the Arab national liberation movement and launched mass repressions against the Arab Nationalists,
The Arab Nationalists now entered into secret negotiations with the British. By the McMahon-Husein agreement, entered into in October 1915, the British, as a condition for Arab support, promised to recognise an Independent Arab State consisting of Iraq, Palestine, Eastern Syria and the entire Arabian Peninsula except the British Protectorates in that peninsula. The Arab Nationalists now openly supported the Anglo-French bloc by taking up arms against the Turks. The Arab troops successfully liberated several regions in the Arab lands.

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FRUITS OF WICTORY
The Anglo-French bloc won the War and the signing of the Armistice ended the 400-year old Turkish domination in the Arab Countries.
The Arabs, however, Were unable to reap the fruits of victory. On Septemeber 30, 1918, the day the Arab troops entered Damascus, an Anglo-French agreement was signed in London, establishing an occupation regime in the Arab East. The administration of the Arab lands was divided between the French and the British and Only a portion of the Arab lands situated in the Arabian peninsula remained under Arab Control.
We shall now consider the position of Palestine, which according to the McMahon-Husein agreement of 1915 was to form part of the Independent Arab State, but which, in fact, came under the British Empire as a mandated territory.
Palestine was originally called Canaan and was occupied by the Canaanites who emigrated from the Arabian Peninsula many centuries ago. It was successively invaded by different peoples - the Philistines, Hebrews, Greeks, Romans, Persians, Crusadors, Turks and the British, Foreign invasions succeeded one another, but the Arabs remained on their ancestral soil, Taintaining their language, their national existence and their age long Connection with the Other Arab peoples. At different periods of history the Jews tried to establish the TiselweS at Palestine, bo Lut failed to dO SO.
In 1882, a group of Russian born Jews had founded the first Jewish agricultural colony near Jaffa in Palestine. A Zionist agency was set up in Jaffa in 1908 to provide for immigrants sent by Warious Zionist Societi ES ETC OrganisatioTS,
JEWISH COLONIALISM
The Turkish authorities were neutral and did not hamper the Jewish Colonisation. Ho We wer, de Spite the gemer CUS Subsidies from the Jewish Banker, Rothschild, and from Warious Zionist funds. only 45,000 immigrants had entered Palesting between 1882 and

The Origin and Growth of Israal 453
STEAMSHIF FROM HARBIN
Harbin is a river port of Manchuria near Mongolia. It is also a treaty port and has an international settlement
These Russian expatriates, mother and daughter, embarkad, in 1931, on this Japanese ship at Harbin and are going West to settle down thare. They are seen here seated On the deck of the ship

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1914 and the entire Jewish population there was less than 90,000. According to the cens Luis of 1922 the total population of Palestine was 757, 182 of whom 590,890 were Muslims, 83,794 Jews and 73,024 Christians.
But with the importance of oil coming to the forefront, British Imperialism was in no mood to stand by her earlier commitment, that is the McMahon-Husein agreement of 1915 whereby the British had promised to incorporate Palestine in the Independent Arab State.
At the beginning of 1917, while preparing for the seizure of Palestine, the British Government recalled the Zionists' claim for the establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine and decided to enlist their services to justify the separation of Palestine from the Arab state.
This Zionist claim of a "promised land" was based on their own interpretation of a Divine promise found in their Holy Scriptures to give a land to them s Lupposed to hawe been made to them by God, Some 4,000 years ago.
The British established contacts with the Zionist leaders and negotiations were entered into and agreement reached. The British Government issued a declaration on its policy in Palestine, which was published in the form of a letter from the British Foreign Secretary Balfour to the Anglo-Jewish banker Rothschild. The declaration stated that "His Majesty's Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people LLLLaL LLLL LLLL LLLaLL LLL LLLLLaLLLLLLL LL LLtLLLLLaL LLLL LLLLLLLHGGL L this object".
BALFOUR DECLARATION
The Balfour Declaration received the support of the United States, French and Italian Governments. But it evoked trertendous indignation among the Arabs, Who Were staggered by Britain's treachery. To allay the fears of the Arabs the British handed over a memorandum to them giving assurances that the Allies intended to grant the Arabs an opportunity to occupy a Worthy place in the

The Origin and Growth of Israel 455
Anti-aircraft guns in the battle field

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world and to set up their own State. On the basis of these assurances the Arabs did not abandon the field of battle, but they were left with a deep feeling of discontent and mistrust with regard to Britain's policy.
Against the will of the Arab people, Britain continued to rule Palestine from 1923 to 1948 as a British colony in collaboration with the Jewish Agency with a view to ultimately making it a Jewish State.
The Arabs were deprived of their civic and political rights and were denied their due place in the administration of their land. Unlimited Jewish immigration was deliberately encouraged so as to considerably reduce the Arab strength. Laws were promulgated which enabled Jews to seize Arab lands and leave thousands of Arabs homeless and destitute. In the economic sphere the position of the Arabs was rapidly weakened. A strong Jewish private army was built up at the expense of the helpless Arabs, who were forbidden to own or carry fire arms under pain of death. Several Arab towns and villages were burned down or blown up and tens of thousands of Arabs - men, Women and children - were killed and tortured.
CONSEQUENCES OF BRITISH RULE
Thus by these methods, after 25 years of British rule in one part of Palestine, the Arab majority became a minority and the Jewish minority became a majority. By then, over a million Jews had immigrated into Palestine.
During the Second World War, the Allied leaders proclaimed that they would uphold the freedom of small nations, would oppose any aggression on them and would assist them to realise their independence. President Roosevelt, Winston Churchill and other leaders emphasised in official documents to Arab rulers that no decision would be taken on Palestine without consulting its people and Securing their approval.

The Origin and Growth of Israel 457
But no sooner had the war ended and victory been achieved than the Allies turned against the Arabs again. They forgot their pledges to small nations. By the end of the war, the Palestinian Arabs found themselves facing a front composed of Britain, America and the Zionist International, all aiming at transforming Palestine into a Jewish State, evacuating its Arab inhabitants and entrenching colonialism, with the Jewish State as its base in the Middle East.
ESTABLISHING A JEWISH STATE
In 1947, on the recommendation of a U. N. Commission, dominated by the Imperialist Powers, and in the face of opposition by Arab and Asian States, a resolution for the partition of Palestine establishing a Jewish State was adopted. Thus the Jews proclaimed the birth of their new Zionist State of Israel on 14th May, 1947, which was immediately recognised by America, shortly followed by other imperialist powers. David Ben Gurion became its first Prime Minister.
The remaining portion of Palestine was in the hands of the Arabs and became part of Jordon.
The Arabs naturally were opposed to the creation of Israel and would not accept it. There was constant friction between the Jews and the Arabs. In an attempt to check Jewish terrorism and prevent it from overwhelming the rest of Palestine and to end the continuing flight of the Arabs from their own territory, the Arab states marched into Palestine. The U. N. Security Council, however, soon brought about a cease-fire. But the attitude of the British and American authorities encouraged the Jews to break the cease-fire and truce agreements and, on several occasions, to occupy further areas of Palestine and expel more Arabs. More than 600,000 Arabs had been rendered homeless and driven into the desert in one year alone, in 1949.

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ULTMATE OBJECTIVE OF ISRAEL
The ultimate objective of the Zionist International and of Israel has been clearly stated in the words of the then Prime Minister of Israel, Ben Gurion, that they "have to strive, by conquest or by diplomacy, to establish the Israeli Empire, which must cover the whole territory — from the Nile to the Euphrates".
In May 1967, tension was mounting in the Middle East, as it became known that Israel had massed its armies on the Syrian frontiers, and were planning to invade Syria. The United Arab Republic, in terms of its defence pact with Syria, got ready to give effective help to her ally. President Nasser ordered U. A. R.'s armed forces to a state of "maximum readiness" and declared the Aquaba Gulf closed to Israeli navigation.
On June 5th, 1967, Israel Suddenly launched its aggression, and due to the element of surprise, was able to advance into large areas of Arab territory. The United Nations, however, succeeded in bringing about a cease fire in six days time.
Courtesy: "The Nation", Colombo, December 7th, 1973.

AAPSO Sessions in Aden With Yasser Arafat
"I warmly greet the participants of the 13th Session of the Council of the Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Organisation who have assembled in the capital of Democratic Yemen to discuss the Current problems of the national liberation struggle and defence of peace and the security of the peoples". This is the message sent by Comrade L. I. Brezhnev, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR and General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, to the 13th AAPSO Council Session held in Aden from the 20th to 26th March, 1981.
Continuing his message Brezhnev stated that "the Soviet people note with profound satisfaction the outstanding victories Won by the national liberation movement in the seventies. The liquidation of colonial empires has been actually completed, and the newly free countries have markedly strengthened their independence.
"These Successes were achieved in hard-fought struggles. Imperialism is prepared to do anything to suppress the freedomloving aspirations of the peoples. It strives as before to control the destinies of the countries of Asia and Africa, and to exploit their natural resources. The imperialists declare whole regions of Asia and Africa to be "a sphere of their vital interests". They establish there a large network of military bases, concentrate their troops and fleets Oquipped with most deadly weapons, patronize racist and dictatorial regimes and create seats of conflicts. Widely using terror and violence against the fighting peoples, the imperialists slander the national liberation movement by putting on it the label of "International torrOrism".
"It is only by the joint efforts of all the peace-loving progressive forces of the Earth, that it is possible to achieve a solution of basic international problems, including such problems as those of A Just settlement in the middle East, ensuring security in the Persian

Page 239
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Gulf area, turning the Indian Ocean into a peace zone, eliminating the last seats of Colonialism and racialism, and restructuring international economic relations on the basis of equality". Concluding his message, Comrade Brezhnev said "I Wish your Session successful and fruitful Work, in the name of the noble aims set by the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Organisation before itself".
AAPSO, which has its headquarters in Cairo, has Observer Status in the United Nations Organisation and its allied Agencies. The Council Meeting was attended by 87 National Solidarity Committee Delegations and representatives of the liberation movements. Several International Organisations were also represented at the sessions. The Council Meeting was declared open by Ali Nasser Mohamed, President of the Peoples Democratic Republic of Yemen.
The participants, in the plenary sessions and in the six commissions, discussed the new tasks of the AAPSO in the present Crucial international situation, vis-a-vis the escalated Onslaught against peace by imperialist powers and for disarmament, defenfe and international co-operation, the acceleration of the struggle of peoples for complete decolonisation and genuine independence.
An appeal, which was adopted at the final session of the Council meeting, urged upon the Peoples and Governments of Africa and Asia to intensify an all-out struggle, with a view to foiling the insane and adventurist schemes of imperialism, fraught with threats of extermination of mankind; take a firm stand and undertake a concerted strong action, aimed at bringing about disarmament, strengthening detente and peace in the entire World; strengthen solidarity with all the peace-lowing people in the World and with the countries of the socialist community which firmly believe in the principles of peace and security; foil the dangerous plans of imperialism aimed at attracting to its military orbit the newly independent states of Africa and Asia, and staunchly support the efforts made by governments and political forces for maintaining peace and security in the Arab Gulf, the Indian Ocean and the Far East regions.

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The Sri Lankan delegation consisted of Messrs A. Aziz, T. Duraisingam, M. M. Bahaudeen and Miss Eva Ranaweera. Miss Ranaweera is a secretary of the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka, and is also a member of the Permanent Secretariat of the AAPSO at Cairo. She presented to Yasser Arafat, at the plenary sessions, a poem written by her on Leila Khalid, the Palestinian heroine.
An amended constitution was adopted at the Council meeting. Among the office bearers elected at the plenary sessions were Abdel Rahman El Sharkawi (Egypt) as President, Nouri Abdel Razzak (Irak) as Secretary General and Abdul Aziz (Sri Lanka) as a Vice President.
Colombo, March 1981.

CHAPTER 9
Disarmament
Not War and Destruction, but Peace and Development
The international Conference, Dialogue on Disarmament and Detente, was held in Vienna (Austria), from January 29 to February 1, 1982. To ensure the success of the Conference a series of preparatory meetings were held before this with the participation of elected officials and representatives of 50 political parties and organizations from countries of all continents, with the co-operation Of the International Liaison Forum of Peace Forces and an Austrian initiative group.
The Vienna Dialogue discussed the problems of disarmament, with the emphasis in all discussions to the key task of ending the nuclear war danger and the arms build-up.
Over 350 delegates attended this conference and among the participants were members of parliament and other leaders belonging to many political parties of differing persuasions and from international, national and regional non-governmental organisations, including anti-war and peace movements, trade unions, youths, students, women, religious and other organisations from 61 countries of the world. Also in attendance were envoys from the United Nations and its various organs and such international organisations as the Christian Peace Conference, the International Association of Democratic Lawyers, the International Institute of Peace, the International Union of Students, the Women International League for Peace and Freedom, the World Federation of Trade Unions and the World Peace Council. T. B. Subasinghe, Raja Collure and
Constituted the Sri Lankan delegation to this conference.

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Open and frank discussions were held at the Conference, which covered a wide range of questions concerning the international situation and the struggle for peace. Many different views were expressed and there was controversy on some issues which made it interesting to all sides. People of different persuasions and professional backgrounds had a chance to hear frank statements from each other, which were certainly wery effective and instructive for all. Though different and diverging opinions and judgements were Expressed on many topical problems, all the participants expressed |he sa Tle or similar wiews on the key international questions, on deterfe, on preventing a new round in the arms race, limiting the arms race and promoting disarmament. There was complete unanimity on the way to achieve these goals, namely the need for negotiations and the constructive exchange of views, which indicated the possibility of Carrying forward dialogues at all levels and which Would be an important contribution to reaching agreements that Hecure peace and bring about disarmament,
The dialogue was conducted in five groups, each group dealing with a different subject namely, (1) Arms limitation, dafer fa ld Security, European and global aspects; (2) The arms race and he destablisation of the military and political situation in the World; (3) Nuclear disarmament - the immediate tasks; (4) Disarmament, de serife and development; and (5), Public opinion and the United NELLİOTS efforts for di Sarrarat and da farfa.
There was general agreement that the World is facing a wery Orious danger of war arising from the present international situation. he decision of NATO to station cruise missiles in Europe has caused IIIch of the increased tension and War danger in Europe. This will El to an even greater increase in nuclear Weapons in Europe, and I creater threat of nuclear War to the whole World. The Thost effective Way must be found to mobilise ever stronger public opinion against lose missiles, and for the beginning of arms reduction, on the basis
Erity in Europe,

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While tension mounts in many parts of the world, the people of the world react by crying out for peace as never before in history. Resistance to the preparations for war is at a very high level everywhere. The task of the peace forces in every country is to channel this solid determination of the people into the most effective action. Millions of people in every continent are on the march. Their message to all World leaders must be loud and clear. The message is "Peace for all humanity. Forward to a nuclear weapon free Europe and the world. Not war and destruction, but peace and development for the generations still to come".
Views were expressed that profits from arms manufacture is one of the major causes of tension and the sabotaging of disarmament. The dangerous role of the military industrial complex was frequently Commented upon. United States applies pressure on many states and encourages militarisation, thus causing heavy burdens on their economies. In this Connection, the co-relation between the arms race and destabilisation becomes quite obvious. Concern was voiced on the U. S. role in Central and Latin America, the Middle East, Southern Africa, Asia and other parts of the world.
it was pointed out that the United States seeks quantitative and qualitative superiority vis-a-vis the USSR. The establishment of new military alliances and extension of old ones is dangerous to peace. The militarisation of the Indian Ocean, and opposition by certain powers to transform the Indian Ocean into a Zone of Peace, as agreed in the United Nations, is a grave threat to peace, Security and peaceful development of states. The consensus of opinion at the Dialogue was that we should be working towards the elimination of all military alliances. Political solutions instead of military solutions should be the direction today. Negotiations rather than confrontation should be the modus operandi.
It was noted that the situation in the Middle East Continues to be a source of grave concernandalam, particulariybecause of the continued aggression of Israel, its expansionist policies, and refusal to conform to the resolutions of the United Nations on the question of Palestine, which calls for the establishment of a Palestinian sovereign state.

Not War and Destruction, but Peace and Development 467
Concern was expressed over the danger of direct US military intervention in Central America and the Caribbean region and the threat to overthrow the governments in Nicaragua, Grenada and Cuba. While discussing the genocidal war in El Salvador, delegates welcomed the political solution suggested by France, Mexico, Canada and Latin American personalities which take into consideration the rOle Of FR - FML.
The arms race, the changed conceptual approach of the USA, the resulting military doctrine, hence the greater involvement of the United States in further dangerous conflicts in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East and the extensive proliferation of military bases, listening posts, etc. cause deep anxiety in the minds of all peace loving forces. The delegates felt that increased tensions in the world pose a serious problem to the continued survival of humanity on this earth. Scientists are in duty bound to explain to the world how the remarkable achievements of science are put to destructive use. Proliferation of weapons makes control more difficult. Hence political solutions are urgently needed to cover all aspects of disarmament, lessening of tension and the establishment of security in the world, whether it be in Europe, Middle East, Caribbean and Latin America, Africa, Indian Ocean or the Pacific. A dialogue in order to eliminate the grave dangers facing us is indispensable. The need to bring down the level of the existing military parity between the NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries, while keeping the security of both sides intact is the immediate need of the day.
The leader of the Soviet delegation pointed out that in the post-war period the Soviet Union had introduced 123 proposals aimed at limiting the arms race, building trust and promoting detente and co-operation both in Europe and throughout the world. He emphasised the significance of the Soviet Peace Programme for the 80s, put forward by the 26th Congress of the CPSU, and the numerous proposals made by Leonid Brezhnev, aimed at transferring detente from the political to the military sphere.

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The main guidelines and principles of Soviet Foreign Policy are defined in the Constitution of the USSR, the programme of the CPSU, and the resolutions of CPSU congresses, and are designed to consolidate peace, and to safeguard and extend detente. In their foreign policy, the CPSU and the Soviet Government are guided by such principles as recognition of the right of each people to deal with its internal affairs without outside interference; renunciation of any attempt to establish any form of domination or hegemony over other countries and peoples or to include them in the "sphere of one's interest"; strict respect for the territorial intergrity of states and the inviolability of their frontiers; complete and unconditional recognition of the sovereignty of states and their equal rights in international economic and political relations.
One of the fundamental facts recognized by all participants was that the concepts of disarmament and development were Complementary to each other. The arms race and development have to compete for a share of limited human, physical, financial and technological global resources. Expenditure on armaments, has been rising steeply during the recent past and this was true both of the industrially advanced and of the under developed Countries of the World.
The direct impact of increased outlay for manufacture of nuclear weapons and a variety of other sophisticated and advanced equipment in the industrially developed societies has led to drastic Cuts in public expenditure on social and welfare programmes. The Curtailment of public outlay has particularly hurt poorer groups and the underprivileged sections of these societies. An unavoidable consequence of these trends would be the furtherance of misery for increasing numbers through unemployment and inflation on the one hand and denial of education, health and other Social and Welfare services on the other. The worst affected in the process would be the women, children, unorganised labour and the very poor who have no capacity to defend themselves. The escalation in expenditure on armaments resorted to by the advanced countries, it is obvious, is at the cost of development and welfare of the people at large.

Not War and Destruction, but Peace and Development 469
For the under developed and poor countries of the world the acquisition of armaments cannot but impose an extremely heavy burden on their limited national resources which are most urgently needed for their national growth and development. The arms race for the developing Countries not only eats up internal resources but also places considerable claims on their limited foreign exchange resources. The growing claims of defence budgets may claim a disproportionate share of human skills, inadequate infrastructural facilities and other resources for non-productive, wasteful and destructive purposes.
The adoption of policies which aim to acquire the most sophisticated arms by the poor nations would unavoidably force them not only to suspend a large part of their productive investments but also prevent their progress towards liquidation of poverty, hunger, malnutrition and disease from which large sections of the populations now suffer. It is also evident that developing countries may resort to large borrowing from international organisations which could place these countries in an unenviable situation of "debt trap". The dependence on outside resources could jeopardize their own sovereignty, freedoms and national self respect. Therefore the prospect of the arms race being pursued by the poor nations has wide, varied and serious implications.
The arms race can only be pursued at the cost of economic and social development of the nations. The arms race is a threat to development and human existence. The basic decisions on the question of arms, however, has to be taken at governmental level by the ruling leaderships. It is, therefore, imperative that multipronged action be initiated to influence and pressure all governments to recognize the need for drastic reduction in the diversion of resources to the arms build up. In this, all sections of the population have a role to play - at national as well as at the international levels.
The cost of wars in men and money is steeply rising. In World War I, about 10 million were killed, 20 million were crippled and the cost was from 260 to 360 billion dollars. In World War II, more than 50 million were killed, 90 million were Crippled and the cost was from 3,300

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470 Politics arid Lifg irn, CMLJr TirTies
SRI LANKAN DELEGATION RESTING BY THESIDE OF FOUNTAINS IN BERLIN DURING THE BERLIN CONFERENCE IN THE 1960s
L.-R.: Dr. Premadasa Udagarna, T. B. Subasinghe, T. Duraisingam and Nihal Jayawick.rema
 

Nor War and Destructor, but Peace and Develop Tigrit 471
to 4,000 billion dollars. Since 1945 there hawe beer approximately 150 LLLLLL LL LLL LLLL LLLaLLa LaaaLLLLLLL0L LLLLLGGLLLLLLL GLLL LLLLLLG LLL LLLLLL people. In the past 35 years the world has spent roughly 7,500 billion dollars On these Wars and On the arms race,
Prime Minister Pierre Tredeau of Canada was quoted to hawe said: "About two weeks of what We spend on armaments could feed and nourish and house the whole World for a year, with the less developed nations included",
The World Health Organisation (WHO) spent 83 million dollars in ten years and eliminated smallpox on the planet. This money Would buy only one modern strategic bomber. The WHO programme for eliminating malaria has been stalled for lack of funds - this despite the fact that the amount of money required COTies to only one third Of thg I:OSt Of a Tridgrt SLUTari E.
The most important instruTent for influencing governments on issues affecting disarmanent and development, in advanced as Well as under-developed Countries, is public education and mobilisation of the masses against the arms race and strategies which are anti-people. To this end, all out efforts have to be made by enlighter led groups of people, non-governmental organisations, politi Call parties, trade Lunions, youth and Women's Organisations and religious circles.
The participants expressed their firm confidence that the Consolidation of peace and deterite, development of the tangible gains achieved in the 70s, Thaking Luse of modern science for peaceful purposes, and Concrete steps for disarmament - is the only path for all the peoples and governments of the World to follow.
ColorПро, Јапшату 29th, 1982.

Page 245
The Struggle for Peace and Disarmament in ASia
The co-operation shown by the Allied Powers during the Second World War, in their efforts to defeat German fascism and Japanese militarism, continued for a short time after the end of the war. During 1945, and to some extent during 1946 and 1947, representatives of the USSR and the Western powers were generally able to reach agreement on many important international problems. This was manifested at the Creation of the United Nations Organisation, at the Potsdam Conference, and at the drafting and adoption of the peace treaties with Italy, Rumania, Hungary, Bulgaria and Finland, the countries which participated in the War on the side of Nazi Germany.
However, the turning-point in post-war international relations came about with the former British prime minister, Winston Churchill's speech made on March 5, 1946, at the American town of Fulton (Missouri), in the presence of the American President, H.Truman, which declared relentless political war against the Soviet Union. The speech became a programme of action for the imperialist camp in the international arena. There ensued the cold war period, which involved an armaments race, the setting up of American bases around the perimeter of the USSR and the other socialist Countries, and the formation of aggressive military blocs.
Alarmed by the growing strength of socialism and by the Scale of the revolutionary movements and the struggle for independence of subject countries, the American monopoly bourgeoisie wanted the armed forces of the United States, then in Sole possession of the atom bomb, to take upon themselves the role of a World police man to suppress all socialist and freedom movements and to bring into line all those Who Would not Submit to their diktat.

The Struggle for Peace and Disarmament in Asia 473
Naturally, the peoples of the World reacted vigorously against this American impudence and took adequate steps to ward off this danger from world imperialism. Organised efforts were made and are being continuously made throughout the world to strengthen international security, to deependetente and to take steps to ensure tangible progress towards disarmament.
In the Asian Subcontinent of India, Jawaharlal Nehru was inspired by the vision of a united and renascent Asia. One of his first acts, as the Prime Minister of India, was to convene, in 1947, an Asian Relations Conference in Delhi. It was the success of this Conference and his vision of an united Asia and also of an united Africa, which led to the holding of the Asian-African Conference in April 1955 at Bandung in Indonesia, and popularly referred to as the Bandung Conference.
This Conference was organised by Indonesia, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka and a number of other states including China and Egypt, attended this conference as delegates. The Bandung Conference was an important political landmark and it has given inspiration to nations and peoples throughout the world. The ten point declaration to promote world peace and co-operation adopted at this conference and which was based on the Panchasheela principles, has been used as the basis of declarations and the aims and objects of organisations for the promotion of peace and co-operation.
The Panchasheela principles themselves, that is the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence were formulated in 1954. They formed part of the preamble to the Indo-China Agreement on Tibet. These principles are: (1) mutual respect for each others territorial integrity and sovereignty; (2) non-aggression; (3) non-interference in each other's internal affairs; (4) equality and mutual benefit; and (5) peaceful co-existence.
Though the Bandung Conference set an important landmark, yet due to major schisms and differences among its sponsors, it was not possible to hold a similar conference thereafter. This was a direct consequence of imperialist policy. When the imperialists ruled, they

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Polics and La CLJ Tries
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The Struggle for Peace and Disarmament in Asia 475
In keeping with their traditional policy of divide and rule, encouraged regional, national and religious strife among their subject peoples. Even after independence, the imperialists for Tented and encouraged these divisions.
However, the impact of the Bandung Conference did hawe its permanent impressions on international relations. It gawe the inspiration to the formation of the non-aligned movement. The concept of non-alignment began to take shape during the fifties when the international situation was poisoned by the cold War and by the threat of a nuclear War by the imperialist powers.
The newly liberated nations of Asia and Africa Were brought together by the need to defend and consolidate their political independence, by the need to support national liberation struggles thus liberating all remaining areas under colonialism and racialism, y the need to struggle for a New Economic Order in order to reap the fruits of independence both politically and economically and, finally, by the need to struggle for international peace and Security, defense, development, and peaceful co-existence irrespective of different social Systems.
This movement has grown from strength to strength. Whereas 25 member Countries and 3 observers attended the First Summit Conference, held in Belgrade in 1961, the Fifth Summit Conference held in 1976, in Colombo, was attended by 86 nations and national liberation Towerments, at the Seventh Summit Conference held in New Delhi there were nearly 100 nations and national liberation movements participating in it.
The movement of non-aligned countries has made important Contributions towards changing the balance of international relations in favour of peace and progress-lowing forces, and it is, undoubtedly, one of the most important phenomenon in modern international
Elations.
A good assessment of the factual role of the non-aligned movement was made by the Foreign Minister of Vietnam, Nguyen Co. Thach, at the conference of Foreign Ministers of non-aligned countries held at New Delhi in 1983. He said that the non-aligned

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476 . Politics and Life in Our Times
movement consists of Countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America which have been victims of aggression and exploitation by the colonialists, imperialists and other reactionary forces. The United Nations comprises all the nations in the world, including the aggressors and the victims of aggression. One of the objectives of the non-aligned movement has been to defend the interests of the peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America against aggression and exploitation. The resolutions of the non-aligned movement reflect Our interests.
He further stated that in the 50s, the United Nations was under the sway of imperialism and since the 60s, it had undergone gradual changes, due to the struggle of the non-aligned, Socialist and other peace and justice loving countries.
One of the greatest and most important mass movements of our time to struggle for peace and disarmament is the Peace Movement. The consistent, tireless, painstaking and effective work of the fighters for peace helped to frustrate many aggressive imperialist actions and schemes, helped to increase the chances of success for the opponents of war and to tie the hands of the reactionary forces. Never before have acts of aggression and violence against the peoples met with such widespread indignation, protest and active resistance as it is today.
The main force behind the peace movement is the World Peace Council. It was inaugurated by the First World Congress for Peace, which was held in Paris and Prague in April 1949, when the Cold war was gathering momentum. If at every juncture in these 35 years more and more people were able to see who was to blame for the tension, who engaged in brinkmanship, who was behind the cold War and the armed conflicts, the credit for this belongs primarily to the Peace Movement.
In Asia, it was in June 1957 that for the first time a session Of the World Peace Council was held. This Conference was held in Colombo to call for a ban on all atomic tests. In the following years Sessions of the World Peace Council have been held in India and
other Asian countries.

The Struggle for Peace and Disarmament in Asia 477
With the advent of the Reagan administration, the United States is perpetrating direct interference in the affairs of sovereign countries in the Middle East and other parts of the world. Peace loving forces condemn most categorically the policy of terrorism, arbitrariness and interference in the affairs of sovereign independent states pursued by the United States as incompatible with the commonly recognized norms of law and morality and creating a threat to peace and international security, and insists that it be ended.
The situation in the world today calls for the united action of all peace forces. If they are united and act with all their strength, then undoubtedly, they would succeed in easing of tension and in the maintenance of peace in the World.
Colombo, April 3rd, 1984.

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The Soviet Proposal on the Non-Militarization of Outer Space
We, who work in close collaboration with the forces struggling for independence, peace and the security of peoples, warmly Welcome the latest Soviet initiative for the strengthening of peace, namely the proposal to include in the agenda of the 40th session of the United Nations General Assembly, the itementitled, "International Co-operation in Peaceful Exploration of Outer Space in the Conditions of its NonMilitarization". Today the grave and immediate danger to the existence of all life in the World, is the militarization of Outer space.
If the Soviet proposals are accepted by the nations of the World, then outer space would not be militarized. This Would also mean the renunciation of states of the development, research, testing and deployment of space strike Weapons. This Would lead to the joint effort by states in peaceful space activities.
The Soviet proposals are of special interest to us of the developing countries. One of the proposals is to render all-round assistance to developing countries. This is to be done with a view to involving the developing countries, in the exploration and use of Outer space, and in the application of practical results of such activities, for the acceleration of economic and social development of these countries in accordance with their needs, and without any conditions infringing upon their sovereignty.
The USSR steadfastly pursues a policy of peace, and stands for strengthening of the security of nations and broad international Co-operation, so that it may serve peace and progress and at stopping the arms race, and at taking positive steps towards disarmament and deterse.
This proposal on the non-militarization of Outer space, is the latest initiative taken by the Soviet Union. No other country has, in recent years, addressed itself to the World, with so Wide a spectrum of specific and realistic initiatives, on the most crucial problems of international relations. No other country has made, as many important Suggestions for strengthening peace, ending the arms race and for disarmament, as has the Soviet Union. No other country has done so much for collective security and World peace as the Soviet Unior
Color77 bo, 28th August, 1984),

The Soviet Proposal on the Non-Militarization of Outer Space 479
THE PISKAREWSKOYE MEMORAL CEMETERY
thousands of Men, Worthen and Children died of starvation and enemy action. The author of this book went to this Cemetery in the 1970s and joined in the laying of wreaths in Temory of the Martyrs of Leningrad

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Conference on Asian Security
Amerillarged meeting of the Presidium Committee of the AfroAsian Peoples Solidarity Organisation was held in last August for two
days at Ho Chi Minh City (Saigon), Socialist Republic of Vietnam. In addition to the delegation from the Solidarity Organisation Headquarters at Cairo, Ine Inebrs from the national solidarity movements of Afghanistan, Australia, Bangladesh, Kampuchea, India, Laos, Mongolia, New Zealand, Pakistan, Philippines, Thailand, Soviet Union, Wietnam and Democratic Yemen participated at this conference. AbdulAziz and T. Duraisingam, this Writer, attended it as delegates from the AfroAsian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka.
The Thain topic was on "Asian Security" and the discussions Centrd rolu) —
1, Schemes and acts of imperialism and reaction against the independence, Sovereignty and security of Asian nations, thus threatening the peace and Security of the region.
2. The struggle of the people of Asian Countries to transfort Asia into a zone of peace. Their efforts aimed at expanding the friendly Co-Operation for the Socio-economic development of each Country.
The Minister of Education of Wietnam, Madame Nguyen Thi Binh, presided at the sessions of the conference, In her key-note address Madame Binh said that "forty years after the victory over Hitler fascis IT and Japanese militarism and after the end of World War II, mankind finds itself facing the threat of a new World War - a nuclear War of extermination. The root-cause of this extremely dangerous situation lies in the War Tongering policy of theirTyperialist forces and international reaction headed by the USA. In an attempt to break the strategic military equilibrium that has taken shape in the World, US imperialism is pursuing an unlimited nuclear arms race on the ground, the sea and ever in Outer space. The so-called "Strategic Defence initiative" (SDI) of Real

Corser EPT CE QF7 Assar Security
SRI LANKAN DELEGATES IN HO CHI MINH CITY
"Asian Security
held in Ho Chi Minh City on August 15–17, 1985, Madam Nguyễn Thi Binh, who presided, is seen addressing the Cnference
On the exteme left is seen Abdul Aziz, a Sri Lankan Delegate
At thẾ CỦmfēTETICE OTI

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482 Politics and Life in Our Times
is actually bringing mankind a step closer to a nuclear catastrophe. At the same time, the US and their reactionary lackeys are feverishly carrying out aggressions and brutal interventions against various nations. This extremely reactionary policy aims at the grasping of strategic superiority on the world scale in order to achieve their ambitious domination and of imposing their colonialist will upon all peoples".
Madame Binh describing the situation in the various countries of the Asian and Pacific region, said that the "hotbeds of conflicts created by US imperialism and the reactionary forces, together with the US nuclear war preparations, are threatening seriously the peace and security of the region and the cause of independent development of the countries striving to liquidate the sequels of colonialist domination and to build a new life in peace".
Continuing she said "but the days when imperialism can impose their colonialist will upon nations are gone. The situation in Asia and the Pacific in the recent past has another great characteristic: the vigorous development of the forces of peace, national independence, democracy and social progress against the war-like and aggressive policy of imperialism and reaction".
Presidium member of the Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee, Akharnovitch Roman, describing the solidarity movement as a broad public and political rostrum of the present day national liberation movement, said that "the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organisation (AAPSO) has done much for rallying the progressive national and patriotic forces of the two continents on an anti-imperialist platform, for strengthening the union of the forces of national liberation with world socialism and the international working class movement. The AAPSO has been assisting and continues to assist effectively and Supports all fighters against Colonial oppression, neo-Colonialism, racism, hegemonism and Zionism on the basis of the tested principle of international solidarity".

Conference on Asian Security 483
Vice President of the AAPSO and Secretary General of the Sri Lankan solidarity association, Abdul Aziz, described in detail the continuing efforts taken by the peoples and states of the Indian Ocean region, to ensure that all states consider and respect the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace from which great power rivalries and competition as well as military baseS Conceived in the context of such rivalries and competition should be excluded and to declare that the area should be free of nuclear weapons. He also referred to the progressive role played by Sri Lanka in her efforts to make the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace, since her proposal made at Cairo, way back in 1964, at the Second Conference of the Non-aligned States.
This Writer in his Speech at the Conference, set out how the USSR steadfastly pursues apolicy of peace and stands for strengthening of the security of nations and broad international co-operation, so that it may serve peace and progress and at stopping the arms race and at taking positive steps towards disarmament and detente. He further stated that "no other country has in recent years addressed itself to the world with so wide a spectrum of specific and realistic initiatives on the most crucial problems of international relations. No other Country has made as many important Suggestions for strengthening peace, ending the arms race and for disarmament as has the Soviet Union. No other country has done so much for collective security and World peace as the Soviet Union".
The participants at the Conference, in a message to the People and Government of Vietnam, stated that "Vietnam is not merely the name of a country. Vietnam is the symbol of freedom and independence. Vietnam is a source of inspiration to millions all over the World in their struggle against imperialism and colonialism. Vietnam humbled the mightiest imperialist power. Vietnam has demonstrated before the World that the iron determination of a people resolutely united in the struggle for national emancipation can never be suppressed. Vietnam has added a golden chapter to the history of national liberation movements".

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484 Politics and Life in Our innes
In their Final Communique, the participants stated that they were unanimously of the view that the present situation in the world and in the Asian continent is deteriorating to a dangerous point because of the schemes and acts of imperialism. The United States and its close allies, having failed in their combat against the forces of peace, democracy and social progress and the national fiberation movement, are desperately trying to regain their lost positions by lauching a largescale offensive against detente and international security.
The participants called upon all peace and justice-loving forces in Asia and the Pacific to strengthen co-ordination of action, to step up the struggle against imperialist war preparations, for the maintenance of peace and security in the region and the world, and against the deployment of US nuclear weapons in Asia and the Pacific.
Ho Chi Minh City, August 1985.

CHAPTER 10
The Afon Bomb
Reverend Saranankara He dared Death for Peace
Reverend Udakendawela Siri Saranankara Thero has spent his whole life for the cause of peace, progress and freedom. He was the pioneer of the peace movement in Ceylon.
In 1949 Peace fighters in various countries began to organise themselves and National Peace Organisations were formed in various parts of the world. In Ceylon too, on the initiative of Rev. Saranankara and others, the Ceylon Peace Council was formed.
in April 1949, simultaneously in Paris and Prague, for the first time in history, a World Peace Congress took place, attended by over 2,200 delegates representing 72 countries. Ceylon too was represented by a delegation from the Ceylon Peace Council.
Thereafter a Congress sessions was held in Stockholm in March 1950 and the famous Stockholm Appeal for the total ban of atomic Weapons was launched. 482 million people from all walks of life throughout the world signed this appeal. In Ceylon 50,000 people signed it on the campaign organized by the Ceylon Peace Council.
in July 1955 the Assembly of the World Council of Peace met in Helsinki and sent forth its appeal for the destruction of all stockpiles of atomic weapons.
Rev. Saranankara, who represented the Ceylon Peace Council at this Assembly, put his heart and soul into the signature campaign that was launched after the Assembly sessions and in Ceylon a lakh of people signed this appeal.

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486 Plifics ar Life ir Of TT
REWEREND UDAKENDAWELA SIRI SARANAN KARATHERO
.15 구 懿
■*
韋*
舰 A Pioneer of the Peace Movement in Sri Lanka. He was also a Trade-Unionist. He presided at the iria Lug Lural meeting
of the Ceylon Federation of Trade Unions
 
 

S LLTLLLLLCLLLCCLL 0TtCGCCHCLLLLK SLLO LGmCGuH LLCCLLS GtLL LCCCLH 4B7
With the American Test explosion of the Hydrogen Bomb at Bikini Island and the Consequent deaths of several Japanese fishermen, people of the World began to realize the dangers of atom bomb tests. Rev. Saranankara, who was the Secretary of the Ceylon Peace Council and a member of the World Council of Peace, started agitating against the atom tests. When the British Government declared its intention of having nuclear Weapon tests near the Christmas Island, Rev. Saranankara offered to risk his life by going there at the time of the te St S.
The mass Campaign against the tests gripped the imagination of the people of Our Country and they showed in every possible Way their sincere and deep desire to ensure peace and to end the nuclear bomb tests,
Rew, Saran anka Ta in his Wesak talk ower Radio Ceylon condemning the Atom bomb tests said that "the H bombs threaten every people in every country. They threatened us here in Ceylon. If the great powers use atomic Weapons, our culture, our heritage built by the blood and sweat of our ancestors, our motherland will crumble to dust. To save our country, and the whole world from this destruction We must all, monks and laymen, wherever We are, Work together to Sa We the World.
"We know quite a lot about tests now, though scientists tell us there is still much more to learn. We know what happened to the Japanese fishermen at the Bikini test. We know how each test poisons the atmosphere, how more and more children will die a slow death or ble borri deformed or not be born at all because of these tests.
"This wil|| not only happen in other countries. It wi|| happen in Our Country too, from Jaffna to Matara, Batticaloa to Colombo.
"Very soon another bomb is to be exploded at Christmas Island. The Whole World is protesting, especially the Asian Countries, But Mr. Macmillan of Britain says that when the bomb explodes people Will be protected from danger. I cannot understand how Britain can protect a little child in, say, Kelaniya from the leukaemia it might Contract five or ten years from now because of atomic "fall out".

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488 Politics and Life in Our Times
"Some people have decided to make a protest. A group of Buddhists, Christians, people of all religions, is going to sail into the danger area at Christmas lsland. In the name of the Buddha Jayanthi, I have decided to sail with them. I ask you all to bless my efforts, so that my life may help to save mankind".
The Private Secretary to the late Prime Minister Nehru Wrote to Rev. Saranankara, "Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru appreciates your desire to risk your life in an attempt to protest against the test hydrogen bomb explosion in the Christmas Island". On the initiative of Rev. Saranankara a Session of the World Peace Conference was held in Colombo, in June 1957, to call for a ban on all atomic tests. It was for the first time that such an international peace conference was held in Asia. More than 400 delegates from 69 countries attended this conference.
At the Se SeSSion S Rev. Saranan kara informed the assembly that his desire "to join the Japanese Peace Fleet to the Christmas Islands was mainly to arouse a keen interest among the Buddhists of the world". He further Stated that "if the future of the peace movement is to succeed we must embrace all sections of the people irrespective of religious, racial and other class distinctions".
in November 1957 Rev. Saranankara was awarded the International Lenin Peace Prize in appreciation of his services to the cause of strengthening peace among nations. At the public meeting which was held to present him with the Lenin Peace Prize he said "I have suffered in my struggles for peace and progress. For seven years served a term of imprisonment under the British. But as long as live I will continue to serve the cause of Peace in the hope of freeing this world from nuclear weapons and war".
He lived true to his ideals till his death. From public platforms and through his magazine " Navalokaya" he pleaded, demanded and exhorted nations to live in peace.

Reverend Saranankara - He dared Death for Peace 489
Rev. Saranan kara bestowed his special affection to his magazine "Navalokaya," which he founded 25 years ago. A year after he founded this magazine, that is in 1942, he had to serve a gaol sentence for a period of two years for having attacked British Imperialism. He was anxious that the magazine should continue to be published even when he was in prison. During that time was publishing progressive books through my firm, Mohan and Bhatt. He requested me to undertake the publication of his magazine until he came out of prison. Accordingly, published the "Navalokaya" during the period of his imprisonment and L. Ariyawansa edited it.
Since 1963 with the American aggression in Vietnam, Rev. Saranankara took a leading part in the demonstrations that were organised against American intervention in Vietnam. In October 1966 he published the first issue of the "Navalokaya" in English and which he described as "exclusively devoted to reporting and commenting on the present situation in Vietnam and thereby help further mobilise public opinion to strengthen the campaign of solidarity of every section of the Ceylonese with the brave people of fighting Vietnam".
In November 1966 he was no more. He left it to his political successors to publish the second issue of the magazine. Though he is no more his memory will live with all of us who worked and toiled with him for peace, freedom and progress.
Colombo, November 15th, 1967.

Page 254
Nuclear Energy and the Arms Race
The aim of all disarmament talks and efforts should be to move as rapidly as possible towards general and complete disarmament. This has always been the goal of the hundreds of political parties, mass organisations, trade unions, women's and youth and student bodies, religious, cultural and social circles, and all the political and social forces represented in the world peace movement.
A new initiative on disarmament, with the accent on nuclear energy, was taken recently in Vienna with the active participation of members of the World Peace Council. This was an international seminar on "Nuclear Energy and the Arms Race". It was organised by the International Liaison Forum of Peace Forces in co-operation with the Austrian Co-ordinating Committee for Peace Work and in consultation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The seminar was held in Vienna on 6 to 8 February, 1978 and the participants, who came from all the continents and who represented a broad spectrum of political, socio-economic and religious orientations, expressed various opinions, had a fruitful exchange of views and arrived at very useful and important conclusions on the Subject.
Participants from 20 countries attended this seminar. Among the participants were prominent scientists and officers of the International Atomic Energy Agency and of the International Liaison Forum of Peace Forces. The United Nations was represented by Mrs. Liselotte Waldheim-Natural, Head of the Geneva office of the UN Centre for Disarmament. I participated in this seminar representing the Sri Lanka Peace Council. The International Atomic Energy Agency provided papers and information material on several of the themes in relation to the actual work and tasks of the Agency. The Agency is an inter-governmental organisation like the United Nations, the World Bank, the World Health Organisation and other

Nuclear Energy and the Arms Race 491
specialised Agencies of the United Nations. Its main objectives are to "seek to accelerate and enlarge the contribution of atomic energy to peace, health, and prosperity throughout the world" and to "ensure so far as it is able, that assistance provided by it or at its request or under its supervision or control is not used in such a way as to further any military purpose". This Agency is the organisation entrusted with the safeguarding of nuclear installations under the terms of the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
The International Atomic Energy Agency has a membership of about 110 states and Sri Lanka is one of them. The IAEA's own budget, currently about 40 million dollars a year, is financed by contributions from Member States. The IAEA already assists Sri Lanka in projects in agriculture, hydrology, medicine and training. it has approved for 1978, several new requests made by the Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Authority under the Agency's regular program for teachical assistance. The assistance by the IAEA to Sri Lanka for 1978 is expected to be around 200,000 US dollars.
The International Seminar for disarmament was held in the Conference hall of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna. The Agency gave hospitality and assistance for the Successful conduct of the seminar which enabled us to have a productive dialogue on the issues of great interest to World-wide public opinion. The topics discussed at this seminar were: (a) The arms race and the efforts for nuclear disarmament; (b) Non-proliferation and safeguards; (c) The role of nuclear energy in solving the problems of power generation; (d) International co-operation in the field of nuclear energy; and (e) Public opinion and the factors influencing it.
The participants spoke of the dangers to peace and security from the nuclear arms race. We expressed our deep conviction about the necessity to put an end to the nuclear arms race and about our profound belief that this race can be stopped and reversed, and that nuclear disarmament can be achieved. In the present arms race,

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42 PO/FfCSard LFg FIT OPTT 77735.
nuclear Weapons hawe taken the centra|| place. The limitation of nuclear weapons and nuclear disar Tanent and finally complete prohibition of a|| nuclear Weapons hawe, therefore, ble COnte forentnost demands. Some important agreements have been reached so far, in particular the Test Ban Treaty of 1963, the Non-proliferation Treaty of 1968, the SALT-I accords, and agreements on measures to prevent LLLLC LLLLLLL LLL HLLLCLL LLLLHHLLLSaHH LLC LLLLLS LLLLCLLuGLLHH aL LLLLLaL space and the Sea-bed. These agreements hawe been ir important contributions to the process of defense. In their absence, the World situation Would have been aggravated, with nuclear Conflict being a possible outcome. Nevertheless, the arms race has continued and intensified, with the pivotal role of nuclear Weapons being Udiminished.
Despite the enormous sums expended on nuclear Weapons they have not increased the real security of states possessing them, Some circles in Certain Countries still dream of a new technological break through that will provide them with a super Weapon enabling them to secure a decisive military advantage by striking first. This is a profound illusion. The first use of such a weapon would create insoluble problems threatening the very existence not only of the attacked but also of the attacking state. Similarly some circles in certain countries that have so far not acquired nuclear Weapons, are striving to acquire them in the false belief that this Would enable them to solve Complicated political problerns to their advantage. Any atterTpt to use nuclear Weapons as an element in such a calculation will certainly fail in its objective. Unfortunately the use of nuclear Weapons either in local Or global conflicts Would harm not only the countries directly involved but also other countries, including some far from the battle zones.
In 1977, the World spent an astronomical figure of over 350 billion dollars for military purposes. Such expenditure is a serious burden on the economies of all states, no matter how rich they are. It has the Imost legative effects on the economies of all states, especially developing countries. The latter need a particular

WLPC/ear. Er 7ergy a rad f'ı9 Ar 777s Racg 493
DR. S. A. WCKREMASINGHE
A pioneer of the Peace Mo We Tant in Sri Lanka and the First Marxist Legislator

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494 Politics and Life in Our Times
accumulation of means to speed up their development. However, the worldwide arms race, generated by the imperialist and neoColonialist forces, involves these Countries and, Consequently, absorbs their vital resources. The costs of the technological side of the arms race are growing at an everalarming pace. They are further increased by the constantly growing financial outlays for research and development and spending on maintenance and storage. The total amount of world expenditure for the further modernisation of armaments already sophisticated enough, has reached at present Some tens of billions of dollars annually and it is constantly growing. Speaking about the costs of the qualitative arms race, one must take note of the diversion of the services of 40 thousand highly skilled Specialists and professional people from socially useful purposes to highly destructive ones.
The development, production and development of new nuclear weapons, such as the neutron bomb, must be strongly opposed because such steps would escalate the arms race. The neutron bomb is basically a very small H-bomb which, exploded at an altitude of 300 ft, sends down deadly neutron rays that instantly penetrate buildings, bunkers, tanks and would kill all life, including soil organisms, roughly within one square mile. Saturation bombing, already employed in World War II and in Vietnam, with this weapon would create whole areas dead to life. The growing World protests against the US plans to begin producing the neutron bomb show that people don't want new weapons of mass destruction but want disarmament, trust and co-operation.
Mrs. Waldheim-Natural in her speech at the seminar referred to the message of the Secretary General of the United Nations who summed up the main characteristics of the continuing arms race in the following terms: "The continuous and rapid qualitative change in the weapons being produced and deployed is an increasingly dominant and Ominous characteristic of the armS race. In recent years, we have witnessed a steady stream of military technological developments in different fields and environments, each new

Nuclear Energy and the Arms Race 495
generation of weapons being more complex and destructive than the one it has replaced. While it is evident that an increase in international tension will further speed up the arms race, it is equally clear that improvement in the international climate is not, in itself, Sufficient to slow it down. Thus We have seen a continuation and indeed an acceleration, of the arms race in the midst of political detente. Disarmament considerations must become an integral part of international efforts towards detente. It is dangerous to assume that new military developments can always be controlled and a stable balance of deterrence maintained. It must be generally realized that the continued competition among nations to produce ever more Sophisticated weapons is a threat to all of them and that the adoption of effective disarmament measures is in their Common interest. There is now general agreement that the threat of nuclear war is the greatest single peril to the survival of mankind".
The participants at the seminar also discussed the role of nuclear energy in solving the problems of power generation. The peaceful applications of nuclear energy are diverse. These applications can be of great importance for economic and social development. The World energy demand will be growing although the regional rates and modalities of this growth are difficult to predict with accuracy. Even with the most stringent efforts to achieve energy conservations, the world energy consumption is likely to rise by a factor of 2 to 3 from now to the turn of the century.
Over the intermediate term, nuclear power will certainly contribute to reducing the quantities of oil and gas consumed for electricity generation, such a perspective, being particularly important for Countries deficient not only in oil and gas, but also in coal reserves. Over the long term, nuclear power may provide a solution for meeting Overall energy requirements, which by the middle of the next century might approach a range of 8 to 10 times the present consumption on a World Scale. It is to be expected, that in this period the depletion of oil and gas reserves will make itself felt, increasing the need for other sources of energy.

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43E POMENCS ärid Lsg i'r] (COLI" Tir77GS
"STALIN" ARMOURED TANKS
"Stalin' armoured tanks which smashed Hitler's "Blitzkrieg" (Lightning War)
 

Nuclear Energy and the ATIs Faag 197
At the Seminar I referred to "the energy problem which has affected not only the industrialized countries throughout the world, but has also affected developing Countries including small countries like Sri Lanka. The industrialised countries may, as a temporary measure, rely on Conservation and reduced rates of growth in energy ConSU Tiption as a means of alleviating the problem of energy supply and demand, but that developing countries like mine can ill afford such an approach. For about four hundred years the Portuguese, Dutch and British imperialists, in that order, exploited our country and left it an industrially undeveloped and poor country. After we achieved independence We hawe been trying to develop our country industrially and agriculturally. But the oil crisis has struck us a severe blow. In order to solve this problem we tried to find oil in our own Country. We invited experts from different countries to help us discover oil in Our Country, but so far we have not succeeded. Increasing energy Supply is a necessity for our development. But since We lack in indigenous energy sources, the only solution for us is nuclear power and the use of imported oil or coal. We welcome the Use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes".
The Seminar stressed the great importance of explaining to Lublic opinion that there is no contradiction between the will to bal the proliferation of nuclear arms and the will of developing countries to follow others in using nuclear energy for the benefit of their people. The essence of our discussion was the close inter relationship to tween nuclear disarmament, international defer te and the Ossibilities for an ever-growing peaceful application of nuclear
Ory in the World.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colorbo, April 29th, 7978.

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The Menace of the Neutron Bomb
August 6th was the 36th anniversary of the day on which the first atomic bomb was exploded in Hiroshima. On this day, at a solemn Temorial service held on the spot above which the bomb exploded, Zenko Sus Luki, the Prime Minister of Japan, affirmed that Japan Would adhere to its non-nuclear principles. He also pledged further efforts, to free the World from the threat of War and nuclear Weapons.
On that same day, there was a mighty demonstration in Paris, which Crowned the Peace March 1981, whose participants had trodden the roads of Denmark, West Germany, Holland, Belgium and France. In his greetings to the marchers, Leonid Brezhnev said, that their noble initiative embodied "the growing protest of the peoples of Europe, against the danger of turning West European Countries into an arena of alldestroying nuclear War".
On that wery same day, August 6, President Ronald Reagan ordered full scale production of Neutron bombs. This is a direct challenge to World public opinion. The decision on N-bomb production, coupled with the fulfilment of plans on development and deploying other types of nuclear missile weapons, testifies to the far-reaching aggressive plans harboured by Washington, by its political and military strategists, The USA has made another step towards preparing a nuclear War, or to be more precise, towards a nuclear catastrophe, which is no exaggeration at all.
The Neutron bomb is the most inhuman type of Weapon for mass annihilation. It has the same lethal effect of any other nuclear explosion: blast, heat, radiation, and fallout, but the blast and heat is said to be only one-tenth of the conventional 'nuke", in that neutron Warhead detonates at an altitude of 3,000 feet above target, and hence destruction caused to buildings and property is minimal. But the intense effect of enhanced radiation is devastating, and the neutron would flash through the thickest tank armour, causing its victims to vomit, lose control of their bodies, and die quickly or slowly, according to the dosage of radiation,

4gg
The Menace of eNeLurri Burr
THE AUTHOR ADDRESSING A CONFERENCE
|× | –
T. Duraisingam addressing an International Peace Conference in the 1980s. By his side asē Stī Lankası fest w delegates Chantita Gumas=k=~= and Fass= Colume

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500 Politics and Life in Our Times
In 1978 President Jimmy Carter, faced with the controversy of taking a decision on its production, could not ignore the armada of public protest at home and abroad. An estimated crowd of more than 20,000 had walked the streets of Amsterdam in protest, and his NATO allies were "allergic' to the proposed arsenal. "There is no reason to produce a weapon, if our allies won't even say that they want it", Carter had declared. His decision to postpone production of the lethal bomb, had drawn" sighs of relief and polite praise' from NATO countries.
But President Reagan has taken this reckless decision to re-start the manufacture of neutron bombs, without consulting his NATO allies and even against the advice of his own Supporters, like the Secretary of State, Alexander Haig. This arrogant decision has aroused opposition throughout the world. It would lead the world to a new era of Crisis, and would block East-West arms talks and increase the likelihood of a nuclear war. The new barbaric weapon in the hands of the aggressive and imperialist forces, which had started heightening world tension, will enhance the danger of the outbreak of thermonuclear conflict, and escalate the global arms race.
All honest people all over the world are raising their voice in defence of man's primary right - the right to live. Reason shows that the stockpiling of ever new means of warfare must be countered with the alternative of curbing, reducing and eventually eliminating armaments, including nuclear arms. The growing organization of the mass anti-war movement, and co-ordination of action by its different contingents, show that the champions of peace will not rest until they achieve what they are after, that is, put an end to the nuclear arms race and to end all Wars.
Colombo, August, 1981.

The Star Wars
"The greatest victory is one in which nobody is defeated and all can share in that victory". These are the words of Gauthama Buddha, who is revered and worshipped by millions of Buddhists and Hindus, in most of the countries in Asia. The American Strategic Defence initiative (SDI) programme aims at achieving just the opposite result to the one declared by Lord Buddha. It is intended to serve American imperialist aims and to make America master of the World.
At the recent Summit Meeting held at Reykjavik, President Reagan agreed to the proposal made by the CPSU General Secretary, Mikhail Gorbachev, to dismantle all nuclear weapons by the end of this century. But he wanted the SDI to remain. This would make the proposal to dismantle all other nuclear weapons meaningless. The SD programme, or more correctly called the "Star Wars" programme, envisages hundreds of nuclear reactors to be orbited as laser weapon power sources. Thus the "SD" goes hand-in-hand with nuclear weaponry, and it is a fraud on the peoples of the world by the US authorities, to pass it off for a harmless umbrella to defend America. But, in fact, it is a master weapon to destroy, from the sky, millions of people. It is a Weapon that should not be developed, and it was on the stubborn insistence of Reagan for the SDI programme, that the Reykjavik Summit had to end without any positive results.
Every effort must be taken to dismantle the nuclear weapons. The two tragedies, involving nuclear technology, which occured recently - the death of the Challenger crew and the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear powerplant, has high-lighted the fact that even in the peaceful uses of the atom, there is danger and thatman must learn to use carefully the fantastically potent forces that he has created, to serve progress.
Further, these tragedies demonstrated what would happen if nuclear weapons are used to destroy one's enemies. It will end up with all life on earth being destroyed.

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502 Poliscs ārlid Lsg i 7 Car Tres
PRESIDENT RONALDREAGANGWES THE WICTORY SALUTE
、 リ。
At the Summit Meeting held at Reykjavik, President Raagan agreed to the proposal Tade by Mikhail Gorbachev, to dismantle all nuclear
Weap Ons by the End of this Cērı tury, but of the Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI). Programme
 
 

TJE SIEr WWEPS 503
The arms race not only under Fmines the security of all peacelowing nations, but it perpetuates as well the developing Countries' backwardness, and deprives them of an opportunity to tackle the pressing problems of their economic and social development. The imperialists are using the arms race for plundering the developing nations, by selling them expensive military equipment and technology, and by Tonopolizing the manufacture of Sophisticated armaments. They are using the sales of arms and introduction of military production, to Take the developing nations dependent on them, and to interfere in their domestic affairs. In today's conditions, the arms race carried out by the imperialist states, is a means of neo-Colonialism.
The Vilair terestS Of all lationS de Tard, that the a FITS a CEEE stopped, the SD programme abandoned, and the tremendous resources now Consumed by military production, be used for peaceful purposes, Disarmament Would facilitate, both directly and indirectly, the acceleration of the Social and economic development of all countries,
C7, Ofer 25. 793.

Page 261
It is a choice between Life and Death, and Not between War and Peace
"We note with satisfaction that there has been a positive evolution in the international atmosphere. The international mobilisation which exercised global pressure on those responsible for the destinies of our nations, has resulted in considerable progress along the road to peace. The collective efforts of all anti-war forces and movements to ensure that concrete disarmament measures be taken, have contributed to the signing of the Soviet-American Treaty on the elimination of medium range and shorter range nuclear missiles".
The above, in part, is the declaration adopted at an International Conference on the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, held from 26 - 28 April 1988 at Antananarivo, Madagascar.
Attended by over 140 people from 27 countries, the conference was organised jointly by the World Peace Council, AfroAsian People's Solidarity Organisation and the Malagasy Peace and Solidarity Committees.
DEMILITARISATION
The Antananarivo Declaration further stated, that though regretting that the 1971 United Nations resolution on the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace has not been implemented, yet it welcomed all efforts to secure the demilitarisation of the Indian Ocean and toward regional development and Co-operation.
The Antananarivo Declaration also stated that "the SovietAmerican Treaty, doubtlessly constitutes a new point of departure for the amelioration of the international political atmosphere, and our conference is of the view that it is highly important to continue along these lines and that other agreements must follow.

It is a Choice between Life and Death 505
"Therefore, we wish that the May 1988 Moscow Summit between President Ronald Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev be crowned with success and lead to a new treaty which would constitute one more step towards disarmament and peace".
DFFERENT WORLD
Romesh Chandra, President of the World Peace Council, referred in his speech to the fact that "we are living in a different World with new possiblities to bring about victories for peace and justice in the world. We are happy to see that the Non-Aligned Movement regards the struggle for freedom, the struggle for disarmament and for peace as its primary task.
"There are four hundred and fifty million women and men of the so-called Third World, living under the constant scourge of hunger. Waging the struggle for an Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace is at the same time a precious contribution to the setting up of a New International Economic Order".
Concluding his speech, Romesh Chandra enumerated the steps that peace fighters should take and said that "we can launch concrete actions to raise the awareness of the world public, and we shall appeal to the world's governments. We shall do our utmost to insure that this Conference will mark a new stage in the struggle to transform the Indian Ocean into a Zone of Peace, as a Contribution to a World Without War and Without violence".
SEXUAL VOLENCE
Madame Gisele Rabesabala, the Secretary General of the Solidarity Committee of Madagascar, speaking on behalf of the Women's International Democratic Federation, said that "the WDF has always denounced the violations of women's economic, social and political rights, in any place where they occur, and it has also denounced and condemned sexual violence against women.

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506 Politics adrid Lifeg liri Our TAr Tile 5
"The Palestinian Wolen, the Women of the Arab territories Occupied by Israel, are the object of our constant concern and of Our Solidarity, as well as the Women victims of apartheid in South Africa, Namibia and the frontline countries.
"We are deeply Worried about the continuous conflict between Iraq and Iran, because it is the Women and the children that are the first Victims of that absurd and bloody conflict that has lasted too long".
ATTENTION
participated in this conference as a delegate from the AfroAsian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka. In my speech, I drew the attention of the participants to the fact that the idea of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean, came about On the initiative of Sri Lanka in 1970. Since then Sri Lanka brought this matter up in several international Conferences, such as the Lusaka Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned in September 1970, and the Commonwealth Conference held in Singapore in January 1971. And from these it Went before the General Assembly of 1971. Again Sri Lanka initiated the proposal, introduced it and obtained the support and had it accepted by the United Nations with a resolution declaring the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace.
In the concluding part of my speech, I said that "We Participants of this international conference, should Work With all o Lur might to make the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace.
"To this end, We must call Lupon all governments and political parties, national peace organisations and other public organisations to take up through all channels, both governmental and nongovernmental, "the campaign of support for holding the United Nations Conference on the 'Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace", either || Colombo or in another suitable place, without any further delay,
"Nowadays, in this nuclear age, it is a question of choic between life and death, and not between War and peace, and that is this connection to prevent nuclear war becomes the principal goal of Our times".

It is a choice targer Life and Death 507
THE FIRST EVER WOMAN PRIME MINISTER
Sirimavo Bandaranaiako is the first Woman Prime Minister in the World, She became Princ Minister of Sri Lanka in 1960 and continued Upto 1964. Again from 1970 to 1977. Then again in 1994 she was elected Prime Minister and continues to be the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. She is an ardent Peace Worker

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508 Politics and Life in Our Times
CONFIDENCE
The conference ended with a note of cordiality and confidence among the participants. They were convinced, that it was possible to progress along the road towards peace, through finding peaceful solutions to the various regional conflicts.
They saw the need to redouble their efforts, and to mobilise their respective nations to the maximum. Together they would Succeed to transform the Indian Ocean into a Zone of Peace.
Courtesy: "Sun", Colombo, June 17th, 1988.

CHAPTER 11
Religion
Remembering S. Nataraja of Anuradhapura
It is a unique achievement for a family to hold the love, affection and respect of the people for three generations- a full century. Especially so, when the members of the family came from a different part of the country, and the majority of the people among whom they came to live and serve, were of a different community and spoke a different language.
This is the story of the late Sampander Nataraja, and of his father and of Mr. Nataraja's children. According to Lloyds' book published in 1907, Mr. Nataraja's father Sinnacutty Sampander was Crown Proctor of Anuradhapura and hailed from Kokuvil in Jaffna.
This British publication further states: "Born in 1865, he was educated at the Wesleyan Mission School, and passed the Matriculation Examination of the Madras University. He studied law, articling himself to Advocate Allegakoon, and having passed his test for proctorship, he was admitted Proctor at the District Court of Jaffna, where he practised for a short time.
"In 1896 Mr. Sampanderwent to Anuradhapura to practise, and in the following year he was appointed Crown Proctor. He was a member of the Local Board, the District Board Committee, and the Agricultural Society. Mr. Sampander has acted on various occasions - for nearly eight years - as police magistrate and Commissioner of Requests".
Mr. Sampander commenced practising his profession in 1890, and built up a lucrative practice, mainly in the North-Central and Eastern Provinces. He was held in highesteem by the then Government, the people and his fellow practitioners at the bar. His eldest Son Nataraja was born in Jaffna on 10th May, 1894. Nataraja had his early education

Page 264
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All Skandawaro daya College and at Jaffna Hindu College and his higher clication at St, Thomas College, Colombo. After completing his chooling, he became, for a short period, a teacher at Waideeswaran W|dyalaya. Jaffna.
But the urge to follow in the foot steps of his illustrious father Wis irresistible. He gave up his job as a teacher and joining the Ceylon LAW College, he soon became a lawyer himself. He commenced his ractice as a Proctor in the Anuradhapura Courts in 1917, and was in Active practice in all the courts of that region for a period of over fifty YOELFS.
Mr. Nataraja married, in 1917, Kanthinnathi, the daughter of Sangarapillai of Wannarpannai, Jaffna, and led a happy married life. They were blessed with seven children.
Mr. Nataraja was quick to gain popularity and recognition in his profession. His ability to master facts, profound knowledge of the law, Wift and ready wit, quickness in the uptake, Command of English, combined with the inexhaustible capacity to do hard work, made him in undoubted leader in his profession. He soon built a good practice, And was honoured by the Government by making him Crown Proctor and J. P.U. M.
Whenever the regular Magistrate or District Court Judge was Unable to attend Court, he was appointed to act for him, where he often heard the cases and gave judgements.
Respected and lowed by all, Mr. Nataraja was a man Cast in the ould of the grand old tradition. He was a man of lofty principles and a high sense of honour. He had no enemies as he did no Wrong to any nan, but on the contrary, had helped many a man financially and by wing sound advice to those who sought it. Further, he did not hurt the selings of anyone, whether it was in the Courts while arguing a case or While speaking, Conducting or participating in the many social or religious
ocieties that he was associated with.

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512 Politics and Life in Our Times
His knowledge was encyclopaedic and he spent his leisure hours in reading books from his private library. His home library was perhaps the best in the region. It was stocked with books, in English and Tamil, dealing with law, religion, and a wide range of subjects. His memory was extraordinarily good. If called upon to do so at a meeting, he could with equalease and without preparation, speak on "The spread of Hindu civilization in Greater India" or on "Greek Philosophy" or on "Roman Architecture".
Mr. Nataraja played a leading role in all social and religious activities in Anuradhapura, and forged links between the Sinhala community and its Buddhist faith with the Tamil and Hindu community engendering in the process wholesome Communal and inter-religious relations. Among the Buddhist dignitaries who had Mr. Nataraja as their legal advisor and as their attorney-at-law, were the Chief Priest of the Buddhist Sacred Bo-tree temple, and the Chief Priest of the Ruwanwelisaya and Isurumini temples at Anuradhapura.
He took a keen interest in the building, restoration and maintenance of Hindu temples in and around the town of Anuradhapura. He served for many years as the chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Kathiresan Temple at the Old Town. He also took an active part in the building up of the new Kathiresan Temple at the New Town and in its consecration ceremonies. The ancient Sivan temple of Thiruketheeswaram was in ruins, and it became possible to renovate it because of the untiring efforts of a number of Saiva devotees like Mr. Nataraja. It is significant, that it was he who presided at the first meeting of the Thiruketheeswaram Restoration Society.
He served the citizens of Anuradhapura as the Chairman of the Anuradhapura Urban Council, for a continuous period of thirteen years. Every year he was elected and re-elected chairman, without any contest. It was during his stewardship of the Urban Council, that the Town Hall and the Public Market were built. It was also during his period that, for the first time electricity was Supplied to the town.

Remembering S. Nataraja of Anuradhapura 513
He was also deeply interested in archaeological research. Dr. Paranavithane used to consult Mr. Nataraja, in order that he may study and understand the ancient Tamil writings inscribed on stone, found among the ruins in the Anuradhapura District.
He was one of the founders of the Anuradhapura Vivekananda Society, and for many years he continuously functioned as its President. It was the Vivekananda Society that established the Vivekananda Vidyalaya, and managed it for many years. With the general take over of schools by the Government this school also was taken over by the Government. Even after the take over of the school, Mr. Nataraja did not slacken his interest in the school. He continued to give his support to the development and progress of the Vidyalaya.
In his 83rd year, Mr. Nataraja found his health failing and went over to Colombo for treatment. After a brief illness, he breathed his last on 14th April, 1977. In Colombo, large numbers of people, from all walks of life, came to pay their last respects to him. Among them was the then President, William Gopallawa. At the request of the people of Anuradhapura his body was taken to Anuradhapura and kept at the Town Hall, for the people and religious dignitaries to pay their last respects. Thereafter his remains were cremated with the performance of full Hindu religious rights, among a large gathering of people attending the funeral.
Hundred years have passed since the birth of Mr. Nataraja, but the good he did for the people and the country during his life time, are still remembered with gratitude by the people. His cherished home "Brindaban", where he spent most of his long and fruitful life, now lie in ruins among the ruins of the ancient city of Anuradhapura.
May his memory live for ever in the North Central Province of Sri Lanka.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, June 7th, 1994.

Page 266
Life of Ramakrish na Para maham.Sa
Sri Ramakrishna possessed not only a great intellect and an artistic mind, but had the additional qualification that he had 'seen God face to face', 'talked with Him' and shared the Divine life. Hence his Words on these transcendental themes, come with a Weight of authority derived from the Supreme Being Himself.
Sri Ramakrishna was born in a poor Brah Tiana family of the willage, called Kamarpukur in Bengal, on 18th February, 1836. His father, Khudiram Chatterjee was a man of great piety and LJprightness Of character. His mother, Chandramani Dewi too was a paragon of WOTlarly Wirtues. Tradition has it that this pious Couple had larly Divine visions and experiences, before the birth of Sri Ramakrishna, indicative of the divinity of their Gadadhar, as they called their son in early days,
From his infancy Sri Ramakrishna showed signs of the great power of personality, that became a distinguishing feature of his in later life. He had the soul of an artist that rewelled in Nature's beauties, and it was perhaps the artist in hiri, that led him to reWolt against the dull routine of the school and its curriculum of stereotyped studies. But his keen intellectual powers and prodigious memory, more than compensated for this dislike of academic study. He educated himself by mastering the Hindu epics embodying the great spiritual ideals of
ridia.
CHIEF PRIESTAT KALI TEMPLE
The full development of Sri Ramakrishna's personality was provided by the Kali Temple of Dakshineswar in Calcutta, founded by the Rani Rasmani in 1855, The daily round of pious duties as the chief priest in the Divina Mother's temple fanned the fire of devotion in him, About this time he went on a visit to his willage, Kamarpukur. His mother thought thatifhe Tarried, his madness for God and supreme un concern

|| ''H|Hfr|[]; PrHf||7||Br|É 515
SH| НДМАН НЕНАД НАНДМАНАМЕД HE HAD SEEN GOD FACE TO FACE, TALKED WITH HIM AMD SHARED THE DIVINE. LFE
丁 -口
A man is rewarded according to his thoughts andmotives. The Lordis like Kalpakataru, the wish-yjelding tree of heaven. Everyone gets from HiT Whatever he seeks,

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for the world would be checked. Accordingly, in 1859 he was wedded to Saradamani Devi, a little girl of five, daughter of Ramachandra Mukhopadhyaya of a neighbouring village. However, this did notabate his zeal for God. After his return to Dakshineswar in 1860, his soul was again caught in the same cyclonic passion for God-love.
The long period of SriRamakrishna's spiritual practices came to a close in 1872 with a inspiring rite known as the Shodasi Pooja, when he worshipped his own wedded wife as the symbol of the Deity. His girl-wife, Saradamani Devi, had by this time grown up into a young Woman. During these years she had seen her husband only on two or three occasions. In 1872 she went to Dakshineswar to serve her husband. Quite unlike an ordinary ascetic, SriRamakrishna received her kindly, and did everything to educate her in secular and spiritual matters. He could view every woman, including his own wife, as a manifestation of the Divine Mother. Accordingly, he placed his own wife before him as the Deity, offered her worship with all the proper rituals, surrendered all the fruits of his spiritual practices at the feet of the Deity manifested as the pure virgin, and at the close of the worship entered into deep Samadhi.
THE SHODAS POOJA
The Shodasi Pooja marked the close of SriRamakrishna's life as an aspirant (Sadhakabhava), and heralded the period of his spiritual ministration as the world-teacher (Gurubhava). Many earnest souls went to him for spiritual ministration and from among them a group of devotees was formed, through whom his message was destined to be transmitted to the world at large in later days. They formed the Ramakrishna Order of Monks, under the leadership of Swami Vivekananda, then known as Narendranath Datta. The Swami was the special object of Sri Ramakrishna's love and grace, and in later life he spread his Master's message far and wide, and was hailed as the great patriot-Saint of modern India.

Life of Ramakrishna Paranahansa 517
Sri Ramakrishna's life was spent in teaching his devotees and in moulding their lives in the light of the highest spiritual ideal. He never entered into arguments with people or delivered academic discourses to them, but just stated his settled convictions on spiritual matters in all humility, and left each person to understand and accept according to his capacity. He could make himself interesting and intelligible to people of diverse temperaments and stages of intellectual development. Thus this great teacher of men spent his life, holding forth before the world the ideal of a perfectman, and actively ministering to the spiritual needs of those who flocked to him, until his delicate frame broke down under the strain of constant teaching. In 1885 he had an attack of cancer of the throat. His devotees took him to Calcutta and put him under the treatment of the famous doctor Mahendra Lal Sarkar.
NIRVIKALPA SAMADH
With the passing of days, the disease got only aggravated in spite of the best medical aid. But even the prolonged tortures of this excruciating disease could not in the least affect the joy and serenity of his mind, or disturb his perpetual consciousness of the Divine Presence everywhere. Though he was prohibited by doctors from speaking, his great love for men made him go against medical restrictions, and give himself up entirely to the service of his visitors, quite regardless of its fatal effect on his own health. SriRamakrishna was like a living spiritual dynamo during this period. He blessed many of his devotees with higher experiences. Especially on the 1st of January, 1886, he was in a highly exalted mood, and by an act of will he roused the latent spiritual powers of all the devotees who went to him for blessings. A few days after, he imparted the experience of Nirvikalpa Samadhito Swami Vivekananda.
After a period of nearly one year's illness, he gave up the body on the 16th of August, 1886, leaving behind him a new spirit to be broadcast in this World by his disciples, especially by the young men who took to the life of renunciation, following in his footsteps.

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It is by studying some of the publications of the Ramakrishna Mission's publishing establishments in India, that enabled me to write, in some detail, about this great religious personality in this article. I give hereafter, what Sri Ramakrishna said about "The Destiny of Man" and what he said about the "RealNature of Man". (Courtesy: "Sayings of Sri Ramakrishna " - Sri Ramakrishna Math, Madras.)
THE DESTINY OF MAN
1. You see stars in the sky at night, but not when the sunrises. Can youtherefore say that there are no stars in the heavens during the day? Oman, because you cannot find God in the days of your ignorance, say not that there is no God.
2. He is born in vain, who having attained the human birth, so difficult to get, does not attempt to realise God in this very life.
3. A man is rewarded according to his thoughts and motives. The Lord is like Katpakataru, the wish-yielding tree of heaven. Everyone gets from Him whatever he seeks. A poor man's son, having received education and become a judge of the High Court by hardwork, is apt to think, "Now I am happy. I have reached the highest rung of the ladder. It is all right now". To him the Lord says, "Do thou remain so". But when the judge of the High Court retires on pension and reviews his past, he understands that he has wasted his life, and exclaims, "Alas, what real work have I done in this life!" To him the Lord also says, "Alas! What hast thOu COne!".
4. Man is born in this World with two tendencies - Vidya, the tendency to pursue the path of liberation, and Avidya, the leaning towards Worldliness and bondage. At his birth, both these tendencies are, as it Were, in equilibrium like the two Scales of a balance. The world soon places its enjoyments and pleasures in one scale, and the Spirit its attractions in the other. If the mind chooses the world, the scale of Avidya becomes heavy, and man gravitates towards the earth, but if it chooses the Spirit, the scale of Vidya becomes heavier and pulls him towards God.

Life of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa 519
5. Know the One, and you will know the all. Ciphers placed after the figure I get the value of hundreds and of thousands, but they become valueless if you wipe out that figure. The many ciphers have value only because of the One. First the One and then the many. First God, and then the Jivas and the Jagat (creatures and the world).
6. First gain God, and then gain wealth; but do not try to do the contrary. If, after acquiring spirituality, you lead a worldly life, you will never lose your peace of mind.
7. Do you talk of social reform? Well, you may do so after realising God. Remember, the Rishis of old gave up the world in order to attain God. This is the one thing needful. All other things shall be added to you, if indeed you care to have them. First see God, and then talk of lectures and social reforms.
8. A new-comer to a city should first secure a comfortable room for his rest at night, and after keeping his luggage there, he may freely go about the city for sight-seeing. Otherwise he may have to suffer much in the darkness of night to get a place for rest. Similarly, after securing his eternal resting place in God, a newComer to this world can fearlessly move about doing his daily work. Otherwise, when the dark and dreadful night of death comes over him, he will have to encounter great difficulties and sufferings.
9. At the doors of large granaries are placed traps containing friedrice (Moori) to catch mice. The mice, attracted by the flavour of the fried rice, forget the more solid pleasures of tasting the rice inside the granary, and fall into the trap. They are caught therein and killed. Just so is the case with the soul. It stands on the threshold of Divine bliss, which is like millions of the highest Worldly pleasures solidified into one; but instead of striving for that bliss, it allows itself to be enticed by the petty pleasures of the world and falls into the trap of Maya, the great illusion, and dies therein.

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10. A Pandit: The Theosophists say that there are "Mahatmas'. They also say that there are different planes and spheres like astral plane, Devayanic plane, Solar sphere, lunar sphere etc., and that man's Subtle body can go to all these places. They say many other such things. Sir, what is your opinion on Theosophy?
The Master: Bhakti alone is supreme - Bhakti or devotion to God. Do they care for Bhakti? If they do, that is well. It is well if they have God-realisation for their aim and goal. But remember, to be engrossed in such trivial things as solar sphere, lunar sphere, astral sphere, etc., is not genuine search after God. One has to do Sadhanas (spiritual practices) in order to get devotion to his lotus feet; one has to weep for Him with the intense longing of the heart. The mind should be gathered up from the different objects and concentrated exclusively on Him. He is not in the Vedas or Vedanta or in any scripture. Nothing will be achieved unless one's heart yearns for Him. One has to pray to him with intense devotion, and practise Sadhanas. God cannot be realised So easily. Sadhanas are necessary.
11. Will all men see God? No man will have to fast for the whole day; some get their food at 9.00a.m., some at noon, others at 2.00 p.m. and others again in the evening or at sunset. Similarly, at one time or another, in this very life or aftermany more lives, all will, and must, see God.
12. Little children play with dolls in the outer room just as they like, without any care or fear or restraint; but as soon as their mother comes in, they throw aside their dolls and run to her crying, "Mamma, mamma". You too, O man, are now playing in this material world, infatuated with the dolls of Wealth, honour, fame, etc., and do not feel any fear or anxiety. If, however, you once see your Divine Mother, you will not afterwards find pleasure in all these. Throwing them all aside, you will run to Her.
13. There are pearls in the deep sea, but you must hazard all perils to get them. If you fail to get them by a single dive, do not conclude that the Sea is without them. Dive again and again, and you are Sure to be rewarded in the end. So also in the quest for the Lord, if your first attempt to see Himproves fruitless, do not lose heart. Persevere in the attempt, and you are sure to realise Him at last.

Life of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa 521
14. Meditate upon the Knowledge and the Bliss Eternal, and you will have bliss. The Bliss is indeed eternal, only it is covered and obscured by ignorance. The less your attachment to the sense-objects, the more will be your love for God.
15. Mere possession of wealth does not make a man rich. The sign of a rich man's house is that a light burns in each room.
This temple of the body should not be kept in darkness; the lamp of Knowledge must be lighted in it. "Light the lamp of Knowledge in your room and look at the face of the Mother Divine". Everyone can attain Knowledge. There is the individualised self and there is the higher Self. Every individual is connected with the higher Self. Their is a gas connection in every house, and gas can be had from the Gas Company. Only apply to the proper authorities and the supply will be arranged. Then you will have gas-light in your room.
REAL NATURE OF MAN
16. The digit may be raised to a figure of any value by adding zeros after it; but if that is omitted, Zeros by themselves have no value. Similarly so long as the Jiva (individual soul) does not cling to God, who is the One, he has no value, for all things here get their value from their connection with God. So long as the Jiva clings to God, who is the value-giving figure behind the world, and does all his work for Him, he gains more and more thereby; on the contrary, if he overlooks God and adds to his work many grand achievements, all done for his own glorification, he will gain nothing therefrom.
17. As a lamp does not burn without oil, so a man cannot live without God.
18. God is to man what a magnet is to iron. Why does He not then attract man? As iron thickly imbedded in mud is not moved by the attraction of the magnet, so the soul thickly imbedded in Maya does not feel the attraction of the Lord. But when the mud is washed away with water, the iron is free to move. Even so, when by the constant tears of prayer and repentance, the soul washes away the mud of Maya that compels it to stick to the earth, it is soon attracted by the Lord to Himself.

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19. The Union of the Jiwatman with the Para That Inan is like the union of the hour and the minute hands of a watch once in every hour, They are inter-related and inter-dependent, and though usually separate, they may become united as often as favourable opportunities OCCur,
2O. The Soul enclaimed is Tian, but when free from the chair (Maya), it is the Lord.
21. What is the relation between the Jiwa tman and thE Paramatrian'? As a current of Water seems to be divided into two when a plank of Wood is placed against it edgewise, so the indivisible appears divided into two, the Jivatman and the Paramatman, due to the linitation of Maya.
22. Water and a bubble on it are one and the same. Thg bubble has its birth in the water, floats on it, and is ultimately resolved into it, S0 also the Jiwa trman and the Paramatman are one and the same, the difference between them being only one of degree. For, one is finite and limited while the other is infinite; one is dependent while the other is independent,
23. The idea of an individual ego is just like enclosingaportion of the water of the Ganges and calling the enclosed portion one's own Ganges.
24. As a piece of lead thrown into a basin of mercury soon becomes an amalgam with it, so an individual soul loses its limited existence when it falls into the Ocean of Brahman.
25. God is the infinite Being, while Jiwa is only a finite being, How then can the finite grasp the Infinite? It is like a doll made of salt trying to fathon the depth of the ocean. In doing so the salt doll is dissolved into the sea and lost. Similarly the Jiwa, in trying to measure) God and know Hill, loses its separateness and becomes one with Him, 26. The Lord Himself is playing in the form of man. He is the great juggler and this phantasmagoria of Jiwa and Jagat is His greal jugglery. The Juggler alone is true, the jugglery is false.

| I | L's Farnakrishna Parariisilläri sa 523
SWAMI WWEKANANDA
Swami Vivekananda, then known as Narendranath Datta, was the special object of Sri Ramakrishna's love and grace, and in later life he, Swami Vivekananda, spread his Master's Tessage far and Wide, and was hailed as the great patriot-saint of modern India

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27. The human body is like a pot, and the mind, the intellect and the senses are like water, rice and potato. When you place a pot Containing water, rice and potato onfire, they get heated, and if any one touches them, his finger is burnt, even though the heat does not really belong to the pot, or the water, or the potato or the rice. Similarly it is the power of Brahman in man that causes the mind and the intellect and the senses to perform their functions; and when that power ceases to act, these also stop Work.
Courtesy: "Ceylon Daily News", Colombo, 15th December, 1997.

Sivananda's Path to Peace and Happiness
His Holiness Swami Sivananda Saraswati, the founder of the Divine Life Society, was born on September 8, 1887. The headquarters of this society is at Rishikesh in the Himalayas.
Branches of this Society have been established in different Countries throughout the world. Many books have been written by him On the religious life, and many religious personalities have written about him and about the Divine Life Society. "My advice to all members" said Swamiji, "lead the divine life, and lead others too, through personal examples. Practice and let divine life radiate from you. Let every branch of the Society be a shrine of truth and let every member be a moving temple of Divine Life. Each one of you have a mission spreading the gospel of Divine Life. Dedicate yourself to it. This is the need of the hour. Do not wait to be approached by the people. My method is to be always in the look out for opportunities. Watch for them and utilise them. Befull of initiative. Create opportunities to serve the people and carry the message of Divine Life from door to door".
I am a Vice President of the Colombo branch of the Divine Life Society. In keeping with Swamiji's advice, I have written this article giving, in brief, some particulars of his life and teachings. Swami Sivananda before he renounced the worldly life, was called Kuppuswami.
He was born in South India and qualified himself as Doctor Kuppuswami at a medical college there. He went over to Malaya and Set up practice as a medical practitioner and built up a good practice during the period of a number of years. At this stage, he felt that he should renounce the worldly life and take up to Divine Life. Given here is what Swami Sivananda said about Divine Life:
"Divine life is not a rejection of normal life and its activities. It is, in fact, the normal life. A life that is actively, efficiently and spiritually lived without worldly attachment, selfish motive, and narrow minded perception.

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57 Varnarloda's Fa 4/1 fo Peaca ar7d HIlapopoirlass 527
"You are the author of your own fate. Your destiny is in your OW lands,
"Seek, and you shall find truth. Inquire, and you shall understand. Practice, and you shall experience, Meditate, and you shall realize. Live the Divine Life, and you shall find peace and happiness".
In his teachings Swami Siwananda advocates the regular chanting of Vedic Tantras. Among the Vedic mantras that he has advised his disciples to chant are the three supreme mantras, namely the "Pranawa Mantra", the "Gayatri Mantra" and the "Maha Mrityunjaya Mantra". Being an experienced medical practitioner, he has analysed the impact of the chanting of mantras on the central nervous system. This is What he said about it:
"In scientific terms what exactly happens in the central nervous system, when a Mantra is repeated over and over again, is that the neural impulses in the medulla oblongata of the spinal column are carried to the brain by the efferent and afferent channels producing a kind of Continuous groove. The moment a Mantra, say "Om Namah Shiwaya" |s uttered, there is a pulsation inthe Central nervous systemand through the efferent and afferent nerves, the message is taken to the brain where it strikes and comes back in a cycle. Though the recitation may Superficially appear monotonous, yet it is that Very Condition which Causes the relaxation of the Centralnervous system, thereby leading to a relaxed awareness without any objective hearing of the repetition - a Condition known in medical terminology as 'alpha wave electrical activity".
Om Shati Shanti Santil
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, March 7th, 1997,

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The Divine Life Society and Hinduism
His Holiness Swami Siwananda Saraswathi, the founder of the Divine Life Society was born on 8th September, 1887. The headquarters of this Society is at Rishikesh in the Himalayas. Branches of this Society hawe been established in different Countries throughout the World.
The Colombo Divine Life Society members meet regularly every week, and have prayers together. They chant the Sacred Wedic Tantras in Sanskrit for some time; thereafter before resuming to chant further Sanskrit mantras, they chant Tami hymns (The Waram, Thiruwasagam,etc.). Towards the end they pray in English, according to Swami Sivananda's "Universal Prayer", the text of which is given below:
O adorable Lord of mercy and lowel Salutations and prostrations un to thee. Thou art omnipresent, omnipotent and omniscient. TF) Lu at Sat-Chit-Anlähdä.
Thou art the indweller of all beings.
Grant Lus an understanding heart, Equal vision, balanced mind, Faith, devotion and Wisdor T. Grant LIS inner spiritual strength To resist temptations and to control the mind.
Free us from egoism, lust, greed, hatred, anger and jealousy. Fill OLur hearts With divine Wirtu es.
Let us behold thee in all these names and forms, Let us serve thee in all these names and forms.
Let Us over TSITESTIDEIT thOC. Let us ever sing thy glories, Let thy name be ewer on Our lips, Let us abide in thee for ever and eWer.

a Drwinia Lisa Society and Hinduism 529
LL0 LLLLLLL aLLLLLLLaLLL LLLLL LaLLKLLLLLLL 0KLLKaLLLLLLL
THE FOUNDER OF THE DIVINE LIFE SOCIETY, RISHIKESH, HIMALAYAS
Key-Words of Swami Sivanandaji's teachings:
Serve, Love, Give, Purify, Meditate, Fealise, Be good do good be kind be compassionate, Enquire "Who ar) P", know the Self and be free.

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This prayer is followed by the Tamil Verse of blessings
"Waarhmukil Wazlaatu paiha.....". Given at about the end of this article is an English translation of this verse of blessings. A brief historical note and the circumstances under which this verse originally came to be recited is given here. Sri Kachchiappa Siwasaariyar, son of Kaalaththiyappa Sivasaariyar, Was born in the 14th century A. D. at Kanthakottam in Kanchipuram. He had a sound knowledge of Sanskrit and Tamil. He had an excellent character. He had the talent of composing poetry from his childhood, and had great faith in God MurLugan.
One day Murugan appeared in his dream and told him, "out of the six sangithais (divisions) in the Sanskrit Skanda Purana, in the first portion of Sangarasangithai my history is told in the Siwarahasyas (secrets of Lord Shiva). Write this history in Tamil as "Kanthapuraanam" and commence Writing the history with the Word Thikadasakkaram'. This is a compound Word and consists of three Words, namely, thikaz= shining, dasa = ten, karam = hands, that is he who has ten shining hands and refers to God Ganesha,
When Kachchiappar Woke up, he wondered at his dream and went directly to the temple. He sat before Murugan and started to recite the "Kanthapuraanam" in verse. First he sang in praise of Lord Ganesha followed by praise of God Subramaniya. Thereafter he sang the benefits and purpose of the book that was being Written. This was followed by the verse of blessings. The text in Tamil followed by an English translation of the verse of blessings, which brought forth the significance of Kanthap Luraa na T, is given here:
வான் முகில் வழாது பெப்சு மலிவளம் சுரக்க மன்னன் கோன்முறை அரசு செய்க குறைவிலாது உயிர்கள் வாழ்க நான்மறை அறங்களோங்க நற்றவம்வேள்வி மல்க
மேன்மை கொள் சைவ நீதி விளங்குக உலகமெல்லாம்.
May the Clouds shower Lunfalling rainfall To bring forth prosperity everywhere, May the king rule according to justice May all beings live without want; May the four Vedic Dharmas flourishFull of virtuous deeds and Sacred rituals, May the lofty Saiva ideals shine throughout the World!

531
"Ü Divir'e Life Society and Hinduisrı,
GEETOPADESAM A plaque was gifted by the Diwing LifeSociety of Colombo, to ils Wice President,
TDurãisingam, on 13.09.1998 on the confermentos lhe Éile Desabar,by the President of Sri Larką.
| |||』
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Väriūư5 Ways spēfūciḥn, the axac,Tiëāṇing Ōs fishľEJLĒNos and thehghà kr√ööge of realisationssissaensisTTLTTamw

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The foundation of Hinduism has been laid on the pivot of spiritual truths. The entire structure of Hindu life is built on eternal truths, which were discovered by the Hindu rishis or seers. That is the reason why the structure has lasted through scores of centuries. Few religions are so very elastic and tolerant like Hinduism. Hinduism is very stern and rigid regarding the fundamentals. But it is very elastic in readjusting to the external formalities and the non-essentials. That is the reason why it has succeeded in living through millenia, that is thousands of years. Hinduism is a world religion. The Hindus live in perfect harmony, peace and friendship with the followers of other faiths. Their tolerance and fellow feeling towards other religions are remarkable.
conclude by quoting key-words of Swami Sivanandaji's teachings:
Serve, Love, Give, Purify, Meditate, Realise, Be good, Do good, Be kind, Be compassionate.
Enquire "Who am I?", know the Self and be free.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, October 30th, 1997.
Note:
After reciting the "Maha Miruthyunjaya Mantra the following line "Om Kriim Namasivaya" is added by the Colombo Divine Life Society, when chanting the Maha Miruthyunjaya Mantra.
The meaning of the words "Om"and"Namasivaya" have been given in Chapter 19, in the article "The Three Supreme Mantras".
The word "Krim" is added for Sonatic purposes. It has no special meaning.

Hinduism - the Eternal Religion
Religion comes from the Latin word "Religio" - 're' = back, 'ligare's to bring. That which brings back the soul with God is religion. Hinduism is the oldest of living religions. Hinduism is also known by the names "Sanatana Dharma" and "Vaidika Dharma". Sanatana Dharma means 'eternal religion'. Vaidika Dharma means 'religion of the Vedas'.
The Vedas are the foundational scriptures of Hinduism. The ancient rishis and sages of India have expressed their intuitive, spiritual experiences in the Upanishads, which are a part of the Vedas. Their experiences are direct and infallible. Hinduism regards the spiritual experiences of the rishis of yore as its authority. The priceless truths that have been discovered by the Hindu rishis and sages through millenia, that is through thousands of years, constitute the glory of Hinduism. It is a revealed religion.
FREEDOM
Hinduism, unlike some other religions, does not dogmatically assert that the finalemancipation of the soul, is possible only through its means and not through any other. Hinduismallows absolute freedom to the rational mind of man, in regard to questions on the nature of God, Soul creation, form of worship and the goal of life. This is the fundamental nature of Hinduism.
This essay is mainly based on the summary of an article made by the late advocate A. C. Nadaraja, for many years the President of the Colombo Divine Life Society, of the article on Hinduism by Swami Sivananda in the Commemoration Volume issued by the World Parliament of Religions held at Rishikesh in April 1953.
However, there are slightly varying descriptions and definitions of Hinduism by others. In my essay on "Hinduism and its impact on Buddhism", published in London in 1992, in the Saddhatissa Commemorative Volume entitled "Buddhist Essays", I have described and defined Hinduism as given hereafter.

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A. C. Madaraja President, Diving Life Society, Colombo 8.1, 1902 - 5.2, 1991
 

Hindis 17 — the Erema/ Resigilor 535
MDUS
The people of the Indian side of the Sindhu (the Indus) were called the Hindus by the Persian and the later Western in waders, and their civilization is called the Hindu civilization. FroT the Punjab, the civilization flowed over into the walley of the Ganges, where it met with numerous cults of primitive tribes, in its southward advance, the Aryan culture came into contact with the Drawidian culture, and ultimately dominated it, though Lundergoing some modification from its influence.
LLLLLL LLa LLLLLLLLuuLLLH GLLLLGLLLLL LLLL LLLL LLLaLLLLL L LLLL aLLSLL Suffered many changes, but it kept up its continuity with the old Wedic type developed on the banks of the Sindhu. The term 'Hindu" had originally a territorial and not a religious significance. It implied residence in a Well defined geographical area. Aboriginal tribes, Savage and half-civilized people, the cultured Drawidians and the Wedic Aryans were all Hindus, as they were the sons of the same mother. The Hindu thinkers realized the fact that the Ten and
Women dwelling in India belonged to different communities, Worshipped different gods, and practised different rites,
In addition to this, outsiders had been settling there and had made for themselves a home in India. How was Hindu society built up out of materialso diverse, so little susceptible in many cases to assimilation, and scattered across a huge continent, measuring nearly two thousand Tiles from north to south and eighteen hundred miles from West to east?
In a few centuries the spirit of cultural unity spread through a large part of the land, and racial stocks of varying levels of Culture became steeped in a common atmosphere. The differences among the sects of the Hindus are more or less on the surface, and the
aLLLLLL LLL LLLLH LLLLLLH C LLLLLL aLLLLL LLLLLS LL LaLLLHHLLLLa history, a Common literature and a common civilization.

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SWAM| SIWANANDA
Swarni Sivarlanda has Set down the Warious SLbdivisions that Hinduism has within its fold, such as Wedanta, Saivism Saktism, Waishnavism and so on. It has various Cults and Creeds. It is more a league of religions than a single religion with a definite Creed. Hinduism pays respect to all these religions. Rig Veda declares "Ekan sa wipra bahudha yadanti", that is, truth is one; Sages call it by various names.
The Upanishads declare that all spiritual paths lead to the same goal, just as Cows of variegated colours yield the same white milk. Sri Krishna says in the BhagawatGita, 'However men approach me, even so do | Welcome them; for the paths that men take from every side are
line".
Schopenhaur studied the Upanishads and meditated on the thoughts of the Upanishads. He said that "the Upanishads are the solace of my life and they will be solace to me after my death also".
Religion is the practical aspect of philosophy. Philosophy is the rational aspect of religion. Hindu philosophy is a way of life. Religion is spiritualisation of human life for a Hindu. The religious history of the World tells us that from time immemorial, India has been the home of great sages and rishis.
England is famous for industry; America for commerce; Italy for Sculptural Works; but India is famous for its religious devotion, yogis and Saints. The goal of a religious Indian is self-realisation, or attainment of God-Consciousness through renunciation.
THE HINDUSCRIPTURES
The foundation of Sanatana Dharma is Sruti, Smiritis are its Walls; the Puranas and Itihasas are the buttresses or supports. In ancient times, the Srutis were learnt by heart. The teacher sang them to his pupils and the pupils sang them after him. They Were not Written in book form at first.

E37
Hindusrri - the Eerria Feligion
A TRADITIONAL HINDU WEDDING IN JAFFNA (1983)
劑
Ķ\\\[',', 口』』』』

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538 Politics and Life in Our Times
All sects and philosophical systems accept the Srutis as the final authority. Smiritis stand next in authority to the Srutis. Smiritis are Dharma Sastras.
They consist of four great works by sages, which deal with laws and regulations for the carrying on of the individual, family, social and national duties. The most important Smiriti is Manu Smiriti.
The Puranas consist of anecdotes, stories and allegories. They are meant for the masses, or the common people who are notable to study and understand the abstruse Vedas. They contain the essence of the Vedas in a simple form. There are eighteen
Puranas. W
They were written by the great sage, Veda Viyasa. The Itihasas Comprise of two great poems or epics - Ramayana and Mahabharata. The lofty discoures of Bhisma on Dharma and the Bhagavat Gita are contained in the Mahabharata.
The Upanishads, the Vedanta Sutras and the Bhagavat Gita are regarded as the most authoritative scriptures of Hinduism. Each system of philosophy treats of three main problems, namely, the God, the world and the soul.
SCHOOLS OF METAPHYSICALTHOUGHT
The three main schools of metaphysical thought are dualism (Dvaita), qualified monism (Visishtadvaita) and pure monism (Advaita). They are different rungs in the ladder of yoga. They are not contradictory but complementary to one another.
Madhava Said "man is the Servant of God" and established his Dvaita philosophy. Ramanuja said "man is a ray or spark of God" and established his Visistadvaita philosophy, Sankara said "man is identical with Brahman or the Eternal Soul and established his Kevala Advaita philosophy".

Hinduism - the Eternal Religion 539
THE VEDAS
The Vedas are the fountain-head of Hindu religion. The Vedas are the ultimate source to which all the religious knowledge of the Hindus can be traced. The Vedas are the oldest books in the library of man. Religion is of divine origin.
It is revealed through intuition. It is embodied in the Vedas. Sruti literally means what is heard and Smiriti means what is remembered. Sruti is revelation, Smiriti is tradition.
The rishi is only a medium or an agent to transmit to people, the intuitional experiences which he receives. Hence the truths of the Vedas are called revelations.
The Vedas are four: the Rig Veda, the Yajur Veda, the Sama Veda and the Atharva Veda. Each Veda consists of four parts — the Manthras or hymns, the Brahmanas or explanations of the manthras, the Aranyakas and the Upanishads.
THE UPAN SHADS
The Upanishads contain the essence or the philosophical portion of the Vedas. The philosophy of the Upanishads is sublime, profound, lofty and soul-stirring. The Upanishads are the concluding portions of the Vedas or the end of the Vedas. The teaching based on them is, therefore, called Vedanta.
They form the Gnana Kanda. They are the most important portion of the Vedas. They form the very foundation of Hinduism. They speak of the identity of the individual soul with the Supreme Soul. They reveal most subtle and deep spiritual truths.
The most important Upanishads are isa, Kena, Katha, Prasna, Mundaka, Mandukiya, Aitereya, Taithireya, Chandogya, Brihad-Araniyake and Swetaswatara. These are Supremely authoritative.

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540 Politics and Life in Our Times
The subject matter of the Vedas is divided into:
(1) Karma Kanda or ritualistic section; it deals with the various sacrifices and rituals;
(2) Upasana Kanda or worship section; it deals with the various kinds of worship or meditation; and
(3) Gnana Kanda or Knowledge section; it deals with the highest knowledge of Nirguna Brahman. The Manthras and Brahmanas constitute the Karma Kanda; the Araniyaka, the Upasa Kanda; and the Upanishads the Gnana Kanda.
THE LAW OF KARMA
Karma means not only action, but also the result of the action. The consequence of an action is not a separate thing. It is a part of the action and cannot be parted from it. Any deed or any thought that causes an effect is called a Karma. The Law of Karmameans the law of causation. Wherever there is a cause, an effect must be produced thereto.
A seed is the cause for the tree, the latter being an effect of the former. The tree produces seeds and becomes the cause of the seeds. The Law of Karma is one of the fundamental doctrines of not only of Hinduism, but also of Buddhism and Jainism. As a man sows so shall he reap. This is the Law of Karma. If you do an evil action, you must suffer for it.
If you do a good action, you must get happiness. You are the master of your own fate, you are the architect of your own fortune. You are responsible for what you suffer. You sow an action and reap a habit. You sow a habit and reap a character. You Sow a character and reap a destiny.
THREE KINDS OF KARMA
Karma is of three kinds, namely Sanchita (accumulated works), Prarabdha (fructifying works) and Agami (current works). Prarabdha is that portion of the past Karma, which is responsible for the present life. The past actions which have begun to take effect and which he has to experience.

Hinduism - the Eternal Religion 541
The whole lot of Sanchita Karma is destroyed by attaining knowledge of Brahman or the Enternal. It can be greatly modified, by entertaining lofty, divine thoughts and doing virtuous actions. Agami Karma can be destroyed by expiatory rites or Prayachita, and by removing the idea of agency through Nimitta Bhav (the attitude of being an instrument in the hands of God), or Sakshi Bhav (the attitude of a silent witness of the actions of the senses and the mind).
HNDUETHICS
Ethics is right conduct or Sadachara. Without ethics, you cannot have progress in the spiritual path. Ethics is the foundation of Yoga. Ethics is the corner stone of Vedanta. Ethics is the gateway to God- realisation. Manu Smiriti and the other Smiritis Contain the code of conduct for man.
Good conduct is the root of material and spiritual prosperity. It is good conduct that generates virtues. Ethical culture is the very pivot of spirituality.
VARNASHRAMA DHARMA
It is Dharma alone which keeps a nation alive. Dharma is the very soul of man. The duties of the different castes are called Varnadharma. The four principal castes of the Hindus are Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishiya and Sutra. The four Ashramas or stages in life are Brahmacharia, Grihasta, Vanaprasta and Sanniyasa. The principle of Varnashrama Dharma is one of the fundamental principles of Hinduism.
Sri Krishna says in the Gita, "The four castes were emanated by me, by the different distribution of qualities and actions. Know me to be the author of them, though I am actionless and inexhaustible". The underlying principle in the caste system is division of labour. There is no question of higher or lower division.

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There are three Gunas namely, Satwa (purity), Rajas (extrovert tendency) and Tamas (inertia). Satwa predominates in Bhahmanas. They are wise persons or thinkers. In some Rajas is predominant. These are Kshatrias. They are warriors and the ruling class,
In some Tamas is predominant, They are Vaishias or traders. Sudras are servants. They serve the other three castes. Warnashrama Dharma is a characteristic feature of Hinduism. The caste system has degenerated into Adharma during the past centuries.
A Brahmin is not a Brahmin, if he is not endowed with purity and good character, A Sudra is a Brahmin, if he leads a pious and Virtuous life. Caste is a question of Conduct and character,
ASHRAMADHARMA
There are four Ashramas or stages in life, namely Brahmachariya or the period of scholastic education; Grahasta or the period of family life, Wanaprasta or the period of seclusion; and Sannyasa or the life of renunciation. Each stage has its own duties.
THE FOUR PATHS FOR GODREALISATION
The four main paths for God-realisation are Karma Yoga, Bhakti Yoga, Raja Yoga and Gnana Yoga, Karma Yoga is suitable for a man of active temperament, Bhakti Yoga for a man of devotional temperament, Raja Yoga for a man of mystic temperament, and Gnana Yoga for a man of rational and philosophic temperament. Karma Yoga is the Way of Selfle SS Serwice,
The selfless Worker is called the Karma Yogin. Bhakti Yoga is the path of exclusive devotion to God. He who seeks the Union through love or devotion is called the Bhakti Yogin, Raja Yoga is the Way of self restraint, He who seeks to have union with the Lord through mysticism is called a Raja Yogin. Gnana Yoga is the path of wisdom.

Hrīdus - līg Erla Feligio 54
Desabandu T. Duraisingam with the plaque presented to him by the TierTibers of the Divine Life Society, Color ribo, at the place of their Worship, Seen here are the pictures Of Lord MLur Liga and Swa Ti Siwarlarda

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544 Politics and Life in Our Times
He who seeks to unite himself with the Supreme Self through philosophy and inquiry, is called the Gnana Yogin. The Yoga of synthesis is the most suitable and potent form of Sadhana. In the mind there are three defects, namely Mala or impurity, Vikshepa or tossing, and Averana or veil. The impurity should be removed by worship or Upasana. The veil should be torn asunder by the practice of Gnana Yoga. Vikshepa or tossing of the mind should be controlled by the practice of Raja Yoga. It is only then that self-realisation is possible. Only the Yoga of synthesis can bring about an integral development. The Yoga of synthesis will develop the human personality in the most appropriate manner, and lead the aspirant towards the goal of perfection. To become harmoniously balanced in all aspects is the ideal of religion. This can be achieved by the practice of the Yoga of synthesis.
The four paths are in fact one, in which the four temperaments emphasise one or the other of its inseparable constituents. Yoga is the method by which the Self can be seen, loved and served. The foundation of Hinduism has been laid on the pivot of spiritual truths. The entire structure of Hindu life is built on eternal truths, which Were discovered by the Hindu rishis or seers. That is the reason why the structure has lasted through scores of centuries. Few religions are so very elastic and tolerant like Hinduism. Hinduism is very stern and rigid regarding the fundamentals. But is very elastic in re-adjusting to the external formalities and the non-essentials. That is the reason why it has Succeeded in living through millenia, that is thousands of years. Hinduism is a world religion. The Hindus live in perfect harmony, peace and friendship with the followers of other faiths. Their tolerance and fellow feeling towards other religions are remarkable.
conclude by quoting key-words of Swami Sivanandaji's teachings:
Serve, Love, Give, Purify, Meditate, Realise, Be good; do good; be kind; be compassionate. Enquire "Who am I?", know the Self and be free.
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, December 19th, 1995.

Ouida and Her Varied Talents
An exponent of Kandyan dancing in her early years, Ouida Keuneman later took to painting. Largely self-taught, she formally studied ceramics, batik, designing and painting at the Melbourne Art classes. Since then she has been guided by Latiffa Ismail.
She has had several exhibitions in Sri Lanka and abroad. She has held several annual art shows and has long been a talented artist, whose art has been treated with respect by critics. Her work is included in the permanent exhibition of the prestigious Museum of Oriental Art in Moscow. The photograph here shows Ouida standing in front of one of her batik wall-hangings, at her first exhibition in 1970.
have seen many of Ouida's art creations and greatly appreciated them. But I am not an art critic, though I did study various forms of art for some time, in the 1940s, as a resident pupil at the art school of the famous portrait painter Gate Mudaliyar Amarasekera. I was also a member, during the 1940s, of the Ariya Sinhala Natya Sabhava and studied music there under Sarlis master. So I think it would serve our purpose, if Edwin Ariyadasa and Roshan Peiris would also permit me to quote from their published reviews.
Ouida is the daughter of Sri Lanka's first woman Proctor, Mrs. P. C. Fernando. When lattended my final year law lectures in the 1940s, Mrs. Fernando too was attending those lectures.
Ouida delights in communicating with people and helping others with her talents. She learnt batik printing, which she does very skilfully, from Lucky Senanayake and in turn she taught him Kandyan dancing, which she learnt and then taught at the Chitrasena school of dancing. The facility with which Ouida carries out her various skills is astonishing.

Page 282
POMINCS adrid Lise ir 7 ČOLIT TW77 ES
546
OU IOA, KELUNEMAAN A LARGELY SELF-TAUGHT ARTIST
Standing in front of one of her Batik wall-hangings
Exhibited i har first Exhibiti ir 1970
 

547
OLIda and Hart Waled Taser IIS
FOREST

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548 Politics armo Life irn Our Tirrives
ARECA PALM TREES
 

549
Oda and Her Waried Taser IIS

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PifS ārī Le ir 0 ir
550
LENIN MAUSOLEUM, MOSCOW
in the Red Square, MOSCOW.
in Mai Lusol 2 JT1,
serTham | extrer TE2 let) and K. P. Si|
Pieter Keuleman at the Ler
Wa (extreme right)
լIri
CLICH KE
are also in the picture
 

551
From 9 to 10 each morning, a lissome Ouida Keu neman takes classes in aerobics, and from 10 to 11 classes in yoga, but sometime in the course of the day she does her painting. Her art is anchored primarily to the heart and her paintings stir human emotions. Done basically in primary colours, they have a serene appeal, Her Works of art are a series of minor icons emerging from a state of mind dominated by a sense of loneliness and shyness.
Her art is not aggressive or confrontational. It is rather inhibited and Contemplative. There is no attempt whatsoever, in her Works to present to the World an art of individualistic distinction or of stylistic uniqueness, But again, she does not paint like an effusive teenager either trying out a variety of modes to give expression to an inner imaginative urge.
The Works of Ouida occupy a niche that works an approach to maturity, Ouida is on her way there and how soon she will arrive there at perceptible maturity depends on her determination and sustained effort to keep on painting. In terms of technique she has done oils and pastels. As for subject matter of her Works, they are the outcome of nostalgic reflection.
Ouida's pastels are suffused with a gossa mer ethereality, as if they are all enclosed in a protective COCOOn. We are giving in this book copies of three of her pastels entitled "Forest", "Areca Palm Trees" and "O.W.".
Color77EKO, 5TF1 Septer 7 7E7Er, 7 SJ37

Page 285
Fooooo!!!!9!!0!!?!!??!!!!!!!!! Nosso) e lui, supueų puɛ sɔŋɔɛɔɔ e jo loquos äųį į||M |ɛpɛW諡È !!!!!! tulų supuesses sq uJesuisselnd niiniųjįqueųI o ‘gael|udw L|lig uc Tipueqësäsi sa Willisip
puexual ELil fiu jueus essunsereülny TaylèuejepuasBĂLŢUEL!!!) luāpsss!!!
 

POLITICS AND LIFE IN OUR TIMES
PART II
ARTICLES BY
NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL PERSONALITIES
AND MANIFESTOS OF POLITICAL PARTIES

Page 286

CHAPTER 12
Politics
Look to Our Youth
Message given on Jan. 3, 1918 to the First issue of "Ceylon Daily News")
by Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam
The "Ceylon Daily News" is fortunate in the times of its birth. New forces are at Work among us, a new era is dawning for our Country. She needs the devoted service of all her children and will, I am confident, find none more zealous in her cause than the new Daily.
Our Work has only just begun, and an immense deal lies before us which will try us to the utmost. We have, it is true, made a good, if tardy, beginning. During the year just closed, we have organized the movement for Constitutional Reform. The great Conference of 15th December, 1917, will be a land-mark in the history of Ceylon.
In our memorials to the Governor and the Secretary of State, we have voiced our immediate political needs and indicated our goal. That goal is Responsible Government on the lines of the Self-Governing Dominions. As a first step to it, we have asked for substantial reforms. There is good reason to believe that our efforts will be crowned with success. At all events, they will not, and must not, cease until the goal is reached.
In our zeal for political reform, we must be on our guard against making it our end. We seek it only as a means to an end. We seek it Not to Win Rights but to Fulfil Duties-duties to ourselves and to our country.
"The Theory of Rights", said Mazzini, "may suffice to arouse men to overthrow the obstacles placed in their path by tyranny, but it is important where the object in view is to create a noble and powerful harmony between the various elements of which a nation is composed. With the theory of happiness as the primary aim of existence, we shall only produce egotists who will, uncontrolled and pure, carry the old passions and desires into the new order of things and introduce corruption into it a few months after".

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556 Politics and Life in Our Times
Peoples, like in individuals, have each a divinely appointed and distinct task to perform.
STUNTED
Self-Development and Responsibility are essential to the right fulfilment of that task, and self-development and responsibility are alike impossible without freedom.
Kept in leading strings by "a grandmotherly government", we have not the opportunity for the development of Our personality. Our capacities have become dwarfed and stunted, the richness of man's life which comes from responsibility and liberty is not for us. Therefore it is, we have demanded the right to manage our own lives, make our own mistakes and gain strength by knowledge and experience.
Political power is a solemn responsibility, and its exercise is attended with temptations and risks. Ours are those bred of inexperience (for which the blame is not ours but rests with those who have denied us the opportunity of experience during a hundred years), and of racial, religious or caste differences.
These, however, are greatly exaggerated by Our Critics, and are hardly so serious as in many a land which is autonomous. Lord Beaconsfield said of England that it contained two distinct nations, the rich and the poor. The saying is true of every Western country, and has become more So Since his time.
There is a yawning gulf of suspicion, hatred and fear between them, such as we in Ceylon can scarcely realize. This cleavage (which is Over and above that of race, Creed, party, etc.) is largely the product of the materialistic spirit of modern Europe and America. The labourer has exchanged the thraldom of the old Feudal system for the more terrible thraldom of Capitalism.
CAPITALISM
It has pulled down Christ from the churches and installed in his place the Mammon of unrestricted commerce and industrial power, . exploiting the weak and the helpless, regarding men and women not as citizens but as tools of economic power. It has made the masses of the nations "cannon fodder of industry". Its greed for markets and dividends is among the root causes of the War that is now devastating the World.

I Look to Our Youth 557
It would be a sad day for Ceylon, if this inhuman spirit took root in Ceylon and as in Western countries, dominated Parliament and Government.
But there is no doubt that we have all, and especially the English-educated classes, become infected with it. How strenuous we are in the race for wealth and luxury, how little we care as to the means We hanker for fat dividends in rubber and tea Out of the sweat of the brow of coolies kept to their task by cruel and oppressive laws.
We are not squeamish as to making profits out of the degradation and misery of our countrymen plied with drink. The small farmer, the goyya, who was the glory of Ceylon is fast becoming a landless vagabond and hireling.
The Real Makers of the Country's Wealth, the peasant and the labourer, are pinched with poverty and hunger, while the capitalist and the middle-man divide the spoil. The slums of the poor, though not quite so bad as in the big cities of Europe, are nests of filth and disease.
CONSCIENCE
The children run about untaught, uncared for, their mortality running into hundreds per thousand. To all this we are scarcely responsible, for our bellies are full, our families live in ease and comfort, we enjoy the blessings of "civilization".
Any twinge of conscience, we soothe with doles of charity and offerings in the name of religion. I do not forget that the Ceylon Social Service League has an earnest band of Workers among the poor in the City of Colombo. But how few are the workers and how little they can do to fight so great and widespread an evil
When shall we realize the truth, that you cannot hold any man in the gutter without staying there yourself, and that (as Tolstoy said) the only real help the rich man can give the poor is to get off his back!.

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558 Politics arid Life ir7 COLLI r Tir77 Gs
The crawing for money and luxury at any Cost, is alien to the Genius of our People and Civilization. The ideals and teaching of Our great Writers, Tamil and Sinhalese, the lives of our parents and grand parents, were all in the direction of simple living, of the rich sharing their Wealth and Cornforts With the poor.
Robert Knox, who lived twenty years arTong the Sinhalese, in the seventeenth century, says of them that they are "very hardy both for diet and weather". Again" Riches are nothere walued, normake any the more honourable, for many of the lower sorts do far exceed these hondrews" (his term for noblemen)" in estate, but it is the birth and parentage that ennobleth". Of the Women, "They are in their gait and behaviour wery high, stately carriage, yet they hold it not to Scornto admit the meanest to Come to speech of them. They are very thrifty and is a disgrace to them to be prodigal, and their pride and glory to be accounted near and Saving.
"..................။ Although they be so stately, they will lay their hand to such Work as is necessary to be done in the house, notwithstanding they hawe slaves and servants enough to do it".
No finer picture exists in all literature than that drawn by the Tamil Poet-Saint Tiruvalluvar, of the house-holder leading on eartha Consecrated life, justin all his dealings, love the very life of his soul, strict with himself, patient and kindly to all, simple in living, liberal in his benefactions, dreading the touch of evil, self-controlled and pure.
BOURGEOS
We hawe traw alled far from these standards, Certainly in the tOWS. Look at the houses in the Cinnarton Gardens. The Utterly Bourgeois Ideal they enshrine, the Vulgar show and frippery, aping the suburban Willadom of a fourth rate English town. They spread their poisonous influence far and wide, and are the greatest obstacle to that Simplification of Life which is Our Country's most urgent need.
It is deplorable that in Ceylon, Englisheducation has so multiplied Our Wants, increased the Complexity of Our life and demoralized us, that those who ought to be indefatigable and devoted in her service, spend the greater part of their time in earning money to supply those Wants, and to spend their leisure not in intellectual Culture or public Work, but in trivialitic S.

Look to Our Youth 559
MAHATMA GANDHADWOCATED NON-WIOLENT OPPOSITION TO THE BRITISHEMPIRE
Mahatma Gandhi O2, 10, 1869 - 3O.O. 1948
The saintly Gandhi, the noblest personality in the public life of India, Whose priceless services to her in South Africa and in India are known throughout the World

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560 Politics and Life in Our Times
It is not so in India. One does not see the same rage for the less admirable aspects of European life and its complicated and expensive trammels. There is certainly a higher level of real Western culture, and of scholarship and research which scarcely exist in Ceylon.
In some places I have met quite large circles of highly educated men, leading the simple lives of their forefathers on the incomes that would hardly keep some of our young men in socks and ties, and able to discuss difficult questions of politics, philosophy, Science with ease and lucidity. Men have deliberately abandoned lucrative professional careers, to devote themselves to the service of their country on a mere pittance.
INDIA
In the Ferguson College of Poona, for example, you see some of the best intellects of India, bound by self-imposed vows to practical poverty and engaged in imparting the benefits of higher education to students too poor to enter the Government Colleges.
Among the Professors of that College was the illustrious Mr.Gokhale, who taught there for twenty years until he entered the World of politics, his life consecrated to the service of India. The present Principal of Ferguson College, Mr. Paranjype, a Cambridge Senior Wrangler, is one of many men of the Gokhale type.
So also Gokhale's Successor in the office of President of the Servants of India Society, Mr. Srinivasa Sastri of Madras, member of the Viceroy's Council, who has as his colleagues in that Society a splendid band of self-sacrificing workers. Then there is the saintly Gandhi, the noblest personality in the public life of India, whose priceless services to her in South Africa and at home are known throughout the Empire.
There are hundreds of others in all parts of India, less prominent but not less zealous, pursuing in silence their tasks in education, politics or Social service in hospital, school or slum, and Seeking no reward.

I Look to Our Youth 561
Why is it that Ceylon does not breed such men? Why are our educated youth all wedded to ease and luxury? Why do they make mansions, motorcars, rubber estates their goal? Is it because the traditions and ideals of plain living and high thinking are less deeply rooted here than in India, and have not been able to withstand the materialistic spirit and commercialism of the West?
YOUTH
I have, however, an unquenchable faith in the youth of Ceylon, and am confident that our sad state is only a passing phase. Youth is to revert to the ideals of their forefathers and establish an Aristocracy of Intellect, Character and self-sacrificing Service.
Until this is achieved, political reforms and power are of little use. Suppose Ceylon won even such a place in the World as Japan has. What would it profit us?
"The barren optimistic sophistries,
Of comfortable moles".
Our youth have behind them centuries of inherited Culture and great traditions. I believe that they too will find their souls and, leave mere money-making and wallowing in ease to the baser sort, with materialism gnawing at their vitals
Look to Our Youth to Spiritualize Public Life, and I believe they will do it. They will each seek his own well-being in the wellbeing of all, will identity his own life with the life of all and his own interest with the interest of all. They will lay at the feet of our dear Motherland the love-offerings of passionate service. They will work in unity that in the words of Dante, all the intellectual and spiritual forces diffused among men may obtain the highest possible development in the sphere of thought and action.
With our youth inspired by such a spirit and such ideals, I look to see our country rise with renewed splendour, eclipsing the glory of Parakrama Bahu the Great and shining as a beacon-light to
all lands.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, January 3, 1918.

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EB: Pa"Is a Ia OLI Tas
SRPONNAMBA LA MARLINACHALAM
FOUNDER OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT
| hawe, however, an Lunquenchable faith in the youth Of Ceylon, and am confident that Our Sad State is only a passing phase. SLLLLLLLL LL LLLLLL GLLLLLLaLL aL LaL LLLL LL LLL LLLLLLaLLaS LLaaLLL establish an Aristocracy of Intellect, Character and Self-sacrificing Service.
- Sir Fl Air L Ir ii: lil: F: T
 

The Presidential Address of Sir Pon nambalam. Ar un a Chall am
At the first session of the Ceylon National Congress, 11th DeCamber, 1919)
BROTHER AND SISTER DELEGATES
To-day Ceylon has realized the hopes and wishes of many years and hails the birth of the Ceylon National Congress. It is no small privilege for us to have lived to take part in this great gathering, which marks a memorable epoch in the history of our Island. You, Who have worked for it with zeal and devotion, Cannot but feel the liveliest satisfaction and joy. By the inauguration of this Congress We proclaim that We have done once for all with our petty differences and dissensions and that, whatever one's Creed, race or Casternay be, if only in the memorable Words of our Island Chronicle the Maha Wansa, he "makes himself one with the people", he is a true son of Lanka, a true Ceylonese, and entitled both to serve our dear Motherland to the best of his power and to enjoy in the fullest measure the advantages and benefits she offers,
To me the Congress is the fulfilment of dreams cherished from the time I was an undergraduate at Cambridge. During those never-to-be-forgotten days it was my good fortune to be a member of a College which has maintained the great traditions of Milton and Darwin, to live in intimate communion with youths of high ideals and intellectual calibre, to come under the influence of thinkers such as Sir John Seely whose insight and learning have illuminated and fertilized modern history and political science. In the clash and interaction of minds from daily intercourse and discussion with fellow students and teachers - the most precious gift of a university to its alumni - and under the spell of the vision of Italy newly risen from the torp or of centuries, there dawned in the minds of us Oriental students the idea of a national Renaissance of India and Ceylon, The seed was then sowed which one of the noblest sons of India,

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564 Politics and Life in Our Times
Ananda Mohan Bose, with kindred Souls nurtured till, a decade later, it blossomed into the great Indian National Congress with which the World is familiar. Under the same beneficent influence another dear friend, the late Justice Syed Mahmood of the Allahabad High Court, laid, the plans of the great Mohammadan College of Aligarh, which is imperishably associated with the name of his illustrious father Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and has proved so potent a factor in the intellectual and political regeneration of the Mussaimans of India. Ceylon, which had become "a fen of stagnant waters", was scarcely accessible to those ideas. The enthusiasm of one or two youthful Ceylonese, who had been touched by the breath of that spirit, was quenched in an atmosphere where comfortable moles with their barren optimistic sophistries ruled.
About the year 1876 a young Englishman from a small town in the neighbourhood of Cambridge, William Digby, joined the staff of the Ceylon Observer. He was poorly equipped with the world's goods, but was gifted with a large heart, a far-Seeing vision, a profound faith in England's mission as the guardian of liberty", a bulwark of the cause of man", whom "no guile seduced, no force could violate" and with an indomitable resolution to help as far as he could in that mission. Taking up the mantle of another great Englishman, George Wall, the friend and champion of the peasantry of Ceylon and the sturdy defender of public rights, Digby became an ardent advocate of Constitutional reform. He set forth his views eloquently, together with a constructive scheme, in a pamphlet entitled " An Oriental Colony ripe for Representative Government". It was published in 1877, but to his bitter disappointment fell utterly flat on the Ceylon public. Shortly afterwards Digby left Ceylon to take up the editorship of a leading newspaper in Madras, and during the terrible Madras Famine rendered invaluable service Which earned for him from the Sovereign the honour of a C.I.E. Transferring his activities to England, he edited influential journals, founded the Indian Political Agency in London, conducted India, the organ of the Indian National Congress, was Secretary of the National Liberal Club, London, and was made an Honorary Member of the Cobden Club in recognition of his successful efforts, in co-operation with George Wall and Governor

The Presidential Address of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam 565
Sir Arthur Havelock, insecuring the abolition of grain taxes and revenuefarming in Ceylon. He died prematurely in 1904, to our and India's irreparable loss. Four years later, when the reactionary administration of Sir Henry McCallum and his lieutenant Sir Hugh Clifford had at last Oused Ceylon from her sleep, Digby's pamphlet being republished received its first meed of public recognition and appreciation. The history of these later days, in which Mr. James Peiris, Mr. H. J. C. Pereira and others played so prominent a part and wrested from a reluctant Government a slight measure of reform in the constitution of the Legislative Council, is well-known. The popular discontent was not stemmed by this niggardly concession, and later received a vigorous impetus from the tragic events and misrule of 1915. The wave of Constitutional agitation has marched on, and we are now almost on the Crest. When our goal is reached and we near our Valhalla, the names of these two Englishmen, George Wall and William Digby, will ever hold honored places in that hall as now in our hearts.
It is difficult for us to understand the opposition of some of their Countrymen in Ceylon to our Reform demands, which seek only to substitute for one form of British administration, which we have outgrown and which is impeding our development, another form more suitable to Our needs and conditions. Our destinies are indissolubly bound up with England. We have the most perfect confidence that within her fold we can attain the fullest development of our national life, and that the obstacles placed in our path by officials and others, who are out of harmony with the great ideals of the King and his statesmen, will be swept away when once the true facts are placed before them by a united people. is not our very demand a proof of that confidence and a tribute of Our affection? Three quarters of a century ago Lord Macaulay said: "it may be that the public mind of India may expand under our system till it has outgrown the system, that by good government we may educate Our Subjects into a capacity for better government and that, having been instructed in European knowledge, they may in some future age demand European institutions. Whether such a day will ever come, know not. But never will lattempt to avert or to retard it. Whenever it

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566 Politics and Life in Our Times
comes, it will be the proudest day in English history". That long-lookedfor day has arrived and should be welcome to every true Englishman as it is to us. The whole of our Reform movement is designed to impress this fact on the Government and people of Great Britain and on their servants here, and to indicate how best to utilize it for the happiness and contentment of the people of Ceylon and the stability of the Empire.
During the last five years it has fallen to me to speak and write often and at length on our aims and endeavours. My views are wellknown to you all and Scarcely need repetition. They are in harmony with the "Case for Constitutional Reform in Ceylon" published last September and submitted to the imperial and local Governments by the Ceylon National Association and the Ceylon Reform League. On the 20th of that month addressed a monster Sinhalese Conference at Colombo and again on the 24th spoke on the Present Political Situation. Today I must be brief, as We have a very heavy programme to go through and there is a large number of ladies and gentlemen of talent to address you. When I last spoke, we were under a cloud of disappointment and our hearts were vexed - but, I am glad to say, by no means daunted - by the attitude of the authorities. Our repeated memorials and demands had been evaded and put off; questions in the House of Commons met with no better response; not an inkling was given of even the outlines of the Government policy in regard to Reform; the delegates whom we appointed to submit our views to the Secretary of State personally were refused a hearing. But we persevere, and our perseverance prevailed as it was bound to prevail. Viscount Milner, as soon as he was put in possession of the true facts as regards the representative character of the delegates, received the Deputation most Courteously. It was headed by Mr. H. J. C. Pereira, who put our Case so forcibly and eloquently as to impress Lord Milner and to elicit from him well-merited compliments. We cannot be sufficiently grateful to Mr. Pereira. Nor must we omit to express our deep gratitude to Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka and Mr. E. W. Perera for the invaluable service rendered to the people of Ceylon as their delegates during four years in England. We rejoice to welcome them all back home and to see them here today among us to inspire and invigorate us by their presence and example.

The Presidential Address of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam 567
Lord Milner has deferred a final decision until he has had an opportunity of personally conferring with the Governor Sir William Manning in the spring. By one of the resolutions which will be put before you, you will be asked to take steps to nominate a fresh Deputation to proceed to England and keep in touch with the Secretary of State, the Parliament and the British people while the Reform measures are receiving their final shape in Downing Street. This is a very necessary precaution. Of what avail is all the labour of ploughing and sowing, of manuring and watering, if the growing corn is not guarded and made safe until it is reaped and garnered? You will also be asked to appoint a Deputation to wait on His Excellency the Governor and enlist his sympathy and support.
The delay that we have been deploring on the part of the local Government and of Downing Street is not without its compensations. The Indian Reform Bill has passed through the furnace of examination and criticism by an influential Committee of both Houses of Parliament. It is now in its final stage and is expected to be law before Christmas". From the official telegraphic summary available to us, the Bill appears to have been improved in Committee, but not sufficiently to satisfy Indian public opinion. Indian administration is beset with difficult and Complicated problems, which have been Sucessfully used by reactionaries to frighten the Committee. None of these difficulties Dxists in Ceylon. She has, moreover, enjoyed for centuries the nestimable advantage of autonomous and ordered rule. It has always been our contention that we are fit for, and ought to have, a far more liberal constitution than India, and that no part of His Majesty's Eastern dominions is so well fitted for the realization of the British ideals of liberty, self-development and self-determination. The Royal Commissioners of 1829-30 expressly declared that they wished to See Ceylon a political model to the rest of Asia. Twenty years earlier, In 1809, the creation of a Legislative Assembly on the lines of the British House of Commons was recommended by Sir Alexander Johnstone after a careful investigation and was approved by the 曾 According to cables received from London, the Bill passed both Houses
of Parliament and received the Royal assent on the 19th December, 1919.

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568 Politics and Life in Our Times
Secretary of State, and only failed to become law by the accident of a Cabinet change in England. A strange destiny has hung over Ceylon, and she has ever since been wandering in the desert, and the British authorities are still pondering over the granting of a Constitution less liberal than was deemed Suitable Over a hundred years ago. Can it be a matter of surprise that the people of Ceylon, with a knowledge of these facts of early British history in Ceylon, with a knowledge of history of their own civilization and autonomous government for over twenty centuries, a knowledge of the pledges given for the preservation of the people's rights and privileges, laws and institutions, by the British Government at the great Convention at Kandy in 1815, when the people chose the British Sovereign as their Sovereign - can it be a matter of surprise that the people are impatient at the long-drawn-out delay in reforming their antiquated form of administration?
The following statistics show the progress, material and moral, which Ceylon has made even under the present Cramping Conditions. How much greater might have been her progress, if she had not been during all these years kept tied to the apronstrings of bureaucracy
Tonnage Shipping Year Population Revenue Expenditure Exports imports ented Schools Scholars
and
cleared
无
E E
1834 1,167,000 377,952, 334,835 145,834 372,726 153,510 1,105 13,891 1974,475,922 485,458 I 4,289,04420,462.996 12343.058 6,153,778L 4.23. 395.80
Many of us are firmly convinced that Ceylon is ripe for responsible government, such as Australia, Canada, South Africa, Newfoundland enjoy, and would make a good use of the powers if they were granted to her, though no doubt blunders will occur as even under the present form of government. But we are at present asking for much less than responsible government; we are asking for a step, but a substantial step, towards the realization of
e1 is taken as equivalent to Rs.10 in 1834 and Rs. 15 in 1917

The Presidential Address of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam 569
responsible government by Ceylon as an integral part of the British Empire. The first Resolution, which will be submitted to you by Hon. Mr. P. Ramanathan, the elected representative of the Educated Ceylonese in the Legislative Council, states the minimum that will satisfy us- a Legislative Council of about fifty members, of whom at least four-fifths to be elected according to territorial divisions on a Wide male and restricted female franchise and the remainder to consist of official members and of unofficial members representing important minorities; the Council to be presided over by an elected Speaker, and to continue to have full control over the Budget, and without any such strange division as is proposed for India of reserved and transferred subjects; an Executive Council consisting of the Governor assisted by official and unofficial members, of whom at least one-half to be chosen from elected Ceylonese Members of the Legislative Council and to be responsible for the administration of Departments; and the Governor to be one trained in the parliamentary and public life of England.
We venture to hope that our moderation will be appreciated and will be met in a friendly and sympathetic spirit. The country has been for many years in a state of ferment. It needs no great gift of statesmanship to realize the imperative need of ending it by the prompt carrying out of a wise and sympathetic policy. The highest authorities in India have repeatedly declared that "time is a factor of vital importance in the Reform question", and are pushing the Indian Reform Bill through Parliament to make it law before Christmas. In Ceylon there has not been even a declaration of policy. As to the details of the Reforms, a mere increase of elected members in the Legislative Council will not be enough. It would only make the Council more of a debating society than ever and add to the opportunities of friction. Nor is it for the mere loaves and fishes of higher appointments We are hungering. Ceylonese officials would doubtless be more in touch with the people than Europeans, more sympathetic and more amenable to public opinion. But they would be a bureaucracy still and liable to all the failings of a bureaucracy not responsible to the people. A Ceylonese bureaucracy has no special attractions for us; it would be scarcely less detrimental than a European bureaucracy

Page 294
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to the development of the spirit of freedom and of responsible government in Ceylon. In order to check the paralysing influence exercised over the life of the people by the army of subordinate Ceylonese officials responsible only to European officers, the first Resolution also demands complete popular control of purely local administration by a wide extension throughout the Island of Municipalities, urban and rural District Councils and Willage Councils, with elected chairman and substantial majorities of elected members.
The second Resolution deals with the Local Government Bill now before the Legislative Council, and urges the necessity for amending it as well as the Municipal Councils Ordinance of 1910, The Central Local Government Board under the Bill is an officialridden body without any responsibility to the people, and is invested With powers the exercise of which will strangle all local initiative and autonomy. We ask that this Board should have a large elected majority; that its powers should be restricted to guidance and advice, to giving the local bodies the benefit of centralized experience and specialist knowledge and of independent inspection and audit, and thus secure the indispensable minimum standard of efficiency; that the Rural District Councils should have the same elective constitution as the Urban; that Municipalities should be extended throughout the Island and be subjected to complete popular control by means of a four-fifths elected majority of members and an elected chairman. The Village Councils, democratic institutions based on adult suffrage, Which hawe Conte do Wri to Lus from tintie immemorial, but are noW woefully crippled under a highly centralized British administration, We ask that they should be restored to their ancient power and prestige and made efficient and thoroughly popular, in fact as in theory.
The third Resolution deals with the very important question of the present System of Taxation, which is highly inequitable and falls heavily on the masses of our people. We ask for a Commission to undertake a comprehensive revision of the taxation with a view to lighten their burden. This important question has always been shirked by the Government. Sir West Ridgeway, it is true, appointed a Commission, but it never sat. The inquiry we demand is an

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572 Politics and Life in Our Times
indispensable preliminary to any change of taxation. But successive Governors have without it embarked on radical changes, springing them on the public to meet so-called emergencies, rushing them through the Legislative Council with the help of an obedient official majority against the wish of the people. Such hand-to-mouth legislation, especially in the realms of finance and taxation, is very detrimental to the public interest.
The Resolutions on Education will have your hearty support. Resolution IV asks that a much larger proportion of the public revenue than is spent at present should be set apart to provide adequate funds for the vigorous prosecution of education, in view of the deplorable amount of illiteracy in our population, the decline of indigenous industries and agriculture and the poverty of the masses. Scarcely 5 percent. of our revenue is now spent on education- a most inadequate recognition of the State's responsibilities, which puts Ceylon to shame by the side of the American Colony of the Philippines where over 32 per Cent. is spent, and by the side even of purely Indian-governed states like Mysore and Baroda. There should be universal compulsory education up to the age of 14, and an efficient system of industrial, agricultural, commercial and technical education.
Resolution V deplores the neglect of Higher Education in this Island, the failure to establish the Ceylon University long asked for, or even the long promised University College. It is disheartening to think of the little impression made on the Ceylon Government by the agitation which has been going on for nearly a quarter century for the establishment of a Ceylon University. The strong public feeling on the Subject led to the establishment of the Ceylon University Association in January, 1906. In spite of all its efforts we are not much nearer our goal, though there is no dearth of professions and promises. In fact the indifference of the Government in the matter of Education is one of the chief arguments in favour of constitutional reform. It is strongly and widely felt that there is little hope of substantial improvement until the people of Ceylon have full control over their affairs. Education is vital to our Welfare and progress and we can no longer consent to

The Presidential Address of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam 573
leave it to the pleasure of officials who flit across the stage of the Education Department with scarcely a policy and are permitted under Our strange system of administration to change at will solemn declarations of Governors and Secretaries of State. Promises and professions, even when embodied in statutes, have not always been redeemed. You know that compulsory elementary education has been on our statute-book for many years, but how little progress has been madel Even in the capital city of Colombo this provision of the law has remained a dead letter, and thousands upon thousands of children are allowed to roam Wild in the Streets and to SWell the Criminal population. It needed four years of sustained agitation on the part of the Ceylon Social Service League to rouse the authorities to a Sense of their duty. They have at last established three little free schools for the whole city of Colombo.
The very important question of Food Supply is also on Our Agenda. We propose to urge upon Government the necessity of taking immediate and effective steps to increase the production of food crops in the Island and to reduce the dependence of the people on India for their food supply. You are aware of the cruel sufferings they have undergone for many months past owing to the restrictions placed by the Indian Government on the export of rice. The pathetic efforts of the people to meet the emergency by increased cultivation have unfortunately been frustrated by heavy rain and flood, which has brought once more to the front the urgent need of protection against these oft-recurring and desolating floods. The Ceylon Government is now at last alive to the importance of the food question. But it is questionable if anything effective will be done until we, whom it most deeply concerns, are in a position to deal with it ourselves after we are invested with the power and responsibility we are asking for. Vast sums of money have been spent in the past by great Governors from Sir Henry Ward to Sir Arthur Gordon and Sir West Ridgeway on the restoration of our ancient irrigation works, but with little benefit to the people. An expert imported from India by Sir Henry McCallum made elaborate inquiries, and wrote an exhaustive report which was shelved

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574 Politics and Life in Our Times
and never published. The officials of our newly created Agricultural Department are more interested in tea and rubber than rice, and are little competent to deal with its cultivation; and the future of our food supply is dark and Ominous.
This Congress will be memorable, if for nothing else, as the first occasion on which the voice of Labour will be heard in assertion of its rights and with the full sympathy and support of all Ceylon. This is in the fitness of things. The war has taught many lessons: one of the most useful is the value of co-operation. The successful outcome of the conflict was largely the result of the most complete co-operation. Irrespective of race, colour, or Creed, men worked and fought and suffered and died, side by side. The kinship of Humanity has come to be understood as never before. To-day we stand at the threshold of the period of reconstruction. The solution of the grave problems which now confront the world depends for its success on a continuance of this spirit of cooperation and brotherhood. Among those problems none is more important than that of Industry, none more menacing to the world's Welfare. All over the World a grave unrest has arisen among the workers and been aggravated by the immense increase in the cost of the necessaries of life. Strikes and conflicts have ensued on a large scale, from which Ceylon has not been quite free. It behoves us to take judicious and timely steps to prevent labour becoming as intractable as in Europe and America.
Whatever may have been the view in the past, it is not to be denied that civilized nations no longer cling to the conception of Industry as an institution, primarily of private interest, enabling certain individuals to accumulate wealth, too often irrespective of the well-being, health and happiness of those engaged in its production. The modern viewpoint is rather that Industry is a form of Social Service, and that for its permanent success there must be ensured to Labour adequately remunerative employment under proper working and living conditions, to Capital a fair return on the money invested, and to the Community a useful service. Labour is, like Capital, an investor in industry. But the labourer's contribution, unlike that of the capitalist, is not detachable from the One who makes it, since it is in the nature of

The Presidential Address of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam 575
physical effort and is a part of the worker's strength and life. There is another party to industry with a vital interest in it, often ignored, and that is the Community. But for the Community's contribution in maintaining law and order, in providing agencies of transportation and communication, in furnishing systems of money and credit and in rendering other Services, all involving continuous outlay, the operations of industry would be enormously hampered, if not rendered impossible. The Community, moreover, is the consumer of the products of industry and ultimately provides the wages, salaries and profits distributed among the employers and employees. For these reasons, and because the labourers form the bulk of the population of a country and are ill able for want of organization and education, especially in countries like Ceylon, to protect their interests, it is the duty, as it is the right, of the Community to do so and secure the labourer against exploitation and injustice. There are many good employers in Ceylon, but even they will be glad to be protected against their meaner selves, against the unconscious promptings and temptations of self-interest. All have to realize that labour is not a mere article of commerce, a commodity to be bought and sold, that human life is of infinitely greater value than material wealth, that the health, happiness and well-being of the individual, however humble, is not to be sacrificed to the aggrandizement of the more fortunate or more powerful.
These principles have now been sealed with the approval of the Peace Conference and been embodied in the Peace Treaty. It has taken long to win this recognition. The life of the labourer through the Centuries, in the West as in the East has been indeed a via dolorosa. His sufferings have forced him to form powerful organisations which are now able to protect him in Western Countries. But our own labourers are disorganized, weak and helpless, and it is our duty to protect them until they are able to protect themselves. For some years past this duty has been in some measure realized in Ceylon, and we have attempted to discharge it by means of various organizations such as the Ceylon Social Service League and the Ceylon Workers' Welfare League, which seek to bring the corditions

Page 297
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The Presidential Address of Sir Polar balam Arlachaar 57.7
of labour in Ceylon into conformity with the requirements of the Peace Treaty. You are aware that an Immigrant Labourer's Bill is now before the public, being the fruit of a Commission which inquired into the Subject of immigrant abour, The Bill is a laudable attempt to deal boldly with Some of the difficult problems of labour and to promote its Well-being. But it can hardly be said to have freed itself froT the old Conception of industry which referred to, and treats labour mainly as a Commodity to be imported by Government and handed over to the employer. It retains in full force the barbarous provisions which Subject Tlen and Women to imprisonment With hard labo Lur and to fines for breaches of civil Contract and other acts which are not offences under the ordinary law. The Bill contemplates the employment of child labour from the age of 10 and makes no provision for the regulation of that abour nor for the education of children. It has nothing to say as to the fixing of a remunerative minimum wage Or of reasona ble hours of labour, but lea wes these and other importar|| Tatters to the inexorable laws of supply and de land. These and other laws must disappear before the proposed law can be accepted by US or approwed by the conscience of the civilized World.
| hawe tres passed on your til Tie longer tham|| || intended. || pray that the blessing of Heaven may rest on your labours and crow them with SUCCESS, With happiness and prosperity to every class and section of the people of our dear Motherland, and with strength and stability to the Throne of Our Sovereign, May that beautiful Chant of Universal Lowe, the Karaiya Mafia Sutta, be realised:
Sukhif10 wa khgrTĩnø h[]T1lu
Sabib 2 Seat ta biha wart LI SLI k li tatta.
Let all living beings be joyous and safe, May it be theirs to dwell in happiness,

Page 298
Resolution on Reform of
the Constitution and Administration
At the first session of the National Congress)
This Congress declares that, for the better government of the Island and the happiness and contentment of the people, and as a step towards the realization of responsible government in Ceylon as an integral part of the British Empire, the Constitution and Administration of Ceylon should be immediately reformed in the following particulars, to wit:
1. That the Legislative Council should consist of about 50 members, of whom at least four-fifths should be elected according to territorial divisions upon a wide male franchise and a restricted female franchise, and the remaining one-fifth should consist of official members and of unofficial members to represent important minorities, and the Council should elect its own Speaker as President.
2. That the Legislative Council should continue to have full control over the budget, and there should be no division of reserved and transferred subjects.
3. That the Executive Council should consist of the Governor as President assisted by official and unofficial members, of whom not less than half should be Ceylonese unofficials chosen from the elected members of the Legislative Council. With the view of affording them administrative experience, such Ceylonese members should be made responsible for the administration of Departments placed in their charge.

Resolution. On Reform of the Constitution and Administration 579
4. That the Governor should be one who has had parliamentary experience and training in the public life of England, the better to fit him to discharge the duties of a constitutional ruler and to help in the smooth working of the political machinery under the altered Conditions. 3.
5. That there should be complete popular control over the administration of local affairs in the provinces, districts, towns and villages, by a wide extension throughout the Island of Municipalities, Urban and Rural District Councils and Village Councils, with elected Chairmen and substantial majorities of elected members.
6. That a proportion of not less than 50%, rising up to 75%, of the higher appointments in the Ceylon Civil Service and the other branches of the public service should be reserved for Ceylonese.
Moved by Hon. Mr. P. Ramanathan, K.C., C. M.G., M. L. C. Seconded by Mr. A. St. V. Jayewardene. Supported by Mr. G. A. Wille, Mr. E. J. Samarawickreme, Dr. (Miss) Nallamma Murugesan, Mr. E. W. Perera, Dr. J. A. E. Corea, Mr. A. F. Molamure, Mr. M. W. H. de Silva, Mr. C. W. W. Kannangara, Mr. Donald Goonetilleke, the Revd. J. S. B. Mendis, Mr. Victor Corea and Mr. P. Cheliah.
Courtesy:"The Handbook of the Ceylon National Congress" (1928), Edited by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike.

Page 299
National Flag of Ceylon
hoisted at
AFFNAWOUTHCONGRESSSESSIONS
The seventh annual sessions Were held in a specially erected pandal on the Jaffna esplanade. On 23rd April, 1931, Srimathi Kamaladawi Chattopadhyaya, the President-elect for the 1931 sessions, was taken in a carriage drawn by three white horses headed by Several bands of musicians and accompanied by the Congress Wolunteers, clad in khaddar and wearing Gandhi Caps. The volunteers Carried the red, green and saffron flag, the new flag of the Youth Congress. The seventh annual sessions began with the flag hoisting ceremony. P. M. Thirunavukkarasu, who led the volunteers, had the honour of hoisting the flag in front of the pandal. During the course of the Congress session, the Students' Congress was re-named the Youth Congress,
| 1 h i S speech P. N. Thirula Wukka rasu Said: "This occasion is one of immense importance, as a flag is a symbol of the life of a Country and Constitutes a declaration of the individuality of that Country, as a component unit in the fraternity of nations. The Colours of the flag are red, green and yellow".
Explaining the choice of these colours he said: "Mother Lanka is the home of the Muslim, Tamil and the Sinhalese Communities. In this fact lies the justification for the colours : at compose the flag. The red stands for the Muslim, the green for the Tamil and the yellow for the Sinhalese COTT unities, and these joined together stand for the unity of all communities in the Island.
"In adopting this flag let us all determine always to cherish it; let us seek to enrich its glory by carrying it before us in our march towards Swaraj, and let us pray that We never fail the call of our flag",

Nas for Tal Flag of Ceylor 7 581
THE FOREMOST NATIONAL LEADER SIR P RAMANATHAN
He was ever in the forefront of the struggle for freedom, and devoted all the energies of a rich and Versatile personality, to rehabilitate our country's civilisation and Culture in all their ancient greatness

Page 300
582 Politics and Life in Our Times
Significantly, the first resolution before the Students' Congress was to the memory of the elder statesman, the Grand Old Man, Sir P. Ramanathan, who departed this world a few months earlier. The resolution was formally moved by the President-elect, Mrs. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, and was as follows:
"That the Students' Congress desires to place on record its profound sense of grief at the passing away of Sir P. Ramanathan and tenders its condolences to the country that has been deprived of its foremost leader, who was ever in the forefront of the struggle for freedom, and devoted all the energies of a rich and versatile personality, to rehabilitate his country's civilisation and culture in all their ancient greatness".
The resolution was passed all standing in Silence.
Courtesy: "Ceylon Morning Leader", Colombo, 28th April, 1931.

Resolutions of the Ceylon Communist Party, 15th October, 1944
Central Headquarters, 85, Cotta Road, Colombo.
J. R. Jayewardene, Esq., "Braemar",
Ward Place,
Colombo.
Dear Friend,
I am forwarding for your information copies of two resolutions passed unanimously at a public rally of Over 5,000 people, called by the Ceylon Communist Party at the Town Hall, Colombo on Sunday, October 15.
Should you wish, we shall be glad to have a representative of ours discuss further with you any points raised in the resolutions.
With patriotic greetings,
Pieter Keuneman, General Secretary, Ceylon Communist Party.
18.10.1944.
FIRST RESOLUTION
"This rally of Colombo citizens, called by the Ceylon Communist Party, welcomes the decision of the Special Sessions of the Ceylon National Congress to summon an All-Parties Conference to forge a united demand for recognition of independence and a free constitution and urges the Congress to summon this conference

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584 Fosil CS är 7d Lisa ir ČOLN" Tirīgs
without delay. It appeals to all political parties, public organisations and Communities to abstain from making any separate or unilateral representation to the Royal Commission but instead support such a Conference and seek to establish a united demand for recognition of independence and a free constitution on the basis of common patriotism and mutual recognition of the interdependence and just substance of each others' demands. It appeals to the Board of Ministers and State Councillors not to seek settlement merely among themselves Within the framework of the "Reforms Offer" but instead Take COTTO cause with the people for a united demand for recognition of independence and a free constitution".
SECOND RESOLUTION
"This rally of Colombo citizens, called by the Ceylon Communist Party, declares that, in order to achieve unity between the different communities and a common demand for the recognition of independence and a free constitution, it is necessary to recognise that the development of Ceylon is taking and will take a multi-national form and that a united and free Ceylon can be realised only on the basis of guaranteeing full and equal opportunities for the development of all nationalities and Tinorities in Ceylon.
"As there are distinct, historically evolved nationalities - for instance, the Sinhalese and Tamil - with their own contiguous territory as their home-land, their own language, economic life, culture and psychological make-up, as well as interspersed Tinorities living in the territories of these nationalities, this rileeting declares that the Constitution of a free and united Ceylon should be based on the following democratic principles:-
(a) Recognition of the equality and sovereignty of the peoples
of Ceylon;
(b) Recognition that the nationalities should hawe the unqualified right to self determination, including the right, if ever they so desire, to for IT their own independent state;

Fesolusors offig Caylor Cornruf ist Party 15ff; October 1944 585
CPSU IN WITATION TO CCP DELEGATION IN 1962
Ceylon Communist Party delegation at Moscow in 1962, which went there at the invitation of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
L.-R. M. Karthgasan, I. R. Ariyaratnail, the Russian interpreter and T. Duraisingam

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(c)
(d)
Politics and Life in Our Times
Recognition that the free constitution should contain statutory guarantees protecting and advancing the political, social, economic, educational and linguistic rights of interspersed minorities, as their freedom of religious Worship; and, secondly, statutory abolition of discriminations and privileges based on caste, race or community and making it a penal offence under the constitution to infringe the above;
Recognition that those Indians, now in Ceylon, who are prepared to make this country their permanent home and adopt Ceylon citizenship, should have the same rights and privileges as any other community.
"AS, however, the most economically developed areas are in
the traditional homelands of the Sinhalese people and as the Tamils and minorities have contributed and will contribute towards such development, as well as to the general development of the whole country, this meeting further declares that the constitution of a free and united Ceylon should provide for two equal chambers, one a Chamber of Representatives, elected on the basis of universal adult franchise according to territorial electorates and the other a Chamber of Nationalities, elected on the basis of universal adult franchise and ensuring the principle of the equality of the nationalities of a united
Ceylon".
Courtesy: "Documents of the Ceylon National Congress and Nationalist Politics in Ceylon" (1929 - 1950).

Crisis in the Communist Party
by Kubera
The Crisis that has rocked the local Communist Party ever Since the conclusion of their Eighth Congress in August last year appears to have reached a new stage with the publication of the findings of the Central Control Commission regarding the expulsions of Messrs W. A. Samarawickrema and L. W. Panditha from the Party.
Mr.Samarawickrema was the National Organiser of the CP right up till the Eighth Congress. Mr. Panditha was (and still is) the Deputy General Secretary of the Ceylon Federation of Trade Unions, which is the trade union centre directly under the control of the CP. Its President is Pieter Keuneman, Minister of Housing and till the Eighth Congress the General Secretary of the CP. The General Secretary of the CFTU is, M. G. Mendis, MP for Ratgama.
From what one learns from conversations with leading Communists (both "hard-liners' and 'soft-liners') the differences that have surfaced in the CP originated long before the Eighth Congress. The 'hard-liners' say that they originated due to the CP Iosing its identity and almost becoming merged with the United Front. The 'soft-liners' on the other hand, say that these differences can be traced directly to and find their root causes in the uprising of April 1971.
These differences resulted in two different political reports being prepared for approval by the Eighth Congress. One (softline) prepared by Keuneman supported the line of continuing within the Government and the United Front and taking the "antiimperialist and democratic revolution" forward. The other (hardline) was a line of all-out attack on the UF and the Government as indulged in by Aththa with a view to creating a "third-force" distinct both from the UNP and the UF to take the country towards SOcialism.

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588 Po/tfolis and Lifego fr1 ĈJuro "W77gs
HON, PIETERKE UNEMAN M. P.
STALWART OF THE LEFT MOVEMENT
Pieter Keuneman receiving an award of honour from Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike at the "Wishwa Prasadini" Ceremony held at the Sugathadasa Indoor Stadium in 1997 on the occasion of the 40th Anniversary of political activities of Madam SiriTlawO Bandara naike
 

Crisis in the Communist Fary 589
Anyway, for reasons that seem none too clear (although the soft-liners attribute it to deliberate cunning), the 'hard-liners' withdrew their report at the last moment and helped to get passed unanimously the 'soft-line' report presented to the Eighth Congress by outgoing General Secretary, Pieter Keuneman, But, having done that in the elections that followed, they packed the new Central Committee with their own men, reducing the 'soft-liners' to an insignificant minority.
It is to this procedure that the 'soft-liners' led by Samarawickrema and Panditha, no doubt with the approval of Keuneman, Mendis, etc. reacted in quite a sharpmanner. They revived a defunct CFTU organ named Satannaga and used it to launch scathing attacks on the new CP leadership. They began to form their own youth leagues in rivalry with the official CP-sponsored ones.
What is more, the Samara Wickrema-Panditha group) not only succeeded in getting Keuneman and Mendis to address their recent youth league's conference. They even succeeded in getting spokesmen of the other two parties in the UF - the SLFP and the LSSP on their TOS tr urT,
As a measure of their success, the 'soft-liners' claim that the Conference of the official Federation of Communist Youth Leagues that followed was not honoured even with a message of fraternal greetings, leave alone a guest speaker, from either the SLFP or the LSSP.
For their activities by-passing and often directed against the new leadership of the CP, Messrs Samarawickrema and Panditha - and after them many other lesser known minor CP functionaries- have been expelled and denounced with all the familiar crimes in the Communist catalogue like "violation of party discipline", "promoting factionalism", "splitting and disrupting the party", etc.
The CP today seems widely split right down the middle. Of the 6 CP MPs, 3 are reported to be 'soft' and the other 3 'hard'. The "hardsoft' division has even spread from the party and the youth leagues to the women's associations and even the few peasant organizations that the CP has formed in recent years. (Mr.Samarawick rema, by the Way, is the Vice President of the CP's Peasant Front of which Dr. Wickremasinghe is the President).

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It was When an irreversible split was becoming almost inevitable, due to the activities of hawks or both sides, that some "doves" in the CP have had second thoughts and tried to find a Way Out of the in passe by arriving at a mutually acceptable Compromise settlement.
The Daily News recently published Mr. Keuneman's terms for such a settlement. They included the abandonment of the present Aththa line and the enlargement of the present CC to include more "soft liners", Now when a settlement was on the agenda a newspariner in the Works would appear to have been thrown by the report of the Central Control Commission to Which Messrs Panditha and SamaraWickrema appealed after their expulsions. The Central Control Commission is the highest disciplinarybody in the CP set-up and is said to be composed of five senior and highly respected party men (including two lawyers) elected at the last Congress. It had been they who supervised the elections to the Central Committee at this Congress after the 'soft-liners' and "hard-liners' failed to agree on a single slate of candidates for election.
The Central Control Commission had held that the expulsions of Messrs Panditha and Samarawickrema were "nulland Void" as they were made in violation of the provisions of the constitution and offend the norms of democratic centralism. It has recommended that they "be placed in the same positions they held in the party and associated organisations before the expulsions".
The Central Control Commission has quoted section 12(b) of the CP constitution according to which the "punishment of a Party member is amatter for the organisation to which he belongs". Since Messrs Panditha and Samarawickrema are no longer members of the Central Committee, the Central Control CoITITission has held that it is not the Central Committee but the party branches to which they now belong that are constitutionally empowered to take any disciplinary action against them.
There idualso been a little tussle between the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission before the latter could proceed with its inquiry into the validity of the expulsions in question. The Central Committee it is learnt took up the position that the Central Control Commission could only inquire into matters referred to it by the Central Committee. Based on this ground, Dr. Wickremasinghe, the present General Secretary of the CP, had refused to attend the sittings of the Central Control Commission although summoned to do so.

Criss jr. she Corrnunist Fary 591
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION OF THE CEYLON COMMUNIST PARTY
T. Duraisingam Attorney-at-Law FllÖsp léIREIF s1 f'lg f35sJ5

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592 Politics and Life in Our Times
The report of the Central Control Commission, while expressing "pain and Sorrow' at Dr. Wickremasinghe's behavior, has quoted a section of the constitution which enables any party member to appeal to the Central Contro Commission direct and also another section which places an obligation on the "punishing organisation" (in this case, the Central Committee) to "furnish the Central Control Commission of the Party with a full report on each punishment inflicted". The Central Control Commission has also drawn the attention of the Central Committee to the fact that they (the Control Commission) are bound by the constitution to "dispose of such appeals as early as possible", and made some sharp observations on the way that the Central Committee tried to stultify the work of the Commission by unduly delaying their report on the punishments inflicted on the two comrades. Shades of the tussle between the National Assembly and the Constitutional Court.
One duestion now worries CP circles. That is whether the Central Control Commission report will make things difficult for the 'doves' who are trying to heal the rift. One section seems to think that this report is a slap in the face of the Central Committee that will further harden the "hard-liners', drive the Keuneman-Mendis group further to the side of Panditha and Samarawickrema and make inevitable the formation of a second Communist Party.
Another section seems to think that the report of the Central Control Commission should help to bring about a settlement. They think that this report provides the Central Committee with a way out of their dilemma if only they accept its recommendations gracefully. They argue that such an acceptance would pave the way for a compromise settlement based on the Keuneman formula or any other formula.
The fact that the Central Committee itself has asked Mr. Keuneman to approach them direct with his formula, these persons say, 's an indication that the "hard liners' too are ready for a settlement that will prevent the break-up of aparty which they have built up together and which will be celebrating its 30th anniversary this year.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, March 2nd, 1973.

Some Memories and Reflections
by James T. Rutnam
Mr. James T. Rutnam has been associated with the Tribune almost from its very inception. He has written some . of the most outstanding and noteworthy articles that have ever appeared in Tribune, e.g. The House of Nilaperumal, Thambi Mudaliyar, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, etc. On June 13, 1976 he will be 71, still young in mind and heart, and energetic as ever. In this article he recalls men, matters and events which laid the foundations of the politics of the last fifty years.)
- EDITOR
I am, if I may use the expression, a successful failure. I had determined for myself from school days to be a politician, rather a patriot working for his country in Parliament. This I have been denied. But I believe had achieved some measure of success in other fields, as a teacher for a short While, as a business man for Some time and now as a research worker in history and archaeology.
At school was the Secretary of the Debating Club. At the University College beat my two rivals who subsequently became leading advocates - one a Q.C. - to the membership of the Committee of the Union Society within a month or two of my joining that institution. At the Law College I was the Prime Minister of the Law College House of Commons, besides being the Editor of the Magazine and winner of the Walter Pereira Prize for Legal Research. At the Y.M.C.A. Forum, I was elected Speaker defeating an individual who loomed large in the public eye. I was then twentyone years old.
| Was also a member of Victor Corea's and A. E. Gonnesinha's band of angry young men in the Young Lanka League and subsequently in the Ceylon Labour Union. In 1925 joined the Progressive Nationalist Party

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Füll:S Élfid Life I CUr I TES
594
„Bunq|11, B1|| ||Budriūs WisłąBM JB|riddd ELFI pạų5||qrīd āų "LIITTļēI ȘIŲ LIC "LIIGIPELIITIỚI" ÞLIB suðLIJä5ëUEWI sisaussTIE paprīļs SuBBK BEJL|| Jos pusē LF5|| ul. Kequos Jo! ||a| āH “LỪlsesrityisa pailuu]] ļu jēdēds Mau pasÁļsoļos, e fusaq '„LIGIÃạo luāfijnsəH, so Busųs||qnd uliw |5||EųITIĞI E SE JēĐIỀ5 SILĮ pēļuels salų "įsĻLITILLILLID.5 E 5E DLJE luaprīļ5 MET e so BBBL"LDT3었: — EL5LTEROT었:L ēlēōō^p\,'usefulse IELLŶ"... "5
55ŪNILIHM "1\,}1&HD 1SIH TỪ TỈ LOEW-I ĶĪNIH SITETld NI HEENƠId
 

SOle Me Orie5 ad Refl'ECOS 595
Walentine S. Perera, Indeed it was who hailed Bandaranaike as "the hope of Young Ceylon" when I proposed a vote of thanks to him at his second public lecture in Ceylon at the Y.M.C. A. Forum to a crowded house in the main lobby. We became friends thereafter and had often met at Valentine S. Perera's office at 119, Huftsdorp to plan and agitate for the Country's good.
The Progressive Nationalist Party was started in October 1925, and we called ourselves an "advance party of the youth of Ceylon who aim to secure national emancipation" with the resolved object of attaining "such a form of self-government which is satisfactory in practice and Consonant With our national homo Lur". Our first secretary was C. Ponnambalam who later became Mayor of Jaffna. Walentine S. Perera, R. S. S. Gunewardene, A. J. M. de Silwa, A. de Fonseka, D. N. W. de Silwa, M. D. A. Wijesinghe (who gawe the Felix Press for our printing almost free of charge), S. B. Ranasinghe, myself and a few others whose names I cannot now recollect formed the first batch of the "Bandaranaike policy" Wallahs some fifty years ago. I attended the Ceylon National Congress Sessions at Galle in 1926 as a member of the Progressive Nationalist Party. I went from Colombo by train to Galle on that occasion, My travelling companions to the Congress were J. Aloysius Fernando, the famous Kalutara Proctor (a Roman Catholic) and the Rev. J. W. Perera Jayatunga a devoted Christian Nationalist from Amba tenapahala.
Soon I came to disagree with Bandara naike. For in the Progressive Nationalist Party, Bandaranaike had incorporated a fundamental plank viz. to agitate for a Federal form of Government for Ceylon. He had further written a series of articles in the Press in May and June 1926 extolling the Federal idea, joined issue With him in the controversy and opposed him in a long letter to the Press, This was published in the Ceylon Morning Leader in July 1926 fifty years ago. I was a member of the Committee of the Progressive Nationalist Party to draft a Scheme of Constitutional Reforms to be

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submitted to the Ceylon National Congress, but dissented from the General Report by opposing the Federal System. At a meeting when the Report was discussed my dissent was ruled "out of order" by Chairman Bandara naike, Wh0 declared that it Was against the fundamental Creed of the Party.
Bandaranaike honestly maintained his unshakable faith in the Federal System. He was for the establishment of nine Federal States, and later three for the Kandyan Sinhalese, the Low Country Sinha lese, and the Tamils With special representation for the
minorities in each of the States.
raised eight objections in Iny dissent, Bandaranaike declared in one of his addresses published in the Press: "A thousand and one objections could be raised against the system, but when the objections are dissipated I am convinced that some form of Federal Government would be the only solution".
Bandaranalike and | parted Company When Bandaranike cha||lenged Goonas in ha for the membership of the Marada na Municipal Ward. I was Goonasinha's supporter, having earlier cut my political teeth under his auspices. That election was one of the keenest fought political encounters in those early days, R. S. S. Gunewardena was really the mainstay of Bandaranaike's campaign. But what tipped the scales was the energence at the penultimate moment of the Maha Muda liyar, Bandaranalike's father. He wisited the homes of the great unwashed and that was enough in those days. That was, would say, the last bid of Feudalism in this country,
That was also the first bid of Socialism. Both hit the same target and Bandaranaike the som Carme out to mark a new stage in the political evolution of this country. One Would have noted, as events showed, it is the same family that had come to ride the Wawe in both dispensations. You find this in other cases too. Although it night not be so in the particular case of Bandaranaike, who was believe a dedicated patriot and a rebel in his own house, one has to admit that in most instances it is the opportunist and not the idealist that generally triumphs in a material sense. This is the moral of man's story from the beginning of time,

Եց7
Song Martiaries and Reflections
W. I. LENIN GŰES INTŰ HIDING IN FAZLIV
This was the time quite near the October Revolution in 1917.
Friends hollowệd out a hayrick converting it into a kind of shack, and this served as Lēniņš dwelling. Here he received newspapers and mais and wrote his articīgs Which were duly dispatched to Petrograd. On Lenin's left side is seen his table and stool cut out of two trees in the forest where he was inhiding

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598 Politics and Life in Our Times
I was a boarder at St. Thomas College during the last days of the "Stone" Age and a day-scholar at St. Joseph's College under that great and good Rector, Father LeGoc. It was while I was at St. Joseph's College that we heard the thunder of Goonasinha, the Labour Leader, reverberating from the Railway grounds at Darley Road during one of those early strikes. It was a memorable event which left a lasting impression on many of us.
At that time Ceylon was slowly trying to assert its independence. Goonesinha, E. T. de Silva and others who had formed the Young Lanka League, and who were responsible for the clarion calls that came from the weekly journal, The People, were our daring political extremists. They found a prudent and responsible leader in Ponnambalam Arunachalam, a radical wolf in a conservative sheep's clothing. Arunachalam was then gathering the bold and timid ones together, patching up differences here and there, and preparing after the humiliation and destruction of the Riots of 1915, a united Counter offensive against the British Raj. Arurnachalam was my own political guru, and if anybody else gave me a pat on my back in those impressionable days it was Goonesinha. I should also place E. T. de Silva at this altar.
Despite occasional differences in politics, Goonesinha kept close to me to his dying day. A week before he entered hospital in 1967 and about a fortnight before he died, he brought me the manus-Cripts of his autobiography saying, "Jim, you are the man who will be able to look into this". A definitive biography of Goonesinha must be published, and when it is out, the country will discover how much faith, how much Courage, how much stead-fastness went into the making of this man, who really broke open the doors of freedom for the worker. E.T. de Silva was struck down in his prime. Had he lived he would surely have been our first Prime Minister, notwithstanding the caste to which he belonged.
J. L. C. Rodrigo, the editor of the Ceylon Morning Leader, indulgently crossed the t's and dotted the i's of my earlier essays into journalism. It was Rodrigo who gave me, when was only eighteen years old, the conspicuous space in the editorial page of his paper for my tribute to Arunachalam on the morrow of his sudden death. There were

Some Memories and Reflections 599
other influences too at work, such as the Corea brothers, George E. de Silva and A. P. Van Reyk - besides my father, who spoilt me with a beam of pride in his eyes whenever he saw me enter the political lists. Of my mother, who died when I was nine years old, I recollect little; but my uncle Gate Mudaliyar C. Thiyagarajah was a source of great encouragement.
When Bandaranaike became an active office-bearer in the Ceylon National Congress, the Progressive Nationalist Party was left to gasp and die. I had from early school days an appetite for research and for closer study of problems. My classmate and friend A. W. H. Abeyasundara, later a Judge of the Supreme Court, was then holding his first appointment as a Private Secretary to D. S. Senanayake. We were all avid students of politics, not excluding D. S. We started the Political Study Circle at Woodlands, Kanatta Road, Colombo, and the founders of this group were D. S. Senanayake, Abeyasundara, D. B. Jayatilaka, G. K. W. Perera and myself. S. W. R. Dias Bandaranaike and J. R. Jayawardene joined us later. I remember giving the draft to D. S. Senanayake for his speech for the abolition of Capital Punishment in the Legislative Council. I was then a member of the Society for the Abolition of Capital Punishment of London. Very few people know that it was Abeyasundera who introduced Dudley Senanayake formally into politics, by presiding at his first election meeting at Dedigama.
D. S. Senanayake had a hand behind the scenes in the radical movement that developed, with the agitation against the Poppy Day Fund in i926. Few are aware of its beginnings. It started with a letter that I wrote to the Press in August 1926, pleading for the distribution of the Poppy Day collections among the disabled in both the Allied and German Camps. "It would be", wrote, "a noble gesture of victory to feel for the distress of the vanquished". But I found had aimed too high. I was then a cosmopolitan at heart, having journeyed from tribalism, communalism, nationalism and internationalism. I have since become a humanist, which believe is the end of my political quest.

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Be that as it may, my friends suggested to me that we should
organise a campaign in opposition to the Poppy-Day Fund to serve the needs of Ceylonese ex-service men. We arranged for a public meeting at the Tower Hall, and after receiving many refusals from some of our leaders, who were afraid of the Colonial Power, We succeeded in getting G. K. W. Perera, a brave man, to consent to preside. We gathered our veterans together and gave them the front seats in the hall. I was elected Secretary of the Public Meeting. Several of us spoke, including myself. Stanley de Zoysa made the first public speech of his career to the annoyance of his father. I was told he came straight from his class room to make the speech. Abeyasundera, A. T. G. Britto, Valentine Perera, A. J. M. de Silva, and Aelian Pereira, a War Veteran, Were some of the other speakers. We were all marked men at the time. believe we all had pages of honour in the Police files. As a counterblast to the Poppy-Day movement we organised a campaign to picket the poppy-sellers on November 11 that year. The previous night we sprang a surprise by pasting large posters on the walls of the town. especially in front of the fashionable poppy sellers' homes in the Cinnamon Gardens. The posters read:
Why support Poppy Day Fund?
Ceylon's needs are greater
Chartiy begins at home.
We had a number of altercations with the Poppy Day society folk
and the Police, and some of us were brought to the Police Station and the Court. The Cosmopolitan Crew of Lauries Road, Bambalapitiya, also joined us in this movement. It was a Society established in 1925" to promote unity and co-operation between the different races, creeds and classes resident and thus build up a Ceylonese nation". Membership of this Society was "restricted to those who are not members of any political association or racial or religious body". C. Ponnambalam was at one time the "Commander" of this Crew. Harry Gunawardana, the elder brother of Philip, was the Treasurer, and Hema Basnayaka, who does not seem to be imbued with such high ideals now, was a member of its "Administrative Council".

Some Memories and Reflections 601
Few are aware that some of the money given to print and distribute the posters, hire the hall, etc. for the Anti-Poppy-Day Movement came from D. S. Senanayake. We were asked to keep ita secret. D. B. Jayatilaka did not seem to approve of our devilment, and that was a reason for the secrecy. This effort of ours really started the Suriya Mal campaign, which was launched the following year when it was realised that we should offer a positive and not a negative approach towards the people. From our movement sprang the ultra-leftists of today.
I was Principal of St. Xavier's College, Nuwara Eliya for two years and there introduced the compulsory study of Ceylon History, Sinhalese and Tamil. I also made Physical Education and Gardening compulsory. led an unsuccessful strike in Nuwara Eliya, gaining popularity nevertheless. The Daily News lashed out at me in its main editorial, calling me an "obstreperous schoolmaster who will soon have to take to his heels". I responded rather ungallantly by calling the editor, S. J. K. Crowther, a "cantankerous ex-padre who should go to his pulpit and learn the text. Every labourer is worthy of his hire". I was then twenty-four years old. Thus did the World move around me.
stood for the State Council as a candidate from the Labour Party and was beaten, but not disgraced. I repeated my election bids on several other occasions as an independent candidate, and was defeated in every election. Once I was beaten by a small margin of votes, and I won the Election Petition that followed. My Career would no doubt have been different had been elected.
Black flags were flying in my father's house when I married outside my community. My wife, who mothered eight children, eventually won my father's heart as well. She is now dead. Her children arise and call her blessed, as dol. The library in the Evelyn Rutnam Institute, now at the Jaffna Campus is her Taj Mahal.

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POWINCS är 7 Ld Lisp 7 Jur TsorTTES
602
5ēļļJOLIITE OļēIJŌ TIẾ ĐỊ VIIM 5āųsep paesnes suoluido sių ĐJuo ueųỊ ĐỊow (aulē, Ieuolleuasu, pauses pusē „Đulōsuo BuafinE, ulaod sealų.delfiosquine slų Ďupnļģu sujaod Wuētu pēųs||gnd BH spoleonpa llew sew puɛ Állule, ɔŋɛlɔossue ue so ulog A OE8|| ' | []'ÊE – 55)||"GŪog E ususnes LỊ5||^ĐẦāfijas lapuexasự
WslESTIW NW'ISSTIH E Is LS EIHL HO LNOHNI SLHW HO EHVTIÖS EHL NI NIXHHS nd "S", OLI NEWID NOW
 

atCHLaC LLLaMLCLL LCLLLSLLLLLLaLLLLGLK 603
In the twilight of life at Sewenty one, I have resigned myself to part gracefully from it in the fullness of time. Lowe of letters | Will not abandon, nor my zest for life. I set great store on honest endeavor. I have tried to be charitable, knowing only too well that if | k ne W e Werything | Would hawe forgiwen ewerything. In my own mind I have challenged all beliefs, but have newer been sure of my own
SWITS.
The thought and life of two Tien hawe largely affected my own - Bertrand Russel and Thomas Henry Huxley. Let The end in the Company of their Wisdom. The passions that have governed my life too, in the Words of the former, "have been the longing for lowe, the search for knowledge, and the unbearable pity for the suffering of people". And trust too shall be able to meet the inevitable end With the following fulfilling thought that appears on the tombstone of the Other:
Bg Tot afrafd, ya was/ing hearts Fraf waap,
For stil Ha gi wath His belowed sleep,
And is a gridless sleep Ha Wills, so East,
Courtasy: "Tribung", Colombo, Jung 727, 1976.

Page 311
TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977
For A Tani Ealan
The Sinhalese people who gained political power from the British, drafted for themselves, in fulfilment of their sovereignty, a constitution which they put into operation and the first general election, after Ceylon was declared a republic, is being held now. The issue as to who would be put into seats of power will not be the only one that would be decided by the votes that people would cast at this election. Do the Tamils and the Muslims who have lost their freedom accept a Constitution that has paved the way for the majority community, the Sinhalese, to usurp, in full, under a facade of sovereignty of the people, the totality of political power in this Country? That is the issue to be resolved by the votes that our people would cast at this general election.
At the time the republican constitution was accepted by the Constituent Assembly and thereafter, very important changes took place among the political movements of the Tamils and in the midst of the Muslim people. The Tamil parties that were at one another's throat, with conflicting goals, came together, at last, to form the Tamil United Front. This became possible at a conference of the Tamil political parties held in 1971 at Valvettiturai. Organisational consolidation followed at Trincomalee and in 1976 the Front Came to be called the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF).
A number of incidents that took place in the country along with certain actions of the Government following the proclamation of the republic led to a rethinking in the minds of Muslim people also. Particularly the Muslims in the Eastern and North-Western regions of Ceylon realised that their religion and language, lands and opportunities of employment were all being taken away from them and that in their own native land their lives and property too were insecure. They also realised that movements that accepted

TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977 605
the leadership of the Sinhalese political parties, would not defend even these basic rights of theirs. This realisation led to the formation of the Muslim United Front. Bound together by the bonds of a common language and intertwining lives in a common territory and brought together by the common danger of total destruction, the Tamils and the Muslims realised the indispensability of joint action. Subject to the safeguards of preserving the identity of the Muslims and ensuring their sovereignty, the Muslim United Front joined the Tamil United Liberation Front as a constituent unit. The rights of the Muslim people in the Tamil State of Ealam will be amplified further in this manifesto. When we speak of the Tamil Nation, we refer to the entirety of the people in this country to whom the mother tongue is Tamil.
ONE QUESTION: FREEDOM OFR SERVITUDE?
The General election of 1977 is a crucial One to the Tamil Nation. So far as the Tamil territory is concerned, this general election is a clash between the only political movement of the Tamil Nation and the representative of the various political parties of Sinhalese imperialism that keeps the Tamil nation under its heels. The election in the Sinhala territory decides the question as to which of their parties should come to power. And in the Tamil territory, the question to be resolved is whether the Tamils want their freedom or continued Servitude. The Tamil United Liberation Front Will use this election to resolve the issue.
HISTORY
Though Ceylon is a single state now, yet by facts of history, by the languages spoken by its inhabitants, by culture, tradition and by psychology, it is the common home of two nations and consists of two countries. The present republic of Sri Lanka is in reality a union of "Sinhala Land" and "Tamil Ealam". The fact that the Tamil nation has been living in this country from pre-historic

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606 Politics arid Life iri) COLLI r Tir Tags
times enjoying its sovereign rights under a state of it own, is recorded in no less an authority than the great Work of Sinhalese history - Maha warmsa. Even before the Christian era, the entire Island of Ceylon was ruled by Tamil Kings, Senan Kuddikan and Elara (Ellalan) and thereafter for over thousand years, as a result of struggle for supremacy between the Tamil Kings and the Sinhalese Kings, the capital of the Sinhalese Kings was gradually shifted southwards away from Tamil Centres, These are facts of recorded history. It is also a fact that the entire island was under the sway of Tamil Kings at times and the Sinhalese Kings at other times. From this background of alternating fortunes, emerged, at the beginning of the 13th century, a clear and stable political fact. At this time, the territory stretching in the western sea-board from Chilaw through Puttalam to Mannar and thence to the Northern Regions and in the East, Trincomalee and also the Batticaloa Regions that extended southwards up to Kumama or to the northern banks of the river Kumbukkan Oya, were firmly established as the exclusive homeland of the Tamils. This is the territory of Tamil Ealam. For several centuries before the advent of Europeans to Ceylon in the 16th century, the Tamils have been living in this territory under their own Kingdom, Tamils reigned supreme in this country with their own national Colours and their own military forces. The Portuguese who for over a century were at times entering into treaty relationships with these Tamil kings and at other times meeting them in losing battle fronts finally, in the War of 1619, captured the Tamil king, San kili Kumarar, and took him to Goa where he was hanged. It is the assistance that king Sankili gave to the Kandyan king in transiting reinforcements from neighbouring South India for the latter's war against the Portuguese, that made the European power battle in full vigour for an indispensable capture of the Jaffna Kingdom, The Tamil King was captured by the military might of Portuguese, aided by local Quislings. Howe Wer, for three years thereafter, the Tamils continued to fight against foreign domination

TULF's Manifesto for the Genera Electors, 1977 SOW
THE LEADER OF THE CEWLONTAMLS
S. J. W. Chelvanayakam (J. C. 31.03.1898 – 2E.O. 1977 Fourder of the Federal Party of Ceylon HIC LBalder Lis the T. I J. L. F.

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608 Politics and Life in Our Times
under the leadership of a coastal petty king Varna Kulathihan. And they lost. Neither the Sinhalese King nor the Sinhalese people did offer any assistance to the Tamils, who were fighting to defend their state. It was their view that they and their country had nothing in common with the state of Tamil Ealam. This is exactly what we Want the Sinhalese people to reiterate now.
The Portuguese who subdued the State of Tamil Ealam, continued to govern it as a separate state. So did the Dutch who captured it, in turn, from the Portuguese. The Cleghorn Minute clearly established that even under the Dutch, the judicial district of Jaffna-patnam that covered the northern and eastern parts of the Island extended, in the west coast of the Island, from Puttalam to Mannar and in the east, southwards up to the limits of Kumana or the river Kumbukkan Oya that separated Batticaloa from the Southern Sinhalese district of Matara.
This Tamil State was captured from the Dutch by the British, who too continued to retain its separate status till 1833, when for convenience of administration, it was brought under one all-island authority, the Government of Ceylon. Totally disregarding the history, tradition and aspirations of peoples of these various states, the British brought together under one authority the State of Ealam which they captured from the Dutch and Kandyan Kingdom which they over ran in 1815 along with the Sinhalese Kingdom of Kotte.
SOWEREIGNTY OF THE TAMIL NATON
The sovereignty of the people of Tamil Ealam changed hands from the Portuguese who defeated them in battle into those of the Dutch and later into those of the British. Ceylon was granted independence on the fourth of February 1948. Though political power was transferred to the people of this country, yet the British Queen continued to be the repository of their sovereignty. The republican constitution that came into operation with its acceptance by the Constituent Assembly on the 22nd of May, 1972, severed

TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977 609
this legal continuity and guaranteed the Sovereignty of the people of Ceylon proclaiming that the people of Ceylon themselves were the repository of this sovereignty. But the representatives of the Tamil Nation withheld their consent to this constitution and rejected it. 15 out of the 19 Members of Parliament elected by the Tamil people rejected it and boycotted the meeting of 22nd of May, 1972 that was called to accept that constitution. It is clear that there is neither legal continuity nor the consent of the Tamil Nation to this constitution. The sovereignty of the Tamil Nation and the statehood that was taken away from them, in the battle-field in 1619 by the Portuguese, changed hands to the Dutch and later to the British by right of conquest. But it is clear that the Sinhalese Nation has not taken over the sovereignty of the Tamil Nation through legal continuity or by consent or by right of Conquest. There is no doubt that the Tamil Nation, by standards of international law, does possess the right, on the basis of the right to self-determination, to re-establish its sovereignty and statehood and to draft for itself a constitution and thus to administer its own affairs, all by itself. The Sinhala Nation imposing its reign over the Tamil Nation and the conversion of Tamil Ealam into a colony of the Sinhala State are undoubtedly doing nothing else but imperialistic rule. The present constitution is one that was drafted on the basis of the right of selfdetermination of the Sinhala Nation, on a mandate given by that nation for that purpose. In the same manner, the Tamil United Liberation Front views the forthcoming general election as an opportunity to obtain the mandate of the Tamil Nation and on the basis of its right to self-determination, re-establish the independence of the State of Tamil Ealam, the expression of the sovereignty of the Tamil Nation. With a view to dispelling the doubts of those who Still Wonder whether there is no alternative to the re-establishment of our sovereignty in our exclusive soil, we wish to record here briefly to what position of desperation the Sinhala imperiatistic reign of the last 30 years, has driven the State of Tamil Ealam and the Tamil Nation.

Page 314
B1 () Politics arid Life ir Jr Tiri 735
LLLLLLKaLLLLLLLaLLLL LLLLLLLLLL THE MILD SPEA, KING STAUNCHADWOCATE OF
FORCEYLON
。
C, Wanrı fasinghamı M. P, 13, 1.1911 - 17 O9. 1959
Enrolled as an advocato III 1939 and enjoyed a large civil practice in Jaffna. A founder member of the Federal Party of Ceylon when it was foundad in 1948 and elected as the Party's President for the year 1956/57, He was a Political deterlu in August 1958
 

LLLGSK LLtaLLLL LLLLL LHa TTCCLCCCLOLLYLLLLLLLLHHLOLSS000S S 611
THE TAMIL NATION UNDER SINHALESE DOMINATION
7. CITIZENSHIP LAWS. - The citizenship laws of this country were made within six months of the transfer of political power to the Sinhalese in 1948. As a result of this legislation, the Tamil labourers of the tea and rubber plantations in the central hills of Ceylon, whose blood and Sweat alone have built up and Sustained the prosperity of this country, were rendered state less. Out of the eight representatives elected to Parliament with their votes in 1947, not a single one could be returned in the general election of 1952 or ever thereafter, Constituencies, for the demarcation of which their wo teless numerical strength was taken into computation, returned Sinhalese representatives whose numbers were thus inequitably swelled in Parliament. The Sinhalese people who form about 70% of the population secured for themselves 80% of the seats in Parliament. The concept of "Safeguard to Minorities" was distorted into "Safeguard to the Majority Community" that ensured a position of excessive representation to the majority community. One could see this very same position continued in the present Constitution as well. Thus, this disfranchise Tent of the plantation (Tamil) labour was the first step that paved the Way for a series of denial of the political rights of the minorities with a view to enthroning Sinhalese imperialism.
Tamils and Muslims of Ceylon were made doubtful citizens by these Citizenship laws. In consequence they had to face a lot of miseries in their day to day life, And to inquire into these irritations and to provide relief to these people, the wery government, 1964, appointed a Committee of government officers. The recommendations of this committee even after 13 years, today, are still in cold storage, awaiting implementation. To register a document of purchase of land made with his own savings, a Tamil or a Muslim outside the Northern and Eastern Provinces finds himself in the plight of having to pay a discriminatory tax of 100%. Tamils and Muslims who are

Page 315
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unable to establish that for two generations before 1948 they were born here are being shut out from business, travel, trade, employment opportunities, etc. The first fruits of freedom to the LLLLLL LLLL LLLL LLLLLLCLLLLLCLLaS aLLLLLCLLLLLLS LLLL LL LLL in Tigrant and a position of doubted citizens.
2. COLONISATION. - The aggression against Tamil Ealam by planned Colonisation by the Sinhalese governments has been drastic and grave. Beginning with the government of the United National Party and those of the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party that followed, in turn, put into operation planned and state aided colonisation schemes by which lakhs and lakhs of Sinhalese people were planted in the homeland of the Tamil Nation that was once ruled by the Tamil kings from whom foreign imperialism Wrested this Tamil homeland through force of arms. Sinhalese people were "put in occupation", at state expense, of extensive tracts of the Eastern Province at Pattipalai Aru, Allai, Kanıtalai, Pada wikulam, etc. ||lega || 0CC Lupation of State do Wned lands by Sinhalese people with Covert government Support was legalised and their ownership regularised by the government. Lands and
aa0LLaaLLL LaLaa LLLLLLLH LLLLaLL LLHH La LLLLLL LLLL LLLaLLaaL HH La
Amparai district by the state, under the Ceiling on Lands Act, are now being distributed to the Sinhalese people. Lands owned by the Tamil and Muslim peasants and also lands, which these people themselves developed and cultivated at places like Kondaiwettuwan and Akkilawel have been forcibly taken over and handed over, with government helpo, to the Sinhalese people. Puttala mi is yet another District where state conspired, Sinhalese Colonisation has deprived the local people of their territory. While this government has been providing these facilities to the Sinhalese aggressors of Tamil Ealam, it let loose the army, under Special Emergency Regulations, against the hill-country Tamil labourers who sought to make a living by opening and developing forest lands that lay unexploited and uncared for, at

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14 Politics and Life. In Our Trries
Punanai, in the Eastern Province. A cadju plantation scheme started at Kordaichi, in the Mannar District, is now a Sinhalese colony of two thousand families. In the wery Tamil heartland of Jaffna, at Colombuthurai, a Sinhalese colony, like Amarasekerapura, has been opened up. The Eastern Province where, when the British left in 1948, there were hardly a 10,000 Sinhalese, is now flooded with some 180,000 Sinhalese people. The extent of this damage to the political power and influence of the Tamils is reflected in the newly created Parliamentary constituencies of A T1 para i and Seruwila which have engulfed some 1,500 square miles of Tamil territory. And this constitutes a 25th of the land area of the Eastern Province whose further development lies within these fertile lands, thus usurped. The Tamil Nation is confronted with the danger of being rendered a minority and being thus destroyed in its own homelands all over Tamil Ealam, The Nation realises the need to liberate its land to save itself from annihilation.
3. LANGUAGE.- Before the attainment of independence, a resolution was passed in the State Council, the legislature, in 1944 that Sinhalese and Tamil shall be the official languages, Every Sinhalese political party at that ti The accepted this policy. But Mr. Bandaranai ke's government, in 1956, passed the Sinhala Only Act. The United National Party too supported it. At present all the Sinhalese political parties have accepted the policy of "Sinhala Only". This Act, which in 1956, was an ordinary law, has in the republican constitution of 1972 been elevated to a constitutional status, Regulations on the use of Tamil Language which the Tamils secured for themselves as a result of several struggles with the government have been deliberately dethroned in the constitution. For, Section 8 (2) of the constitution unequivocally stipulates that these regulations will not be treated as being a part of the Constitution. In consequence has developed a situation where the Tamil speaking pLublic serwants hawe to groar under the loss of equal opportunities

LLLLYLLLLLK LLLLLLaLLLL LCtLC aH LLTLGaHGL LLaLaCC0LS 0L0S0SS B15
G. G. PONNAMBALAM, Q. C.,
ALEADER AND A FOUNDER OF THE
CEYLONTAMIL CONGRESS
G, G, POIma Tibala TI, K, C, (Photo fakar) fra T7 a 75 CEarl's plČSaga Glari)
He has a unique style in cross-examination of Witnesses. In Criminal cases he was awesome, brilliant and on occasions it resulted in the witness collapsing in the box, He was an Orator par excellence whether it be in Parliarient, when he was pitted against slā|Warts like S. W. R. D), Bär där är alike Of WhiBi addressing the jury whom he virtually Testerized by his brilliant presentation and mastery of the language

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616 Politics and Life in Our Times
with the Sinhalese officers in matters of employment, promotions, extension of Service, increments, etc. The real intention of the "Sinhala Only Act", is to create a situation that would keep out the Tamil officers and ensure the appointment of Sinhalese officers only, in government service. The rulers are greatly successful in the endeavour. This is not an emotional issue as Some are inclined to believe. In a country that is being overwhelmed with nationalisation, this is a life and death issue that affects the economic life of the Tamil Nation.
4. RELIGION. - Buddhism has been given pre-eminence in the constitution and declared to be the only religion that would enjoy state protection. Other faiths have no right to any protection except the right of being practised, in private. Tamil Nation Comprises Hindus, Christians and Muslims. And the constitution has thus placed on them the stamp of second class citizens.
5. CULTURE.-Though the Tamils and Sinhalese have lived in this Country for over two thousand years, yet the Tamils have continued to preserve their individual culture based on their language. This Culture and the traditions were nurtured even under Portuguese, Dutch and British imperialistic rule. The vital reason behind this survival was that though the Tamils in Ealam were not strong in numbers, yet they never lost the opportunities of maintaining close bonds with the powerful fountains of Tamil culture across the Palk Strait, in Tamil Nadu, South India. No doubt there were pre-eminent sons of Ealam like Arumuga Navalar, Swami Vipulananthar, Father Gnanapiragasar and others, who rendered tremendous service to the growth of international Tamil culture. Yet, if the bonds of art and literature, etc. With South India are Snapped, it is certain that the culture of Tamil Ealam would weaken and turn into One that is Sinhalese based. In recent times, the government of this country not only imposed several restrictions on the import of cultural works, literature, quality films, etc. from

TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977 617
Tamil Nadu, but also put obstacles to the visits of Tamil scholars and artists from Tamil Nadu. By the government policy of imposition of the Sinhala language, several Sinhala words like Poya, Pola, Laksala, Salusala are Creeping into the Tamil language in Ealam. With the curtailment of links with Tamil Nadu, on the one hand and the increasing tempo of Sinhala imposition on the other, Tamil language will undergo strange transformation and the identity of the Tamil culture will be destroyed and finally the Tamil Nation itself would disappear from this land. That is the goal that the government has Set for itself.
6. EDUCATION. - Through the help of Christian religious institutions under foreign colonial rule and later through great educational institutions the Tamil people established by themselves, for themselves, the Tamil students of this country Were in the forefront of education. Sinhalese Students in districts like Colombo, Kandy and Galle also enjoyed similar opportunities. It is imperative that the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim students of the backward areas, deficient in such facilities, should be provided with those facilities and enabled to go forward. It is an obligation of the State. But several obstacles are put in the way of Tamil students outside the Northern and Eastern provinces in obtaining even elementary education. Several Tamil elementary schools are being closed down to provide accommodation for Sinhalese Schools. Tamil sections in several Sinhalese schools are being destroyed. Some are not functioning because of non-appointment of sufficient number of teachers. As a result Tamil Students in Several areas are compelled to study through the Sinhala medium. in the heartland of Tamil Ealam, in the Northern Province itself, a few people have been enticed with teaching jobs and Sinhala Buddhist schools have been opened and approved and Sinhala has been made the medium of instruction there. If the government Could display so much of audacity here, then one could easily fathom the depth and fanaticism of Sinhala imperialism in the annihilation of the Tamil Nation.

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618 Politics and Life in Our Times
in the sphere of education, it was in the university admissions of 1970 that the gravest injustice was perpetrated against the Tamil speaking students. Large number of Tamil students qualified to gain university admission to the medical, engineering and science faculties that year, were shut out through an inequitable device, designated standardisation. While Sinhalese students who obtained 229 marks were admitted to the medical faculty, Tamil students who were admitted were required to obtain 250 marks. In the same manner for admission to the Engineering Faculty of the Peradeniya Campus, a Sinhalese student had to obtain 227 marks whereas a Tamil student had to Score 250 marks. It is intolerable that while a Tamil Student with even 249 marks cannot gain admission, a Sinhalese student with 227 marks could do so, with ease. For the last 7 years this standardisation has been in operation in various guises and in every faculty of the university, the number of admission of Tamil students has been going down. Here is an illustration: Of the total number of students admitted to the university in 1969, the percentage of Tamil students was 40.8. This figure has been steadily going down and it was 16.3 in 1974: It dropped still further in 1975 and 1976. One could see that the sections that were most affected by this injustice were the most backward ones in the Tamil community. Thus, parents who lacked the means to employ private tutors to get their children pushed through this drastic ordeal had to forget about higher education to their children. As a result, the student community was driven to the brink of frustration and engulfed by anxiety about their future. Could anyone deny that the Sinhalese reign that has been responsible for the grave injury should be ended if this generation of youth is to live as human beings brimming with self-confidence.
7. EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES. - The very same discriminatory policies pursued in the sphere of education are being pursued in a worse manner in the field of employment. Out of a 22% population of Tamil speaking people, not even a 2 (two) percent are selected for jobs in the armed forces. In the police force, at the level of the lowest rung, the constable, five percent of the places and in higher ranks an even smaller percentage of the places only, are offered.

TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977 619
in the clerical and technical grades also, the percentage is the same. Because equal opportunities in education were available in earlier times, Tamil students were able to gain enough places in the medical and engineering professions. Now, even in these spheres, as a result of the impact of standardisation, a percentage that is far less than the one warranted by the percentage of the Tamil population is taken in. Vacancies in the minor grades in the Tamil areas are filled with people selected in divisional offices like Anuradhapura and Badulla in the Sinhalese areas. As an example could be cited the recent selections of the Ceylon Electricity Board for vacancies in the Tamil district of Jaffna. Out of the people selected at the Anuradhapura office, 66 were Sinhalese and 2 (two) were Tamils. In a country where, as a result of the policy of nationalisation, the private sector is shrinking, should we not ponder what tragedy would overtake the economic life of the Tamil Nation, if the government should adopt such a form of discriminatory policies. If our country is to prosper, the reins of our destiny must not be left in the hands of others. We must become Our Own masters of our own Destiny. That is the irrevocable goal that the Tamil Nation has Set for itself, now.
8. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF TAMIL EALAM. - The state-owned factories in Tamil Ealam today were set up 20 years ago. Every single factory that was set up in this country with foreign aid, was set up only in the Sinhalese Districts. Schemes like the Kachcheri Salterns, the Kankesanturai harbour development, Fishery Harbour at Myliddy, all of which were started between 1965-1970 by a government in which the Tamil representatives too were members, have all been abandoned for the last seven years. No major irrigation scheme of the government will help develop our Ealam. Save for the schemes like Gal Oya, Allai, Kantalai, etc. whose delibrate motive was the planting of the Sinhalese population in the territory of Tamil Ealam, no irrigation scheme of any consequence that had as its objective the welfare of either the Tamil or Muslim population in Ealam has ever been implemented during the last twenty years. There were of course some minor schemes of White-Washing. When oil prospecting with Soviet aid was started in Mannar, the local Tamil and Muslim populations were ignored and 90%

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62O Politics irid Lifeg in Our Tiri 733
of the labourers were imported from the Sinhalese areas. In the private Sector obtaining licenses to start industrial Wentures in the Tamil areas LL CLLLLLCLL LLLLS LLLLCLL aLLHHLLLL LLLLLLa LLLLLaLLLCLL LLLLLGLLLLL L LLLLL LLLLLL areas, the majority of the employees are Sinhalese. Not only are the Tamil people ignored in the matter of employment opportunities in the state sector but also are the Tamil areas ignored in the economic development. They have been allowed to deteriorate into backward areas.
9. RACIAL TERRORISM. - For the last twenty years, racial terrorism has been let loose in this country, against the Tamil and Muslim population in a manner that reminded them that they were slaves who were not entitled to any rights or protection. Tamils and Muslims have been quite often the objects of violence of the Sinhalese hooligans instigated by government supported Sinhalese communal organisations and of the Police and the armed forces in whose hands they suffered untold misery by Way of looting and arson in homes, shops and places of business, by grievous injuries, loss of life and property and wiolation against Women. In 1956, Tamils were attacked in Colombo and in a part of the Tamil territory of Ealam that had been turned into Sinha lese land, Animparai. Age-old Taninil willages like Thuraineelawanai had to resort to fire-arms in defence of their hearths and homes from attacks by Sinhalese hoodlums.
The communal fury against the Tamils in 1958 in the entire Sinhalese land is a chapter of dreadful blot in the history of this Country. Thosands of Tamils were taken to the Northern and Eastern provinces in CoTTande ered Ships andarTy-protected convoys. Property Worth several millions were lost, several hundreds lost their lives and thousands, their homes. Ta Til Women were raped; pregnant Women Were sila Lughtered to pie Ces on public high Ways, The Murugan Temple priest at Panadura was burnt alive. Several dead bodies Were retrieved from one well alone at Maha Oya, While Sinhalese terrorism raged against the Tamils all over the country the Sinha lese government arrested the Tamil leaders and put them behind bars. It Was insult added to injury.

LLLLLS S tGMLLLH HC CuL SLLTTCCLCLCOLYLLLLLaaLS00SLS 621
CHAMPION OF THE HILL COUNTRY
WORKERS OF INDIAN ORIGIN
Horn, S. Thorndama||
Weteran Leader of the Ceylon Workers Congress

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622 Politics and Life in Our Times
Military terror was let loose in the Tamil provinces against the Tamils who were engaged in a non-violent campaign of Civil Disobedience in 1961 to demand their language rights. No civilized country could have witnessed a police attack as barbarous as the one that the Sinhalese police made against the Tamil people who, in their lakhs, were listening in a state of rapture to a treat of a Tamil literary talk by Professor Nainar Mohamed on the last day of the IVth international Tamil Research Conference where Tamil scholars from the world over had assembled, on January 10th, 1974 in Jaffna. The rulers of this country refused either to hold an enquiry or even to express sympathy at the atrocity that resulted in 9 Tamil deaths. This tells its own tale of the manner the Sinhalese governments treat the Tamils in this land.
Pararasa, a bank clerk, was shot dead by the police while he was returning from a temple festival, in Jaffna. Tamil leaders who went to the office of the police superintendent were set upon by the Sinhalese police in civil clothes. Ledchumanan, the Tamil youth, who refused to be driven out into the street from his home in the tea plantaions was killed by the police. Homes of Tamil labourers at Gampola were looted and set ablaze. Unjustified Sinhalese police attacks and the fury of Sinhalese hooligans have, for the last few years, been let loose against the Muslims also. In 1976 alone, in no less than 40 places like Mahiyangana, Gampola, Panadura, Sinhalese Nikawaratiya, etc. unprotected Muslims were the targets of rowdies. Their losses ran into lakhs and lakhs of rupees.
On the 2nd of February 1976, seven of the Muslims at prayer inside a Mosque at Puttalam were ruthlessly massacred by the Sinhalese police, inside that holy spot. 271 houses, 44 shops, 2 fibre factories belonging to the Muslims of Puttalam were set on fire, 2 Mosques were burnt down, 2 Muslim youths were burnt alive by the Sinhalese hooligans. The government was not willing to hold a public enquiry into the horrible murders. These incidents only reiterate the fact that the lives and property of Tamils and Muslims who are living as slaves in this country do not enjoy any protection from the Sinhalese governments.

TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977 623
1O. IMPOSITION OF A NEW CONSTITUTION ON THE TAMIL NATION. - Drafting a new constitution and its imposition on the Tamil Nation is the climax of the dictatorial actions, samples of which were shown here. The Ceylon Parliament which became a symbol of perverted democracy when its citizenship laws helped grab 80% of Parliamentary respresentation by the 70%. Sinhalese population, after the general election of 1970, was formed into a Constituent Assembly. The deliberations of this Assembly were conducted under a state of emergency, proclaimed in 1971, where the freedom of speech and freedom of writing were all taken away from the people and while a strict press censorship was in force. The two-thirds majority of the Government and the Sinhala Communal majority were fully exploited. All the amendments to the Basic Resolutions introduced on behalf of the Tamil speaking people were rejected, in toto, by the Sinhalese majority in the Assembly. A federal Scheme with an Autonomous Tami state and an Autonomous Muslim state with three Sinhalese states, put forward by the Federal Party, a constituent of the present Tamil United Liberation Front, as a solution to the racial problems of this country, was turned down by the Assembly even before being examined. Neither any Sinhalese Party nor any member from the majority community came forward to discuss or offer any alternative scheme that could meet with the aspirations of the Tamil Nation. Attempts made by the Tamil members to secure a place in the Constitution at least for the Regulations for use of the Tamil Language proved abortive. The only outcome of these efforts was the introduction, in the Constitution of section 8 (2) that categorically stated that these regulations on the use of Tamil Language shall not form a part of the Constitution. Realising the futility of any continued participation, the Tamil representatives in the Constituent Assembly walked out. The Assembly meeting of 22nd May 1972 which was summoned to pass the Constitution was boycotted by 15 out of the 19 elected Tamil representatives. Out of the four that voted in favour of the constitution, two lost their representative character after having

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624 Folitics and Life irr Car TrTeas
WLADIMIR ILYICH LENIN
Photo taken in Paris in 1910, when Lenin was in emigration, He was the founder of the Soviet Union in 1917, which was a federation of several Soviet Socialist Republics
 

LLYLLK L EELLLLLLLLa LLLLLL Ya LLLLCLL LLLCLLLCLaaaSSS00S0S 6.25
been expelled from their party, the All Ceylon Tamil Congress; one was elected as a Candidate of the lankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (Federal Party) and was expelled from that party and thus lost his right of representation. The fourth was a member who contested on an antigovernment platform and won as an independent. Hence it is obvious that this constitution was rejected 100% by the Tamil people. The Tanner in which the unanimous opposition of the Tamil Nation was ignored and how the new constitution was imposed on the IT has only confirmed the psychology of the Sinhalese imperialistic Tasters that they are ruling over a slave Nation according to their own whims and fancies. They hawe done a Way With the Teagre safe-guards provided for the minorities in the constitution left behind by the British, placed their own language and religion at such high a pedestal that no one could ever tamper with them and through this imposed constitution made the Tamils their slaves without any share in the political power of this State.
DOES THE TAMIL NATION HAWE AN ALTERNATIWE ?
The leader of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress, Mr. G. G. Ponna Inbalam, before the withdrawal of British power, demanded balanced representation for the protection of minorities, Though the Soulbury Constitution rejected the demand, yet it incorporated a safeguard in Section 29 of that Constitution, But the new Republican Constitution of 1972 has deleted all that safeguard. Mr. S. J. W. Chelvanayakam through his lankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (Federal Party), toiled for 25 years to safeguard the rights of the Tamil Nation through the device of federalism, He entered into agreements with Premier Bandaranaike and his Sri Lanka Freedom Party and also with premier Dudley Senanayake to obtain at least autonomy for the Tamil Nation, These agreements were later abrogated because of opposition from the Sinhalese people. The demand for a federal solution was rejected by the Constituent Assembly even without a debate. Neither the six-point

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626 Politics and Life in Our Times
demand of the Tamil United Frontnor the twenty-point demand of some Tamil leaders ever had any reception. What is the alternative now left to the Nation that has lost its rights to its language, rights to its citizenship, rights to its religions and continues day by day to lose its traditional homeland to Sinhalese Colonisation? What is the alternative now left to a Nation that has lost its opportunities to higher education through standardisation and its equality in opportunities in the sphere of employment? What is the alternative to a Nation that lies helpless as it is being assaulted, looted and killed by hooligans instigaged by the ruling race and by the security forces of the State? Where else is an alternative to the Tamil Nation that gropes in the dark for its identity and finds itself driven to the brink of devastation?
There is only one alternative and that is to proclaim with the stamp of finality and fortitude that "we alone shall rule over our land that our forefathers ruled. Sinhalese imperialism shall quit our Homeland". The Tamil United Liberation Front regards the general election of 1977 as a means of proclaiming to the Sinhalese Government this resolve of the Tamil Nation. And every vote that you cast for the Front would go to show that the Tamil Nation is determined to liberate itself from Sinhalese domination.
TAMILEALAM - A SECULAR SOCIALIST STATE
Hence the Tamil United Liberation Front seeks in the General Election the man date of the Tamil Nation to establish an independent, sovereign, secular, socialist State of Tamil Ealam that includes all the geographically contiguous areas that have been the traditional homeland of the Tamil speaking people in the country.
At the same time the Tamil United Liberation Front proclaims the following guarantees on the political, social and economic Structure of the State of Tamil Ealam. The Front declares that the famil State of Ealam will be established on the basis of these guarantees.

TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977 627
1.
Following shall be the citizens of Tamil Ealam:
(a) All those people now living in the territory of Tamil Ealam.
(b) Tamil speaking persons from any part of Ceylon seeking
citizenship in the State of Tamil Ealam.
(c) Tamil speaking people of Ceylonese descent living in any part of the World and seeking citizenship in the State of Tamil Ealam.
Political power shall be decentralised so that no one region or no one religion is allowed to dominate over any other region or religion thus ensuring regional autonomy for the people in the various regions in the pattern of federalism obtaining in Switzerland. The Tamil United Liberation Front guarantees that particularly Muslims who form apart of the State of Tamil Ealam will be established in the regions where they are in a majority as an autonomous province with the right to secede on the basis of the right to self-determination.
The Tamil United Liberation Front guarantees that neither a Tamil majority region nor a Muslim majority region will be allowed to be colonised by the other group thus ensuring that no group of people is reduced to a minority in its own region.
Caste system along with the atrocity of untouchability and the grave injustice of attributing social superiority or inferiority by birth will be totally eradicated and any such practice subjected to rigorous punishment by law.
The State of Tamil Ealam shall be a Secular One while all the religions practised by the people in the State will receive equal protection and aid.
Tamil shall be the official language of the State of Tamil Ealam while the Sinhalese living in the State will be provided the right to be educated in their own tongue and to transact their business With the State in their own language. Similarly guarantees will be sought from the Sinhala State about the language rights of the Tamil speaking people living in that state.

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628 Politics and Life in Our Times
7. In the Tamil Ealam which shal be a Scientific SOCialist State:
(a) Exploitation of man by man will be prevented by law.
(b) Dignity of labour will be protected.
(c) While the private sector will be permitted within limits imposed by law, means of production and distribution will be state-owned or subject to state control.
(d) Full protection will be afforded to tenant-cultivators and
residents on privately owned lands.
(e) Economic development of the Tamil State of Ealam will
be on the basis of Socialist planning.
(f) A ceiling will be fixed on the wealth an individual or a
family could accumulate.
8. While the Socialist State of Tamil Ealam would follow a policy of non-alignment, it would, in the international field, lend its Support to the anti-imperialist forces and democratic liberation
nOVermentS.
9. The State of Tamil Ealam will develop friendship with the progressive forces in the Sinhalese State and would on the basis of fraternity, work out a peaceful solution for the mutual problems facing the two nations.
LIBERATION - HOW IT WILL BEACHIEVED 2
The Tamil Nation must take the decision to establish its sovereignty in its homeland on the basis of its right to self-determination. The only way to announce this decision to the Sinhalese government and to the World is to Vote for the Tamil United Liberation Front. The Tamil speaking representatives who get elected through these votes, while being members of the National State Assembly of Ceylon, will also form themselves into the National Assembly of Tamil Ealam which Will draft a Constitution for the State of Tamil Ealam and to establish the independence of Tamil Ealam by bringing that constitution into operation either by peaceful means or by direct action or struggle.

TULF's Manifesto for the General Elections, 1977 629
The National Assembly of Tamil Ealam will draw up and implement plans relating to the economic development, social progress, protection of territory, educational development, etc.
Action will be taken to enlist international support to achieve the freedom of Tamil Ealam.
OTHER PROGRAMMES OF WORK
The problems of the Tamil speaking people outside Tamil Ealam are getting complicated today. Particularly the up-country Tamil workers are being forcibly driven out of their places of work and places of residence by the Sinhalese government and government abetted Sinhalese hooligans. It is quite clear that the terrible act of arson on the homes of Tamil labourers and the police firing that caused the death of the Tamil youth, Ledchumanan, in the Devon estate, have been preplanned and deliberate. The Tamil United Liberation Front will fight for the rights of these workers who have toiled for the prospertiy of this country, to live in their own homes with security of employment fully guaranteed. The Tamil Liberation Front will work for the basic human rights and political, social and economic rights of the Tamil speaking people living in any part of Ceylon.
At the same time, The Tamil United Liberation Front will set up a special organisation to prepare plans for the Well-being of and to give all assistance to the Tamil speaking people who wish to migrate to Tamil Ealam to set up their lives in their new homes.
It is indispensable that every person who is a member of the Tamil Nation that aspires to be free must be able to live in enjoyment of human rights, in full. Hence, as an important aspect of the liberation movement, intensive steps will be taken for the abolition of the caste system and social disabilities imposed on any section of the Tamil people.
Tamil United Liberation Front will take steps to develop friendship with the progressive forces, in South Ceylon, that recognise And are sympathetic towards, the aspirations of the Tamil Nation and With Countries that are sympathetic towards the freedom movements particularly with the anti-imperialist forces abroad.

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63O POMICS ar 7 seg i Lu Trs
SACRIFICED HIS LIFE FOR THE PARTY
A. Amirthalingam M. P. 26,892 - 13. O.1989
Ady O'Cale Secretary General of the T. J. L, F.
 

TULF's Mar ffas fo for "TēG Go Gra' Electior 75, 7 977 631
CONCLUSION
The Tamil Nation is at a turning point in its history. The unity we hawe achiewed has made the Sinhalese imperialists take a fresh look at the situation. In this background, as a first step towards the realisation of the freedom of the Nation, the unanimous verdict of the Tamil speaking people is indispensable,
Hence We appeal to you to set aside your passions for, or prejudices against individual Candidates, to forget differences of region, caste or religion and, With the one and the only determination of making the Tamil Nation master of its Destiny, to
WOTE
for the Tamil United Liberation Front, for the emancipation of the Tamil Nation, for the FreedOT Of Ta,Til Ealam,
Courtesy; "Tribuna", Color77 bo, August 6th, 1977.

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A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society
UNP'S 1977 MANIFESTO
The United National Party (UNP). There are many achievements to the credit of the United National Party and its Leaders - the obtaining of Political Freedom and Democratic Institutions; the pursuit of Economic Independence; the inauguration of Free Education and Health Services; the Food Production Campaign; the provision of Food at subsidised prices and its Country-wide distribution; therestoration of Irrigation Works, the Gal Oya, Walawe and other multi-purpose development schemes; the inauguration of the Mahaweli Project; the colonization of the Dry Zone; the securing of ownership of all Crown land to the people and the promotion of Tourism are some of them.
In spite of these achievements, among others, the people of Sri Lanka thought that the confidence they reposed in the Srima Government would bring them further relief from the burden of the cost of living, create more employment for the youth and speed development. They have been disillusioned.
1970-1977 - THE SRIMAGOVERNMENT
In the last seven years the people have suffered a hunger they have never experienced. They have stood in queues longer than they ever did before. On the other hand the privileged classes toured the World and enriched themselves at the expense of the people. They have prospered while the people suffered. To continue their enjoyment they extended the term of Government and of Parliament without the consent of the people. They even tried to deprive the people of their cherished birthright - the right to vote. It is only the sustained and determined opposition led by the United National Party to overthrow a Government that postponed elections, that secured to the people the right to elect a new Government in 1977.

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 633
The Government's actions have resulted in State Capitalism and has produced a new rich class. Policies on Land Reform have produced a class of State sponsored landlords. The benefits of State owned enterprises are being appropriated by another section of this class. In addition, abuse of Co-operatives, Quotas, Permits, Jobs, Transfers, Contracts, Tenders and Gems, etc. are their avenues of enrichment. included in their ranks are some Government MP's, their relations, friends and hangers-on, besides corruption and nepotism are wide-spread.
The Srima Government composed of those persons and backed by their supporters lacks the moral strength vital for honest leadership and good Government. It has today lost the confidence of the people who returned them to office in 1970. This has been clearly demonstrated by massive swings against this government at the bye-elections held during the period of its rule.
Provoked by broken promises a large section of the youth of this country have shown their lack of confidence through a desperate armed struggle in 1971. Further, a section of the original United Front itself namely the LSSP, CP and others has joined the ranks of those opposed to the Srima Government. The students, in particular have demonstrated their distrust of the government during the recent students upheaval throughout the island, caused by the killing of a fellow student at the Peradeniya Campus. To counter the people's hostility, the government armed itself with harsh emergency powers and assumed complete control over the press and radio and increased the strength and expenditure on the Armed Services. These were all used in December 1976 to crush and humiliate the workers when they took action to obtain relief. Finally, the numerous acts of political victimization have made the Government unpopular with its supporters and several Members of Parliament themselves have left its ranks.
THE UNITED NATIONAL PARTY IN OPPOSITION
During the years our Party has been in Opposition it has made an introspective search for the cause of our defeat in 1970. We are acutely conscious of the fact that the people are clamouring for radical changes in society. The system of Free Education introduced by the UNP has caused the intellectual leadership to spread from the urban to

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634 Políticos ard Life iT Our Tres
the rural areas. The younger generation seeks Work to do and to actively participate in the administration of government. Pursuant to the change in the leadership of our Party in 1973 the party adopted a new Political, Social and Economic Programme so that it could fulfill the modern aspirations of our people.
At the outset we mustmention some of the sweeping changes within the structure of the Party itself. Today it is the masses who finance the Party through the fee paid by each member. In 1976 alone over 500,000 members joined the Party and contributed to its progress. Our electoral campaign is on a house-to-house and village-to-village contact between the Party and the people; enrolling members, explaining policies and attending to the people's needs. This brings the Party to the village level and in touch with the hopes and longings of the people.
CREATION OF A NEW SOCIETY - RELIGION AND CULTURE
Three decades hawe passed since Independence which gawe us the opportunity to re-make our own destiny. Though political and economic programmes have been executed by successive governments they do not appear to have had the desired impact on the people. On the contrary, human and moral values have degenerated. We are of the view that nothing could be achieved or sustained without solving the moral crisis that has overtaken us.
To get rid of poverty in Sri Lanka. We need not only development plans, but also determined and incorruptible men and women who can make these plans work honestly and fairly.
We therefore set ourselves a New Goal - the Creation of a New Society, based on human and moral values. When men change, the structure of Society changes; when the structure of Society changes, men change too. Both go together and both are necessary, it is in the quest of this progress that we encourage and foster all religions - Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Islam.

A prografia of action to create a Just and Free Society 635
HIS EXCELLENCY J. R. JAYAWARDENA REWI WER OF THE UNITED NATIONAL PARTY
', '
J. F. Jayawardena 1905 - 1997 His Excellency fostered Christianity, Buddhism and other World Religions

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636 Politics and Life in Our Times
We believe that Sri Lanka has preserved her identity and civilization unbroken for over 2,500 years owing to the unifying and inspiring influence of Buddhism and as such we will seek to continue that influence while guaranteeing to all religions, rights in our proposed Constitution, so that not only the forms and ceremonies of religions are followed, but the ethical wisdoms preached by the great religious teachers are made the foundations of the education system and the conduct of daily life.
We shall therefore in the proposed Constitution ensure that Buddhism, the religion of the majority of the people, is given its rightful place and make it the duty of the State to protect and foster Buddhism. We will at the same time guarantee the just rights of all other religions.
We shall obtain the assistance and co-operation of all religious groups to ensur: that all children obtain their primary education in a national and religious environment and make religious education an essential feature in education thereafter. We shall also render all assistance to reorganise and revive the system of Pirivena Education.
We firmly believe that all religions have contributed to codes of Conduct and moral standards that civilized nations and peoples seek to follow. The breakdown of these standards and of discipline arise where the influence of the teachings of religion are divorced from the conduct of daily life. We will seek to remedy this deficiency.
We shall actively promote the cultural renaissance of our people by giving language, literature, art and drama, including the film industry, their rightful place and by ensuring to all artists and Craftsmen the fullest opportunity and freedom to develop their creative talents and to give expressions to them both locally and abroad.
We feel that the Prime Minister, Ministers and Members of Parliament as well as Members of elected local bodies should set an example of exemplary moral behaviour. High standards of conduct particularly freedom from bribery and other forms of corruption must commence here. Then only will the people seek to follow the individual political leader and his ideals.

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 637
While we seek to change man's environment from a purely industrial and possessive one where man exploits man for his private gain, to one where man does not control his fellow citizens through the ownership of the means of production; so must we seek to help man to change his nature to take his place in a Society which is not acquisitive but Where each Works for all.
Examples must therefore be set by those at the top and no one is better Suited to do so than a Member of the Government and their Colleagues in Parliament. We will prepare a code of conduct for Members of Parliament and Members of the government and we will see that members adhere to this code; those who violate it will Suffer the Consequences and not be protected as Members of Parliament are protected today even when allegations of bribery are made against them. We feel that given that type of political leadership, Members of Parliament of all parties can be associated through Parliamentary Standing Committees in shaping the destinies of our common Motherland irrespective of Party politics.
FOOD FOR THE HUNGRY
We have experienced an unprecedented escalation of prices in the past six years. The rupee has brought less and less of the same commodity during this period. We have been subjected to pain of mind and the humiliation of being unable to provide our families with essential nourishment, due to the high cost of living, corruption and monopoly of State Corporations and Co-op Societies.
The UNP will give the utmost priority to reducing the Cost of Living which reached Himalayan heights under Srima's rule and made daily life unendurable.
We shall bring down the cost of living by reducing the artificially increased prices of imported and local goods in day to day use, by increasing local production and shall ensure that the Consumer shall not be exploited.
We shall make available an adequate supply of nutritious food including a minimum cereal content of 8 lbs. per adult per Week.

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638 Politics and Life in Our Tinnes
Public Corporations will cease to profiteer at the expense of the consumer and will provide essential goods and services at the minimum possible prices. They will be cleansed of corruption and inefficiency.
To ensure greater efficiency in production and to provide a more satisfactory service to consumers, we shall implement a competitive economic policy through the newly established People's Sector, a reorganized State Sector and the Co-operatione Sector and shall where desirable permit inter-sector arrangements.
Our policy is to achieve self sufficiency in food which can be grown in Sri Lanka, especially rice. In fact had a UNP Government been returned to power in 1970 and maintained the momentum of the Grow More Food Campaign, this country would have been self-sufficient in rice by now.
The UNP started import substitution with the ban of eggs, onions, potatoes and other subsidiary foodstuffs. This has been proved right. The UNP will therefore take every step to be self-sufficient in rice and other essential foods and complete the programme of import Substitution.
Food production alone will not be enough unless the benefits of the food production go to the tiller of the soil. To achieve this object, the UNP will take the following steps:-
(1) Remove the artificial price control of farm products; (2) Extend the Guaranteed Price Scheme which was initiated
by the UNP; (3) Radically alter oppressive legislation such as the Land
Betterment Tax Law; (4) Enact Farmers' Credit Law, to place credit to farmers on a
special priority basis and end indebtedness; (5) Introduce Farmers' Education Courses to assist farmers with
scientific practices to increase production; (6) Grant special benefits to farmers in order to maximise and
commercialise their production; (7) Bring commercial and management expertise to the farmer
to ensure fulfillment of production norms;

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 639
(8) Give Farmers adequate fertilizer and other subsidies; (9) Provide an efficient transport system for the distribution and
marketing of produce.
LAND FOR THE LANDLESS
Far from transferring the benefits of Land Reform to the rural farmer, the Srima Government has exploited this situation by transferring the management of lands vested under Land Reforms to several supporters of the Government and their kith and kin. The rural institutions designed to support Food Production efforts have become centres for political revenge and corruption, resulting in great hardships. Government policies have failed to increase production and productivity, resulting in the total failure of making our country self sufficient in the basic foods.
We shall implement a programme of development maximising the proper use of land and providing irrigation facilities which will have as its objectives the following :-
(i) Provide employment; (ii) Provide land for the landless; (iii) Ensure an equitable distribution of cultivable land in the non-plantation sector, guaranteeing to the farmer the ownership of an economic unit of land; (iv) Put land resources to the best possible use towards
achieving self-sufficiency in essential foods.
To achieve these objectives, we shall(a) Bring under cultivation the large extents of uncultivated land and restore village tanks, further increasing the acreage under cultivation, thereby providing employment to the large numbers unemployed; (b) Provide greater assistance in the establishing of agro
industries; (c) Encourage the large scale plantation of trees to ensure
the adequate supply of food and timber; (d) Provide organisational support and facilities such as capital, water, marketing, technical services, fertilizers, etc.;

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640 Politics and Life in Our Times
(e) Remove the hindrances faced by the farmers in the existing rural institutions and encourage the formation of Co-operatives by farmers themselves, both in the producing and selling Sectors. With the land ceiling which will not be changed, owners will be free to dispose freely of their possessions and to manage and use such lands. Any injustices caused by political interference or unjust implementation of the above laws will be remedied. Reforms will be introduced in the management of the lands vested in the State. Members of Parliament and their friends and relations now managing them will be removed, and such management and benefits made available to the people.
The UNP considers the problem of Agrarian Reform a continuing one and will seek new ways to achieve four objectives.
(a) Land to the landless; (b) Ownership to all cultivators; (c) Maximum benefit to the people; (d) Self sufficiency for the country in food.
FISHERIES
Every effort will be made to make Sri Lanka self sufficient in her fish requirements.
The State will play a dynamic role in the provision of the infrastructure needed to effectively support the fishing industry.
We will provide(a) Harbours, Anchorages and Repair Services; Research and Training facilities; Housing and Welfare facilities; Credit facilities and Cold Storage Rooms throughout the. Country. (b) Boats, Engines, Spares, Nets, and Fishing gear at
reasonable prices; (c) Rescue Operations through the establishment of a Coast
Guard Service drawn from traditional fishing families;

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 641
(d) Guaranteed prices and marketing facilities to individuals
and Co-operatives engaged in fishing; (e) Schemes for alternative employment during offseasons; (f) Measures for the conservation of stocks through controls such as on dynamiting and the prevention of foreign vessels within the fishing zone of Sri Lanka. The State will promote the breeding of fish in inland waters and establishment of culture ponds.
We shall take steps to; - (a) Establish a deep-sea trawler fishing industry; (b) Export fish, sea-foods and other by-products.
Incentives and encouragement will be given to individuals and Co-operatives to embark on fishing, establish a boat building industry, mechanise existing boats, manufacture of fishing gear, etc.
PROBLEMS OF YOUTH EDUCATION AND EMPLOYMENT
The Srima Government has two standards of education, One for the people and the other for their kith and kin. We shall remove this discrimination and -
(1) Enlist the co-operation of parents and a Parents Charter will be drawn up dealing with the tasks to be performed by parents in participation with teachers regarding the education of their children. (2) Improve educational standards whereby the personality
of the individual is developed. (3) Recognise the importance of the teaching profession in training the citizens of the future. An Education Service Commission will be established. (4) Extend to the rural schools all facilities and opportunities Such as teachers, laboratories, comfortable and uncrowded classrooms, now enjoyed only by the leading City Schools so that students from these rural schools can also study and compete confidently to embark on professional studies covering Medicine, Engineering, Technology, Accountancy, Law, etc.

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642 Politics and Life in Our Times
(5) Encourage students to develop a practical knowledge in the basic principles of agriculture through the establishment of school farms. The profits gained from these farms will be shared between the teachers, Students and the School. (6) Take immediate steps to establish specialised institutions for the plantation industry, agricultural industry and fishing industry. We will establish in every district where the above predominates such institutions where those leaving secondary Schools may attend. (7) Provide opportunities and facilities through Night Schools, Adult Education Schools, Vocational Institutions, etc. to workers, farmers, youths and other less qualified persons to train and qualify themselves for better or new jobs. (8) Reorganise the University Education system by the replacement of one University structure to a number of independent and autonomous Universities. (9) Establish an Open University for the benefit of those who are unable to continue University studies for reasons beyond their control. (10) Formulate a scheme whereby students can engage
themselves in part-time employment during vacations.
We shallensure that the people of our Country shall not any longer be isolated from the main current of development in the World and shall have every opportunity of taking the fullest advantage of the advancement among nations in science, technology and arts, a facility that is presently limited to a privileged few byproviding that English and other international languages are taught to an adequate level of proficiency in our Schools and that the institutional means for adult education are available to all Who wish to take advantage of them.
We shall take measures to relieve the frustration caused by the Srima Government among the intelligentsia and other highly trained and qualified persons, resulting in large numbers of such persons who are urgently needed for the development of our country leaving our shores

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 643
for service abroad by creating the necessary climate and providing incentives and opportunities for personal progress and job satisfaction, not only to halt the tragic "Brain Drain" in the future but also to attract those who have already left to return to the service of our people.
We shall in the belief that the people of our country are entitled to enjoy without restriction the best professional and technical services that are availbale in the country, formulate in consultation with the appropriate professional and technical personnel both within and outside the public services appropriate Schemes to make such services freely available to the people.
We shall treat the elimination of unemployment and underemployment as a matter of utmost priority and national importance, and to achieve this objective, shall make the maximum use of our human resources through effective schemes of economic development. We shall strive increasingly to ensure to our youth, workin accordance with their skills and the needs of the nation and not to depend purely on Government jobs. Recruitment for jobs will be on merit.
Industrial Centres will be established at district level to absorb educated unskilled and unemployed labour. Loans will be given to those who wish to be self-employed with assistance of the Local Development Boards. The Government will with assistance of the Banking System provide the opportunity, facilities and location.
Co-operative Farms will be established to produce nontraditional food crops. Co-operative Trading Centres will be established for the purpose of storage, collection and distribution of farm products. A National Development Unit for both males and females on the lines of the defunct Land Army will be set up to undertake large State Development ventures like the Mahaweli Scheme, the restoration of tanks and the construction of roads, buildings, bridges, etc.
We shall through institutional and other means provide the fullest opportunities for the youth to participate in the formulation and implementation of policy and in the organisation and self management of schemes of economic development and of individual and collective advancement in the building of the New Society in which they would live.

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Sal! FIL: ) (2 ft T 7795
 

LL LLTLTTGGHGHGO OH mLLCLCH LLL LLLLCtLLaL CLLL taHLTCC sssLLLLLLLL 645
To achiewe these objectives We propose —
(a) The establishment of a Sri Lanka Youth Movement designed to recruit youth for a period of time in National Development Service for the purpose of -
(i) Training in National decision making; (ii) || mstilling a sense of Natiora|| patriotism and a Concern for the Well being of fellow citizens; (iii) DeWalloping the inherent characteristics of the indiwidual
youth in the leadership, innovative skills, etc; (iv) involving the youth in development activities to
establish the dignity of labour; (b) To include by election youth representatives in the
Tembership of the Peoples' Councils; (c) To Create a separate Ministry for Youths and Youth
Welfara. Our proposals guarantee youth partnership in the development of the country by direct representation in policy making and implementation which sharestore their confidence in the Government of the day for they would then be shaping the future society they would be living in,
1971 || NSURGENCY
We take note of the fact that the youth of our Country Were misled by unscrupulous persons for their own selfish political gain and that this resulted in the insurrection of April 1971. We shall review the cases of those who have been punished and further shall provide every opportunity for those who had been so misled and have thus suffered disability to live useful lives as citizens of the country,
WORKERS OWNERSHIP AND MANAGEMENT
Today the Trade Union Movement is in chaos. Each political Party seeks to organise its own Union.

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646 Politics and Life in Our Times
Trade Unions had their origin when all employment was beholden to capitalists who were the owners of the means of production. There was a constant state of war between these two groups leading to strikes, lock-outs and even bloodshed. In a Socialist society where the means of production belong to the People, this position must necessarily be changed. Unions should be truly democratic and free of control by outsiders. The employees organised in self-managed institutions should be the masters of their fate and of the institution they work in. They should also have control of not only their own labour but also over the fruits of their labour.
Organisations of employees managing their work places will be formed without political affiliations. Regular elections will be held to elect Office-bearers, and funds Collected from the Pay Sheets will be used with State supervision for the benefit of the members. From these organisations delegates will be chosen to serve on the Management together with those appointed by the State.
With Sri Lanka adopting socialist policies, the UNP will advance the cause of worker ownership.
INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT
The establishment of abour intensive, local raw material based, small and medium Scale industries will be encouraged by straight forward fiscal and other incentives.
Industrial Development through foreign collaboration or direct involvement will be encouraged and promoted by way of Free Trade Zones geared to exports to increase employment, to earn foreign exchange and obviate the dependence on foreign aid.
HEALTH
We shall restore the high standard of health care and disease prevention that existed earlier and make further improvements in our health service particularly in the rural areas, through both the Ayurvedic and the Western Systems.

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 647
To achieve this objective, the following course of action will
be adopted:-
(1)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
Medical health services will be improved in the rural areas by(a) Making available qualified medical personnel with
the necessary facilities; (b) Modernising and improving the existing hospital facilities for prompt and efficient medical attention. An Auxiliary Service of semi-skilled health aides will be established to off set the shortage and maldistribution of medical and para medical personnel. Great emphasis will be placed on preventive medicine by instituting a programme encompassing health education and immunisation Schemes and establishment of clinics in schools and by initiating community health projects with regard to water, sewerage, food, housing and environmental sanitation. Enhanced Family Planning Services will be provided by the State. Financial incentives, with a view to controlling the population explosion, will be given to individuals who practise it. Foreign and local firms will be encouraged to manufacture drugs locally by granting necessary in CentİVeS. Ayurvedic Hospitals will be established in every District and more funds will be made available to existing Government Ayurvedic Hospitals. Nurseries for the growing of medical herbs will be established. The Ayurvedic College will be raised to University status and every encouragement will be given for research and development of new drugs. The Importance of the Registe red Ayurve dic Physicians will be fully recognized in the Health Services of the land and as far as possible Ayurvdeic institutions will be headed by Ayurvedic Physicians.

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648 Politics and Life in Our Times
SOCIAL WELFARE
The self employed person like the farmer, fisherman, small trader and businessman, Carpenter and mason, artist, singer, dancer, writer, etc. look to the future with uncertainty and fear when they think of old age, sickness or disablity. To free them from this sense of insecurity We shall establish a National Social Insurance Scheme to assist the
self employed and the dependent employed not enjoying retirement or health benefits to maintain themselves or their families in retirement, old age, sickness and disablity.
We shall establish or give the necessary encouragement and incentives for the establishment and maintenance of Creches for the babies of working mothers; homes for the aged and the physically, mentally or locally handicapped; and Organisations engaged in Social and relief work for the community at large.
HOUSING
Help will be given to those who wish to build or buy a house as well as for the transfer of State and Local Authority owned houses to tenants. Steps will be also taken to ensure the security of tenure of a rent-paying tenant, in order to establish a Home Owning Society -
(1) Increased funds will be made available to the public through Banks and the Department of National Housing at reasonable rates of interest.
(2) An Insurance Scheme will be formulated whereby a person could insure his housing loan for the payment of premia to give him relief in times of financial distress and also to afford security of a home to the dependents in Case of death.
(3) Fiscal incentives will be provided to employers to invest in housing for its employees. In the case of State employees, steps will be taken asfaras possible to locate them permanently in a single district during their career.

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 649
(4)
(5)
(7)
(8)
The Rent Act of 1972 Will be amended to afford relief to one house owners. An owner will be able to get back his property if his claims are fair and just and particularly if he is seeking possession himself or for a dependent and not merely to put in a different tenant.
Low Cost Housing Schemes will be organised in a more attractive way on a self-help basis particularly in the rural area.S. Builders Co-operatives comprising of masons, carpenters, and other skilled labour will be established and will be given finance, materials and technical knowhow to Construct homes for those in need.
Brick and Tile making industries and suppliers of sand and timber components, etc, if operating on selfemployed basis will be given all assistance to market their products direct to the builders.
The problem of slums and shanties in Colombo and other large Urban centres will be settled through self-financing schemes whereby the land originally occupied by them could be sold at higher values to set off against realistic subsidies provided in the re-housing of dwellers in more decent houses and surroundings.
The Department of National Housing will be reorganised and regional Housing Authorities established by combining the resources of and the services provided by the Housing Department, the Territorial Civil Engineering organisation, the State Engineering Corporation, Building Materials Corporation and the Commercial BankS.
Light-weight, low-cost and standardised pre-fabricated housing components (including timber items) will be manufactured by the Regional Housing Authorities and all types of building materials made available to the public and local government institutions at cheaper prices.

Page 334
Polifios arid Lifgli Our Tirres
650
EĎunia||M. ‘E ‘q qlw Bēl se efiuniejeunyĐo||EuEIEpues ex|Ipueųɔ tsuw
WEL I'W WENTILETIM CINỮ VXHIHOINs Ho
 

A programTrng of actio (7 to create a Just and Free Society 651
(11) More positive fiscal incentives will be given to Registered Building Companies who may either purchase housing components from the Regional Housing Authorities or themselves manufacture the standardised components.
We shall stimulate construction activity in all sectors and ensure both through institutional means and individual assistance schemes that a family shall possess its own house.
PEOPLE'S PARTICIPATION IN DEVELOPMENT
The United National Party recognises that any economic progress must involve the free and wholehearted participation of the people. One reason why this Government has failed to rouse the enthusiasm of the people and obtain their Co-operation was that it attempted surreptitiously to introduce into the administrative apparatus apolitical technique that was foreign to the Wishes of the people, namely, a Government of the people by a few Government officials and political favourites for their benefit.
The political philosophy and the economic and social objectives of the UNP visualise that the Whole concept of these bureaucrats controlling the economy will be discarded.
We will set up a Peoples Sector and the necessary enabling institutions with the object of ensuring that ownership and management of the means of production, distribution and exchange belong to the people of the Country. We Will give special and priority emphasis by providing economic units of land with the necessary facilities to the landless thus helping the small farmer to cultivate his own plot of land; by assisting the small industralist; and by making the small trader an important and integral element in the distribution system. The UNP will, therefore, both in its programmes and organizations, deal especially With the needs of the small man and WOThan to create more Wealth, earn more Toney and to improve his standard of living.

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The UNP feels that if you have a little property of any kind, a small business or a small house you are by that much independent. If property throughout the country is widely dispersed in millions of private hands, the power which resides in the ownership of property is also dispersed and power dispersed cannot be used Coersively. We do not intend to concentrate and centralise ownership and power in the hands of the Government or in the hands of a privileged class. We will eliminate the enslavement of the people by the Government and its bureaucracy and provide for the people's participation in the activities of the State.
PEOPLE'S PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNMENT
The Srima Government's policies have confined peoples participation only through political stooges and have thus been reduced to speechless spectators of State action. The Srima Government has even made local affairs far remote from the people's control by the arbitrary removal of elected representatives. Local Councils have become direct agents of Government and have no longer become responsible to the electors.
We shall enable and ensure the participation of the people in the process of Government by decentralising the administrative setup to the village level and making the people partners in the planning, organisation and implementation of policy. For this purpose we shall recognise the importance of Local Government as an institution representative of the people.
We shall revitalise the Local Government System by
(a) Creating a net-work of Local Government Bodies throughout the island with wider and more responsible areaS;
(b) Providing the resources both financial and otherwise by allocating monies from the Consolidated Fund to Local Bodies;
(c) Making provision for the election of Heads of Local Bodies by all the voters of the respective areas of authority.

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 653
We shall also establish Development Councils at the Electoral and District levels for the purpose of co-ordinating and directing development programmes. −
Electoral Development Councils will be headed by the Member of Parliament and it will Consist of elected Members and officials of the Local Bodies and Government officials in the Electorate.
District Development Councils, will be headed by a District Minister of State who will not be a member of the Cabinet and will Consist of Members of Parliament, elected Heads of Local Bodies and Government officials.
CONSTITUTION
We seek your mandate to draft, adopt and operate a new Republican Constitution in order to achieve the goals of a democratic socialist society. We shall include in the Constitution the Basic Principles accepted by the 1975 Party Sessions with reference to Religion and Language and among them being the guaranteeing to the people their Fundamental Rights, Privileges and Freedoms, re-establishing the independence of the Press and the Judiciary and freeing it from political control and interference. We will ensure in the Constitution that every citizen, whether he belongs to a majority or minority, racial, religious Or caste group enjoys equal and basic human rights and opportunities. The decisions of an All-Party Conference which will be summoned to consider the problem of non-Sinhala speaking people will be included in the Constitution. ギ
Executive power will be vested in a President elected, from time to time, by the people. This will ensure stability of the executive for a period of years between elections. The Constitution will also preserve the Parliamentary system we are used to, for the Prime Minister will be chosen by the President from the Party that command. a majority in Parliament and the other Ministers of the Cabinet will also be elected Members of Parliament.

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Under the Sirima Gowernment the powers of Parliament hawe been superceded by Emergency Regulations published as Gazette Notifications. The independence of the Judiciary has been eroded by patronage in appointments and interference by the Executive. The Rule of Law has been made a mockery by vesting Members of Parliament and the bureaucracy with dictatorial powers and through political Wictimization.
We shall strengthen Democratic institutions and the Judiciary and re-establish the Rule of La W. Members of Parliament and the bureaucracy will not be allowed to victimise the people for political
SOS,
PROBLEMS OF THE TAMIL SPEAKING PEOPLE
The United National Party accepts the position that there are numerous problems confronting the Tamil-speaking people. The lack of a solution to their problems has made the Tamil-speaking people support even a movement for the creation of a Separate State. In the interest of national integration and unity, so necessary for the economic development of the Whole country, the Party feels such problems should be solved without loss of time. The Party, when it comes to power, will take all possible steps to remedy their grievances in such fields as -
(1) Education; (2) Colonisation; (3) Use of Tamil Language; (4) Employment in the Public and semipublic Corporations, We will summon an All-Party Conference as stated earlier and implement its decisions.
FOREIGN POLICY
We shall follow an independent foreign policy which is opposed to imperialism and colonialisII in all their manifestations and which Seeks to preserve and protect the sovereignty, integrity and freedom of Sri Lanka. We shall not permit any interference by foreign countries in our internal or external affairs or allow the independence or security of our Country to be threatened in any way.

A programme of action to create a Just arid Free Socially 655
HAMAEINGHE PREMA DAEA - MAN WITH A MISSION ACTIVE WORKERIN THE REWIVAL OF THE UNP
SS LLLLLL LLLLaLHHHH Laa LLLLLLa L ttO GaLLLLLLL0 LLLtLaaS CLLL LLLLaLaLLLL aL LLLLaLLLL instrument that will take them out of their misery, Will consider that alon as Ty greates achievement".
- . PETÉ.5

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in achieving these objectives We shall pursue the following lines of policy in foreign affairs:-
(1) We will continue to give unqualified support for the principles and objectives embodied in the U.N.Charter and support both U.N. and its Agencies in their efforts tO -
(a) Preserve peace throughout the World; (b) Eradicate completely colonialism, neocolonialism, apartheid and big power hegemonism; (c) Introduce a New International Economic Order. (2) We will Support vigorously all efforts of the Third World to the eradication of poverty and backwardness, that are now its characteristics. (3) We will support the principles of Non-Alignment which were first adopted at the Afro-Asian Conference at Bandung in 1955, one of whose sponsors was the UNP Government of that time.
AFTER 1977 - A DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST PROGRAMME
We, therefore, place before the People a realistic policy based on our past experiences both as a Government and Opposition Party and our knowledge that economic and social conditions have changed. We propose a programme suited to contemporary Sri Lanka which is Democratic and Socialist. It is Democratic, for Democracy alone permits each one the freedom to live as a free individual and to bring up his family, to own his lawful possessions and dispose of them, to use his talents as he pleases, to practice his religion and to elect the Government of his choice. It is Socialist, for Socialism provides opportunities for the vast majority living in poverty and misery to afford happier lives for themselves and members of their families. It can redress the social injustices whereby a few enjoy luxuries and comforts while the rest live without food and clothing, in huts and hovels. We believe that democracy and socialism must go hand in hand.

A programme of action to create a Just and Free Society 657
We believe that Democracy without Socialism is a Democracy of exploitation; and that Socialism without Democracy is a Socialism of oppression. Allmen cannot be made equal, but all will be afforded equal opportunities to rise according to his ability and to be provided for according to his needs.
Our allegiance to democracy as the Party that brought Democracy and a Parliamentary form of Government to this country is complete. Our Leaders have always bowed to the will of the people. Our task therefore will be firstly to restore those democratic freedoms Which have been lost.
The UNP is not only a Democratic Party, it is also a Socialist Party. In brief our policy is to make the people and not the Government of the day the owners and managers of the means of production, distribution and exchange and terminate the exploitation of Man by Man, and Man by the State, within the framework of a Democratic Society.
In implementing Socialism we do not intend to fit the Government into the place of the private capitalist. We do not intend to concentrate and centralise production, distribution and financial power in the hands of the Government, a privileged class or a few families.
It is the small farmer who will enjoy the benefits of Land Reform; the small industrialist and trader who will be helped to produce and distribute. All our policies will be directed to help the people to create more wealth; enjoy more opportunity and to improve their standard of living.
We reject a Socialism that liquidates individual effort and transfers the ownership and management of all productive activity to the Government and not to the people. This technique is foreign to the genius of our people whose free and whole-hearted participation we will seek in implementing our programme of economic development.

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Thus, the picture of Democratic Socialism which emerges from these remarks, is a society dynamic in its propensities for the creation of wealth, ensuring a greater dispersal and decentralisation of political and economic power, by giving to the Community the ownership and management of the institutions that are set up for the achievement of these objectives, whilst adequately providing for the national, religious and cultural aspirations of the people.
We want this country to consist of free men and women, where rightful ambition is encouraged, initiative applauded and enterprise rewarded. We emphasize the fact that our policy is not Socialism alone but Democratic Socialism.
We shall endeavour to provide a future Government that is efficient; free from corruption and fair to all, irrespective of political beliefs; a Government that will lay the foundation for the creation of a New Society for tomorrow, for the young men and women of today.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, 13th August, 1977.

J. V. P. 'S Letter to the I. G. P.
Published below is the full text of the letter sent to the IGP and released to the press by Mr. Kelly Senanayake, a member of the Provisional Central Connittee of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). The letter is about the actions and threats of the Police vis-a-vis the political activities of the JVP) - Editor.
Sir,
Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna is not an illegal, secret organization. It carries out its political activities within the ambit of the law and quite openly by holding public meetings, lectures, discussions as well as dissemination of information through newspapers, pamphlets and posters.
However, the police has adopted a special policy against the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna by arresting members as well as sympathisers, brutally assaulting and threatening such arrested persons. Many police stations in the island had arrested members and sympathisers of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna from time to time and at Certain police stations those arrested have been Cruelly beaten up,
On the night of September 5th, at two places, the Pannala police had taken into custody Comrade Indraratna, a member of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and three sympathisers and at the police station they had been stripped bare and assaulted most cruelly. As a result of this assault Comrade Indraratna has a broken tooth. The police had not made any inquiries from them but had assaulted them stating that they will not allow any type of left politics in that area. On 7th September, when those taken into custody had been produced before the Magistrate and in answerto a question by the Magistrate the police officer had stated that the arrest was made on a request made by Mr. Jayawickrema Perera, MP Katugampola.

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The Magistrate had ordered the release of the arrested persons and thereafter Comrade Indraratne and I went to the police headquarters and lodged a Complaint. Thereafter on September 19th, when Comrade Indraratne had gone to the police station to obtain permission for the use of loudspeakers at a propagandarally in the Pannala area, he had been taken into Custody, assaulted and produced to Court on the following day. Here again the assult had been done, Whilst Scolding Comrade Indraratne about the COTiplaint made to the police headquarters in regard to the previous instance of assault. They also hawe stated that the MPKatugampola had giventherT instructions to prevent any political activities by leftist political parties,
The Kanthalai police also had arrested a youth league member of the Janatha Wirtukthi Pesar Tuna, assaulted him. With a threat that if he further pursued political work of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna he would be taken into custody and assaulted. In the evening of 28th August, a political discussion clarifying the policies of the Janatha Wimukthi Peramuna had been held in a house in the Kosgolla village of Mahawela police area. On the following day three leading Thembers of the United National Party had complained to the police about this matter. The police thereafter had taken the Comrade, who was the Owner of the house where the discussion had taken place, had questioned and later released him.
The United National Party informants referred to, have told the Villagers, that if they had at least planted a few empty tins in the garden of that house and thereafter informed the police, the police would have suitably dealt with the situation. This may really be what the police had said or it may have been the motive of the informants.
If any police officers had made such proposals, in the light of threats levelled by other police stations on hembers and sympathisers of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, Wehold it as a serious matter, Arising out of this type of proposition. We are constrained to entertain a justifiable suspicion that although the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna is not engaged in any illegal activities, charges implying such conduct Would be insidiously utilised for suppression of the Janatha Wimukthi Peramuna by the Government.

J. W. F. 5 Lollaf Jo flg. I. G. F. 661
ROHAMANA WIEWE ERA Fou dar and Leader of tht ? Janatha Wismukt hi Pera Thura (JWP)
Rohana Wija:Wagra 1.J5,14 - 13.1 1, 19E
Wijaweera's father was a Corrurist and he arranged for his SOI a Scholarship in a University at Moscow in the Soviet Union. He cut short his studies after several years thero and returned to Sri Lanka. Here he organised among the youth an organisation against the government, called JWP, and started om 5th April, 1971 a violent irisLIrrection which was eventually suppressed

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I have shown above a few instances where the police had resorted to illegal and inhuman conduct towards the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.
There is another matter which is pertinent. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna is not a communal organisation and it had made a public appeal to the people to totally refrain from Communal Conflicts. it is with a sense of responsibility that we state that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna has no connection whatsoever with those engaged in looting or such terrorist actions under the guise of nationalism. However, the newspapers had published certain reports from police sources, giving the impression to the people that members of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna had associated themselves with such action. These reports whilst making reference to persons connected with the 1971 incidents and under heading such as "rebels campaign insurgent activities' have attempted to show (in our opinion) that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna which in 1971 was subjected to capitalist suppression, was a movement for terrorism and that its members are terrorists and looters.
If a person arrested for the 1971 April incidents and later released from the prison, commits an act of theft or such illegal activity, We deplore any action taken to cast the responsibility for such action on the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna. Such persons are not amongst the membership of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and no member of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, we categorically state, will ever engage in such deplorable action either for personal benefits or to enchance the funds of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.
Irrespective of other political parties, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna has understood the need to give political education to the people. It holds public meetings, talks and discussions with that end in view. In as much as the capitalist parties the parties of the proletariat, you will appreciate, should have a right to pursue it's political activities as well as enchance its membership. The police has wrested this right by obstructing the holding of public meetings and discussions and also by assaulting and threatening the members and sympathisers of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.

J. V. P. S. Letter to the I. G. P. 663
We lodge our strong protest at this anti-democratic and illegal oppression, and in curbing of which oppression we hope you will take suitable action as the head of the police department.
As we have sufficient reasons to believe that police has taken these repressive measures against the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna On the needs and directives of the Members of Parliament of the United National Party and some of its ardent supporters, we have thought it prudent to submit a copy of this appeal to the Hon. Prime Minister, Mr. J. R. Jayawardene, the leader of the United National Party.
Further to remove the misunderstandings created in the minds of the public by certain news reports allegedly based on sources of police informations, we have decided to release a copy of this letter to the national newspapers.
Kelly Senanayake 149/6, Devanampiyatissa Mawatha, Colombo 10, 27.9.1977.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, October 15th, 1977.

Page 341
Spotlight on the New Constitution
by Dr. A. J. Wilson
(The author of this article, Dr. A. J. Wilson, was for many years on the staff of the University of Ceylon and occupied the Chair of Professor of Political Science.
Professor Wilson in 1955 WOn the Leverhulme Research Scholarship at the London School of Economics and in 1964 a Research Fellowship in Politics at the University of Leicester.
Two of Dr. Wilson's latest books are "Politics of Ceylon and Electoral Politics in an Emergent State" which analysed the elections of May 1970. Dr. Wilson is the son-in-law of the late Mr. S. J. V. Chelvanayagam.)
The Section on Fundamental Rights in the Constitution, when taken with the provisions for an Ombudsman, the independence of the Judiciary, and the restrictions on the exercise of emergency powers, is by far the most extensive charter of freedom that Sri Lanka has had in all its history.
The 1978 Constitution marks a watershed in the history of constitutional development. Whilst we have retained and modernised the parliamentary legacies inherited through the years, we have discarded some of the outmoded features that were impositions more suited to the needs of an expanding stable imperialism such as Britain, a country which has at present found some equilibrium as a declining medium-sized power. But even Britain has modified the Westminister model to suit the changing situation. There is an inner cabinet, and what is more, a still more Confined inner circle of advisers.
At the top of the pyramid is the Prime Minister, no longerprimus inter pares but a virtual President in the American and Gaullist style. Eden, Macmillan, Heath and Wilson are the examples of the recent past and general elections in Britain have tended to become presidential

Spotlight on the New Constitution 665
contests between the leading contenders - the question at issue being whether the voters preferred to be governed by one leader as against another. The British have even adopted the referendum to determine the views of the electors as for example on the Common Market question.
We have in our new constitution endeavoured to adopt a style of government that suits a crisis-laden society that is in danger of going off balance. It incorporates some of the functional aspects of our own past as well as those of the British, American and French systems of government. But it is unique in that it has been framed to meet our own requirements and cannot therefore be described as imbibing to a great extent the major principles of any one of the systems mentioned. It is a presidential-parliamentary type of political experiment that will ensure stability, popular involvement through elections and referenda, and conformity with democratic practices made possible by a charter of liberties and provisions for an independent judiciary.
Adequate provision for a stable executive presidency is ensured in three ways. The President is elected by an absolute majority of the voters participating in his/her election. He is likely to emerge as a national figure drawing support not from one segment of society but from a broad spectrum of the whole. He would strive towards consensus politics because proportional representation is likely to result in no one party obtaining an absolute majority of seats in the legislature.
Secondly, the President will necessarily enjoy a greater quantum of authority and prestige and will therefore be in a better position to initiate and implement governmental policy. Under our discarded system, prime ministers, with one or two exceptions, tended to be chairmen of Cabinets involved in a vain Search for coherance and continuity in policy and having to contend against the Donoughmore tradition of strong individualism on the part of ministers. They functioned more in the style of their nineteenth century British counterparts not realising that conventions had brought about significant changes in Britain itself.

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Thirdly, the President as acknowledged leader will have a maximum of authority to handle the problems of a society in disequilibrium. The Constitution, in effect, intends him to be a crisis leader. Much-needed economic regeneration, social change and the reconciliation of alienated groups into the body politic can be effected with speed and decision by an acknowledged leader invested with the maximum Confidence available.
Views have been expressed that (1) the present President may work the new system but what of his successors? (2) there can be deadlock and conlicts between the President and the legislature if the latter body has a majority hostile to the President and (3) the system could give rise to dictatorship. These arguments need examination since they are based on genuine though unfounded fears. it is true that the present President has been in the mainstream of democratic politics for over forty years and that his world-view is coloured by a desire to maintain constitutional government. The underlying fear is that the succeeding incumbent might be spurred on with visions of Bonapartism, Castroite designs etc. The argument is really tied up with that of the potentialities for dictatorship.
We will come to this question but suffice it to say at this point, that a half-century of electoral experience, an over-pluralised social structure and a militant trade union movement are, apart from the safeguards against abuse of power, written into the Constitution of the Second Republic, adequate built-in checks against subversion of the democratic processes. Besides the hour can produce the man. it used to be said that the Fifth Republic was tailormade for De Gaulle and would not outlast him. But Pompidou and D'Estaing proved capable in their own way and the Fifth Repuhlic has shown ability to adapt itself to the stresses and strains of the volatility of French political life.
A hostile majority in the legislature need not cause problems. We had it in our constitutional past (the Donoughmore period) when ministers implemented policies that they did not approve of. And the Swiss Council of Ministers is the best example of a fixed executive that at times does the bidding of the Legislature. In the French Fourth

Spotlight on the New Constitution 667
Republic, ministers had to accept amendments from the legislative committees of the Chamber of Deputies which mangled their original proposals. American Presidents have had to go along with hostile majorities in one or both houses of Congress.
There are two alternatives that Will become available to Our President under the Second Republic. He can either carry out the wishes of the legislative majority as defined by the cabinet of ministers. Or he can revert to the role of a Constitutional head of state. Commentators on the Fifth Republic have indicated that this course is available to French presidents faced with a hostile majority. The Constitution is therefore workable and need not cause paralysis in the nerve-centres of government.
The Constitution of the Second Republic is the least prone to dictatorship of all systems. For one thing there are entrenched provisions which stipulate extremely difficult conditions for the extension of the life of Parliament and the term of the President. In either instance a two-thirds majority is not in itself adequate. The approval of the people must, in addition, be sought in a referendum.
The American and French systems are less democratic. The President of the United States enjoys extensive veto powers over Congress. The French President can, in certain given circumstances in terms of Article 16 of the Constitution, rule by decree without the consent of the legislature. Even in Britain, C. F. Strong has remarked that the Cabinet "is much more the rule of One man than that of a Committee" (Modern Political Constitution, 1975 edition, P. 216). So have other writers like R. M. Punnett, S. E. Finner and J. P. Mackintosh. African presidential systems bear no resemblances whatsoever. Their presidents rule in the context of one-party states. Their cabinets are mere bodies of advisers. Their legislatures only possess residual authority. Our Parliament has the Prime Minister and Cabinet sitting in it and the legislative Consultative Committees ensure a correspondence between government and executive.

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The inequitable system of weightage to backward and sparsely-populated areas has been dropped. Nor Canthere any longer be perverse landslide majorities which have little relation to the actual number of votes polled under the outmoded Anglo-Saxon first-pastthe-post single-member constituency system. Proportional representation will ensure in the legislature a fairly accurate mirror of opinion in the country. The business of forming a stable government will devolve on the President as well as on political brokers and amalgamators. There will be a move in the direction of Consensus politics and national governments rather than the bitterness of party strife that has characterised government since independence.
Long years ago, even in Britain a liberal historian of repute, Ramsay Muir, in a book, How Britain is Governed, which he published in the nineteen thirties, advocated proportional representation as a way of ending the monopoly of politics by the two major parties and as a step in the direction of ending dictatorship by the cabinet. Proportional Representation however, has its defects which we deal With below.
Articles 10 and 11 of the constitution relating to freedom of thought, conscience and religion and freedom from torture are entrenched, while the other freedoms are subject to the usual requirements of national economy, national security, national harmony and public morality. The state does not, however, have a blanket right to curtail these freedoms on the grounds stated. The state's decision will be subject to interpretation and adjudication by the Supreme Court.
More significant than all this is the provision contained in Article 17. Under it a citizen is entitled to seek the protection of the Supreme Court when there is an imminent threat to his rights by executive or administrative action. It might be recalled that section 29 of the 1947-72 Constitution safeguarded the citizen only against legislative discrimination. While the Constitution of the First Republic (1972-77) left out the ordinary courts and permitted only limited jurisdiction to a specially constituted Constitutional Court.

Spotlight on the New Constitution 669
Certain Sections in the Constitution are more entrenched than others, requiring, in addition to the usual two thirds majority of the total membership approval by the people in a referendum. The Constitution, in a sense, becomes more rigid than previous ones, because proportional representation Would make it difficult for any One party to obtain a two-thirds majority. However, parties can combine for the purpose of effecting amendment. The attempt of the SLFP to negotiate with the TULF at the tail-end of the last Parliament is a pointer. And it should not be forgotten that even without proportinal representation, change was difficult during the period of the 1947-72 Constitution.
Only once before the major overhaul of 1972, did a government secure a two-thirds majority, (at the general election of 1952) but it did not on that occasion attempt to bring about significant alterations. The new system, therefore, in effect, seeks to achieve Consensus or maximum agreement in this vital area of government as well. Constitutional change can no longer be effected on a unilateral basis. The fact that the President's term is fixed, while that of the Cabinet and the Legislature is likely to be different, need not detain us. If the legislative majority is hostile to the President, the odds are that we will return to Prime Ministerial government. The President may dissolve the Legislature once but no Constitution can stand a diet of dissolutions.
The President is made responsible to the Legislature, but the Constitution is silent as to how that responsibility can be enforced. The Prime Minister will presumably answer for the President. Besides Parliament can, if it so desires, amend the statement of government policy or the annual appropriation Bill in order to bring the President in line.
Ultimately, the Constitution, by implication, makes it indispensable for the President, the Cabinet and the legislative majority to work in harmony and co-operation. The possible fragmentation of parties under proportional representation will make the President's task. Somewhat easier, The rationale of Course is to Strive towards Consensus politics.

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670 Politics adrid Life in COLLI r Tirreas
SIR WOR JENNINGS An authority on Constitutional Law who helped to draw the 1948 Constitution of Ceylon
■,
Sir Ivor Jennings 1903 - 1965 He was the principal of the Ceylon University College and later the Wice Chancellor of the University of Ceylon.
"Warsity Mews" a students' weekly paper described him as "West of Suez Socialist"
 
 
 

Spotlight on the New Constitution 671
Proportional representation brings about the fragmentation and splintering of parties. But it might as well be noted that despite the existence of two riva Tajor coalitions which call themselves political parties (the UNP and SLFP) they are themselves federations of group interests. These interests are sometimes in conflict with each other and can be parties in their own right.
The new system also does away with by-elections which can, at times, help governments to gauge the state of public opinion while enabling the Opposition to record its protest. This can be an advantage which proportional representation destroys. But do byelections truly reflect the mood and temper of the electors? Mulkirigala and the SLFP's victory there in 1976 disproves such a view. Nor is it advantageous for the Whole machinery of government to be mobilised to fight a by-election when its energies and resources are needed for more urgent purposes.
Proportional representation will, however, promote the dictatorship of the party machine. The candidate becomes dependent on the party to have his name entered in the list. When this is coupled With the anti-defection clauses (Article 99, sub-sections 13 (a) and (b), under which a party has the right to expel and replace Members of Parliament, the dictatorship of party becomes truly dangerous, The Size of the electoral district which will be the sa The in most cases as that of an administrative district will help to some extent to counteract the rigid control of parties. Members will develop and cultivate their own local bases within the electoral district. This will provide them with a certain amount of leverage when lists of candidates are being formulated by political parties,
It is doubtful as to Whether the referendum can be a useful device, The Constitution, however, stipulates that only questions of national importance and certain fundamental matters of constitutional siginficance should be referred to the electors. There are some disadvantages here. An excessive politicization of an already Owerpoliticized electorate can be one outcome, Secondly powerful Wested

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interests can mobilize sections of voters and persuade them to vote while the general mass may be apathetic. Lastly legislature and Executive might shelve their responsibilities by transferring the burden of decision-making to the electors.
Finally, the Constitution makes the Supreme Court almost a third chamber of government. The Court is vested with a certain pre-eminence. It enjoys fairly extensive powers of judicial review, the right to render advisory opinions, and in defined cases to intervene in the operation of the Constitution, Judicial review of executive, legislative and administrative acts is no doubt a safeguard of individual liberties. But the Court can also hold up the work of government. The working of the Constitution in the next few years will indicate whether the Court will be helpful or obstructionist.
Courtesy: "Sunday Observer", Colombo, 10.9.78. "Tribune", Colombo, September 30, 1978.

The Early Period of the L. S. S. P.
by Leslie Goonewardene
The Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) is the oldest political party in Sri Lanka, having been formed in December, 1935. It has experienced victories as well as defeats. It has had a powerful effect on the moulding of public opinion on many questions. And it has made a significant impact on the political history of this country over the past forty odd years. Nevertheless there are people who often out of ignorance ask the question, what has the LSSP done during all these years? There are yet others who, out of impatience or mischief, ask why the LSSP has not been able to come into power despite its efforts over such a long period.
What follows is written not with the purpose of listing the achievements of the LSSP or of merely answering these questions. What follows is written with the aim of placing the formation of the LSSP and its journey through different stages in its true historical setting, thus enabling the reader both to supply the answers himself not only to the above mentioned questions, but to many other questions as well. The writer, as an active participant in the events that constitute the history of the LSSP. cannot be expected to be free of subjectivism. But he has tried to be as objective as possible. The reader is likely to agree that this effort has not been without SuCCeSS.
It is easier to have an understanding of the history of the SSP, if one divides this history into four broadly definable historical periods. The first period dates from the inception of the party up to the elections of August to September, 1947. The second period, extends from 1948 to 1956. The third period, commencing with the results of the elections in April, 1956, can be considered to extend up to the victory of the United National Party (UNP) in July, 1977. After the formation of the UNP Government, we have entered the fourth period, in which we are now.

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Forsi Earl Life Ir I Ir iiriTS
The most important thing to realize about the first period, in which the LSSP was born, is that this was a period in which Ceylon Was a Colony directly ruled by British Imperialism. And the only party that stood for complete national independence was the LSSP. In fact, even before the for nation of the party, the Youth Leagues which, along with the Suriya Mal Movement, were the precursors of the party, had vigorously opposed the petition addressed to Whitehall of the Ceylonese Ministers in the Government. This petition was known as the "Ministers' Memorandum", and did not demand even Dominion Status but only asked for the transfer of more powers to the elected Ministers. The Youth Leaguers conde Tined the Ministers" Memorandum as a gross betrayal and counterpoised the demand for complete national independence.
It may be useful at this point to contrast the role played by the Ceylon National Congress, the party of the Ceylonese bourgeoisie at the time, with that of the Indian National Congress, the party of the bourgeoisie in neighbouring India. While the Indian National Congress opposed the British Colonial rule in India, the Ceylon National Congress co-operated with their British rulers. Even though the Indian National Congress, tied as it was to the policy of nonwiolence of Mahatma Gandhi, placed limitations on the struggle against the British Raj, newertheless it conducted mass Towerinents of civil disobedience against the British rulers. The Ceylon National Congress, or the other hand, opposed those who stood for independence and, as we shall see later, joined with the British rulers in repressing them.
The Marxist method of analysis enables us to see the reason Or this difference. The difference flows from the difference in the economic and social positions occupied by the two classes in question, namely the Indian bourgeoisie and the Ceylonese bourgeoisie. While the Indian bourgeoisie had already been developing as an industrial bourgeoisie whose interests were in

The Early Period of the L. S. S. P. 675
LESLE GOONEWARDENE THE CAPABLE MARX ST THEORETICAN
Horn, Leslie) GOOne Ward Bill 9
31.10.1909 - 11.04.1985 Leslie as an active participant in the events that constitute the history of the LSSP, cannot be expected to be free of subjectivism. But he has tried to be as objective as possible.

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competition and conflict with those of the British industrial bourgeoisie (the textile industry is an outstanding example), the bourgeoisie in Ceylon had developed either as a compradore trading class selling British goods in the Ceylon market or as junior partners of the British capitalists in the plantations. Instead of a conflict of interests, there existed rather an identity of interests.
A second point of importance that should be noted regarding this early period is that it was the LSSP that first took politics to the masses in the country. (True, Mr. A. E. Goonesinha, the leader of the Ceylon Labour Party, had done this earlier in the twenties. But his activities had not only been confined to the workers principally in Colombo, but except in the matter of his demand for universal franchise in his evidence before the Donoughmore Commission and, later his progaganda against Indians in Ceylon, his politics had been of a trade union variety). It is the LSSP that first brought issues of national political importance to the masses, and unlike the bourgeois leaders, spoke to them in a language they could understand.
Agitation on many partial demands met with success. Free meals for school children were won. And even though not implemented, the State Council passed a resolution in favour of the use of Sinhala and Tamil for proceedings in the lower courts and for entries in police stations. Irrigation rates were abolished, and a start was made in the abolition of the headman system with the abolition of the posts of Mudaliyars, Ratemahatmayas, Vidane Arachchis and Korale Mahatmayas. The eight hour day and the nationalisation of the imports of rice and petrol of course came later. It may not be out of place to mention that when Mr. C. W. W. Kannangara introduced his progressive measure of free education, Dr. N. M. Perera had already written his book from prison, advocating this system.
The repression of the LSSP during the war years was supported by the bourgeois leaders of the Ceylon National Congress, the precursor of the United National Party. These leaders thus faithfully played their role as agents of imperialism. Despite his progressive role in subsequent years, Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike

The Early Period of the L. S. S. P. 677
himself Continued to serve as Minister of Local Administration in a Government which manacled and chained to his bed at the General Hospital, Colombo, Robert Gunawardena whose leg had been broken by the Indian police while attempting to escape from custody during the August struggle for independence in India.
Thus when the war ended in 1945, the LSSP leaders released from jail, and the LSSP itself legalised, the LSSP found itself in a favourable position for obtaining mass support. Although, unlike in most other Countries of South East Asia, there had been no mass struggle for independence during the war years, the LSSP emerged as the sole political party in Ceylon which had taken a militant stand for national independence during the war years, opposed the war as an imperialist war not fought in the interests of our Country, and had suffered repression as a result of this stand. Not even the Communist Party, the other leftist party at the time, Could lay claim to such a role.
It should also be noted that the LSSP and the trade union organisations led by it were able to assume leadership of the post war working class upsurge and provide leadership to the workers in two general strikes. As a result of this the party, which had earlier been a working class party in the sense of espousing a Marxist Working class programme, was now able to develop into a Working class party in an organisational sense as well.
The net result of all the above was that the LSSP which, before the war had a very limited mass influence, and had become almost a hunted sect during the war, was now able to emerge as a party with a real influence among the masses in general and the urban working class in particular. In the elections to the First Parliament of 1947, the Samasamajists, divided at that time into the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (204,020 votes) and the BolshevikLeninist Party (113,193 votes) polled a total of 317, 213 votes, or 17.2% of the total votes polled. The total Left votes, including the 70,331 votes of the Communist Party, amounted to 20.5% of the total poll.

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This marked the highest point of the LSSP and the Left generally from an electoral point of view. From this point onwards we can see a decline from this point of view. It is true that in the March 1960 election, the LSSP obtained 10.5%, the VLSSP' (taking the name MEP) 10.5%, and the CP 4.8% of the total vote polled, making a total of 25.8%. However, it should be borne in mind that the MEP polled a considerable part of the vote mobilised on the Sinhala- Buddhist cry, and that only a minority of this vote could be Considered to be a Left vote.
THE RIGHT STRENGTHENS ITSELF
After the elections of 1947 we enter a period in which the Right steadily improved its position. The most important reason for this was the granting of Dominion Status to Ceylon in Ferbruary 1948.
At that time, the Left described this as a fake independence. This was not strictly correct. It is a fact that the substance of political power had been transferred from Britain to Ceylon. It is true that the political independence received was not complete. But this was due principally to the fact that the United National Party, the party of the Ceylonese bourgeoisie, into whose hands the power was transferred, did not strive to complete that independence. It was left to the MEP Government of which Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike Was Prime Minister which took over the British bases in Ceylon, and the United Front Government of the SLFP, LSSP and CP led by Mrs.Srima Bandaranike the Prime Minister, by introducing the New constitution of May 1972 which severed its relations with the British Crown, to complete the political independence of Sri Lanka.
The story of how the British came to transfer political power to Ceylon, a country in wich no mass struggle for independence had taken place in the crucial war years, is worth recording. It is the proud boast of the UNP that under the leadership of Mr. D. S. Senanayake, they obtained independence for Ceylon without the shedding of a drop of blood.
* Viplavakari Lanka Sama Samaja Party - Led by Philip Gunawardena

The Early Period of the L. S. S. P. 679
This is, of course, not true. While it is true that the masses of Ceylon did not shed their blood, it is an undeniable fact that rivers of blood flowed in the neighbouring countries of South East Asia in the struggle for freedom from imperialist rule. Without these struggles, Ceylon would not have obtained her freedom. Ceylon therefore owes an eternal debt of gratitude for her independence not to Mr. D. S. Senanayake or the UNP, but to those heroic masses of our neighbouring countries.
However, if there was a single individual to whom grudgingly though it maybe We may be thankful, because by his astute arguments, he succeeded in persuading the British Government to transfer political power to Ceylon, that individual was not Mr. D. S. Senanayake, but Sir Oliver Goonetilleke. Civil Defence Commisioner during the war, and later Financial Secretry, this loyal servant and respected adviser of the British, put forward a very cogentreason for political freedom for Ceylon. He pointed out that if political freedom was withheld from Ceylon which had loyally supported British rule during the critical war years in particular, while it was granted to neighbouring countries like India and Burma which had fought for their freedom, the conclusion which would inevitably be drawn by the other colonies in the far flung British Empire, would be that the only way to obtain political freedom was through struggle.
What would be the disastrous effects of such an impression being created, particularly among the numerous British colonies in the continent of Africa? On the other hand, if political freedom was granted also to Ceylon, which had loyally co-operated with the British, the confidence would be created that loyal service to the British did not go without its reward, and the danger of a major upheaval in the British colonies could be stemmed. This was the argument that turned the scales in favour of Ceylon in Whitehall. Or, to put it in more picturesque language, it was this shameful utilisation of the struggles and sacrifices of the people of our neighbouring countries in this manner by one of the wiliest brains that Ceylon has produced, which led to the amendment of the Soulbury Constitution by an Order-in-Council dated February 4th, 1948 granting Dominion Status to Ceylon.

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EBO PMC är ffe ir i OL " I "FIE 5
DR, COLWN R. DESILWA WROTE THE FIRST ARTICLE ON MARXIST PHILOSOPHY
T. CO|Will R. SIWE
16.2, 1907 - 2.02, 1989 Colwin's articles on Marxism and the Soviet Union appeared in the Sri Lankan newspapers in the early 1930s
 

The Early Period of the L. S. S. P. 681
In any case, the granting of Dominion Status to Ceylon brought about a qualitative change in the situation. In particular, the attraction of the LSSP as the party fighting for national independence ceased to have the same appeal to the people. They now directly faced not the foreign imperialists, but their own bourgeois leaders, who had Willingly placed themselves in the service of imperialism. A turn of the masses to tha Right Commenced.
This rightward turn was further strengthened by the following factors. Firstly the UNP started to build itself as an organized political force among the masses. Up to 1947 the UNP, and the Ceylon National Congress before it, had not attempted to construct any organization in the Country, but at election times had obtained the votes of the people through the influence of the upper class strata and the bureaucracy in town and Countryside. Now the UNP seriously set about the task of Organising party branches throughout the country.
There were two other factors which helped the UNP to strengthen its hold. Firstly the super profits received from the sale of rubber during the Korean War boom as well as the sterling balances accumulated during the War years were used, not for development but exclusively for food subsidies. This strengthened its hold particularly armı Coring the fina SSeS İnı the Tural area.s.
Finally, the Indian and Pakistani Citizenship Act of 1948, which deprived the plantation workers of Indian origin of the right of the vote Which they had hitherto enjoyed, weakend the electoral position of the LSSP to some extent in Some areas like in Sabaragamuwa and Uva where there were plantation Workers of Indian origin. In such areas, where the plantation Workers of Indian origin constituted a Tinority and Were unable to put forward their own candidates through the Ceylon Indian Congress, a majority of such Workers had in the 1947 elections Voted for the Left in general and the LSSP in particular,
Although the period from 1948 to the elections of 1956, was One in Which there was a mass trun to the Right, it cannot be said that the Right did not hawe its setbacks.

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The first setback came in 1951, when Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, along with five others left the Government ranks in Parliament and crossed over to the Opposition. He formed a new party of the Centre, called the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). This party drew support not only from the ranks of the UNP. Middle of the road elements who had hitherto supported the Left due to the absence of any other party opposed to the UNP now began to turn to the SLFP. This split in the ranks of the Right due to the defection of Mr. Bandaranaike and his supporters did not however prove to be a serious one; and in the General Elections of May 1952, the UNP polled 1,026,005 votes winning 54 seats out of a total of 95.
The LSSP polled 13.1% of the total vote polled, and along with the CP-VLSSPFront, the Left polled 18.9%. The SLFP polled 15.5% of the total vote polled.
The second setback for the UNP came with the one-day hartal of August 12th, 1953. This was called as a protest against the imposition of burdens on the masses such as the increase in the price of sugar, the cut in the rice ration in 1952, and in 1953 the increase of rail fares and postal rates, the abolition of the free mid-day bun given to school children and the increae in the price of a measure of rationed rice from 25 cents to 70 cents. All political parties in the Opposition agitated against these measures, but when it came to a question of action, only the LSSP, the CP-VLSSP United Front and the Federal Party called for a one-day hartal. By destroying the myth of the invincibility of the UNP Government, the hartal paved the way for the defeat of the UNP in the General Elections of 1956.
Despite the above-mentioned setbacks, however the UNP Continued to maintain its hold til the General ElectionS Of 1956. FOr example, the UNP comfortably won the Aluthnuwara by-election of May 1955, the LSSP coming second, the SLFP third, and the CP fourth.
Courtesy: "The History of the L.S.S.P in Perspective", Colombo, December 18th, 1978.

Panem et Circines of Ancient Rome
by Juvenal
Prior to the fall of the Roman Empire the scene that prevailed in Rome was that of magnificence and plenty. Never had the patricians, in the history of that far flung empire, had it so good. But they nevertheless had the sense to realise the necessity of keeping the plebians amused. So they had a period when bread was available to anyone free and for nothing - not so infrequently as in the case of our annual" dansalas'. They had in addition plenty of shows, including circuses - with denizens of the far flung empire fighting to the death in the gladiatorial contests, and so on and so forth - again, not occasional shows like the Apollo outfit in Colombo, Kandy and Jaffna, but continuous entertainment for the masses, somewhat more interesting than the night bazaar of Mr. Premadasa.
And so, the Latin tag came into vogue 'Panem et circines a phrase which has never lost its pristine sting or its profundity of meaning. Whilst keeping the plebians amused, the patricians soon found that amusements like the gladiatorial contests, bull fights in the periphery of the empire, as in Spain, or the usual sexual Coverindulgence failed to titillate their jaded appetites. They used their ingenuity to discover new amusements - and one of these was the continuous feasting and revelry by night with the aid of "vomitoria". They ate and they brought out what they ate several times Over.
This waste and indulgence brought in its train national degeneration, until the final curtain opened on the last scene of the last Act - eruption of the barbarians into Imperial Rome and the end of Rome as an Imperial Power. Historians recorded that the barbarians were so easily able to overwhelm the once invincible legions because Rome had reached the last stages of corruption and was already undermined from within.

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Politics arrod Life iri CDL Ir Terriegs
684
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°0/61 EHL NI HITTɔ SHEXIT, How-ETTỰ Đ ORWOTƆƆ EHL-joHEHLEÐOL LEIÐ ự
 
 
 

Farferi) et CFCirig5 of Art Clgrf For Tig 685
We seem to be witnessing scenes similar to those of the last days of the Roman Empire, now in Sri Lanka. The scene shifts to a hill Country town which was famous for its flavoured tea. The scenes enacted are less lurid, though equally reprehensible. The estates are now run at a considerable loss to the State. Where for Therly at a gathering of planters the "talking point' was the profits that were made by the neighbouring estates, the lugubrious discussion in modern times is which estate in this district made the "least loss" for last yearl Estates that were reputed to be 'top' ones in the days of yore, hawe noW lost their glitter and hawe become just estates that have Ceased to be wiable and are now a burder to the taxpayer
But has this sense of impending disaster found its way up to the "think tanks of the Plantation Ministry and its nurnerous minions? Alas,...No! There was enacted recently in this little town a Sports meet, organised by the State Plantations Corporation. Three to four days of preparation, prior to the meet, with estate lorries travelling to and from their respective estates bringing the paraphernalia to put up the "big tent". Superintendents and their Assistants were noticed directing the Various operations; estate Cars and motor bikes Were all mobilised to assist in the success of this great event - and then three days of Sports Were Witnessed in the arena, Where Peria do rais, sinna dorais and Workers all participated in questionable pursuits.
Pandals were erected to Welcome the Tighty Ministers and their panjandrums from Colombo. The Ministers were with their good ladies; the Directors of this Corporation were there with their good ladies; the Regional Manager, the Superintendents, their Assistants and their women folk; Ramaswamy and Letchumy were there - all being transported daily at estate expense, to and from the "big tent", for three days. The prizes that were distributed were handsome ones and truly glittering. Much jollification during and after the big event prevailed - and then break up and returning the paraphernalia to the Warious estates.
But did one of these Tighty patricians pause to think and ask himself, was this circus necessary at this juncture? Was all this Consumption of petrol, diesel oil and Wastage of tyres justified when On the One hand the states are rur at a Considerable OSS and on the other hand could this country afford this unconscionable drain of foreign

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exchange incurred by this wanton use of petrol and diesel oil? It would be interesting to ascertain as to how many cars came up from Colombo especially for this circus. We read of orders and exhortations being given down the line by the Minister and his satraps as regards the necessity for conserving fuel and saving on foreign exchange, etc. as there is a National crisis, prevailing not only in Sri Lanka but all over the world.
Buttojudge by the spectacle that was enacted in this little provincial town recently, who says there is a National Crisis in Sri Lanka! We dare say, "all work and no play, makes Jack a dull boy". There is certainly every reason that one should encourage sport-but could not these 'think tanks' organise in their own estates or agroup of estates, sports activities on a less ambitious scale? One remembers the former days when European and Ceylonese planters organised similar events on a parochial basis - these were satisfying events although they were certainly less spectacular. Cross country races; climbing the greasy pole; flat races, swimming events and similar limb loosing exercises at hardly any Cost to the estates. No V.I.P. from Colombo turned up for these delightful and simple functions. No estate lorries were used to transport paraphernalia or workers. These functions were local intimate engagements planned with absolutely no thought of ostentations or eulogy, in the minds of the organisers.
One wonders whether a similar species of the same malaise that affected the ancient Romans in their decline is beginning to gnaw at the vitals of our own body politic. However much we may commend the straight forwardness of One Man - the President himself, he is after all with his invested powers a single individual and can fail to usher in the just and righteous society if those who have jockeyed themselves into positions of power and influence show signs of venality.
Taipiece.- A petrol driven lorrybelonging to an estate run by one of the plantation management bodies in Uva was sent to town on 8.8.79, for the purpose of collecting 5 pounds beef and 6 bottles beer for the Superintendent's bungalow-adistance of 20 miles from avery high elevation.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, September 1st, 1979.

Perspectives for Sri Lanka
by Dr. Colvin R. de Silva
Commemoration address on the occasion of the 45th Anniversary Commemoration of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party - 17th December, 1980)
Comrades 1
The Lanka Sama Samaja Party is now fully fortyfive years old. it is by far the oldest Political party in Sri Lanka. In fact, it is the only Political party functioning today whose beginning goes back to the preWorld War II period.
The years till 1977. - During these forty five years, the world has undergone decisive political and social changes. The changes have been such that we can say realistically that politically and Socially these are in fact two Worlds today, and not one - a decaying Capitalist World which is a spill-over from the historical past and burgeoning Socialist world which demands the future. It is the major task of mankind in the coming years of this epoch to complete the replacement of Capitalism with Socialism throughout the planet, thus bringing into being that new world order which will enable mankind to ascend to the next higher stage in its development. We know that the movement of history is decisively in that direction already, whatever be the obstacles the past may place in the way of the future.
Political and social change has not passed Sri Lanka by, these forty five years, though a socialist Sri Lanka is still a phenomenon of the future. In fact, the political and social changes which Ceylon has undergone in that period are both far-reaching and deep-going. Politically we have moved from direct Imperialist rule to self-rule, from imperialist subjection to national independence. The task in that field is to safeguard the independence we have achieved, and it needs safeguarding specially in view of present trends in politics, and to carry forward the struggle to extend that independence to embrace specially the field of the National

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economy Oureconomyis stilla dependen teconomy Subjectto dominant imperialist exploitation. That exploitation is conducted by other means than before independence, namely, by the neo-colonialist means which have replaced the colonialism which has been politically displaced. If this struggle is not carried to success, the continued dependence of our economy on the imperialist World economy will have adverse repercussions on the political independence we hawe achieved. As We shall see, this struggle is enmeshed with the struggle against Capitalism and for Socialism.
In respect of social changes, there has not been that fracture in the continuity of development which is marked in the field of political change by the grant of Independence in 1948 and the Consolidation and completion of Independence through the adoption of the 1972 Constitution.
Nevertheless, in important Ways the social scene of today is sharply diferent from, let us say, the pre-War social scene. The dominantly land-owning character of the Sri Lanka bourgeoisie is gone, the endeavours of the present regime to restore private-capitalist, big land-ownership hawe not gone far enough or been successful enough in extent to constitute a real restoration of capitalist big land-ownership. The traditional village has disintegrated under the assault of invading Capitalism, disintegrated, that is to say, beyond the possibility of resuscitation. The cultivator, including the former national subsistence farmer has been caught up into the national, and even international monetisation of the rural economy. It is a new farmer that characterizes agriculture outside the plantations. The niddle class has SWelled, as also the Working class. The former drawing considerably from the rural Well-to-do, the latter drawing on the rural reservoir of the displaced, whose inflow has brought about the new phenomenon of mass unemployment. There is also, Within the bourgeoisie and the upper middle class, the new phenomenon which is referred to nowadays as In Ludalalidom. We have, of course, had Tudalalies before. But the m Luda||alies of today, an en tirely modern post-war phenomenon, represents in the main the small capitalist entrepreneur growing into bigness. He is less Westernised than his big brother and is altogether TO TE SWabhasa.

Perspect was for Sri Lanka 689
DEMONSTRATION OF THE UNITED SOCIALIST ALLIANCE ATUNION PLACE, COLOMBO
Branch demonstration of the U.S.A, in front of the LSSP Headquarters, L-FR.: Was Ludewa Nanayakkara, Wijaya Kumaratunga, K. P. Silwa and DT, Colwin R. da Sil Wa

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There are other and major features of the contemporary scene to which attention needs to be driven before we pass on. There is first of all the pervasive welfare state, or rather, the pervasive system of State-provided and financed general Welfare which has been steadily built up in the years since independence up to 1977. This included in later years the so unique and expensive rice for the mass of deprived people in our country. It included free education and free public health services and cure, such as was remarkable in a developing country. The subsidies to the consumer would make quite a long list.
Another noteworthy feature in the post-independence scene is the growth, with gathering speed, of a strong public sector of the economy, marked by an expanding constellation of State corporations in which took place the major part of the nation's production (61 percent as of 1977) and, until the present government took over, the predominant investment from which the expansion and development of the economy ensures. Included in this sector, as the major section of them all, are the plantations, which were all nationalised in the post 1972 years. Let us remind ourselves that the Second of the three fundamental aims announced at the inauguration of the LSSP in 1935 was "The nationalisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange". The first was the attainment of a society free of discrimination on the basis of race, caste, religion and sex. We have indeed done much in our forty five years.
Another feature that distinguishes the forty five years we are considering, is the wide Trade Unionisation of the working class. Pre-war Trade Unionism was largely confined to Colombo and its environs. The largest and the most developed section of the economy, namely the Plantations, the unionisation of which had Only just begun in pre-war days, are today Completely unionised. The trade unions become both an accepted and pronounced feature of the political and social landscape. They too are, of course, under attack from the UNP government.

Perspectives for Sri Lanka 691
The proliferating political parties which so characterise the political landscape of Sri Lanka today are almost entirely a post-War phenomenon, although the universal adult franchise which necessitated the formation of mass political parties for coping with the mass electoral process was introduced in Sri Lanka as far back as 1931. There is a pervasive political consciousness among the masses today which at best was only in an incipient stage in 1935. It is the political parties which have done the job of organising the local masses by the trade unions, which of course, from very early days were also their political linkS.
Let us round off this survey by underlining, specially the last three features to which attention has been drawn, namely wide-ranging State welfarism, the Trade Unions, the Welter of political parties, reflecting the growth generally of political consciousness among the masses, represent, along with that feature at the centre of the political landscape - Parliament - the tremendous growth of parliamentary democracy in Sri Lanka. This all-embodying political feature of independent Sri Lanka is in many ways the most precious heritage of our people from Some fifty years of political development. It is a heritage in the creation of a development of which the LSSP as a party and Samasamajism as an ideology and a movement played no mean part. And let it be remembered, included in that heritage is an authentic mass movement which, from its beginnings came under the radicalising influence of the LSSP and Samasamajism generally. In that way, we are ourselves part of this great national heritage and not merely, like so many others, just inheritors of it. It is the most treasured asset that we posses, built Over forty five years of unremitting work among the masses and unflinching struggle against Imperialism, and Capitalism for independence and socialism. We cannot let it go without fighting to hold it. That fight is a fight not only for our future but also a fight for the future of our nation. The responsibility we shoulder is no less.
1977-1980.- Today, the great precious heritage, as just described, which our people accumulated in the heyday of parliamentary democracy in Sri Lanka, stands placed in peril by the policies and acts of the Government, which the people themselves, through an

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over-whelming vote, installed in over-whelming parliamentary power in July 1977. Indeed, democracy itself which enabled the accumulation of that heritage stands gravely, perhaps mortally, imperilled under this Government.
On the political side, the threat has been distilled and given legal force and shape in a new Constitution - the Constitution of 1978. The Central and essential feature of that Constitution is the neardictatorial position given to the so-called executive President it has created. As the Constitution phrases it: "The executive power of the people, including the defence of Sri Lanka, shall be exercised by the President of the Republic elected by the People". The elected executive President is "the Head of the State, the Head of the Executive and of the Government and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces". He is also a member and Head of the Cabinet of Ministers, the Ministers being of his own choosing. He may at any time take any Ministry into his OWn hands. He also chooses, appoints and promotes the Highest Judges of the land, namely the Chief Justice, the President of the Court of Appeal, and all Judges of the Supreme Court, the Court of Apeal and the High Court, these being the highest courts in Sri Lanka. Finally, he is also the repository and vehicle of Emergency powers which, when activated by him at his discretion, make him virtually an open dictator. The extent of State power gathered into the hands of the President under the 1978 Constitution is manifest from the above summary. Pertaining as his powers to do every aspect of state-power, his substantial Control of the state structure as a Whole is also manifest. The President does not merely head the country: he rules the country. In fact, that he is made responsible to Parliament, of which he is not a member, in respect of "the due exercise, performance and discharge of his powers, duties and functions" does not diminish this fact. Parliament's powers of dismissal of the President rest on so narrow a base and are so difficult to implement that the possession of the power is itself rendered illusory. The President, it should be added is immune from civil Or Crimina Suit.

Perspectives for Sri Lanka 693
The Government has also made a root and branch change of the electoral system. As from the next general elections, the British model system of single-member constituencies, with a sprinkling of multi-member constituencies, as well as the first-past-the-post system of choosing the winner will stand abolished. There will instead be a proportional representation system, operating district-wise and not nationally, with a list system of voting in the assigned number of members from each district. Individual candidacies by "independents" are made impossible and the small parties are threatened with electoral extinction by introducing a high cut-off point of 12 1/2 per cent for the eligibility of a list in the apportionment of seats. By-elections will be no more.
It will be seen how these two major political moves are designed to serve not only the immediate but also the long term interests of the capitalist class and also the consolidation in power of that class's specific instrument or agency for governing, namely the UNP. The new fashion Constitution withdraws and substantially insulates the power centre of the state-structure from the direct pressure of the concession-seeking masses which characterised, alarmed and ultimately positively endangered the interests and rule of the capitalist class.
The new electoral system is intended to ensure the continuous presence of the UNP in or near to the centre of governmental power on the basis that historically, on the one hand, the UNP alone of all parties or combinations operating on the political arena has ever chalked up, as it did at the 1977 general elections, more than 50 per cent of the total poll in the country and, on the other hand, that the UNP vote at a general election has never fallen below 33 1/3 percent. The sharp contraction of democracy and the direct blow at the revolutionary Left through these two moves are manifest. The bourgeois interest is not the expansion of democracy but the constriction and, in certain circumstances, the abolition of democracy. Or, in other phraseology, the capitalist class has found the financial and political costs of democracy too high to be borne. So, away with - democracy - as has been the sorry tale in a brutal procession of
developing Countries.

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Harshly using its new-found power, the UNP has been raining a wide range of stunning, and sometimes murderous blows, both direct and indirect, on the masses and the mass interest. The taking away of their ration books has left the general body of the masses, including the middle class (except perhaps its topmost layer) helpless and naked before the raging inflation in Sri Lanka (now perhaps of the order of over 50 per cent). Financing of a bounding state expenditure by inflationary means has further accelerated the bounding rises in prices in Sri Lanka. The drastic devaluation of the rupee, which has floated into further and heavier devaluation since the abrupt and drastic devaluation of November 1977 has had the same result. The value of savings is being drained away by the runaway inflation; wage and salary increases are being denuded of their intended impact; and the standards of living are being eroded, in some cases to the point of collapse. Malnutrition has become more widespread. Plain hunger and starvation have returned to the Scene.
The UNP Government has no solution for the problem of inflation.
its panacea is the provision more widely of employment so as to raise family incomes. The direct relief given to a favoured few through the income support policy (actually the dole) has been abandoned. But unemployment has kept rising despite extensive overmanning in every sector of the economy. In any event, mass unemployment has continued to characterise Sri Lanka's economy and seems to have become a permanent feature of our social scene. Whether the true figure is fifteen lakhs, as referred to by the President, or nine lakhs, as claimed by the Ministry of Plan implementation, the affliction, socially, is too burdenSome to be borne in our little island. Society is sagging beneath the weight of this now perennial problem.
Regardless of the deterioration of mass standards of living under conditions of raging inflation and mass unemployment, the Government has also gone forward relentlessly with another aspect of its socioeconomic policies, namely, the dismantling of the Welfare state which this country built up in the thirty years of independence up to 1977. Announced propagandistically in the name of the needs of development,

Perspectives for Sri Lanka 695
the dismantling of the welfare state is in fact a fundamental part of the Government's increasingly open service of the bourgeois interest in Sri Lanka. The welfare state has over the years steadily eaten into the financial reserves of the capitalist class in Sri Lanka, until it became too costly to be borne by that class. Started by that class in its political interest in conditions of expanding parliamentary democracy, the postwar history of Sri Lanka shows that the capitalist class early found itself under the necessity of limiting closely this drain on its resources.
The principal symbol of state welfarism in Sri Lanka, namely, state Subsidised rice, came under attack-as was to be expected under a UNP government-as early as 1953 (Mr. D. S. Senanayake, doyen of UNP leaders, had introduced rice at 25cts. a measure only a bare oneand-a-half years earlier). The Government was compelled by the masses to retreat from that measure on that occasion (the great hartal of August 12 and 13, 1953); but every UNP government returned to the task under various guises. But it was only upon the achievement of unchallengeable power in 1977 that the UNP could not only return to the attack on the rice subsidy but also widen the front of its advance to a mounting attack on the subsidy system as a whole. The basket of Commodities made available by the State at specially low prices is now part of history and not a current reality; and the consumer has been left on all fronts at the mercy of the rapacity which has always characterised the private trader in Sri Lanka.
The policy of passing on to the Sri Lanka consumer every increase in the international price of any commodity-apolicy which the abolition of the subsidisation of consumer goods logically necessitates - adds to the burden this policy heaps on the consumer and also markedly to the inflationary process. It should be noted that the subsidy withdrawal affects not only food and clothing but also transport costs, the health Services and even free education, the last two of which are under attack in subtly conceived ways. It is an offensive against the consumer by Government on all fronts and against all age groups, not excluding either the infants and children on the one hand or the aged and the Sick On the other.

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Another massive aspect of Government policy also has been presented in terms of the attack on the subsidy system, but is really an integral part of its policy of ensuring for private capital an unrestricted reign in Sri Lanka. In terms of that policy, not only the steady growth of the public sector of the Sri Lanka economy but also the very existence of that public sector is a scar on the face of capitalism. Accordingly, this Government has systematically, and often in subtly conceived ways, set about dismantling the public sector of the Sri Lanka economy.
The methods are broadly four: direct handing over of enterprises to the private sector is one (e.g., certain plantations); the conversion of public corporations into joint enterprises of state and private capital is another (the latest example is the Building Materials Corporation); a third method is to hand over to private sector firms the management of public enterprises (e.g., the Thulhiriya Textile Mill); the fourth is the opening of sections of the public sector exclusively reserved for the state to competition from private capital, (the most crying example is the earliest major nationalisation formed by the mass movement, namely the Bus Transport Service. The private bus owners skimming the cream of the business, are today eating into the very entrails of the Ceylon Transport Board, reducing to shambles many of its operations. The menace of this move of the government to their jobs has already been grasped by the Corporation's employees. They have reacted with violence against the private buses in several places).
The basic line of the UNP government's policy is the handing over of the Sri Lanka economy to private capital for unrestricted operation the so-called free economy. The question is not whether this is an attainable objective. The point is that it is being systematically pursued. And it is of paramount importance that the policy goes, no less for foreign capital than for indigenous capital; perhaps even more so for foreign Capital than for indigenous capital. The outcome is the so called open economy, that is to say a national economy to the unobstructed operations of the international market and of foreign capital. A necessary incident of the open economy is a system of free imports and exchange free of serious controls and restrictions; all in the name of a competitive process which has long been overtaken in the capitalist world by monopolyprocesses.

Perspectives for Sri Lanka 697
Unrealistic policies, howsoever logically they may be pursued, lead to unanticipated results. And so it has been with the open economy policy. The sector of the economy to which this policy has given a genuine and strong impetus is that of the import trade. Our country has been flooded with a surfeit of imported commodities of the greatest variety which moved fast at the beginning but whose movement has slowed down in most cases to a point at which the financing has begun to break down because of the weight of unsold stocks and of unliquidated debts. Thus the import trade itself has come under new risks and dangers.
On the other hand, in the production branches of the economy, the manufacturing sector, especially the import substitution sector, has virtually collapsed with much of the capital formerly going into that sector getting diverted to the import and export trades. Small industry, the field in which the new mudalalies had most thriven, has been driven to the wall strugging for survival. As for big business in our country, where the big money is being made, most of it relies on becoming junior partners or simple agencies of foreign capital. In other words, the dependent character of our economy has been strengthened in new neo-colonialist ways and the capitalist class of Sri Lanka is regaining its old compradors character on a new level. The process has been fortified by giving special constitutional guarantees in Article 157 of the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.
There is much more than can and perhaps should be included in this account of this Government's policies and actions in the period 1977-1980; especially of the impact on village agriculture of the inflationary increase in the cost of imports which, in the name of plantations agriculture has been accompained by a decline in the volume of outputs. However, it is time we turned to other relevant aspects of Government activity in this period other than in the field of economy.
AS will be realised, and as is now becoming apparent, large Sections of the people have begun to be not merely uneasy but to positively resent the adverse impact on their daily lives of the consequences of Government's above summarised policies. Government itself is not una Ware of this resentment. HOW ha S it met the Situati On?

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698 Pils ārīd ir ir 5
FOUNDER OF SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM
KET|MEX
(15. Ս5, 1818 - 14.t13, 1883
 

Perspactives for Sri Lanka 699
Characteristically, by a hardening of its law and order policies. Characteristically also, it turned first upon the Working class organisations whose activities were anyhow seen as an obstacle to the free functioning of the economy the Government was sponsoring.
No other section of the mases has moved aganist this Government during three and half years of UNP rule in the manner that the Working class has moved. But the government, not unconscious of the possible reaction of the masses to the blows it has been striking, has engaged itself systematically in the same period strengthening its respressive apparatus and arming itself with various repressive laws.
The aim of the legislation referred to, such as anti-terrorist laws, which cast a wider net than is generally realized may be defined as that of passing into the ordinary law much of the repressive powers which previously were taken by Government only during declared emergencies. It is the steady strengthening of the repressive apparatus of the state against possible public disorder that is more striking. The police and armed forces have been doubled in these three and a half years; they have been armed with deadlier modern Weapons and trained in their use, not against any foreign foe but against the mass of the civilian population of their own country. The feared upsurge of the masses in desperation against their sharply deteriorating condition is what is being prepared against by the dispersal of armed centres of specially armed and trained police, as also military units, throughout the country in preparation for instant action anywhere against any sign of massaction. Despite bold words from the President, this Government fears the masses they are oppressing
COMFADES /
On this day of our forty fifth anniversary what is necessary to realise first of all is that this UNP Government has moved into a critical phase despite the Cruel display of its vaunted strength, for instance during the July upsurge of the Working class. The Crisis derives, not from the actions of the Tlasses, but from the unanticipated difficulties the government has run into in respect of the financing of its boasted

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700 Politics and Life in Our Times
development policies. It is not merely that the vaunted open and free economy is in distress, calling for some revision of policies. The true Source of the Crisis is that the Government's finances are in a State of near collapse. The cause? The runaway inflation which is, in the main, its Own Creation, that is to say, the Consequences mostly of its own policies.
The announced central aim of the UNP government has been the achievement of a rate of development which will overtake and dissolve the mass unemployment which has become a permanent feature of Sri Lanka. Hence, for instance, the attempted high acceleration of the Mahawelischeme. High development connotes high investment; and the investments contemplated were colossal in terms of the Sri Lanka economy. The required finance simply could not be generated by Sri Lanka's under developed economy. This had to be found from abroad. The principal agencies which could arrange the finance were the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank; that is to say, the major collective lending agencies, set up in the interests of world capitalism and dominated in their own financing and policy-making by the Governments of the advanced capitalist countries, principally the USA.
Banks are not philanthropic institutions though bankers often speak in philanthropic terms. So, in fact, does our local village money lender also. Big banks lending big money for investment not only assess projects and Scrutinise estimates with care, but also ensure that the borrower's policies accord with the lender's concepts of the needs of protection of the lender's investment. This has in fact been the source and cause of the policies followed by the UNP government. These policies were an essential part of the terms on which the money was lent to the UNP Government.
The run away inflation of the last three years has sent the originally approved estimate haywire. Costs have escalated three and a half times in the course of the three and a half years of UNP rule. And Our last state is Worse than the first, for, if the escalated costs of inputs cannot be met, the original investment itself stands imperilled to the point of becoming fruitless. A partially built dam which has to be abandoned were better not built at all. It is like pouring money down a sink.

Perspectives for Sri Lanka 701
That is the correct situation of the UNP government. It is unable to raise the money necessary to finance the escalated costs by a long chalk. The economics of the Aid Countries are in serious recession and, in Congeduence, they are not ready to contemplate increase of their Aid beyond the amounts originally promised. They demand of the UNP Government both that it turns further the screw of deprivation of the masses (e.g. the recent increases in bus and railfares) in order to protect the investments already made and that it slows down development, by abandoning planned works or postponing them for better times.
The political consequences of the course of action demanded by the IMF and the World Bank can of course be disastrous, to the masses also. The consequent slowing down of the functioning of the total economy can be calculated in money terms but cannot even be measured in human terms. It will affect every section of the people and reduce the masses to penury and misery.
This is the prospect for the UNP Government and the masses under its rule unless the IMF and the World Bank relent and the Aid countries cough up the necessary cash, or other aid is found from other suggested sources (e.g., from private foreign capital through bank consortia or from the OPEC countries which a Hameed-led delegation is soon to visit). This is what makes a deal over Trincomalee with the USA a possibility even if it has not already been entered upon. A desperate UNP Government will not hesitate to resort to desperate remedies. That is what makes the domestic prospects portentous. A failure of Aid can only result in the UNP Government resorting to intensified repression to stamp down on the restless masses. So that whatever remains of democracy will be the first victim. It is a grim prospect unless the marses intervene in time to impose their own SOcialist Solution.
And there's the rub. The organised working class has just suffered a major defeat in strike struggle against the Government. The mass of the victimised in that struggle is so large that recovery in the short run is not easy. It will require sustained intense effort. At the same time, if the financial crisis of the UNP Government deepens and spreads, as it must in that event, to the general economy, sections of the masses are bound to rise in protest and to resist the government.

Page 360
PūliffCSS ar 7' Life in COLI" TIT 5
702
Ởt|LIỚIŪŌ ļE Åller 3||ųnd e fiu||np suefið;s uusw ssassow fiuļu|dsus 'sualuosou ljēT ẽul so suew, els 'ueudaunāył 13131)| puse euapjēMELITıp dı||ų)
SŪGĒĻ EJHL NI WTTWH OITETld w 1\, NW WENT EX HELEId CIN\, \’NECTHWYMWNT 15 d'ITIH,
 

Porspectivas for Sri Lanka 703
The task for the parties in Opposition to the present Government is urgently to prepare the masses for such protest and resistance, organising thern and educating them to a realisation of the situation and of the necessary courses of action.
Why do I say, "It is for the Opposition parties"? For two main reasons. No opposition political party can Cope with the task by itself going it alone. A broad Coalition of parties is necessary to Cope with the task. The second main reason is that the masses too need to unite broadly to generate the strength necessary for successful confrontation of the Government's repressive apparatus.
This process too requires a broad Coalition of the parties in which the various sections of the masses place their trust. Thus, the urgent need of the day is a broad united front of the political parties which can work together to prepare the masses to demonstrate in protest against the government's ever-spreading attacks on their living standards and on their democratic rights, The nucleus of such a front already exists in the Five Party arrangements for joint agitation and action on agreed issues. The required broad front of political parties opposed to the UNP Government can well develop out of the joint activites of the Five Parties, if those activites are Carried Out systematically and in close relation to the developing political and economic situation.
Developing this anti-UNP Front, however, is only part of the responsibility that rests on the party's shoulder right now. The Wider and no less urgent task of bringing the masses to the Concrete programme of measures our Party has worked out for the solution of especially the problems of inflation and mass unemployment has to be simultaneously performed by us. The performance of that task will hawe the added value of prowiding the masses in action with the necessary perspective along which to advance. The perspective of Course is the perspective of the socialist transformation of Society in Sri Lanka - a transformation Which can neither be initiated nor carried through successfully without the participation of the masses at every stage of the process. That concept is basic to our philosophy and our politics.

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7O4 Politics and Life in Our Times
A word about this programme, any exposition of which is not intended to be a part of this address. For an authoritative and lucid exposition of that programme, refer you to Comrade Leslie Goonewardene's publication entitled "The Way Ahead" and the resolution of the 1978 Conference of the LSSP. On the "Road to Socialism in Sri Lanka". What I wish to do here is to stress the Concreteness of the programme; that is to say that the programme Speaks of what concrete steps will have to be taken by the masses in power to get themselves on the road to a socialist society and to advance along that road. It is the duty of everyone in the Party and its ancillary organisations to study closely and master in detail this programme which we must actively take, individually and collectively, to other people, other parties, other groups and to the masses.
Before finish, I would like to make an earnest appeal to our membership. We are observing our forty fifth anniversary in a changed and changing world and country, as pointed out at the outset of this address. As I have pointed out in the second stage of my address, all of importance that we have achieved over the years of our existence as a party has been put in issue all over again and brought under ever-mounting attack in the last three years, which are years of rule of a revamped and reorganised UNP, using the more modern instruments of politics and political activity with which the masses of Sri Lanka are not familiar. This virulently reactionary and solidly anti-Left Government came into being with our Party, like the Left generally, pushed right back into the background of politics by the greatest electoral defeat that we have suffered in our history. That defeat threw us into a critical phase of our own history which now coincides with a critical phase in the life of the UNP Government and the movement of the masses.
The required effort to lift ourselves out of this critical phase of the Party's development can best succeed through our throwing ourselves, collectively and individually, into the task of organising the masses in the defence of their interests against this UNP Government with a view ultimately to confronting that Government

Perspectives for Sri Lanka 705
and prevailing over it. If we fail ourselves under this test, challenge and opportunity we shall be failing in our duty in a bigger cause; the cause of the masses in the struggle for socialism at a most difficult juncture.
Whatever be our weakness at any given period, history shows that the LSSP has unfailingly risen to the occasion. I am confident it will be the same on this occasion too. When We find OurSelves at perhaps the most difficult juncture in our history facing wholly new tasks. Let us get to our tasks, collectively and individually, with confidence in our own and the people's future. We have the correct line, we have the correct programme. With correct activity among the masses and along with the masses, we can win the battles ahead and help open the road to the socialist future. Let us prepare ourselves also as we prepare the masses and thus become participants in the victory of the masses over the UNP Government. That is the next stage of political development in our country and also the next stage in the development of the Party itself.We have a role to play and we shall play it
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, February 21st, 1981.

Page 362
CPSL On the District Development Councils
The Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) issued several statements shortly after the election results for the District Development Councils were released. The first was a resolution adopted on June 9, 1981- that is before the results of the Jaffna elections were Counted On June 16. "The outcome of the elections to the Development Councils is a major slap in the face of the UNP Government. From President Jayawardene downwards, the UNP leaders denounced those who called for a protest boycott of these elections as traitors and enemies of democracy. The government-controlled mass media blacked out news and views about the boycott campaign. The Police, on government instructions, denied advocates of boycott the right to hold public meetings. But despite all this, the majority of the registered voters answered the boycott call. Less than half of the 4.47 million registered voters went to the polls on 4th June, 1981 as compared with the nearly 90 percent that did so in 1977. This demonstrated vividly that the mass of the voters had not been fooled by the UNP government or its mass media into believing that they and the country had benefited from the government's spurious talk about development or the World Bank dictated neo-colonialist set up that has been paraded as an "open economy". The boycott was particularly marked in the districts outside the North and East. Here those who stayed away from the polls ranged from between 55 to 70 percent. The polls results in these districts also showed a significant decline in the votes received by the UNP as compared with 1977. Despite the UNP's exhortations for a massive turnout and the fact that it was virtually unchallenged, the drop in its vote in these districts ranged from 12 to 20 per cent. In the North and East, where the UNP sought a direct confrontation with the TULF it failed to win despite its discreditable tactics and the many blatant illegalities and malpractices committed. These ranged from the mass

CPSL on the District Development Councils 707
intimidation of the voters through the use of handpicked sections of the Security services to attack persons and burn property to the arbitrary and provocative arrest of the Leader of the Opposition and other TULF MPs on the morning of the polis. The farcical nature of the so called "election" in Jaffna, which was the first ever held under Conditions of a state of emergency and a curfew and where minimum legal requirements were flagrantly flouted is seen in the inability of the election authorities to count the votes or declare the result for several days. Like at the Kalawana by-election to Parliament the outcome of the DC polls shows that the UNP government has entered a period of increasing unpopularity and irreversible Crisis and decline.
"These results also show how correct was the call for a boycott of these fraudulent polls. The Communist Party of Sri Lanka which was the first to call for a boycott and which campaigned actively for it, is glad that so many other anti-UNP parties took a similar position. It expresses its deep regret that the LSSP although staying out of the DC election, nevertheless preferred, for apparently subjective and opportunist considerations to attack those conducting the boycott campaign, including parties which are members to its so called "five party alliance'. The Communist Party thanks the voters who responded to the boycott call and the other political parties that endorsed this call. If these parties had also accepted the Communist Party's proposal for a joint campaign, the boycott result would have been even bigger and more impressive. The conduct of the JVP merits special condemnation. On this occasion, as in the general strike of 1980, the JVP came to the UNP's rescue. It tried to give respectability and a democratic facade to the UNP's Development Council fraud. This has earned the JVP a public pat on the head from the UNP leaders but the contempt and opposition of all progressive forces. The UNP government hoped to use the rigged DC elections to impress its foreign capitalist backers, who had begun to have doubts about its political and economic stability and its ability to deliver the goods. But this entire exercise has misfired. Not only has the boycott campaign succeeded and the UNP's vote declined, but the government was unable to complete these elections without declaring a state of emergency throughout the whole country. The discomfiture

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WO8 Pa/EICS and Life: İT CILIr Trt195
PETERKE UNEMAN WELCOMEDATARALLY
Pieter Ke Line Tari Saluting the people after receiving a warm reception at a rally
 

CPSL on the District Develop Tiant Councils WO9
and defeat of the UNP at the DC polls cannot be hidden by juggling with statistics, which many UNP leaders and their mass media are trying to do. The outcome of the DC polls had again shown how widespread is the disillusion with the UNP government and its policies (especially its continuous attacks on living standards and democratic rights) among the people, including those who voted for the UNP in 1977. It has also shown that the people are ready to take the path of active opposition to the government and its neo-Colonialist and anti-people policies. What is needed now is united actions by the Left and democratic forces, especially the Working class, that can mobilise this growing opposition into active struggle for the defeat of both the UNP government and the whole neo-colonialist line of policy of the dominant sections of Sri Lanka's capitalist class".
On the same day, June 9, another statement on the situation in Jaffna was also adopted by the Party's Politburo. "The Political Bureau of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka considered with deep indignation the reports on the situation in Jaffna from its District Committee and from Corra de Plater Ke Lunerimarn, Whorn it sent to Jaffna on 5th June, 1981 to make an on the spot inquiry. It condemns the widespread arson and the attacks on persons and property in the Jaffna District committed on May 31 and June 1 on the eve of the DC elections in Jaffna - by a section of the additional Police force that the government sent to Jaffna to augment the security forces already there. What is especially reprehensible is that these outrages should hawe been Committed by security personnel which the government had sent to Jaffna in the name of guaranteeing law and order and that they should have taken place when several UNP Ministers and their security chiefs were personally in Jaffna, directing affairs. "The wanton burning and destruction to public and private property on these days is far worse than what was experienced in 1977. Among the premises gutted by fire or otherwise destroyed are Jaffna's Public Library with its 26,000 books many irreplaceable; the TULF headquarters and the residence of its Jaffna MP; the office and printing press of the Eelandu daily newspaper; the Chunnakam and Jaffna market; over 100 shops and boutiques and many vehicles and bicycles. Some killings by members of the security

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710 Politics and Life in Our Times
forces have also been reported. The Communist Party condemns those who seek to justify or excuse those outrages as a necessary Collective punishment of the people of Jaffna for the killing of a UNP candidate and a Police sergeant by a person or persons unknown. While rejecting such acts of individual terrorism, the Communist Party is firmly of opinion that collective terrorism by the state or its security agencies is no answer to individual terrorism. The Communist Party draws the attention of all democratic forces and public organisations to the need to be vigilant Concerning, and to oppose, the growing trend towards state-sponsored and state-patronised terrorism. This trend, which began with the killing of the trade union martyr Somapala during the 1980 picketing campaign, has now been repeated on an even bigger scale in Jaffna. Unable or unwilling to curb a section of its security services that had got out of hand, the government instead imposed a state of emergency - first in Jaffna and later throughout Sri Lanka. As a result, normal life and essential supplies have been seriously disrupted in Jaffna for many days. The Communist Party is convinced that it is impossible to restore conditions of normality in Jaffna as long as this part of our country is treated by the government like the occupied territory of an enemy state. It is also impossible to restore normality as long as the state of emergency exists and while those responsible for these outrages remain members of the security services in charge of maintaining law and order in Jaffna. it therefore calls for the complete withdrawal of the additional Police forces that the government sent to Jaffna, and for the lifting of the state of emergency, both in Jaffna and throughout the country.
"The Communist Party further demands that (1) a public inquiry is held into the composition, political character and method of selection of the so-called "volunteers" included in the augmented Police force sent to Jaffna; (2) those responsible for encouraging and committing these Outrages and breaches of the law are apprehended and punished; (3) the victims of these outrages are fully compensated for the loss they have sustained and (4) the government gives a full and public account of the activities of the Ministers and supporters that it sent to Jaffna to conduct the UNP's DC election campaign, including the persons responsible for ordering the arrest of the Leader of the opposition and

CPSL on the District Development Councils 711
other TULF MPs on the morning of these elections. The Communist Party also draws attention to the fact that the Government has still not taken any action to give effect to the recommendation of its own Sansoni Commission in regard to the punishment of those responsible for the violence of 1977 and compensation for the victims of such violence.
"The Communist Party reiterates that only apolitical settlement can prevent repeated Outbreaks of Such outrages as were witnessed in 1977 and now. The attempt to do so through the fraudulent DCs has conspicuously failed. Yet the government continues to turn its back on its 1977 promise to convene an All-Parties Conference on this matter. "The reports of illegalities, official malpractices, and the use of armed security personnel and imported UNP thugs to interfere forcibly with election staff and ballot boxes and to intimidate voters at the Jaffna District DC polls are truly alarming. It is ironic that this should have taken place under a government that wants the country to celebrate the 50th anniversary of adult franchise. These abuses mark a new stage in the UNP government's escalating attacks on democratic and civic rights. Unless they are exposed and checked immediately what happened in Jaffna. On 4th June, 1981 can Well be a dress rehearsal for what is in store for the whole country in 1983. The Communist Party of Sri Lanka therefore demands that a Commission, whose members should be jointly approved by both the government and the Opposition parties should be appointed to inquire into and report upon all charges of illegalities, malpractices and abuse of the democratic process in respect of the Development Council election in the Jaffna District on 4th June, 1981".
These two statements were published in full in the Ceylon Daily News of June 16. The CPSL fortnightly Forward of June 15 carried other comments and statistical tables which brought out very clearly the current attitudes of the CPSL to the DDC election, to the UNP and the other parties.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, August 22nd, 1981.

Page 365
Why Bandaranaike Started The SLFP
na Liguration speech of S. W. F. D. Bandararaika
Venture to think that this is an occasion of some importance in the political history of our country. It not only Tarks the birth of a new Political Party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), but it also ushers in, in many ways, a new political era. I am Certain that it is consciousness of this fact that Fals dra Will to this meeting such large numbers of citizens of all races, religions, and classes from all parts of the country.
The starting of a new political party, of course, need not necessarily hawe such a significance. Why it is so in this case, I Wish to explain to you in some detail.
At the outset it is important for you to understand clearly the nature and trend of what We may call the Freedom Movement in our recent history. This Movement may be said to have really started with the Temperance Movement of about 40 years ago. It is true that this campaign was primarily intended to deal with a social evil, but as it was directed against the policy of the British Government in regard to a Certain subject i.d. Excise, it possessed certain elements of a national movement against Colonial Government. At the start a great deal of public enthusiasm was aroused and there was the possibility of the Creation of a mass movement against foreign rule. Unfortunately the leaders of the campaign allowed it to peter out, and What eventually became of it We all know now,
Later came the Riots of 1915. There, too, there was an Opportunity to Create a real People's Movement for the Achievement of Freedom. Here again the opportunity was missed and the Ceylon National Congress, which was the outcome of the happenings of 1915, Soon deteriorated into a caucus at the top.
Most of our leaders Were satisfied with the Legislative Council of 1924. Resolutions and Memoranda to Downing Street were the Weapons that were preferred to the creation of a real Mass Mowerient. It is interesting to compare the manner in which the unjust Excise Policy of the British Government and the shootings of 1915 were utilised in

Why Bandararlake Started The SLFP 7.1 3
INAUGURATION OF THE SRI LANKA FREEDOMPARTY (SLFP)
-
S, W. F. D), Bandararlaik9 O8.01, 1899 - 26.09. 1959 Founder of the S. L. F. P. We must not, We cannot, allow our newly regained freedom to run the risk of remaining merely a theoretical concept, a thing dead and Without real meaning for the vast mass of the people. We must see that it quickens into a life of greater happiness and prosperity for us all
- S. MW. F. D. Badara raskĖ

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714 Politics and Life in Our Times
Ceylon in the fight for Freedom with the manner in which comparable happenings in India such as the unjust Salt Laws and the shootings of Jallianwallah Bagh were used by the Indian Leaders. In India they were utilized for the erection of a People's Campaign for Freedom, while here they only provided the opportunity for the efforts of a handful at the top.
The Donoughmore Commission did not come to Ceylon as the result of any insistent demand by the people or even of our leaders but as the result of a request made by the then Governor, Sir Hugh Clifford, who was dissatisfied with the working of the Legislative Council. It will be remembered that the Donoughmore Constitution was accepted by the Legislative Council by the barest possible majority.
The Soulbury Commission was sent out against the wishes of a large majority of the State Council, and as it was boycotted by a large section of the people including the Ministers (except the present Prime Minister who had secret discussions with the Commissioners), the Soulbury Constitution also really did not represent the people's wishes. When this Constitution was inaugurated, a Labour Government was in power in England and Freedom was being given to Burma and Dominion Status to India and Pakistan. Mr. Senanayake and a few of his advisers such as Sir Oliver Goonetilleke and Sir Ivor Jennings took this opportunity to get the Soulbury Constitution amended to bring our status to that of a Dominion. These amendments were not first placed either before Parliament or the country and were prepared according to Mr. Senanayake's personal views.
it Will be thus Seen that unlike other Countries Such as India, Pakistan, Burma, Indonesia, reland, etc., which advanced to Freedom through the instrumentality of Mass Movements based on clear-cut principles and policies, our Freedom Movement was really one proceeding from the top and cut off to a great extent from the masses. The importance of this fact must be clearly understood. It has created a feeling in the minds of some pedple that our freedom is not something that the people have obtained but one that a few individuals have succeeded in getting, and one therefore that is looked upon to a great

Why Bandaranaike Started The SLFP 715
extent as the private property of these individuals, the benefits of which should be chiefly enjoyed by them. It is this psychology that is chiefly responsible for the nepotism and cliquism which are rampant today and for the reluctance to deal effectively with the many important problems that face us, a free country today, particularly in the context of the present trend of world affairs.
At this point you will forgive me for dealing with some matters that have a personal flavour. I do so both because Mr. Senanayake and Some of his supporters are giving an entirely inaccurate and misleading Version of these matters, and also because a Correct version of them is necessary for a proper understanding of the present situation.
Let it be remembered that a little time before the last General Election, Mr.Senanayake, having earlierresigned from the Ceylon National Congress, had no party alignment at all and was just an individual, though no doubt a powerful politician. There were at the time certain parties of which the Sinhala Maha Sabha was one of the most powerful. It would have been much more advantageoustome personally to have faced the elections through the Sinhala Maha Sabha. Though it meant a personal sacrifice, I felt that it was in the interests of the country to combine with various other Parties in the effort to secure that stability of Government which was needed at the beginning of the working of the Free Constitution. The Sabha agreed with this view and we joined in forming the U.N. P. It was on my proposal that Mr. Senanayake was elected President of that Party. If you will glance at the Manifesto of the U.N. P. that was issued at that time, you will find every kind of progressive policy outlined. In addition, therefore, to securing a stable Government we naturally expected this policy to be satisfactorily implemented. Unfortunately what happened in practice was that the reactionary elements gained control of both the U.N. P. and the Government and the needs of the people were grossly neglected, resulting in the present widespread discontent and diSSatisfaction.
So far back as the 10th of February, 1948, in my Speech of Thanks, on behalf of the House of Representatives, to the Speech with which the Duke of Gloucester opened Parliament, said this:

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"We must not, we cannot, allow our newly regained freedom to run the risk of remaining merely a theoretical concept, a thing dead and without real meaning for the vast mass of the people. We must see that it quickens into a life of greater happiness and prosperity for us all".
In the very first year, presented a Memorandum to a Planning Sub-Committee of the Cabinet under the Chairmanship of the Prime Minister, outlining some of the policies which lthought should be given effect to. This was sidetracked. Since then I have indicated time after time, through public speeches and otherwise, the policies which thought the Government should follow. Finally, the Madampe resolutions of the Sinhala Maha Sabha were sent to the parent body, the U.N.P, for consideration. They were rejected out of hand on the extraordinary ground, taken up for the first time after four years, that the Sabha had no right even to send resolutions for the consideration of the U.N.P. This Was the last straw that broke the Camel's back, and it left no alternative to me and a number of others but to go into Opposition.
(The text of the speech that S. W. R. D. Bandraranaike made at the inauguration of the S. L. F. P. in 1951).
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, September 25th, 1982.

Govt. wants People to Give up Right to Choose
by Bernard Soysa (T.V. address on the Referendum)
I am sure you will remember, that before the recent Presidential election, government spokesmen, beginning with His Excellency, kept On repeating, over and over again, that a General Election is due in 1983, and that despite all the fears uttered by Opposition Parties, the Parliamentary Election will be held. And then, soon after the Presidential Election, We saw the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution rushed through parliament, and the announcements of a Referendum, instead of a parliamentary General Election.
The deciding cause for the reversal, is to be found in the way the votes were cast in the Presidential Election. It became clear to the Government, that according to the votes obtained by the leading opposition candidates and by the Opposition generally, the Government would have its position seriously threatened. Even the system of proportionate representation could not guarantee its safety. In any event, it would have to lose its position of having a two-thirds majority. In a General Election, the Opposition would have gained strength, even if it should not be victorious. The referendum is an attempt to prevent the people exercising their vote in that way.
Government speakers have said, that to cast a vote for or against a postponement of the parliamentary Election, is as good as voting in the election itself. They cannot seriously mean what they say. For if that be so, why do they not have the Election?
No, what is being done here, is an attempt to avoid an election at all costs. And why? Government is facing a critical situation, largely of its own creation. Prices remain high. The Government has got used to a dependence on debt, which averages over ten thousand million rupees every year. And now more money is needed. The effort to get these resources and cut expenditure, will hit the people badly. Therefore, we have a referendum before the budget, to avoid an election after the budget.

Page 368
71B POMÝCS ar is ir Čit sig G
BERNARD SOYSA'S T. W. ADDRESS ON THE REFERENDUM
Bernard Soysa 2},O3. 1914 - 30.12, 1997 Government is facing a critical situation, largely of its own creation. Prices remain high. The Government has got used to a dependence on debt, Thay Say they want a gowernment with Undisputed strength. But nearly all the strong men of history - and strong women - have left behind Priore problenT1s than they ewer solved
 

Goyf, wants People for Give Lupi Riigif | fo CYTOSE 71 g
An oft-repeated argument of his Excellency and his Tinisters, is that they fear that if there is a general election, terrorists may get elected. But, have we not also heard his Excellency say, that he wants people to take to the parliamentary Way of expressing their opposition, to a Government or to any of its measures?
However, let us assume for argument's sake, that terrorists might get elected. What then, in fact, is the Government saying? What it says is: "We think that in an election, you could make Some Wrong choices. Therefore, we ask you to give up the right to choose, until you are ready to choose the persons We like",
No previous Government has dared to do this. In the nineteen thirties, we of the LSSP opposed the British Government that ruled here. We called for its overthrow. We opposed its war effort. Some of us were kept in prison. Others conducted an underground struggle against imperialism. At the end of the War, the British Government imposed the Soulbury Constitution om this country. In that Constitution, there Were advantages given to the right against the left, but the British did not, imperialist though they were, say We must Some how prevent these people, who were against us, from coming into Parliament. The late Rt. Hon. D., S. Senanayake did not say "I must prevent those people, by any device, from coming into parliament. I must do away with elections, to keep the Samasamajists out of parliament. No, in 1947 persons like Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, the late Dr. M. M. Perera and Philip Gunawardene were electednot to mention Mr. W. Da hana yake,
In August 1953 there was hartal. We of the left Were involved in that protest. There was a day's general strike. There was Some violence, mot against persons but against things. Transport Was disorganised. Trees were cut down to block the roads. The Government of that day shot and killed nine persons. Sir John Kotela wala became Prime Minister. He adopted no dewice, to prevent those who had organised the hartal getting elected in 1956.

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On the other hand, there was an attempted coup in 1962. The facts were established and the Supreme Court found them guilty. They were subsequently acquitted by the Privy Council, on a point of law. No Government subsequently took up the position, that these people should not be elected to Parliament. Some of them have been appointed to high office since then.
What is being sought to be done today, is something that even the imperialist rulers never attempted in their time.
The fact that a postponement of the General Election, will result in the opportunity of voting being denied to lakhs of new young voters, has been mentioned. Another evil result is that it frees the member of Parliament, of such control as you have exercised through the fact, that he has to seek your vote from time to time. He who has sat in parliament for five years in yourname, will continue for another seven. That is, if he is not replaced by a person, not of your choice but the President's choice.
Such a situation is bad for Government. But what is more it is bad for you and me, that he who was elected will not submit himself to your judgement, on his record as your representative.
For seven years from now, the means of expressing protest through the vote at a general election, will be denied to the people, if the Government's wishes are granted. To deny people these means, can result in driving people to desperate measures. This will result in an escalation of dictatorial powers.
They say they want a government with undisputed strength. But nearly all the strong men of history - and strong women-have left behind more problems than they ever solved.
appeal to you to vote against all this. I appeal to you, to vote to protect the democratic powers you have hitherto exercised.
Vote for the POT.
Thank you.
Colombo, 16th December, 1982.

T. V. address by Pieter Keuneman On the Referendum
GOOD EVENING!
I'm Pieter Keuneman, and I'd like to tell you why the Communist Party of Sri Lanka asks you to vote for the POT at the referendum on December 22.
We are not against a referendum in principle. It can be a democratic way to consult the people on a SPECIFIC issue.
But it can also be misused for purposes that are by no means democratic.
For instance, HITLER used the referendum FIVEtimes to make himself the most notorious dictator of this century.
remember the striking phrase used when Britain's Parliament turned down a proposal to adopt the referendum process in that country. .
It was said that a referendum could be used - and 1 quote "to throttle the nation while it sleeps".
We should be careful to see that this does not happen here. Everything that has happened in regard to the present referendum suggests an attempt to stampede the people into a hasty decision before they know exactly what is happening.
Before the Presidential election of October 20, there was no mention of any intention to put off the general election due in 1983 or earlier,
This was announced only a week after the results of the Presidential poll were known.
After that, everything moved at break-neck speed. A draft law was rushed through the Supreme Court and Parliament in a few days. Although 3 Supreme Court judges dissented, We have not up to now been told why.
The request of ELEVEN political parties that the referendum should not be held while a state of emergency lasted was ignored.

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These parties pointed out that their campaign for a "NO" vote at the referendum was seriously hampered by the fact that emergency powers had been used to ban their newspapers, Seal their printing establishments, and detain many of their officials, organisers and leading spokesmen.
These parties also stated that a fair and dispassionate consideration of the important issue involved was being obstructed by the climate of intimidation and fear under which the referendum takes place.
WHY RUSH?
I should like to ask the government: what's the rush?
After all, the present Parliament can legally continue until August, 1983.
The next general election need not be held until October 1983.
Then why not give the people sufficient time to consider carefully what they have to decide - unless, of course, the intention is precisely to prevent this.
Those who ask you to vote for the LAMP have raised a host of issues that have little or no relevance to the main question that all of us have to decide.
That issue is whether or not we agree that the general election, due in a few months, should not be held and that, instead, the present Parliament now in its last stages, should be allowed to carry on until almost the end of the 1980s.
There is no other question that we have to decide on December 22.
HELP
Some say that, as President Jayawardene has been re-elected, he should have a government and Parliament that will help him to finish the job he started in 1977.

T. V. address by Pieter Keuneman on the Referendum 723
Our party does not share this view. Perhaps the 37 out of 81 lakhs of people who did not vote for Mr.Jayawardene on October 20 feel the same as We do.
But eventhose who consider it necessary to help the re-elected President in this way, should ask themselves why it needs a referendum to do so, rather than a general election.
Some have tried to answer this by saying that a referendum and a general election are more or less similar.
But this is NOT S.O. At a referendum, we are asked to express our Opinion on a SINGLE issue only.
But at ageneral election, We are offered a wide choice between policies, parties and candidates. We can decide which party should form the government. We can also decide how seats in Parliament should be distributed among Opposition parties.
It is this right that We shall lose if the LAMP wins.
PRESIDENT
President Jayawardene has toldus that he decided not to hold the general election as he wants to prevent a substantial number of undesirable people, whom he has called "Naxalites' from being elected to the next Parliament.
This is a very strange reason, indeed.
Surely, the essence of democracy is that the people are the ultimate Source of power? It is they - and they alone - who should decide, at regular and not too prolonged intervals, who should represent them and rule in their name.
We can all argue the pros and Cons of different candidates and parties. But none of us can deny the people this fundamental right merely because We fear they may make a Wrong choice, or one of which we may not approve.

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724 Politics arid Life In Our Times
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7. V ada ress by Pieter Kanemar or tha Referendun 725
SECOND
The second reason that President Jayawardene has given for his decision is equally untenable.
He has said that he wants to postpone a general election for six years in order to give the SLFP time to reform itself.
May respectfully suggest to His Excellency that, before he starts to reform others, he should begin to implement his still unfulfilled promise to clean up his own party?
In any case, Why should 81 lakhs of voters, only a small number of whom are actually members of the SLFP, be disenfranchised and lose their civic rights for six years merely to allow the SLFP time to set its house in order in the way President Jayawardene wants?
Our party believes that the real reason why the government does not want a general election in the near future is quite different,
It is because the results of the October 20 Presidential polls show that it cannot hope to get a two-thirds majority in the next Parliament, let alone the five-sixth majority it now has, if a general election on the basis of proportional representation is held soon.
TWO-THIRDS
Government spokesmen say that they need at least a two-thirds majority in order to press ahead with their-so-called 'development program Tre'.
But is this really so?
From 1977 up to date, there is nota single instance where the government had to fall back on a two-thirds majority in Order to get approval for genuine development work.
On the contrary, it has found such a majority necessary only When it wanted to enact draconian laws or penalise political opponents.
Is this Why it Wants such a majority in the future as Wel|?

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is a two-thirds majority really needed so as to chop and change the Constitution at will in order to cope with the critical financial and economic problems that the 'open economy' policies have produced, or to implement undertakings given to the World Bank and foreign investors?
BAD EXAMPLE
also fail to follow the logic of those who seek to justify the present proposal on the grounds that the previous government extended the previous Parliament by two years.
It that was wrong, why follow a bad example? Do two wrongs make a right? Or is it that they object to the previous Parliament being extended for only two years, instead of six years, as they now propose?
Of course, legislatures can be extended-but only under very special circumstances. The second State Council, for example, was extended because World War II was then in progress. Similarly, the 1970 Parliament had also to perform the separate and parallel function of a Constituent Assembly to prepare and enact Sri Lanka's very first independent and Republican Constitution. But no such special or exceptional circumstances exist to-day.
DEMOCRATIC
Some people have argued that, even though the referendum may suspend the right to vote at a regular general election, this will not be undemocratic if the majority of the voters agree to it.
This argument, too, is unacceptable.
First of all, a referendum is usually used to consult the people on a matter of POLICY. It is not used to ask the people to give up fundamental and inalienable rights - even for a period. This is why the International Commission of Jurists was right when it said that the present referendum is "unprecedented'.

T. V. address by Pieter Keuneman on the Referendum 727
Secondly, a decision does not automatically become democratic merely because 50 per cent plus one of those who vote approve it.
For instance, in a Country where many religions are practised, would you consider it democratic if a majority voted to prohibit the practice of any religion other than its own?
Would that be democracy or the tyranny of a majority? Thirdly, democracy involves respect for the fundamental rights of both the majority and the minority.
The right to choose one's representatives through the vote is one of the most important of these fundamental rights. A majority may, if it is foolish enough, voluntarily surrender such a right.
But can it morally compel such a denial on a minority that can extend to as much as 39 per cent of the voters?
It is a strange fact about our present Constitution that, while you need a two-thirds majority in Parliament to infringe on a fundamental right, you can do so with a simple majority at a referendum. In fact, our referendum law makes it possible, under certain Conditions, for you to do so without even obtaining the approval of a simple majority of the registered voters.
It is for this reason that the Communist Party not only asks you to vote for the POT but to vote in sufficient numbers so that your case does not go by default
PERVERSION
Just think what a perversion of democracy will exist in this country after August, 1983, if the LAMP wins on December 22.
Firstly, the Parliament that will function until 1989 will be one that was elected in 1977 on a basis which the government itself candemned as unsatisfactory and abolished in 1977.
Secondly, the relative party strengths in Parliament will not be the real position among the voters as shown on October 20 this year.

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For instance, the UNP-CWC combination, which obtained 3.45 million votes (or nearly 53 per cent of those cast) last October, will continue to hold 145 (or 83 per cent) of the seats in Parliament.
The SLFP and the Communist Party, whose combined campaign won 2.58 million votes, will have to put up with 7 seats, or less. Parties that are not represented in the present Parliament will be
denied any chance of winning such representation.
Thirdly, none of the MPs will be persons elected by the voters. They will all be appointees of political parties, with no direct obligation to look after the needs of the voters. Vacancies can be filled by other appointees whom the voters may not even know. And if the President elected on October 20 is unable during this period to continue to perform his duties, one of the appointed MPs can be elected. We would then have both a President and a Parliament whom the people did not directly elect.
Fourthly, 14 lakhs of young voters, who reached voting age in 1975 when the electoral registers used in the 1977 general election were certified, will have to wait until they are 32 years old before they can, for the first time, vote or be a candidate at a general election to Parliament.
VOTE "ΡΟΤΙ"
We can prevent all this by voting for the POT. After all, the skies won't fall if the POTwins. All that can happen is that there will be a general election at which everyone can vote for whom he pleases.
Those who like the present government can vote for it, while those who don't can vote otherwise.
But we would have all retained our fundamental right to vote, which we have used for over half a century to win many social benefits like free education and medical care, and to give those who work by hand and brain the social recognition they were denied earlier.
The issue before us is a national One. It rises above narrow party allegiances and divisions. That is why we ask you, whatever party you support, to vote for the POT on December 22.
Courtesy: "Forward", Colombo, December 15th, 1982.

President Jayawardene's
Address to the Nation
The following is the text of the President's address to the nation over Radio and TV on August 22, 1983.)
My dear friends, three weeks ago, the people of Sri Lanka passed through experiences which they have rarely had in this country since independence. Hundreds of people lost their lives, thousands lost their jobs, houses were burnt, factories destroyed. These events applied equally to all citizens of Sri Lanka, Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslims. Fortunately it was confined only to certain areas of Sri Lanka including Colombo. express my deepest sympathy to those who have suffered and we shall try our best to see what help We can afford them.
I am speaking to you today as the Head of the State, and Head of the Government, elected by the people. I am nothere in this position by arms or violence, but by the free vote of the people. My government too was elected by the people, where a democratic government is functioning in a democratic environment. I had been advised that should say this or something else, but I thought I should speak from the depth of my own conscience, not to hurt anyone, not to please anyone, but to place before you certain facts and opinions which hold.
There has been a growing tension between the Sinhalese and the Tamil people in the last thirty-five to forty years. I need not now go into the history of these conflicts. But when we came forward for election in 1977, the United National Party in its manifesto, outlined how it intended to solve some of these problems. Since then, we have introduced legislation imposing certain conditions which we promised we would do. We have implemented them, may be not as fully as we wished to, but we are in the process of doing so, We have, therefore, taken whatever steps we could legitimately do, to implement the provisions of our manifesto. We intended at the Round-table conference

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which we summoned just before these violent activities took place, to place before those who attended the conference our solutions and what We intended to do and also to obtain the consensus for the banning and making illegal of the desire of a separate state. Unfortunately We were unable to do so because on the first occasion many of the parties invited did not corne, and on the Second occasion wiolence had broken out. Instead we were able to introduce in Parliament, a resolution and a law to make the desire and the movement for a separate state illegal. For the first time, in our history since a group of politicians decided to divide this country into two, we brought that legal action to make such a step illegal and punishable. I need not go into the details of that law. We also had a dialogue with the Prime Minister of India and for the first time, the Central Government of India has specifically stated that they do not support the separation of our country, Will not help such a movement and that they further stand for the unity, the integrity and the independence of Sri Lanka.
It was when we had come to this stage of our dialogue with those who wanted a separate state, that the violence broke out, We have also decided that in future, we will not have any talks with any party that Wants to advocate the separation of Sri Lanka. Therefore, who would benefit from this violence Created or these violent actions taken? I cannot think of any solution to the problems we face by violence. Some say the violence was communal some say it was political. It is true there was a growing feeling as I said of tension and animosity between the Sinhalese and the Tamil people. That animosity was recreated and flamed up for the purpose of the political activities and desires of those who we think, led and spear headed this movement. You are aware that this government came into office on July 23, 1977. The elections were on July 21, the results were on July 22nd and myself and the merTibers of my cabinet took their oaths on July 23, 1977.
We had the Presidential election last year and people decided at a referendum that general elections which were due in August 1983 will not be held but they postponed it for six years. Since the result of the referendum, there hawe been warious speeches and actions by members of certain political parties that they would not let this

731
Presid37f Jaya Warderies Address to the Navor
MRS. INDIRA GANDHI MEETING EXECUTIVE PRESIDENT J. R. JAYAWARDENE
(NoNoTo' "soos Insis
( )
His Excellency had travelled extensively throughout the world and attendedmany International Conferences including that at San Francisco and otherplāČē5. He has written a treatise on Buddhism and visited His Holiness sai Baba

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government function after August 1983. I draw your attention particularly to a statement made by Mr. Wasudawa Nanayakkara who was a candidate for one of the by-elections in May 1983 in the Eheliyagoda seat. He has said quite specifically that if he is elected he would use his powers as a member of parliament for extra-parliamentary activity, joining hands With the terrorists in the North for the purpose of achieving their objects,
He has further stated that he does not stand for democratic elections, but was prepared to join in what he calls "Aragalaya" that is riot or a disturbance or a widlent movement for the purpose of seeing that elections are held in August 1983 and this government does not function after that. It is obvious therefore on the statements of the Nawa Sama Sarmaja Party leader Mr. Wasudewa Nanayakkara that from August 1983 they were preparing for some form of wiolence and disturbances. We hawe the evidence that soon after the referendum or during the referendum, a certain group that we called the Naxalite group were preparing by inflaming the people's minds making them wiolent minded against the government, against the President that they would take some action in case they returned to office to destroy the United National Party and others who thought democratically including those in the Sri Lanka Freedom Party who were democratically minded.
We hawe also the conduct of the JWP where a party which in 1971 took to arms, fought the government of the day, tried to destroy it, took over the police stations and almost succeeded in bringing down a lawfully elected government. I remember was the Leader of the Opposition at t time. In parliament gave the full support of , alf and my party to Mrs. Bandaranaike to defeat any insurrection which sought to OWerthrow a legally elected government. Therefore the JWP also made statements and made it clear after they lost the referendurn, they did not even contest some of the by-elections, They made it clear that they are giving up their parliamentary tactics and that they should take to non-parliamentary tactics in order to defeat a government by a referendurTn extending this period by more than six years. We hawe

733
Preside 7f Waya Warderg's Adress fo ffig. Wäffar7
THE DEATH OF 13.SRI LANKAN SOLDIERS INTIRUNELVELI, JAFFNA, ON 23.07.1983 BY THE TAMILS, WHO HAD THEIR GRIEVANCES AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT, WAS MADE THE EXCUSE TO INDISCRIMINATELY KILL THE TAMILS
TFTs
— | :「F
: : :
the smoke emanating from the burning alive of a group of Tamils rise up to the sky from a business building close to President J. F. Jayawardene's residence. On the second day(24.7.1983) and on the following
days to Black July, groups of people carried away furniture and other valuable årticles footed from famil houses and personal belongings of the Tamils

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therefore proscribed certain political parties in this country, the Communist Party, the party of Vasudeva Nanayakkara called the Nava Sama Samaja Party, the party of Rohana Wijeweera the JVP, which are dedicated not to the democratic way of life but to a violent way of forming a government and maintaining it by violence.
We have on the other hand, the United National Party and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party which are democratic parties. During the elections that were held last year, out of six million five hundred thousand voters, six million voted for the two democratic parties, the United National Party and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. It is therefore parties that represent only five hundredthousand people who believe in violence as a way of attaining political power. We also find in the violence that took place from July 25, there is a certain pattern of leadership, where gangs of youths were going about in vans and bicycles, motorcycles and cars inflaming their party cadres, in various towns and cities and violence and arson took place after that.
We found that in Colombo. We found it along the Colombo-Kandy-Galle Road, we found it in Kandy and Badulla and Bandarawela that it is not a sudden outburst of mob violence but planned and carefully nurtured over a period of time. We found also that the murder of thirteen of our soldiers in Jaffna took place on a very significant day, The day being 23rd of July, 1977 that myself and my government were sworn in exactly on that day, also a Saturday, that we find this outburst beginning with the death of 13 soldiers in Jaffna. That was the signal for the uprising which took place in certain parts of this country, would like youtherefore, to remember, that we had the JVP which initiated the insurrection of 1971 who were released by me as I thought we should give them a chance, returning to the democratic system, they contest the elections, but having lost the Presidential election, having lost the Referendum, having lost the by-elections, they thought the only way to return to power before 6 years were over was by violence. Now these are being investigated by certain authorities and when we receive their report further action Would be taken,

President Jayawardene's Address to the Nation 735
Our parties that believed in democracy, for democracy to function where the majority will prevail, where a parliament functions after elections by the free vote of the people, the government and the opposition are chosen and laws are passed by the majority vote taken in Parliament where discussions to settle problems affecting communities of people are settled by round table conferences by discussion and majority vote. These matters are aliento the thinking of those who believe in violence. If I may say so, Some of the Marxist parties in our country, without law and order being preserved, without the law being respected, without order being the guiding line for the government, you cannot have democracy. These parties do not believe in democracy, these parties feel that under the democratic system the economic advance that we have undertaken, the economic steps we have taken, to give jobs to our people, to raise the standard of living of Our people would attain such a height in the next few years that all chances of coming to office will be lost and finished.
Therefore my friends, this government is dedicated not only to the democratic way of life, not only to economic development according to the plan outlined, but also primarily to maintain law and order. In that our government is completely dedicated and resolved that where people seek to disturb and disrupt law and order in this country, the strictest tenets of the law will be enforced. Whatever punishment there has to be served out to them, our government is determined to do that whether it be individual or party.
Thank you for listening to me and hope have the co-operation of all those who believe in civilization, in a civilized way of living who believe that law and order must prevail, that the smallest, the poorest and whatever race or caste he may belong to, who is a citizen of this country is entitled to live and think and work within the framework of democracy. I feel that I would have the fullest support in all the efforts that this government is taking to preserve itself.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, September 3rd, 1983.

Page 377
Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike's Interview to Lanka Guardian
(The following is the text of an interview Mrs. Sirima Vo Bandararaike, the Leader of the SLFP has given to the Lanka Guardian. It was published in the JoL rral's fiss Le of October 7, 1983.)
Question. In official pronouncements, party statements, editorials and Commentaries in the press, and other opinions expressed by organisations and individuals, warious factors hawe been identified as the causes of the recent Wawe of violence. Naturally each factor has received varying emphasis in different statements. The government has stated that it was a "plot" and banned three left parties under the emergency laws. While there was also reference to a "foreign hand", other explanations have ranged from a Sinhala backlash to events in the North, particularly the killing of 13 soldiers in an ambush, to proUNP gangs, to indiscipline and indifference in the Security forces and a general breakdown of law and order. Where do you, Mrs. Bandaranaike, place the егтпрһasis?
Answer. Up to a point there is some truth in attributing the iTInediate cause of the outbreak of wiolence to Sinhala anger, frustration and so on but this is not the Thain reason, Because even if TobS got into streets, Why didn't the government and its security forces, put down the Wiolence or at least control it within say two or three days? In my wiew We have to look at the last 8 years, from the first outbreak of postelection wiolence, Was there any serious attempts to put down such lawlessness? No, lawlessness was institutionalised. Why is that? Because it was unleashed on the defeated opponents of the UNP. Well, there has been post-election wiolence before. UNP supporters will argue like that. But what happened afterwards, right through these six years? |can give you dates, places and the details of what happened because our party has documented all these things, but I'll make one general observation which is from one of the statements issued by the SLFP sometime ago, Students, workers, intellectuals, monks, political

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SIRMAW O BANDARANAIKE IN CONWERSATION WITH PETER KEUNEMAN
Up to a point there is some truth in attributing the immediate cause of the outbreak of violence to Sinhala anger, frustration and so on but this is not the main reason. Because even if mobs got into streets, why didn't the government and its security forces, put down the violence or at least control it within say two or three days?
— Sir Fa WC) Bändara räke)

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organisers and trade union organisers all of them have been assaulted by gangs of thugs, using bicycle chains and so on. One worker, Somapala died, Professor Sarachchandra one of the most eminent Sri Lankan scholars was put into hospital. Buddhist monks were beaten up. But no action has been taken, no one punished. The last incident of course was the case of the Supreme Court judges. No one is punished. Why? Because that is the way the UNP deals with its opponents, with anybody who criticises it. What is the effect of all this? It means that the party in power is promoting lawlessness and the authorities, the police, whose duty is to maintain law and order, are ignored. Sometimes when these unlawful acts are committed with the help of a police officer and when he is found guilty by a Court of law; he is rewarded with a promotion. Any government anywhere which permits Such a situation is asking for trouble, because it is undermining all the institutions which must maintain law and order. The UNP is reaping the trouble and the violence and the lawlessness, the Seeds of all that, which the UNP sowed. Some people, not important people, associated with other parties, may have joined the law breakers, especially after the first two or three days, just as the Criminal elements and the wellknown gangs in each area associated with some prominent persons, also jumped in - looters and so on. But to say that anti-government parties planned this is pure nonsense. As I said as soon as these parties were banned, they are looking for Scapegoats... the UNP must look Within, not outside. Every Sinhalese in the towns and villages where this happened knows the truth, because in these places everybody is known by his face and his party loyalties are well known. The Tamils also know the realculprits. in fact, Mr. Amirthalingam when he came to seeme, told me that himself. And of course the World outside also knows the facts. We all know, how many people arrested by the police and kept in Custody for these activities, have been released. And everybody knows their connections. So we are not fooled. The people are not deceived.
Question: While the government and the opposition will disagree and continue to debate about the causes of the violence, you will agree that what's more important now is the political situation, the problem which arise from these terrible events?

Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike's Interview to Lanka Guardian 739
Answer: Yes of Course. Question: On behalf of your party, you have said that you have been and will remain opposed to terrorism and separatism, and yet you have a different stance on the question of negotiations. The UNP position is that the TULF must renounce separatism BEFORE any talks are held. But in a statement published in the Sun you disagree.
Answer: Yes that the TULF must finally renounce separatism, but that need not be before negotiations. Mr. Amirthalingam explained his problem and must say that found the position was understandable. Rightly or wrongly, though we do not endorse their views, the people of the North voted for a separate state. Of course it was good election slogan for the TULF. But that is the TULF's mandate as he told me. If he were to turn back on that mandate, he must get the approval of at least his party at conference. But what are they to tell the conference? If they get some concrete offers, some practical alternative proposals, then they can tell their people let's consider this, let's discuss this, this is What is offered..... We are going to have an all party conference with all the major parties UNP, SLFP, etc., and let us a least negotiate. The TULF can try to persuade their people. If you are interested in negotiation, you cannot ask one party to come to the table after giving up their main demand.... that's not the way to open talks, if you are serious. We are all interested in a political Solution and Settlement......... not for the sake of the Tamils....but for the sake of the Sinhalese and the Tamils, and the whole country. If you accept that attitude, then you must approach in a different spirit. This is a serious crisis and those who lead the people must think very, very seriously and act with courage and sincerity; you must be bold and take the people, the whole country, into your confidence. The Government's recent conduct has not inspired any confidence among the Sinhalese or Tamils.
Question: One final question, madam, a controversial issue.... this is about india's role. How do you see the Indian role?

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Answer: I See a limited role but at the same time an useful one. Of course this is our problem, basically a problem for Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, you can't expect India not to be concerned. How can We? First there are the Indian citizens and the stateless people who may or may not become Indian citizens. You know that in the two agreements signed after long and hard negotiations - at one stage I wanted to leave Delhi at once because nothing was happening...but Lal Bahadur Shastri intervened because of my talks with him in Cairo. Subsequently we found a solution... but what I am saying is that the future of several thousands was still left in doubt. So India has a stake in that problem. Then there is the question of Tamil Nadu..... there is strong feeling there, and we must realise that Mrs. Gandhi is Very Concerned about that.... naturally... We are all politicians, and we must accept political facts. The Tamilnadu situation is a reality..... we in Sri Lanka must realise that. What we must also realise is that Mrs. Gandhi is against separatism and terrorism-therefore on those fundamental problems, Mrs. Gandhi and we agree. If the position here is such that both parties, the government and the TULF will not budge, and nobody here is strong enough to break what I can see is a deadlock, then it is useful to get the good offices of Mrs. Gandhi to break the deadlock. That is the role she can play, and I think that is what she is trying to do.
Mervyn de Silva.
Courtesy: "Tribune", Colombo, October 20th, 1983.

Has the Left failed? Interview of Muttetuwegama, M. P.
"Forum", interviewed Mr. Sarath Muttetuwegama, MP one of the younger leaders of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka on the failure of the Left Movement to attract mass support. Here are Mr. Muttetuwegama's answers to Forum's Ouestions.)
Q: Some political thinkers believe that the traditional, or old Left has not made much headway among the masses because the leaders have been a group of alienated gentlemen and their political theories too are alien to the culture of the country. Do you think there is any truth in this belief, and if you do not, what is your explanation for the Communist Party, for instance, failing to attract the mass of the people?
A: No, I do not agree, because at different stages of the history of this country there have been in this movement quite a large number of people with grass roots connections. I do not agree that the leaders have been alienated from the culture of the country. There have, of Course, been leaders who have been English educated. At one stage in Our history education was limited to a section; and in all parties there have been leaders from this class.
But the Left movement has had a very large section with grass roots connections. And, the class struggle is not alien to any Country.
As for why the Left movement failed to attract large masses, you must understand that from the time of the late stages of British rule... from Independence..... there has been a consistent and strong anti communist campaign going on in this country. The media, for example, has been overtly and covertly anticommunist. Many religious leaders too have been harnessed into the anti communist campaign. And, because they know that communism is the ultimate threat to the class, they have manoeuvred in various ways to prevent communists and Marxists from making any impact. We are at the receiving end of all this.

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742 Politics and Life in Our Times
There is also this, in later politics in Sri Lanka..... there has been an element of patronage politics Creeping in. The masses, including young people on the threshold of life, have been made to feel that they can make no headway in life, in getting employment and in many other things, except by aligning with the government in power. This element of patronage politics will of course finally exhaust itself with the sharpening of class divisions. It takes a little time for this to happen because there is an element of opportunism, very often bred of necessity.
Q. Since 1977, the UNP government has deliberately set about and has succeeded in Corrupting practically, the whole of the country into a consumerist way of life. Do you think it is possible now or in the future to attempt to reverse this trend without antagonising the people?
A: This is very true, they have deliberately set about and done this. And now, particularly after a period of restrictions a consumerist way of life is very attractive to people. But then, for how long can this go on? Firstly, for how long can the open economy last? Secondly, with devaluation and inflation taking its toll for how many people can the attraction last? In fact, quite the opposite of what the sponsors of Consumerism expect might be the result. The growing disparity is becoming more and more evident to the people. This will have its own repercussions. Also, this whole concept is based on a very cynical theory, the so called trickle down theory - that you can have an open economy with all the attendent benefits and all the attendant evils and something will trickle down to the masses. Only the most optimistic of the bourgeoisie can now hope that this trickle down theory will benefit
anybody.
Q: The Left has been accused of neglecting to educate the people in socialism and the benefits thereof, even when Left parties were associated with government in power. It has been said that UNP victories in the past have been a result of this failure of the Left. Do you agree?
A: The Left parties - I know that the Communist Party - have done quite a lot in educating the people on the necessity of a Scientific economic approach; and about under development and its effects, of colonialism and neo-colonialism. So, you cannot say that the Left parties

Has the Left failed? Interview of Muttetuwegama, M. P. 743
have been neglectful. The problem is that while the CP and the Left were in the government they failed to show the people the difference between that Coalition government and what true socialism under the leadership of the working class is. Also, building a socialist society after what has been going on in Sri Lanka is not a bed of roses.
Many sections of the people will have to bear the hardships of building up Such a Society. The question is whether a sizeable section of the people have come round to accepting the position that those hardships are Worth it.
As far as the period of being in the government is concerned, one must realise that the balance of forces in the government (197077) was so heavily weighted against the Left. The participation of our party was more nominal than actual. And a subsequent congress of the Communist Party has decided that it was an incorrect decision to have participated in that government, because of the imbalance in the class basis within that government.
Q: It has also been said that the Left has been, and still is to Some extent, being led by a group of anglicised gentlemen who certainly do not want a revolution in this country. Your comments?
A: I don't agree. May be some of them are English speaking. But the leadership has the interests of the Sri Lankan revolution at heart. Q: Do you subscribe to the view that all parties in the country need a younger leadership, in the interests of progress?
A: No, I don't agree with that view. I don't think it is a question of a younger leadershipperse. Having young people as leaders will not solve the problems of the Left movement. There are deep rooted reasons for what is happening today. Certainly, if the younger people are there, their capacity to work might be greater, but that by itself will not be a Solution or a benefit.
Q: Do you believe that socialism, true scientific socialism will be established in Sri Lanka? And, in your estimate, when?
A: Certainly, I believe that socialism will be established in Sri Lanka as in other parts of the World. It is difficult to give a time schedule. The way things are moving in Sri Lanka it is clear that completely new forms of struggle will have to be worked out. The next

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744 PO MWMS är fi fr ) " "");
A YOUNGER LEADER OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF SRI LANKA
Ք9.04, 1935 - 1 B.D5. 1955
At one stage in our history education was limited to a section, and in a|| parties thre hawe bČEr leaders from this English speaking leadership
– Sarath Muttgstu Wega Ta
 

Has tha Left fairlead? Inferview of Muttatu Weigar77a, M. P 745
few years will see many changes in the Way that the political struggles are being conducted and they will not be limited to Parliament. The masses will see the futility of purely parliamentary politics and completely new forms of struggle will be dictated by the rulers themselves.
Q: In what context did you say in Parliament that you prefer UNP rule to a military dictatorship?
A: What I said in Parliament was not that the UNP was better, but that even this system was better than a military dictatorship. The rulers in this system still have to take note of the people. I did not say that prefer the UNP. I would say the UNP is now mowing towards a Constitutional dictatoriship, and the way things are mowing manythings could happen. I don't think there is any question that a military dictatorship is the Worst situation that We can find ourselves in.
Q: Do you think that a military dictatorship is likely? A. As far as the bourgeois is concerned, wery considerable Sections have wested interests. Both foreign and local. Their appetites are insatiable, and they wish to expand and, above all, to survive in the same position as they are, in a situation of uncertainty like this, they could very well fallback on the army as the only solution. In that context, the ethnic problem would have come as a great boon to some of them.
Courtesy: "Forur 77", Color 77 bo, DeCer77 ber 15th, 7984.

Page 382
We will Fight for Our Political Objective
by LTTE leader, V Prabakaran
IV. Prabakaran, the LTTE leader, is a key player in the dramatic developments represented by the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement and its implementation. He was invited to New Delhi before the agreement was signed, raised apprehensions and objections, met Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi for a frank discussion of the situation and the problems, and returned to Jaffna in early August. On August 4, Prabakaran made a speech that drew wide attention: in it, he analysed the situation from the LTTE's standpoint, expressed his dissatisfaction with the agreement but also his closeness to lindia and Said the LT TE Would hand over arms basically because it "loves India" and did not want to clash with the Indian peace keeping force. A week later, a FRONTLINE team comprising writer T. S. Subramanian and photographer D. Krishnan met him for this session in Jaffna. Soon after this, fresh Indian assurances led to the LTTE deciding to go ahead with the handing over of arms.)
For his first extended interview after returning to Jaffna from Tamil Nadu in January 1987, Velupillai Prabakaran, the Supreme Commander of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, meets representatives of FRONTLINE and THE HINDU in the second week of August in Jaffna. The interview, Conducted in Tamil, lasts over an hour.
The LTTE leader looked cool and relaxed. He sets the ball rolling by suggesting that we should go to the Eastern province where the Sri Lankan soldiers, he alleges, are still harassing Tamil civilians.
FRONTLINE: There was a media story that when the Sri Lanka armed forces began their offensive against the Vadamarachchi region of the Jaffna peninsula on May 26, you were trapped in Velvettiturai and you managed to escape. is this version true?

We will Fight for Our Political Objective 747
PRABAKARAN (smiling):l moved to Jaffna on the night of May 25. They began the offensive the next day morning. They attacked Velvettituraithinking that I was there.
Q: What is your assessment of the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement? What are your apprehensions about it? You say there is a shortfall in : relation to your expectations. What are the main areas of dissatisfaction? A: As far as the agreement is concerned, they say that there will be a referendum in the Eastern Province even on themerger of the North and the East. Moreover, they say the referendum will be decided by a simple majority. It is not a question of the merger of the North and the East. It is our home-land. There is no question of any negotiation on this. There are some further complications. It is an agreement between the Government of India and the Sri Lankan Government, as far as we are concerned... In 1983, there were only a few Sri Lankan army camps in the North and the East. But now there are some 200 camps. The Sinhalese settlements could not be removed or dissolved without removing these army camps and, in fact, the camps"legitimised' the Sinhala settlements. An important aspect (in the agreement) is that there is no room at all for the removal of the camps. To stop such settlements and prevent atrocities, the Indian Army should stay there.
But a strange thing is that there are no Indian Army camps beyond the Elephant Pass or Jaffna peninsula. But today, the Indian Army camps have been established at Kodikamam, Achuveli, Palai Vannankerni, Yakkachi Junction, Thalaiyadi coast, Pandatharippu and Kankesanthurai Light House. There is no need (for Indian Army camps) in these places, because there are no Sinhalese here. But the Indian Army has set up camps there.
We say the 200 (Sri Lankan) Army camps should be removed. But the Indian Army is establishing more camps. This itself has led to doubts and dissatisfaction among the people, at a beginning stage..... There is no atmosphere of safety for the refugees to return. Security and surveilance zones have not been lifted yet. The Indian Army camps have been established. This has led to dissatisfaction among the people. They came to the LTTE's office to give petitions and we told them to give the petitions to them (the Indian peace-keeping forces).

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748 Polilç5 a/7d Life in Cur Times
Q: You said the text of the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement was not giver to you.
A: They took away the copy. Mr. J. R. Jayewardene today says there will be a referendum. The bill has not been Towed in the Parliament, (At this point, Yogi, one of the Political organisers of the LTTE, intervenes to say that there are "technical difficulties" in the passing of the bill. The Sri Lankan Government is not sure of getting the two-thirds majority required to pass it, "So, the changes in the constitution cannot take place", Yogi says),
PRABAKARAN: The question of Cut-off points should be settled, The Government Agents say that people who had fled their places after 1983 could return. But people left their places even before 1983. There are two important aspects in this agreement. One is related to our homeland consisting of a unified North and East. The second is our land. Both are complicated problems, major Complications. The agreement has not solved these two questions. This is the fundamental problem.
Q: What is your attitude towards the Government of India and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi?
A: Attitude? Q: I mean your standpoint,..., A: As they took into consideration their own interests and hurriedly arrived at the agreement, they have not looked after the grievances of the people who have been affected for so long.
C: HOW A: There are refugees in Mullaitivu, People are taking out processions. But before that, we have to lay down our arms. However, the people's problems have not been solved. The problem is that people must return to their land. To facilitate that, the (Sri Lankan) Army camps should be removed. But the Indian Army is not prepared to remove the (Sri Lankan) Army camps and this will not bring about a solution. If this had been discussed before the agreement was arrived at, we would hawe laid down certain conditions. We Would hawe said the army camps should be removed. But this has not taken place.
When we say the army camps should go back to the position that obtained on May 25, then why do they establish more Indian Army camps in Kodikamam? People are notable to go back first; the refugees are Luna ble to return,

We will Fight for Our Political Objectiva 749
WELUPPILLAI PRABAKARAN BECAME ACTIVE IN THE STRUGGLESINCE HE WAS 18 WEARS OF AGE
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三、
*
Weluppilla | Pra Ları ka On 26th Mlower Tiber, 1948. Prabakaran is reported to hawe associated with Chetti Tanabalasingham, the founder of the Tamil New Tigers (TNT) founded in 1972, which was subsequently absorbed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealem (LTTE). He is also reported to have been associated with the TULF leader Appappillai Amirthalingari and with for Illar Kayts MP W. MawaratriarT

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750 Politics and Life in Our Times
(At this point, Prabakaran asks his bodyguards to bring the Jaffna Tamil newspapers and says we should know the situation. He reads out the title of a local newspaper's editorial, "Nobel Prize is calling").
Q: Addressing the public meeting on the Sudumalai Amman temple grounds on August 4, you said you had a heart-to-heart discussion with Rajiv Gandhi. You also mentioned that he gave you some assurances and then you relented. What are the assurances? A: Mr. Rajiv Gandhi gave the assurance that we, the Tamil people, will be protected in the North and East. But people are not able to return to the East.
The Indian Army has gone there but the Tamil people are not able to go there - because there is an increasing opposition from the Sinhalese Home Guards and the Sinhalese people. There are army camps there in individual houses, schools and Co-operative stores. But the Indian Army has not been deployed in such places. The Ceylon Army has not been evacuated, the problem has not been solved. Another thing is the people's lack of faith arising out of the non-removal of the Ceylon Army. Even if the Indian Army goes, occupies such places and later vacates, the Sinhala army will come back. Further, we wouldn't have arms.
Q: What did Rajiv Gandhi say about the removal of 200 army camps?
A: We opposed the agreement on this point. Nobody was prepared to consider it.
GR: in Delhi? A: Yes, in Delhi (firmly). Q: In the future political set-up of the North and East, what is the role you envisage for the LTTE, once the laying down of arms is completed?
A: When we say political role, we have contacts with people at the organisational level and we are strengthening it. We are strengthening our organisation in the East also. We are already working with the people in Trincomalee and Batticaloa districts. This is not a diffice uult task.

We will Fight for Our Political Objective 751
Q: is the LTTE strong in the East? A: In the East our people are active even in areas where there are Sinhalese. When the people hoisted the LTTE flag at Mudur, they were shot dead. The Indian Army and the Government Agent wanted the flag to be removed. To that extent, people are conscious of things. Q: Will you accept a multi-party, Competitive political system? You said earlier that there should be a one-party democracy on the lines of Yugoslavia.
A: This is important and you should know our position. We have not achieved Tamil Eelam. I had expressed my views on a political set-up for Tamil Eelam. But there is no separate country now. This is an agreement imposed on us. In this (set-up) everyone is equal, everyone is the same. We will fight for our political objective. We will take the Eelam political objective in a sustained manner before our people.
What said then was to be done after the establishment Of Our Own State. But there cannot be any compatibility between one-party rule and what obtains now. What is taking place now is this. Sri Lanka and India have concluded an agreement. The Indian Army is here and is asking for our weapons. If we don't do that, we will have to fight the Indian army. To avert that, we accepted these arrangements, but we have not abandoned our political objective.
Q: There are conflicting or varying reports on what you said during the press Conference you held in Jaffna on August 5. While one report said that you would not allow the "anti-social" militant groups to contest the elections, other reports said you would allow other groups to Contest. Which is true?
A: Everybody will be allowed to contest elections. We will place our views before the people.
Q: What is the role you see for the TULF as the elected representatives of the people?
A: You are aware of what they did before. What do they know but the job of fighting elections. They will go back to fighting elections. We don't want power to pass into their hands-that is our intention and our stand. Let the people decide. They will contest elections. We will stand against them in the furtherance of our cause. The people will decide on whose side they will stand.

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Q: At the Sudumalai public meeting, you said the LTTE would take to different forms of struggle. What are they? Will it be a massbased struggle, a revolutionary party, a non-violent struggle or will you take to armed struggle again? V
A: We will resort to a mass-based struggle. Q: But isn't LTTE a purely military organisation? A: Today, the LTTE is a mass-based organisation. You would have noted our May Day rally. There is military rule here during the time of the rally. Military helicopters are firing from above. At the same time, the Sinhalese people in the South are notable to celebrate May Day. In this kind of dangerous situation, if we are able tomobilise 200,000 people and take out a rally in the burning sun, it does mean we are a massbased organisation. We have built up such a strength. If ours had been merely a militant organisation, people would not have attended the May Day rally in Such a massive Way.
Q: What is your attitude towards the Muslims in the East? A: We don't look upon the Muslims as a separate category; we Consider them an integral part of the Tamils. It is a question of people united by language and differentiated by religion.
(At this point, Yogi made a remark to the effect that it was the Sri Lankan Government which separated the Muslims from the other Tamils.)
Q: President Jayewardene has been appealing to the people in the East to vote against the merger in the referendum. What will you do if the Muslims vote against the merger?
A: We have not planned for that situation. It is something that is going to happen in the future. We can respond to the problem only at that stage.
Q: In a system where there are going to be elections - a competitive political structure - what are the problems you foresee?
A: We have already met such political competition. We are no strangers to such competition. Let the people decide ultimately whom they want. Let them chose for themselves a proper leadership to free themselves from this Confusion.

We will Fight for Our Political Objective 753
Q: What will be the future of your cadres, estimated to number 5,000?
A: We will devise a properplan for their future life. We will not abandon them. We will find away out for them to continue their livelihood.
Q: In what way? A: We will Create job opportunities. Those who want to study will be allowed to study. We will arrange for them technical training. All of us will remain disciplined and create opportunities in a collective way. Q: What was the reaction of your cadres to the agreement and to the proposition of handing over arms? Did they oppose the handing OV'er OfarmS?
A: As far as the cadres are concerned, they have much faith in me personally. That is why they deferred to my word. But even today there is no protection. Dangers arise for us from the cadres of the other armed organisations and from the Sri Lankan Army?
Q: Was there any opposition? A: As regards opposition, myself was not willing. Then, imagine the feelings of the cadres. There is no security. So many cadres have died.
Q: What happens to the cyanide capsules that your men wear round their necks? Are they necessary when there are no arms?
A: think the capsules are needed most, they are indispensable now. They are the only weapons for the cadres to protect themselves in the Eastern province from hoodlums, the rival groups and the Sinhala army. Not only that; they would continue to wear them in remembrance of those comrades who fought along with them and sacrificed their lives. (At this point, Prabakaran asks Yogi whether he sports the Cyanide Capsule. Yogi pulls out the Capsule tied to a string around his neck. It is made of white and black plastic. Prabakaran also pulls out his capsule from under the collar of his shirt and shows it to us. When We ask him whether we can photograph him at this moment, he politely declines the proposition.)
Q: How do you feel when your fighters are killed? For example, you have named your son Charles Antony in memory of a loyal LTTE fighter who was killed in a clash with the Sri Lankan Army in July 1983.

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A: As far as our feelings are Concerned, We have been very deeply affected in our hearts. Having fought so much, having sacrificed so many lives and having lost 20,000 people...all this has been subordinated to India's strategic interests. Not only that, we the representatives of such martyrs, have not been properly respected.
Hence in this kind of situation..... during the interim arrangement ... we feel that we want to demonstrate to the Government of India the support we have from the people. India has not given us our due. Without consulting us, they have arrived at an agreement. Hence, We would like to enter politics with the people's support and with the goal of Tamil Eelam. That will be the fitting reply.
Q: Today's Tamil papers in Jaffna quote an LTTE representative as saying the organisation would not fully surrender arms.
A: Yes, we made the statement. It is better to fight and die than Surrender the weapons in an insecure environment and die on a mass Scale
Q: What are the shaping influences on your life?
A: Ra. Su. Nallaperumal's serial " Kallukkul Eeram" ("It is wet inside the stone") published in Kalkimagazine, have read it five times. it revolves round the Indian freedom struggle. Mr. Nalaperumal balances the ahimsaic struggle and the armed struggle. Generally, read anything on any freedom movement. I used to read books on Joan of Arc, Napoleon and so on. I was always interested in history, Shivaji was the first guerillato have fought against the Mughal rule. When I was young, I always had a picture of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. I used to keep his picture on my table when used to study. I had written on my table. "I will fight till the last drop of my blood for the liberation of my motherland".
FRONTLINE: Thank you, Mr. Prabakaran.
Courtesy: "Frontline", Madras, August 22nd, 1987,

Orderly Management of Political and Social Change
THE CAREER OF FELIX DIAS BANDARANAIKE
Speech delivered by Prof. G. L. Peiris, Minister of Justice, Constitutional Affairs, Ethnic Affairs & National Integration and Deputy Ministerof Finance, on the 26th June, 1997at the BMICH.)
for one do not believe that in the writing of political history individuals are of paramount importance. I think social forces play a far greater role in the moulding of history than the attributes and the skills of individuals, however prominent the position they may occupy at any given time. Human life is comparatively short and there is a limit to human achievement. The capacity of human beings, however remarkable in their respective generations, is of necessity finite. Recognizing that consideration, it is nevertheless a fact that during different epochs of the history of mankind remarkable individuals have played a role in the shaping of human destiny. I have no doubt in my own mind that the late Felix Reginald Dias Bandaranaike belonged to the Category of human beings who by dint of their special abilities did make a profound difference to the quality of the times in which they lived,
Mr. Baku Mahadeva used the word "remarkable" in alluding to Felix Dias Bandaranaike in his introductory remarks. I would unreservedly endorse that assessment of the statesman whom we remember and honour today, I think there are three different reasons why Felix Dias Bandaranaike can lay justifiable claim to the epithet which Mr. Baku Mahadeva used. First and foremost, there is the range and the diversity of the contribution that he made to the political life of Sri Lanka. This is apparent from the scope of the responsibilities that he

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was called upon to shoulder during successive administrations of the Hon. Sirimavo Dias Bandaranaike, Prime Minister, during the periods 1960-65 and 1970-1977. Felix Dias Bandaranaike Was Minister of Agriculture, Food and Co-operatives. He was Minister of Public Administration, Home Affairs and Local Government. He served as Minister of Justice. He was also Minister of Finance. He was Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Defence and External Affairs. That truly is a remarkable conglomeration of responsibilities to hawe been entrusted to any individual at any period of time in the history of a country. So, that I would say is the first reason why he can be characterized as "remarkable" as he was described by Mr. Baku Mahadewa.
Secondly, the brevity of the period within which he made so decisive and profound an impact. I said that human life was short. The life of Felix Dias Bandaranaike was certainly much shorter than the biblical span of four score years and ten. He lived only 54 years. He was born in the year 1930 and he died in 1985.
He was the youngest Cabinet Minister in any part of the British Commonwealth of Nations. He entered the Cabinet at the age of 29, but he passed away at the age of 54. So it was during so brief a life that he made all the contributions which he did to the Well-being of our nation, The third factor which would like to refer to is this. To few men and Women is it given to be recognized for the full measure of their worth during their lifetime. But that certainly was the lot of Felix Dias Bandaranaike, Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike has personally told me that she does not think that she Wuld have been able to survive the political vicissitudes and upheavals of her administrations, in particular that catastrophe that was referred to by Mr. Baku Mahadewa, Two things really - the abortive coup attempt in her first administration and the JVP insurrection in her second administration. They were both dealt with effectively, the Prime Minister herself told me, largely because of the support and the assistance that she received from Felix Dias Bandaranalike, Printne MInister Sirir Tlawo Bandaranalike in an address that she delivered exactly 10 years ago in 1987 paid unequivocal tribute

Orderly Management of Political and Social Change 757
FELIX DIAS BANDARAMAIKE WAS ENTRUSTED WITH A REMARKABLE CONGLOMERATION OF RESPONSBILITES
Felix Dias Banda falaika 1930 - 1985
He balanced competing social forces and evolved the best Social Policy that suited the Sri Lankan Nation at that particular period of history. He had to suffer for his forthrightness.

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to the part that Felix Dias Bandaranaike played in the formulation and the implementation of the foreign policy of the Sirimavo Bandaranaike administrations. So he received fulsome praise from his Prime Minister. And, that again, is a measure of the greatness of the man whom we remember today.
The theme that I have been asked to talk to you about is the "Orderly Management of Social and Political Change". If you ask me what is the one thing that stands out in the life and the career of Felix Dias Bandaranaike I Would say that is a question that is excruciatingly difficult to answer because of the Complexity of the life and the contribution of Felix. Nevertheless if one were constrained to single out one positive and definable element, I would answer without hesitation that the pith and substance the epitome of his contribution to public life lay in his ability to balance competing Social forces and to evolve an equilibrium in terms of social policy that was best suited to serve the requirement of the nation at that particular period in its history.
Progress is part of the history of mankind, but progress has always to be balanced against stability, certainty, tranquility and settled expectations. As we forge ahead, as we achieve more and more in our economic lives, we have also to pay due regard to Spiritual values, the inner peace of the human race. The ultimate success of public policy therefore depends upon the perceptions and the sensitivity that enables us to reconcile these competing elements of social policy and to arrive at a balance that is fulfilling and satisfying from every point of view. I think that was the achievement par excellence of Felix Dias Bandaranaike.
It is not possible within the short space of time allotted to me to do justice to the career of soremarkable aman. I have therefore decided to illustrate this fundamental point that I am making, by taking as an example the approach of Felix Dias Bandaranaike to legal reform in our country, the manner in which he handled institutions responsible for the administration of justice in Sri Lanka and to illustrate to you within the Short time available to me the extent to Which he WaS Successful in reconciling these competing forces in the manner that outlined to you a few minutes ago. I would adopt with your permission, Mr. Chairman,

Orderly Management of Political and Social Change 7.59
as my point of departure the provisions contained in the Administration of Justice Law No. 44, of 1973 which can with propriety be described as the magnum opus of the late Felix Dias Bandaranaike. In the preamble to that statute he set out the objectives that he was endeavouring to accomplish -uniformity and simplicity of judicial structures, fairness in the application of the Law, cutting down expense and delay in the administration of justice and reaching a result that is desirable and acceptable from every point of view.
Felix Dias Bandaranaike as Minister of Justice realized that these institutions are by no means peripheral to the well-being of Sri Lankan Society. He realized full well that the tranquility of the body politic of our land is largely dependent on the vigour and the vitality of these institutions. He wanted these institutions to be effective in order to Cater to the aspirations of the common people of our Country. I will draw attention to some of the significant facets of the changes which he effected in response to those priorities as he perceived them.
Felix Dias Bandaranaike realized that the law must be based On a fair balance between the interest of the individual and the interest of Society, particularly with regard to the administration of criminal justice. He was mindful of the fact that however much you develop Human Rights Jurisprudence, however astute the law may be to protect the rights of individuals, if the community does not feel safe and secure, if as you leave your home each morning to go to work you do not have the assurance that when you come back your family, your property, will be safe and sound, if the legal system fails to assure ordinary citizens of that basic Security without which Society itself cannot exist, then Felix realized that the law would have failed fundamentally in the achievement of a basic purpose. He therefore overhauled the entire foundations of our law in several respects. In retrospect it is possible to assess the true extent of that achievement. I will not be technical. I will simply try to impart to you certain insights of the mind and the intellect of Felix Dias Bandaranaike as these remarkable qualities are reflected in the statutory provisions that he was instrumental in enacting in our country.

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Up to the time that Felix pioneered this legislation through Parliament, there was a certain sacrosanct principle which formed part of the law of our country. It was this. However black the case may be against an accused person, if that person refuses to give evidence, if he declines to offer any explanation of his behaviour which at first blush appears totally Suspicious or incriminating, even in those circumstances if the accused person refuses to enter the witness box and to give any account at all, the law as it existed upto that time, upto 1973, prevented the prosecution from Commenting adversely on the failure of the accused person to give evidence. There was nothing that the prosecution could say on that subject. The prosecution could not point out to the jury that if there was an innocent man here, his natural impulse would be to come forward and to offer an explanation. That would be the common sense view of the situation but the law declined to recognize that. Felix changed all of that and that was an absolutely fundamental and pivotal change which he effected in the values permeating the criminal jurisprudence of our country. The law which he enacted contained this fundamental provision: at the conclusion of the prosecution's case, the Magistrate or the High Court Judge can call upon the accused for his defence. If the Judge is satisfied that the prosecution has made Out a prima face case, the judge Would call upon the accused to present his defence. If the accused refused to do so - of course he has the privilege of remaining silent, nobody can compel him to testify - if he uses that privilege and refuses to enter the witness box after the prosecution has presented a cogent and compelling case against him, then for the first time in the law of this country, according to the legislation that was promulgated by Felix Dias Bandaranaike, it was quite permissible for the Magistrate or the High Court Judge, as the case maybe, to draw from the silence of the accused person such inferences as the Court deems proper. To my mind that is a landmark development in the criminal law of Sri Lanka. I will explain to you in a moment why I consider that change to be so fundamental.
One of the great problems of our time is that crime is becoming more and more sophisticated, more and more people are getting away with crimes which are perpetrated to the detriment of society. The fact that this is happening with impunity is the principal reason for

Orderly Management of Political and Social Change 761
the erosion of public Confidence in institutions that are responsible for the administration of justice. If it is seen that the law is ineffective in a particular community then over time people lose respect for the law and they can be tempted to gradually resort to "self-help" because they feel that the law is impotent and ineffective.
Now some of the principles of law which Felixinherited as Minister of Justice had come into existence in the context of totally disparate social Conditions. At the time those principles came into existence the accused person was poor, he was Weak, and he needed protection. He was a very vulnerable animal. Today, the situation is very different. Felix realized that the scales had tilted too far in the direction of the criminal and against society. He realized what the repercussions and the implications of that state of things would be. He therefore set his remarkable mind to work On this problem and he came up with a series of Solutions that enabled a proper balance to be struck between the interest of the accused on the one hand and the collective interest of the community on the other. Now, that is the rationale pervading this striking innovation that he made in the Criminal laws of the Republic and which survive to this day in the laws of our country. So he said, "if this is the position, if the accused ought to explain his behaviour and if he declines to do so the judge can draw from that silence certain inferences which he deems to be proper".
Now this was not an isolated facet of the thinking of Felix Dias Bandaranaike. He had his own philosophy of criminal justice and the contribution that the law should make to the well-being of society. Felix was trained in a mould that recognized certain values as all encompassing and all pervading. One of these values is the role of the judge. The traditional view of the role of the judge is that he is an umpire, there is a sense of detachment and aloofness. There is the prosecution on one side and the accused on the other. In a civil case there is the plaintiff on one side, and there is the defendant on the other. The judge is not involved in these proceedings. He must stand back from these proceedings, and he must bring a very detached and objective mind to bear upon the totality of the proceedings over which he presides. That was the point of departure which characterized the legal system which he inherited as Minister of Justice.

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He changed all that. He put into the law a basic principle that the judge has a duty to ascertain the truth. In other Words, he was getting away from the adversarial System and he was in a way moving closer to the continental systems of France, Germany, Switzerland and other Countries on the Continent of Europe. In other Words, the judge has to do much Thore than listen to the prosecution, listen to the defence and much as an umpire Would in a sport of some sort pronounce or hand down a detached decision, NO, he was not Content with that state of things. He thought that contemporary conditions of Sri Lankan society required a much more vigorous involvement of the judge in the entirety of the processes of trial. If there was some laxity on the part of the prosecution and if the judge thought that was going to lead to a failure of justice, then the judge must step down from that lofty Olympian pedestal and he must himself endeavour to the best of his ability to ascertain the truth. Now that again is a landmark departure in terms of traditional values pertaining to the administration of justice in Sri Lanka.
CHANGE
There is yet another fundamental change which Felix Dias Bandaranaike made in the criminal procedures of our Country. That is the abolition of non-summary proceedings, must pause here to explain to you wery briefly and simply what non-Surimary proceedings are. Before a serious case is sent up to the High Court, for example, before a trial commences upon indictment, it is generally the case that a Magistrate must inquire into the circumstances of the case and ascertain whether there is a prima facie Case against the accused person. It is only if a Magistrate is satisfied that there is a prima facie Case against the accused person that that case is sent up for trial. Now that is the rationale for non-summary proceedings. Until a judicial mind has been brought to bear upon the sufficiency of the evidence available in the case it is inequitable to subject the accused person to the turmoil and the peril of a criminal trial. That is the reason why non-summary proceedings are thought to be proper and desirable. Felix realized that

Orderly Management of Political and Social Charge 763
G. L. PEIRIS, MINISTER OF JUSTICE, CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS, ETHNICAFFAIRS, NATIONAL INTEGRATION
P. G. L. P. | hawe no doubt in my own mind that the late Felix Reginald Dias Bandaranaike belonged to the category of human beings,
who by dint of their special abilities did make a profound
difference to the quality of the times in which they lived
- Prof. G. L. Peris

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there is a wide gulf here between theory and practice. He realized that non-summary proceedings in this country frustrated the objectives of justice and did not further or facilitate the achievement of the aims of justice in any way. That was the position on the ground.
Say murder is committed. Non-summary proceedings start in due course. They dragon and on. There is repetitive Cross-examination of witnesses. The accused person exhausts all his pecuniary resources long before the actual trial before him commences in the higher Court, Witnesses have forgotten the details of the transaction. If the murder is committed this year, non-summary proceedings are completed three and half years from now, the trial proper commences four and half years from now, and if the witness is called upon to testify six years from now, obviously he will make mistakes. Defending counsel of great stature will no doubt be able to give such witnesses short shrift. Contradictions will easily emerge from evidence that is given under those circumstances, and the result of such a trial will be a travesty of justice. So from every point of view, from the point of view of the interest of the accused person who needs to have resources available to him at the time he is subjected to trial, from the point of view of the witnesses who are called upon to assist the Court to dispense justice in these circumstances from the point of view of the intrinsic desirability of the result that is arrived at the conclusion of the trial, from each of these points of view, it was the profound conviction of Felix Dias Bandaranaike that non-summary proceedings were a blemish rather than an ornament in the structures governing criminal procedures in our country. He then took a step which was characteristic of the man. That step reflected boldness, courage rind fortitude. He decided with one stroke of thr hen to do away with non-summary proceedings and proceed to actual trial. The AttorneyGeneral was rcquired to satisfy himself that there was a prima facie Case in existence and the entire protracted procedures of non-summary proceedings was dispensed with.
The Government changed in 1977 and for better or for worse - there are arguments both ways - action was taken to restore nonSummary proceedings to the criminal laws of our country. It is interesting to note that the Ministry of Justice under my tenure has taken action to appoint several committees headed by distinguished lawyers to examine

Orderly Management of Political and Social Change 765
critically the present condition of the law and to make suggestions with a view to its reform. The committee dealing with criminal law and criminal procedure headed by Mr. Ranjith Abeysuriya, PC, who is present here, With his characteristic Sense of fairness and skill has identified a pragmatic solution to this problem. He does not propose to go sofar as Felix did, in doing away with non-summary proceedings in toto. At the same time, notwithstanding his own direct interest in keeping the law as it is - he has shown his capability to rise about that-he has come up with a series of recommendations which will undoubtedly improve the quality of criminal justice in our country. In his report he has identified ways and means of simplifying the procedures during the non-summary proceedings and endeavouring to reach a result much more speedily than is possible at present. So the seeds that were sown by the reforms that were put into place by Felix Dias Bandaranaike have long out-lived Felix himself. With power of the reasoning that buttresses and fortifies which he offered Sri Lanka, the quality, the calibre of his thinking, the changes which he envisioned as being desirable in our country-these are ideas the inherent validity of which continue to be recognized long after the life of Felix has COme to an end.
REFORMS
There are Some other reforms characteristic of the man Which would like to refer to on this occasion. Felix Dias Bandaranaike had Some very radical, but very useful, views about sentencing policy. That to my mind is one of the excrescences of the Criminal justice system in Sri Lankaale present time. In ancient societies when convict persons were sent to jail, this was regarded as a means by which society expresses disapproval of the course of action that has been followed by the Criminal. This is the retributive theory of criminal justice when society condemns a man to spend ten years of his life in prison. Society is expressing its indignation and outrage. Society is saying "you have harmed us. You have perpetrated crimes which have eroded the very basis of Society". The retributive theory has given way to what is described as the utilitarian theory of criminal justice. The accused person is sent to jail for the purpose

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of rehabilitating the offender, providing him or her with the opportunity of living the rest of his or her life as a useful member of the community. Now Felix realized that imprisonment, fines, whipping - the traditional forms of criminal punishment - are not sufficient to achieve the purposes of a humane and compassionate Society,
In these reforms what comes through is the humanity of Felix Dias Bandaranaike, He placed great emphasis on new forms of criminal punishment such as Community service orders, not to lock up a person, to deprive him of his liberty, to inflict upon him physical anguish or mental torment. To the mind of Felix it was much more refreshing, it was of far greater value, to hand down a sentence Which Would entail direct benefit to the community. The accused person is called upon to perform a social service under supervision during the period for which the punishment is handed down. Regrettably these provisions are not utilized even today as much as they ought to be. There are various reasons for this. Judges are sometimes reluctant to hand down such orders because supervision is difficult and time Consuming. But I think the time has come to make far Thore liberal use of some of these innovative instruments of sentencing which reflect the tenor and the quality of the age in which we live and it is characteristic and typical of the foresight of Felix Dias Bandaranaike that he introduced these reforms into the principles of our law governing sentencing policy.
EXAMPLE
There is yet another example which bears this out wery clearly, that is the innovation that Felix was responsible for With regard to the introduction uspended sentences in our country. In mall other Countries such as Belgium, Italy and Japan this instrument of sentencing had been used for a long time. It was however a completely new idea in the jurisprudence of our own country. It was Felix who first introduced this concept into the law of our country through the provisions of the Administration of Justice Law No. 44 of 1973. And here again want to illustrate to you the pragmaticbent of mind of Felix Dias Bandaranaike, his grasp of reality, his capability to mould the law in keeping with the circumstances of modern society.

767
Orderly Management of Political and Social Changa
WHAT PRIME MINISTER SIRIMAVO BANDARANAIKE SAID ÅBOUT FELIX DIAS BANDARANAIKE -----|-|-:-
*.!!!!
Mrs. Sirimavö FF. D. Bandaranaike Mrs. Sisimaw? Bạņdaraņaikę would not have been able to survive the political vicissitudes and upheavals of het administration, in particular the abortive coup atteinpf and the J. W. E. insuffection, without the support and assistance that she recảiwed fröm Felix Dias Bandaranaike
– Prūs. G. L. Fējsis

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CAPABLE
I do not believe that there is any man or woman born who is Congenitally incapable of committing crimes. We are all capable of Criminal behaviour. It is a question of the circumstances in which we find Ourselves and the manner in which We react to externa circumstances. Now the value of a suspended sentence is this. Suppose a man has committed a crime because of a combination of circumstances that is extremely unlikely to recurat anytime in the future. The man who committed the crime succumbing to a temptation of a very unusual kind or he was responding to provocation of an extremely un usual character. That concatenation, that combination of circumstances, is so bizarre that it is almost inconceivable that that situation would arise at any time in the future. If that were the case, would like to ask you Mr. Chairman and ladies and gentlemen, whether any useful purpose is served by sending that man to prison for Committing that crime in those particular circumstances. The answer Would suggest is unequivocally not - decidedly not. Why? Because he does not need to be shut away. Society does not need protection from him. His act merely epitomizes human error and human fallibility and that it is extremely improbable that such delinquent behaviour would be repeated at any time in the future. If that were the case there must be an acceptable method of dealing with this situation - when I say acceptable mean fair to accused person and fair to the larger community.
It is Felix who recognized the lacuna that existed in the law as of 1973 and introduced this totally new idea into the criminal jurisprudence of Sri Lanka. The judge will hand down the sentence, but there is what Felix's law referred to as an "operational period". During that "operational period" if the accused person commits a second offence, it is only then that the punishment imposed on the first occasion will take effect. In other words what is Felix saying? Saying that society will pardon this man. It will extend to the offender some degree of forgiveness and understanding and society according to Felix's law is in fact telling the offender: "We understand you, we sympathize with you on this occasion, but we cannot tolerate such behaviour in the

Orderly Management of Political and Social Change 769
future. If therefore you are successful in restraining from such delinquent activity during the operational period then you will not have to go to prison". If however there is recurrence of criminal activity during the period, then the punishment handed down on the earlier Occasion will take effect.
It is an exceedingly valuable instrument and proof of the pragmatic utility of that device is that after Felix's law was repealed by the succeeding government this concept has lived on. That is a tribute to the stature of the man, and the depth and the quality of his thinking. Even a hostile government-the succeeding government was certainly hostile to Felix Dias Bandaranaike, it inflicted very considerable pain and anguish on Felix - nevertheless the succeeding government although rejecting the entirety of the Administration of Justice Law preserved this position because the succeeding government could not but acknowledge the pragmatic utility of the changes which Felix had sought to make with regard to so vital a matter in the overall context of the administration of criminal justice. So these are some of the very important reforms which Felix introduced in this area.
I will refer very briefly and succinctly to some of the other changes. Felix introduced provisions that enabled summons to be served on the accused by registered post. By doing this he cut down delays and the opportunities for corruption that were available in situations involving the service of summons by other means. Now these are some of the reforms that the present government is trying to extend to other spheres of the administration of justice. Only a month ago piloted through Parliament legislation which contained a similar principle as applied to civil cases. So the thinking of Felix Dias Bandaranaike has had a pervasive și fluence. −
The government in power in 1997, long after Felix promulgated the Administration of Justice Law more than two and a half decades after that period - very clearly and vividly recognized the value of the concepts by which he enriched and enlivened the laws of the Republic. Felix also introduced the concept of written submissions. He was very concerned about the laws delays. Felix realized that justice delayed is justice denied. He therefore wanted to cut down the opportunity that was available for repetition, for circumlocution,

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through verbose oral submissions, and he introduced the concept of written submissions which played a very important part in reducing the period that was consumed by criminal trials. He introduced for the first time the office of Director of Public Prosecutions in this country. That position was also occupied by my distinguished friend Mr. Ranjith Abeysuriya who is present here today. Felix recognized that the entire gamut of considerations bearing upon the institution of criminal proceedings requires the application of an astute and experienced mind. The AttorneyGeneral is of course the head of the department but he recognized the need for an officer dealing specifically with the whole cluster of issues relevant to the institution of criminal proceedings. That was the reason why he created for the first time this particular office of Director of Public Prosecutions.
FARSEEING
There is one other matter that I would like to refer to show how farseeing Felix Dias Bandaranaike was. The Administration of Justice Law also contained a remarkable provision - Section 62which enabled Magistrate's Courts to issue possessory orders in circumstances where there was grave risk that a dispute with regard to land would lead to a breach of the peace. You are aware that this is one of the perennial problems in rural Sri Lanka. Many acts of violence had their genesis in disputes with regard to the boundaries between lands. In those circumstances Felix Created a new mechanism which would enable a Magistrate without in any way adjudicating upon title to award possessory relief in order to diminish the prospects of violence. That again is a provision the utility of which has been recognized and which continues to survive up to the present day even after the laws of Felix Dias Bandaranaike were replaced.

Orderly Management of Political and Social Change 771
So, have given you, Mr. Chairman and ladies and gentlemen, some examples of the quality of the thinking by which the laws of this country were enriched during the all too brief period when Felix held positions of public responsibility in this country. One could go on like this ad infinitum but I think these examples will suffice to give you some insight into the range and the depth of the contribution that he made.
would like to conclude by agreeing very emphatically with Baku Mahadeva when he said that Felix was certainly a man who was worthy of being honoured and remembered. And that is why I would pay a particular tribute to the indefatigable efforts of his widow Lakshmi Dias Bandaranaike to embark upon a range of activities that has perpetuated the memory of her late husband. In so doing she is doing much more than paying tribute to the memory of her distinguished husband. I think this is a situation where we are not merely acting in a spirit of fidelity to the dictum, "Honour to whom honour is due". That is certainly one of the Conceptual cornerstones and foundations of our whole cultural heritage. But in this case it has deeper significance. By remembering and honouring Felix we are drawing attention to those values which are absolutely necessary if we are to ensure the robust health of public institutions in our Country at the present time.
Now from that point of view there are three aspects of the life and the Career of Felix Dias Bandaranaike which would like to refer to in conclusion and those three aspects in combination, to my mind, certainly render a person worthy of being honoured for all time.
First and foremost, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, Felix gave this country the benefit of a homespun wisdom. He did not simply introduce into the country the collective wisdom of previous generations or foreign universities. His was an autochthonous wisdom that had its roots in the culture and the traditions of our own country. On one occasion when he made the Budget Speech as Minister of Finance in Parliament he spoke of "Dompe Socialism". He said "I am not addicted to any dogma. do not slavishly follow any particular ideology or philosophy. I am prepared to draw from a whole diversity of sources, but the final amalgam upon which base my Budget is the epitome of the wisdom of the village man and woman of our own country". Now that was typical of the thinking of Felix Dias Bandaranaike.

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Ordiary Mariage 71ant of Political and Social Clha riga 773
Secondly, he was a man who was able always to act in a spirit of loyalty to his own Convictions. It was the late Dr. Colwin R. de Silva who said, "Unfortunately, in Sri Lanka, politicians newer resign, they only resign ther Tselves to a situation!". That was one of LCHL LLLLL LLLLLLaLLGL LL LLL LLLL SLLLS LLLLLLtLGL SLS LL LLLLLLLLS LLLLLL Dias Bandaranaike was a notable exception to that rule. He did resign his portfolio in 1962 at the height of his intellectual powers. This was when the Government Parliamentary group of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party refused to endorse one of the proposals contained in the Budget which Felix as Minister of Finance had presented to Parliament. This had to do with the wery Wolatile issue of rice. NOW GLL LLtL LaLLLLLLLaLHH LLLLLLttt LLLLLL aLLmtaLLL LLaLLtLtLLLLaLLL LaL LLLLLL utmost to prevent Felix froT resigning, but he insisted On resigning and he did resign because he felt that as Minister of Finance he had presented a Budget to Parliament and his own party refused to support him, he therefore refused to hold the portfolio any longer despite the strongly expressed wishes of the Prime Minister of the COLunty,
The reasons why I draw attention to that is this. One of the Tmajor problems of o Lur Country is the great Cynicism With regard to politics and politicians. There is an Owerriding sense of Cynicism. Now a wery powerful antidote to that sense of cynicism is the Career of Felix Dias Bandaranaike. It is therefore an eye opener. It is something that enables us to realize that there are exceptions which are refreshing, which are subtime, and that is the reason for remembering Felix Dias Bandaramaike.
The third reason is this. He was one politician Who Was able to take success and failure. With equal equan imity. Triumph and disaster, he could face up to both and he realized that poppageantry and power are evanescent, they are fleeting, they last only a short time. He was a politician who throughout his career and after he relinquished public office remembered full well that the path of glory lead but to the grave. He therefore had the courage to face up to life

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when the attractions of power were gone. He refused to cave in. He suffered much more than most politicians have done in this country after loss of public office. He was persecuted in the proceedings of a Presidential Commission, Felix Dias Bandaranaike was stripped of his civic rights 3 1/2 years before he died. Notwithstanding all of this there was a certain indomitable flame within him which refused to be quenched. It burned on and the flickering flame within him could not be extinguished by the tempests of the external world. So that, that ladies and gentlemen is the spirit of Felix Dias Bandaranaike which we honour and remember today. We do so not only as a gesture vis-a-Felix but in order to remind generations to come of the quality of a man who served his country during that period and it is the memory of such people who will keep alive our faith in institutions which are indispensable for the well-being of the public in Sri Lanka. it only remains for me to thank you Mrs. Lakshmi Dias Bandaranaike for the honour you have bestowed upon me by asking me to address these brief remarks to so distinguished a gathering on the subject of the life and career of your late husband. My wife and are deeply conscious of that honour and we thank you very sincerely for that. Thank you very much indeed.
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, July 13th, 1997.

Albania Welcomes Socialist President
Tirana, July 25, 1997 (Reuter)
Albanians fired deafening volleys into the air from looted weapons to celebrate the election of Socialist Rexhep Majdani as their president, with the task of restoring order to the Balkan State.
State television broadcast an appeal from the police for the shooting to stop, saying three policemen had been wounded already, as red tracer fire lit the Thursday night sky over Tirana.
Although a 10 p.m. to 5 a.m. curfew had been lifted, the city Centre was virtually deserted as most people stayed in to watch the day's parliamentary proceedings on television. The celebratory gunfire erupted when the broadcast reached Majdani's Swearing in.
Majdani's first act as president was to accept the
resignation of interim prime minister Bashkim Fino and to ask Socialist Party chairman Fatos Nano to form a Government.
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, 26th July, 1997.

Page 397
Politie:5 a 7d ffe ir 7 Cour Tirrës
'7 E
selo MoN E JO UMEP Đưl papļēlēts 55.300ms slı oluaululawog Buossinou, subudistilānā. Jējumos ëų suuaua Bullsusese linesse seus auIỚI ẢįIEB sių pue usus 1 sq uenis [Busis oli sew unfi sự so suuŋ ĐưI "ZL5L 'uzo Iaquianos uo
(suðurētu le lunspēļu puɛ pəəds ||5|ų jo di Issuem e si leųı olasınıɔ e sı„ĖJÖITIŴ,
(NMVG) (włosłnw, WOH-. Linws.svTwNH HỌA NHAIÐ TựNĐIs山또|』 『W』「1門)
 

Sam Wijesinha Story N. M. blasts U. S.
by Prer77 i Fatra yake
Samasamajist leader, the late Dr. N. M. Perera was "a forthright man who spoke in Parliament without fear or favour", Sam Wijesinha said. Sam who was the Clerk to the House of Representatives and Secretary-General of Parliament, knew NM before he joined Parliament. When Sam took over from the retiring Clerk, Ralph Deraniyagala, NM who heard the news strode into Sam's office and with that charming, ingratiating smile, said; "Young man, I am very glad to see you here. Just be yourself, And above all, do not use this office of the Clerk to the House, to step on anything else. Your place is here and shall retire in due course from this position. NM added: "What's your salary?", "I told him", Sant said.
"That wont do", NM, then Minister of Finance, told Sam, "you should get the same salary as a Permanent Secretary". Sam continued: "At the next Staff Advisory Council meeting presided over by the Speaker, Finance Minister Dr. N. M. Perera, an ex-officio Tember of the Council, carried through a motion to increase the salary of the Clerk to the House of Representatives to that of a Permanent Secretary. "Unfortunately before he could give effect to his resolution, the government fell in the first week of December, 1964.
"When the UNP came to power in 1965, Mr. U.B. Wanninayake, the Minister of Finance, in that government, carried through the same resolution and took it up with the Treasury but, as we all know, the Ceylon Civil Service always appeared to be hesitant OVer any advantage accruing to anybody else outside their province. But the Leader of the House and the Minister of Finance insisted that what a Committee in which the Finance Minister was a Member had sanctioned should not

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778 Politics and ifs in Our Tries
be a subject matterfor the Treasury Sub Committee because as Finance Minister Mr. Wanninayake has pointed out in this regard, that it would be tantamount to be redundant what the Minister had already agreed to do, and a disagreement that would be impertinent. "So the Clerk to the House was not only placedon a Permanent Secretary's salary scale but, in due Course all the officials of Parliament, namely, the Clerk to the House of Representatives; Clerk to the Senate, Auditor General and the Elections Commissioner too were placed on the maximum point of the Permanent Secretary's scale".
Sam recalling the old State Council days said NM won the RuwanWella Seat of the State Council in 1936 defeating the sitting Member Mrs. A. Molamure by about 300 votes and joined his friend, the late Mr. Philip Gunawardena who had won the Awissa Wella seal defeating Mr. F. A. Obeysekera by almost 900 votes. Both of them automatically became Members to the Ministry of Labour, Industries and Commerce. "Before that", Sam said, "NM and Philip took a big hand on the election of the Speaker. When the State Council met for the first time on Tuesday, March 17, 1936, in the first ballot, Mr. Waithyalingam Duraisamy obtained 27 votes. Mr. Francis de Zoysa got 17 WOtBS and Mr. C. Batu Want Luda We 14 Wotes. At the SGCOnd ballot, Mr. Batu Wantuda We and Mr. Francis de Zoysa received 29 Wotes each. A third ballot, thus becate necessary which resulted in Waithyalingam Duraisarmy getting 30 votes and Francis de Zoysa 29 Wotes". "It was an open secret at the time", Sam narrated "that Mr, E. W. Abeygunasekera, Member for Nuwara Eliya, was prevailed upon by NM and Philip, between whom he sat, by all means possible to Wote for Mr, Duraisamy".
On April 16, 1966, in the House of Representati wes, Dr. N. M. Perera speaking on the Vote of Cundolence on the death of Mr. Waithyalingam Duraisamy said: "I think I am the only one of the few Members here today who was closely connected with the Second State Council. I am sorry that the Hon. Philip Gunawardena, Minister of Industries and Fisheries is not present this afternoon. He and I, together, Were responsible, literally, for elevating Sir Waithyalingam to the office of the Speaker".

Sari Wijesinha Story - N. M. blasts U. S. 779
DR. N.M. PERERA - THE ASTUTE LEADER
Dr. N. M. Farea 5.6, 95 - Y.O.E. 79 think I am the only one of the few members here today, who was closely connected with the Second State Council, Hon. Philip Gunawardena and l, together, were responsible literally, for elevating Sir Waithyalingam Duraiswamy to the office of the Speaker
- Dr. N. M. Perra

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78O Politics and Life in Our Times
When the first meeting of the State Council took place, a tussle arose in regard to the election of the Speaker. Mr. Francis de Zoysa, believe, had been put forward by the Hon. D. S. Senanayake and Hon. D. B. Jayatilleka. "At the secondballot. Mr. Duraisamy got the additional necessary Vote of Mr. Abeygunasekera. This was due to the persuasion of Mr. Philip Gunawardena. In fact, it was little more than persuasion that Philip used "Incidentally, there was not one person in the State Council who had a word to say against Sir Waithyalingam in regard to his impartiality and fairness. Sam said: "NM in the Legislature from 1936 to 1977, had an outstanding history which is fairly well recorded. "Those that are less known are his Contributions at International Conferences. He was the Sri Lankan Finance Minister Who Convinced the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund that most of the Conditions they laid down before any assistance was given to developing COuntries, Were Conditions that Could not be carried out because of the very nature of a democracy like ours. NM explained to them that you cannot drive a coach and four through the multitude of electors if we are to yield to the aid giving agencies uncertain Conditions imposed. NM had the knowledge, the persuasion and the personality to teach them what they could not comprehend without explanations on his vast store of knowledge and experience.
"At a Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference in Wellington in 1965, Senator William Fulbright expounded the justification for the United States to intervene in Vietnam. That was the Conference to which, I mentioned that Pieter Keuneman was one of our delegates".
However in 1966 the Conference was held in Ottawa at Which Senator Fulbright appeared again. On this occasion he expounded further on the role of the US in Vietnam.
"On that occasion, Dr. N. M. Perera immediately following Fulbright, asked who created North and South Vietnam. They were members of one race. An artificial line is drawn separating North from the South and the North could not come to the aid of their kith and kin, their brothers, men of their own blood and men who had been fighting for centuries against the oppression of various types.

Sam Wijesinha Story - N. M. blasts U. S. 781
"Senator Fulbright in his speech had said the US was fighting a "police action" in Vietnam. NM said: "The US has become the Policeman of the World? That country is now spending US $ 45,000 to kill one Vietcong, to one man spend that 45,000 dollars by all means, so that men may live and not die.
Let them pay out the money. Then the problems of Communism will not arise. Communism is a thing that is born out of social force". NM's speech, literally, got a standing ovation and Senator Fulbright was never seen after that at such international Conferences. NM had met Tip O'Niel of the US Congress who was one of the earliest to go against President Johnson and NM was convinced that the White House was using the Gulf of Tonkin (off the coast of North Vietnam) incident as an excuse to open a war. Later on it became clear that those Vietnam torpedo boats had not come within two miles of the American ship. NM also knew that the high-ups in the army, air force, the navy and CIA and similar agencies were all against the war but their reports were never Submitted to the President.
"A number of experts from the Defence Department and the CIA who supported the President publicly, were saying just the opposite privately. NMknew that some of the top-level advisers were preventing the relevant memos and reports from reaching the President". Sam said: "I mention this because this kind of thing has happened in the past, is happening now, and will happen in the future all over the world".
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, September 14th, 1997.

Page 400
US had a 'Pathological greed' for Cuba
Speech made by D. E. W. Gunasekara, Deputy Chairman of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka at the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Solidarity with Cuba held from June 12-13, 1996 in Hanoi)
It is an honour, a privilege, a joy to be able to address from this rostrum in the land of Great Ho-Chi-Minh to a galaxy of distinguished representatives from the Asia-Pacific Region who have gathered here for the Cause of Solidarity with the Cuban People.
At the outset, let me on behalf of the people of Sri Lanka, extend to this Second Conference of Solidarity with Cuba the warmest fraternal greetings and best wishes for a successful conference.
In Sri Lanka, there is unity and unanimity on One single question amongst all sections of the society and in the entire political spectrum of the country. That is on the question of solidarity with Cuba. This will be amply manifested in the high-powered, broadly representative delegation that will participate in the forthcoming Festival of Youth in Cuba.
As we enter the 21st century in another three years, Cuba as an independent sovereign nation, will be completing 40 years in its Continuing struggle against the US policy of siege - the economic, trade and financial bloCade.
SHAMEFUL
It is shameful that the most brazen, naked, outrageous violation of the United Nations' Charter has been allowed to be perpetrated and tolerated for so long as 40 years by the international community - by the Civilized World.
In spite of the World-wide protests by the entire membership of the UN barring two to three countries, by the Non-aligned Movement, by the European Community, by the entire Caribbean Community, even by USpeople, including intelligentsia, businessmen, regardless of ideological differences, the blocade by the US against Cuba continues.

US had a 'Pathological greed" for Cuba 783
Why? The hegemony of the world by one single super-power prevails and operates subtly through the mechanism of the United Nations Security Council, viz the Veto power which has become most outdated, dangerous and unjustified.
Hence, to speak of democracy in the World, and to speak for a safer and better world to live in, one must first begin to speak of democracy within the UN and of the need to democratize the United Nations.
In this struggle, Cuba unyieldingly and indefatigably demonstrated its principled, consistent and resolute position, earning the love and admiration of the entire World Community.
EXPLANATIONS
Why is US behaving in this fashion against this little Cuba? Their pretexts, excuses, explanations in defence of their stand are no longer valid or relevant even from their own past political positions.
* There is no cold war now which they spoke of * There is no confrontation between the two super-powers which
they were alarmingly concerned with * There is no more confrontation between the two antagonistic
power-blocs * There is no fear of "Russian bear" or the "Soviet evil".
The entire Latin America, to which they gave highest priority security consideration, has totally changed. The entire Latin America is now totally friendly with Cuba.
So, why should US then continue with its policy of siege through Torricelli-Act, Helms Burtan Act, etc. This policy of US from the very inception has remained unchanged throughout the 10 US administrations since the Cuban Revolution.

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784
Politics ard Life ir Our Tirings
D. E. W. GUNASEKERA AT THE ASA-PACIFIC REGIONAL CONFERENCE IN HANO., WIETNAM
。 "、 * “
D. E. W. Gunasekera, Deputy Chairman of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka
To speak of democracy in the world, and to Speak for a safer and better World to live in, one must first begin to speak of democracy within the UN and of the need Lם democratize the United Nations
- D. E. W. Gurasakera
 
 
 
 
 

LS had a 'Pathological greed" for Cuba 785
For whatever reasons, even the policy towards China, Vietnam LLaLaLLL LLaCC aLLL LaLLL LaaL LLLLLLLGLLS LLLL HLH LLC LLLLCS
History provides evidence that all US administrations from the beginning had "a Pathological Greed" for Cuba.
It throws some light on the real motivation of the US regarding Cuba - much longer before Cuba proclaimed its socialist Orientation, for example in 1808, 10 years before the birth of Karl Marx, US tried to obtain from Spain the sale of its colony of Cuba.
In 1823, 25 years before the first publishing of the Communist Manifesto, US invented the so-called theory of ripe-fruit according to which Cuba was ripe to be annexed to North America.
In 1898,5 years before the founding of Bolshevik Party of Russia by Lenin, US intervened in Cuba's war of independence, imposing 4 years military Tule,
HEROC PEOPLE
In 1901, 16 years before the Great October Revolution in Russia, US imposed an amendment to the Cuban Constitution through which it stripped Cuba of part of its territory which it still usurps in Guantanamo, assuming the right of interference.
Prior to the Cold War, US intervened several times With its OCCupation forces ousting Governments and intervening in the internal affairs upto January 1st, 1959 - The dawn of the Cuban Revolution,
The heroic people of Cuba, since the Cuban Revolution or January 1st 1959, did not allow US to behave in the manner it did earlier. That is why US embarked upon this new strategy of siege or blocade and Continues With it.
It should be borne in mind that the mightiest power (US) in the World for the first time in mankind's history has failed to use force against (Cuba) one of the tiniest countries of the World in spite of it being within the reach of 90 miles of the territory of that mightiest power,

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786 Politics and Life in Our Times
Simon Bolivar and Jose Marti both foresaw this and that is why they talked of a United and integrated Latin America.
Jose Marti, on the eve of his death in his last letter, said "Prevent US from spreading through the Antilles as Cuba gains independence".
Saluting the heroic people of Cuba, I wish to say that through the new vision, mission and strategy of the Cuban leaders, they have successfully kept to the words of Jose Marti. We are convinced that the dream of Bolivar and Martishall be realized in spite of the blocade of Cuba.
Cuba's new strategy will assure the Cuban people and the Latin American people at large of the realization of that cherished dream.
Hanoi, June 13th, 1996.

We Will End the War and
Build a Peaceful Sri Lanka
— President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga
President Chandrika Bandaranalike Kumaratunga yesterday called upon her Cabinet Ministers not to be bickering about portfolios they did not get or clamour for positions in the Wake of around 200,000 members of the armed forces and the police paying the Supreme sacrifice with little or no compensation at all.
The President also appealed to the Buddhist clergy and all non-governmental organisations to support the government's devolution proposals and the new constitution which would be legally enacted in mid 1998, through a referendum.
President Kumaratunga was addressing Cabinet Ministers, Deputy Ministers, Provincial Councillors, the Buddhist clergy and the national media on the launching of the "Peace Caravan" at Anuradhapura town yesterday morning. Virtually, the entire cabinet of ministers (barring the Prime Minister and the Minister Bernard Soyza) were present as were leaders of all Political parties.
Persident Kumaratunga told herministers "Please do not grumble saying did not get this post while some one else got. This devolution package and the peace proposals are not geared to provide any favours or advantages to any individual minister or politician".
The President also appealed to the Buddhist clergy in particular to propagate the theory of non-violence, compassion and loving kindness among all citizens.
Continuing President Kumaratunga said: "The government has begun today the final phase of a programme to ensure national peace in accordance with the mandate it received from the people which coincides with the Government's third anniversary. We have commenced this programme from the historic and sacred city of Anuradhapura.

Page 403
788 PS arī L Of Trīgs
It was also from this historic city that the kings of yore commenced various programmes of national importance, We still value Various historical developments which occurred to this nation from around 2500 years ago.
A united Sri Lanka Was Conceived of in Anuradhapura where the authority of the Sinhalese was established, While there were various kings who ruled the Country at that time, they waged War with Warious devastating forces which threatened the sovereignty of the nation at Warious intervals,
During those prehistoric times, there was a king who ruled the country while there were other minor kings who ruled individual provinces or zones. Jaffna and Kotte Were both similar ones. The regional king ruled the area and there was peace in the entire nation baring a few instances. The main king devolved powers to the minor kings and everyone was living in peace.
Therefore, as history has repeated itself, the government has decided to devolve power where there would be regional Councils which would ensure the creation of solutions to political problems.
The people of this Country gave usanandate three years ago to end a War which continued for 17 years. Therefore, West List Create an environment where everybody could live in peace. We started negotiations With the LTTE soon after assuming office in accordance of our election pledges. They did not respond to Our negotiations and broke the truce after eight months. Thus, in order to fight the war more effectively, We have strengthened the armed forces. However, even if we end the War by militarily defeating Prabhakaran, We should providesolutions to the minority communities which would ensure that there is no relapse of this menace. We presented Our devolutio" troposals to the people without any hesitation or any COwerings. We have conducted negotiations with Warious political parties and the public was kept informed through the media for the last two years. Now We have Come to the stage of implementation,
The constitution enacted by former President J. R. Jayewardene makes us require a clear two-thirds majority in Parliament to amend the Constitution. The governments of Presidents Jayewardene and Premadasa amended the constitution 16 times without Consulting the people and now they require us to have two-thirds.

W89
LLLLLL LLLL KLL YaT LSLL LLLLLLL YSLLLLLLYLS aYMYLL
PEŬPLES' ALLIANCE GOVERNMENT DEMŪŅĒTRATES TT55 OLIDÀRITY MAĦKING THE 5TH ANNIVERSARY OF ITS FOUNDATION
In August, 1999, constituent parties of the PÅ held a demonstration in Colombo to mark the fifth anniversay of the PÅ Government. Among those in the picture are Prövincial CƠuficils and Local GōwāTTīmērīt Minister and wĘtērām trādē unionist Alawi Mgwlana MP, K. P. Silva (Communist Party) and S. Siriwardane (LSSP – in red shirt)

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790 Politics and Life in Our Times
We had the two-thirds under the first past the post system where we got around 80% of the votes. But, strangely under President Jayewardene's Constitution, we have only one vote as the majority in parliament. However, as the people gave us a mandate to implement their requirements, we are going to amend the constitution to ensure that the rights of the people are safeguarded.
The J. R. Jayewardene government changed the electoral systems in this country as well. This is a fraudulent system. One cannot understand this and would go off his head. It is also very frightening. We will ensure that the rights of the people are maintained. The constitution of the country is a symbolic representation of the preference of the majority of the people. If it does not fulfil this, the constitution Could be burnt.
We are a democratic Country. We have got the preference and the verdict of the people through the electoral system.
"We will enact the constitution, end the war and build a peaceful Sri Lanka in the first half of next year".
Ours is a nation which has a proud cultural and economic history. Ours is a predominant Sinhalese Buddhist nation where Buddhism has prevailed for 2500 years. The land where Lord Buddha was born, attained Enlightenment and Parinibbana was India. The Gandhi philosophy reigned supreme in India, a subcontinent which has remained stable With 26 States.
Sri Lanka, unlike India, has a less number of languages, less number of minority communities. The devolution of power has successfully been implemented in nations like Canada and Switzerland. There is no reason why devolution of power cannot be successfully imple...ented in Sri Lanka.
(Ravi Ladduwahetty reporting from Anuradhapura)
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, 26th August, 1997.

NM foresaw Lanka's Torment in the Forties
by U. N. Jinasena
Today, is the 18th death anniversary of the late Dr. N. M. Perera who is still affectionately remembered as NM by his party colleagues, Working class and close associates.
consider it a great honour to write this tribute to a great statesman who had been a hero and idol formany of our contemporaries in the 1940s and 1950s.
LSSP under the leadership of NM had their enlightened policies with regard to the subjects of language and citizenship for Indian estate workers. Although there was no major problem with regard to these matters in the 1940s, nevertheless LSSP was clear in its thoughts as far back as this period.
The LSSP manifesto before the elections in 1952 had a clause stating "to safeguard the rights of all minorities....". (manifesto of LSSP issued on May 1, 1951). Although all the major political parties in Sri Lanka were in favour of a policy of recognizing minority rights both major political parties, the UNP and SLFP had changed their language policy in 1955 to that of "Sinhala only". Despite serious political set backs, LSSP held to its principle of affording a rightful place for both Sinhala and Tamil Languages. NM was in the forefront in emphasizing the need for a pragmatic and humane approach to solving the national language issue. He predicted serious problems for the country in terms of national unity and national development should the "Sinhala Only"policy be implemented.
NM had repeatedly forewarned in the late 50s of the serious Consequences, leading evento creation of a separate state and affiliation of such a state to a world power if short-sighted policies to solve the national language question, Were followed. An exhaustive speech made by Leslie Gunawardane in parliament on 08.06. 58 summarised some of the statements made by NM at various fora - parliament, public meetings, seminars, etc.

Page 405
PCMCS Hrīd Lsg 7 ) " Tir ES
792
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LLLLLL LGLLLLSS GStLS L CCCE0LOL LLLL LaLLLLLLL 793
NM's vision on the language policy has proved correct today. The Country today is divided on ethnic lines. The Tamils have taken to armis With a wie W to Creating a separate state. The Conflict has deteriorated into a civil War With no prospects of political reconciliation insight in the short term.
A new dimension to the problem is that a solution which was acceptable to the Tamils in 1959 is not acceptable to thern today. SLICCessive governments which tried to solve this matter had to offer more and more Concessions which resulted in the gradual and sad distancing of the two communities from each other, without reverting to the "brotherhood" that existed prior to 1956.
CONSTITUTION OF 1978
Despite political expediency to win the elections on the "Sinhala Only" policy by the major parties since 1956, the SLFP government tried in 1959 to solve the problem to a large degree by proposals to give due prominence to the Tamil Language. A "possible final solution" in 1959 Was Scrapped due to opposition by the UNP which continued to thwart an attempt to bring about national reconciliation and the acceptance of Tinority rights.
NM had a clear Wision as to the need for an acceptable solution to the questions of language and national reconciliation. If he were alive today, he would support the government's devolution proposals unreservedly, The present devolution proposals of the PA government appear to be definitely an honourable deviation from the stard of the two major political parties in the past. It appears now that the UNP has failed to realise the need to take the matter of language and national reconciliation, above party politics.
It is heartening to note that NM's wision as a leader of the LSSP With regard to the national question is fully supported by the present leaders of the LSSP, LSSP together with other left parties such as CP, SLMP DWIP, etc. fully support the PA government in finding areasonable Solution to the ethnic probler through the current devolution proposals, This is the highest honour that the present political leaders can bestow On the late visionary,

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794 Politics and Life in Our Times
NM is said to be a Laskian (Prof. Harold Lasky) in economics and a Marxist in politics. His theses for the Ph. D. and D. Sc. are related to political science subjects. His first thesis was on the "Weimer Constitution" for which he was awarded the Doctor of Science (D.Sc.) and the second thesis was on "Comparative Parliamentary Procedure" for which he received a Doctorate of Philosophy (Ph.D.) from the London University, NM was eminently suitable to make a critical analysis of the constitution of 1978 which he did by publishing a booklet "Critical Analysis of the Constitution of the Sri Lanka Government" (promulgated in 31.08.78). The constitution of 1948 was later replaced by a new constitution in 1972. The constitution of 22.05. 72 was an attempt to introduce certain necessary changes following the experience of the constitution of 1948 which had existed for 24 years. The constitution of 1972 did not make fundamental changes in the basic design of the constitution but, it transformed the constitutional structure of the country.
Athird constitution had been introduced in 1978 just after six years of the previous constitution of 1972. The basic philosophy of a constitution is to set up a constitutional structure in the Country taking into account the need for stability, security and effective functioning of government. The third constitution had been criticised by a large number of political scientists from Sri Lanka and abroad in many respects. The objective of the architects of the third constitution appeared to be to introduce a system of government under which one party would reign in etermity due to certain basic advantages that party was supposed to have had.
We have lived under the new constitution for nearly 20 years. The need to correct the obvious defects and shortcomings of the 1978 constitution led to an undertaking by the PA government to abolish the executive presidency and make a fundamental change to the associated parliamentary systems. Even today the country is beset with the problems created by the third constitution which is not in alignment with the aspirations of the people of Sri Lanka.
NM was one who did not agree with the third constitution, the design of which is not in keeping with the political development of the country and the people, but merely intended to keep a certain political party in power. NM's objection to the American/French presidential

NM foresaw Lanka's Torment in the Forties 795
system, included in the third constitution, as against the existing West Minister model was because it was deemed undesirable to "swing a country politically and constitutionally young, as ours, from one constitutional system to another, so starkly different".
NM defended the 1972 constitution as it did not involve jumping from one constitutional structure to another and in his opinion "such rapid changes make for instability, insecurity and disloyalty". "A constitution must evoke the unstinted loyalty of the people by its acceptability and its capacity to respond to needs of the people. It is not the letter of the law of the constitution that can earn respect and evoke this loyalty. It is the spirit that animates its effective functioning". Through his booklet as well as other lectures etc. he held strong views and criticized the 1978 constitution as not representing and not responding to the needs of the people. His analysis of various sections of the constitution showed that the constitution is not appropriate for a country like Sri Lanka.
NM's thinking on the pre-requisites of a healthy constitution can be seen by the following paragraphs.
"No greater error can be committed than the wholesale transplantation of political institutions from one country into another. The political institutions of a country have to evolve over a period of time in accordance with its historic development, its changing social stratification, its traditions, its racial composition, and its geography. It would be rediculous and myopic in the extreme to transplant institutions from one country to another dissimilar in many ways".
EDUCATION AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM
NM had firm view regarding the need to give opportunities to the poor to educate themselves. He was an advocate of Free Education. At personal level, his advice to many like us regarding the absolute need of educating Ourselves, wastestimony to his enlightened viewson education.
His view "Education must be a right of all people", could be gleaned from his article. "The Case for Free Education" written and published while in detention prison at Kandy in 1943. His article was a critique of the Report of the Special Committee on Education, 1943 (better known as Kannangara Report).

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796 Politics irid Lifeg li 7 CLIF TIT TCHs
While he, as an advocate of free education, Criticized Tany aspects of the proposals of the Report, his main Criticism was the failure of the Report "to relate the problem of unemployment to education". He continued," a consideration of education di Worced front this Tajor economic problem of this age of declining finance Capitalism is a hostage to the absolutelaissez-faire System.
"The persistence With which it lights shy of integrating the education system to the vocational needs of the people exhibits the rather pathetic attachment of the Committee to the Worn-out notions of purely cultural education; as if culture is something apart from and opposed to the economic structure of the Country".
NM had the vision then to foresee the nightmare of Unemployment experienced by successive governments, since independence. He held the view that unemployment is an unavoidable and necessary evil of capitalism. He advocated the need for an educational System which should be related to the manpower needs of the Country.
He presented in his article, in outline, the educational plan of the LSSP which is based on a common educational prograTrile up to a certain point and then a "division according to abilities, aptitudes and choice of students". This system Would hawe ensured that While certain students continue higher studies, others will opt for a Vocational education,
For vocational education to be successful he had predicted the need for establishment of "Polytechnics" providing theoretical education backed by practical Work.
He had advocated the establishment of Agricultural Schools; and for those entering vocational education facilities to enter the Universities later on. One important aspect of WOCational education emphasized by him was the regional occupation-based training schemes, e.g. Carpentry Workshop in Moratuwa, Workshop for Cigar industry in Jaffna, etc. He proposed central specialized practical training schemes at railway workshops, CEB Workshops, etc. for Specialized "implant" training,
His main proposition was to have an educational System Capable of addressing the major question of unemployment and the requirements of economic development.

NM foresa w Lanka's Tor"|7797 r ir the Fort les WS"
MARK ANTHONY LYSTER BRACEGIRDLE AND THE LSSP
M. A. L. Bracggrave 10.t''} 1912 — 22.05.1ggg
Bracegirdle was served with the order of deportation on 22nd April, 1937, and
given 48 hours to leave by a specified Stearther, The LSSP with the Tull, 爵
concurrence of Bracegirdle decided that the order should be defied:ծ
A group of party members including Dr. N. M. Perera and myפְּelf the author of this book, Went to the Colombo Jetty, as if thզugh to give a send-off to departing Bracegirdle. On 24th April,
the day the Slearner was to depart, the Stear TT || ft without Bracegirdle. We gave three hearly cheers
for Bracegirdle and dispetsad,  ݂1 ¬.ܝ

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798 Politics and Life in Our Times
ROLE OF MULTI-NATIONALS
NM had carefully analysed the role of Multi-national corporations in developing countries since 1960s. His article titled "Multi-national Corporations - A New Agency of imperialist Exploitation", was based on a text of a lecture delivered by him in Sinhala at the Centre for Society and Religion on June 9, 1976.
NM had made several observations relating to multi-nationals in this article. Reference is made to some of them below:
(a) The emergence of huge conglomerates and monopoly Combines through aggregation of industry units, was the pattern in the period intervening between the First and Second World Wars.
(b) The second phase of their development was characterized by the emergence of multi-national corporations after the Second World War with a qualitative difference. He said they were not merely international companies selling goods but were "powerful entities with capacity and resources to overthrow established governments." NM's reference was to the ability of these Companies to undermine political aspirations of a country through sheer economic power which is characteristic of multi-national American institutions.
In his article he has in particular referred to the part played by the then US government in deposing Chilean leader, Allende, through the combined efforts of Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the International Telephone and Telegraph (IT&T), a global multinational company.
(c) "The multi-nationals are not concerned in developing other countries. They are intent on exploiting and getting maximum profits from us. It is a fallacy to think that they bring scarce financial resources into a country. Often they only import the minimum requirement and operate on overdrafts obtained by virtue of their international standing and prestrge". The criticism made by NM had been voiced in many countries including those which achieved Substantial economic development through the medium of foreign direct investment.

NM foresaw Lanka's Torment in the Forties 799
(d) NM has commented on the failure of multi-nationals to structure their operations to any ordered scheme of development which would ensure optimum use of manpower potential and raw material resources of a Country.
What NM was emphasising is that to assist in the development of a country using its limited resources, it required planned development of the basis of national priorities.
His contention is that objectives of multi-nationals do not fit in with such national plans, but they would extensively invest in areas which bring them maximum profit.
(The writer had been a close associate of NM since 1960; in particular during the period 1972-1977 when he was GM (and later managing director) of the then State Graphite Corporation of Ceylon. He is currently the chairman of Bogala Graphite Lanka Ltd., chairman, Lanka Phosphate Ltd, director Lanka Mineral Sands Ltd., and director Ceylon Glass Company.)
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, August 14th, 1997.

Page 409
The Federal Concept in Sri Lanka
by Batty Weerakoon, MP
It cannot be denied, except by the intellectually blind or dishonest, that the state in Sri Lanka has been in crisis during at least the last One decade. Nor can it be denied that the reason for this is the strong feeling of the Tamil community that it has been functionally excluded from the State as it exists. What matters is not as to whether this Sense of alienation is justified or not, but the fact that it exists. If the On-going discussions on the package of proposals for a new Constitution for the Country fails to unequivocally and candidly address this pressing situation the Crisis is bound to continue.
The Crisis took tangible form when the Tamils reached the point of having to present to themselves separatism as an alternative to federalism. It appears that the federal lobby here had gained considerable inspiration and confidence from Pierre Trudeau's confrontation of his Quebec political rivals, the separatists, in the 1980s. This is not to say that this lobby did not adopt, for purposes of its theory, the terminology of the Quebec separatists, such as "homeland" and "distinctive nation" which were certainly not part of the rhetoric of Trudeau and the Liberal Party. Trudeau had turned his back on the "two Canadas" perspectivethe language based regionalism favoured by the provinces that were not indifferent to the issue.
THE FEDERAL DEMAND
The failure of the Sinhala politician to understand the "federal" demand Contributed largely to the crisis. On this his confusion was matched by that of the Tamil "federalist". He saw the demand as an immediate threat to the unity and territorial integrity of the country. The

The Federal Concept in Sri Lanka 801
politician was not alone in this. It may be said with respect that the obiter dicta in the minority opinion in the Supreme Court's determination on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution reflect this same response. Anything "federal' was anathema to this trend of thinking.
The Sinhala politician, or communalist thinker, sees that it is necessary for his strategy to deny that there exists or can exist an ethnic problem, and he questions even the semantics involved. With seeming innocence he counters any attempt to address the problem with the position that all that need be done is a determination of "what grievances the Tamil community still suffers from as a community and which the other communities do not suffer from and solve these problems". To accept this as ultimate wisdom on the problem at hand is to miss the point. The political aspirations of a sizeable minority within a single nation can go beyond the point of an identification, for the purpose of Solution, of its disparate problems within a given political system. It may well be that what it is ultimately confronted with is the problem or question of political relations.
HAROLD LASKI
When the politically alienated Tamil confronts the nation with his "federal" concept he indicates a problem that is larger than the "problems of the Tamils" about which a very reverend monk recently pronounced that of these there are none. With his "federal" concept the Tamil politician seeks for his community that degree of political autonomy which he identifies with federalism. He sees his aspirations inhibited by the centralization of powers which he associates with the unitary state.
Harold Laski was among those political thinkers who differed early from the established acceptance of the virtues of the centralization of powers in the unitary state. He saw in American federalism a capacity to reflect and cater to a diversity of interests which necessarily seek political expression. "In a democracy", he said, "the surest guaranty of

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802 Poffics and Lffo Fr) OLIr Tfr1765
HON. BATTY WEERAKOON, MINISTER OF TECHNOLOGY AND SCIENTIFICAFFAIRS; GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE LSSP
Horn, Batty Weerakoor7 Harold Laski was among those political thinkers who differed early
from the established acceptance of the virtues of the -
centralization of powers in the unitary state.
— Hor). Batty (MWeerakoor7
 

The Federal Corcops ir Sri Larika 803
civic responsibility seems to lie in the gift of genuine functions of government no less to the parts than to the whole". The American system he saw as approximating to this. He also saw the need for this kind of capacity in the centralized political systems of both Great Britain and France. In respect of Britain he wrote with reference to post-war reConstruction.
"One of the resultant and fundamental problems Great Britain Will hawe to face When its reconstruction comes is precisely this. Its local life will have to be made real, it will undergo revivification, Its units of local government Will have to be made real. They will hawe to receive a sowereignly that is something more than an anaemic reflex of the Central power". Studies in the Probles I of Sovereignty. Yale UP, 1977.
This was stated in the period of World War I. What Laskimeant here would certainly have related to systems different from what we understand by the term "local government". As stated by him it appeared to involve the question of sovereignty too. In regard to the recognition of certain natural units of political administration he wrote, "It is admitted freely that the result will probably derogate from the unique sovereignty of the whole. Yet that is surely but a theoretical derogation from which no practical consequences ensue, and I am pragmatist enough to contend it is therefore no derogation at all".
AMERICAN FEDERALISM
Whether the Tamil politician's "federal concept" for Sri Lanka projects a federal state or not it is clear that behind him is a community that aspires to the kind of autonomy which is ensured in a federal arrangement. The difficully of the Sinhala politician in appreciating this position is in his assumption that there is a finished form of the state that can be identified with federalism. It may be said that in the matter of formulating his position the Tamil politician too is affected by the same difficulty.

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Since the time Laski made his observations federalism has been the subject of much scholarship. Richard H. Leach in his American Federalism - 1973, stated thus a proposition that may be advanced in relation to his subject:
"Indeed, it is probably wrong even to use the suffix 'ism' for federalism, for the danger is always present that it will be read to mean adherence to a system rather than a process, which is all its use should imply".
In the American experience that process commenced with the struggle of the 13 British colonies in America against the nature of British colonialism at the time. That phase of the process ended with the Declaration of Independence in 1776 and the war of independence that ensued. This was after a period of over one and half centuries after the first American colony, Virginia (1607), was founded. In that period the colonies were placed in circumstances in which they were virtually governing themselves. The Continental Congress through which these Colonies conducted the war was an ad hoc organization within which they sturdily preserved their independence. In 1776 these colonies transformed themselves into states with written republican constitutions. Of the Articles of Confederation which they collectively adopted and which came into effect in 1781, teach comments," Conceived in the spirit of liberty they did not provide for the exertion of power necessary to hold the colonies-turned states-together".
It may be said that the second phase in the American process concerned itself with the attempt to reconcile the jealously guarded independence of these states with the need for a viable national Centre. Before this phase was brought to a close a civil war had to be fought a century after the Declaration of Independence. Indeed an outsider to the American system may well wonder whether this phase has as yet come to a close. The understanding of federalism as involving a process would of Course explain this.

The Federal Concept in Sri Lanka 805
Although the federal process in the USA has succeeded in evolving a cohesive national centre the same may not be said of Canada's experience with its several provinces. In his The Federal System - An Uncertain Path, devoted to the assessment of the Canadian constitutional crisis (Daedalus - Fall 1988), that country's Liberal parliamentarian Lloyd Axworthy, a close follower of events, Comments that the political leadership has lost its sense of national purpose, and warns that, "As a result, the system is in danger of slipping away into a loose Confederation of competing power centres".
The role of the states or provinces in the USA and Canada gives substance to Richard P. Nathan's position in his Defining Modern Federalism (North American & Comparative Federalism: Essays for the 1990s - (Fourth Berkeley Seminar on Federalism series), that the role the state governments play in their respective systems defines the federalness of each Such system. Leach examines the Several available theories onfederalism. No matter whether such theory is states-centred or nation-Centred what is involved is a relationship between the states and the national centre created by the states for their own purposes. Nathan lists the several dimensions along which the states have a Substantial role to play in a federal system, and he links to this the extent of the federalness in each Case. What is Common to all these is the fact that it is the states that created their respective federal systems. The states existed as the precedent fact. No matter what the reality ultimately could be, these are units that have been capable of making a Credible claim even to relatively independent viability, which is part of the right of self determination. The capacity of the units for such existence may ultimately define their role in the federal equation.
Federalism is a process by which nations have been formed by bringing together, in a given situation, territories and peoples that have shared a common political, cultural or other heritage. The USA is its most excellent example. Britain resorted to the same process in insulating its dominions in Canada from possible pressure from the USA, it has been a very Creative process in the World of expanding

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capitalism, and historically it has been in the interests of capitalist expansion. That almost the same process is being carried out on a regional or continental basis as in the case of the European Union is a pointer to its remarkable creativeness. It is in these circumstances that political scientists have advanced the very plausible position that, in the Context of the globalization that is taking place today, the concept of the nation-state is no longer valid. For the developing world too it is a fact, that the larger the nation the more capable it could be in managing imperialist pressures on it. The parochialism that is reflected in separatism is no longer consistent with economic and political realities.
DARK FORCES OF REACTION
If federalism is an available solution to the sense of alienation, mentioned above as felt by the Tamil community, there is no question that it should be actively pursued. Given a strong and viable Tamil territorial entity there can be no substance in the fear that federalism Could lead to a division of the Country. In those circumstances federalism Would present itself as the only means of uniting two or more divisions or units as a single nation. In that historically this has been the function of federalism there is no reason as to why this should turn sour in Sri Lanka if in fact the need for it exists.
The reality however is that in the absence of the precedent fact, which is the existence of viable units which together can constitute the federal state, federalism does not offer itself as an available solution to the Country's ethnic conflict. This undeniable fact has to be recognized in the interests of a full and comprehensive devolution of political power. The refusal to do this for fear that it would disappoint the Tamil federal lobby that courageously confronts the separatism of the LTTE, can be disastrous because it allows the Sinhala communalist to indentify devolution of power with the setting up of a federal state or the paving of the way to it.

The Federal Concept in Sri Lanka 807
Correctly understood, the federal concept relevant to the Sri Lankan Context can translate itself only to a devolution of political power as can give to the several provinces a substantial degree of political autonomy. This is a widening of democratic practice in accommodating the interests of a pluralist and multi-ethnic society. It is only to the extent that we recognize devolution of political power as a necessary and progressive step for the widening of democratic rights that the needed trust and Confidence could be achieved for making the system work. The 13th Amendment to the Constitution could not be put into effect establishing a properly functioning system of devolution because reactionary forces stood in the way of it winning from all communities the needed mutual confidence. These same forces still exist. To present as federalism what is essentially a devolution of political power can only delight these same dark forces of reaction.
Colombo, 1st August, 1996.

Page 413
The Unitary State and Devolution
by Batty Weerakoon, General Secretary, L.S.S.P
in the Current discussion on the subject of devolution of power in Sri Lanka the position has been advanced that there can be no substantial devolution in a Unitary State. The assumption in this appears to be that devolution of power is a device related to a federal arrangement and that the unitary state is too restrictive for its meaningful realisation.
This position, advanced by a group of respected academics who have shown a longtime commitment to devolution as a solution to Sri Lanka's ethnic crisis, passes off for a self evident truth. Closer examination, however, exposes its fallaciousness. To allow it to pass unchallenged is dangerous. The obverse of it is that devolution of power ifeffected substantially in a unitary state, will change the unitary nature of that state.This position can therefore feed the "nationalist" at both the Sinhala and Tamil extremes. The word"nationalist" is preferred here because it reaches beyond the besotted word that answers to the term Communalist.
CASSIFICATION
The constitutional law which may be resorted to in the task of making a constitution has no ready to hand classification or criteria that relate to "unitary" and "federal". The brahmins of the Indian Constitution have added confusion too to this situation. Of them Some view that Constitution as unitary with a federal potential while others see it as federal with strong unitary features.
The constitutional law that has had predominance in Sri Lanka relates almost wholly to the British constitution. All else is seen very much from the outside. In relation to the flexibility claimed for the unwritten British constitution there is the description "rigid" applied to,

The Unitary State and Devolution 809
for instance, the constitution of the USA which is admittedly federal in character. Its rigidity may however be open to question considering the manner it has been worked by that country's executive Presidents and the Supreme Court. It may be said that it has not rigidly remained the federal constitution which the federating states may understandably have Wanted it to be.
MULTI-CULTURAL POLITY
Britain in the 1920s did consider administering a large dose of what it described as "federal devolution" to its admittedly unitary state. In June 1919 the House of Commons appointed a "Speaker's Conference on Devolution" to consider and report upon "a measure of federal Devolution" for the administration of its four components - England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales.
The "federal devolution" mentioned here is not defined. But it cannot be said that post-war Britain of the 1920s was considering a change in the unitary character of its state and constitution. It was looking for solutions from available constitutional law and practice for the political problems of a multicultural polity. That such a solution had a federal flavor was seen as no reason to reject it.
The academics mentioned above appear to rely on the Supreme Court's determination on the 13th Amendment for their position on the limitations of the unitary state vis-a-vis devolution. What the Supreme Court had to determine On that Amendment Was as to whether it had to be approved by the People at a Referendum before it became law. A Referendum is required where entrenched provisions in the Constitution are amended. The 13th Amendment did not remove any of these provisions and they remained for all purposes intact. Particular mention may be made of the fact that Article 2, which declares that the Republic of Sri Lanka is a Unitary State, is among the entrenched. One principle question that had to be determined, as seen by Court, was as to whether Article 76 was affected. This Article stated that Parliament shall not abdicate or in any manner alienate its legislative power, and shall not set up any authority with any legislative power. Although this

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810 Politics and Life in Our Times
Article was not entrenched it was argued that it characterised the unitary state contemplated in Article 2 and that therefore the setting up of Provincial Councils with legislative power affected it. There is, one would think, a very simple answer to this. That is the fact that despite the Republic being declared a Unitary State it became necessary to make the express provision of Article 76 precisely because the Unitary State contemplated in the Constitution, if left without this prohibition, could allow Parliament to set up legislative bodies outside of itself. Court however did not resort to this answer. Instead, the majority opinion written by Sharvananda J., held, as among its findings relevant to the matter in issue, that Parliament has reserved to itself the right to legislate on "National Policy" even on devolved subjects and that therefore there was no infringement of Article 76. The minority opinion, written by Wanasundera J., held otherwise. The thesis here was that there is a certain pattern of political and legal relations within which the Unitary State created in the Constitution had to function and that any alteration of that pattern affected the unitariness declared in Article 2.
SUPREME COURT'S DETERMINATION
Neither opinion attempted to evaluate the matters in issue in the context of any theory of the unitary state. This may have been for the very good reason that there was no such generally accepted theory. Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam, MP, in a recent contribution on Devolution recalled that, "Dr.Colvin R. de Silva used to say that there is nothing called a unitary constitution which is locked up in some mythical vault in heaven with which one could compare a constitution and say whether it is unitary or not".
Sharvananda J., adopted the textbook distinction between the constitutional concepts "unitary" and "federal". He observed that the gist of the federal principle is that through co-ordinate authorities, which are independent of each other, the federal and state governments exercise sovereignty in their respective fields but that in a unitary state sovereignty rests with the central government.

The Unitary State and Devolution 811
Where the majority opinion in the SC determination on the 13th Amendment contented itself with the distribution of sovereignty as what distinguished the federal from the unitary state the minority opinion assumed that devolution of power is a mechanism through which regional or provincial units of devolution can be made so autonomous as could change the unitary character within which the devolution is made. It goes on to state that the devolution of power effected by the 13th Amendment gives to the Sri Lanka state a federal character.
DELEGATION V DEVOLUTION
it must be remembered that the principle that is operative in the exercise of power distribution within a federal arrangement is not devolution but delegation. The American states delegated certain powers to a mutually accepted national centre and enumerated them. The balance was kept with the states as residual powers. The nature of the latter was such that a state, if it opted to do so, could repossess the powers it had delegated and even take the extreme step of secession. The fact that this has not happened in the USA and will certainly not happen is no reason to deny the basic nature of the relationship. We saw it asserting itself in the break up of the USSR. The fact is that from the very commencement of the 200 year history of the American federation the individual states saw no pressing reason to go back on their delegation of powers or to continue to maintain strictly their individual unitariness. They had the political will and the mutual confidence to reach compromises. It was these factors that were found wanting in the federalism of the USSR. The republics were able to resume their dormant unitariness. If what they had in their federalism was mere autonomy this would not have been possible no matter how enchanced it Could have been.
The SC determination On the 13th Amendment Cannot thus be taken as authoritative on the possibilities of devolution within a unitary state. Nor was it called upon to pronounce on that. This is not to say that the SC's minority opinion did not go on to state what it considered as the dangers of devolution. This however aids basically the expression

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812 FilosofiCG, arid Lsg ar 7 ČLT TWITTES
of political preference and can have no place in the examination of legal relations and capacities. In fact the discussion on devolution of power in the Sri Lanka context has been dominated by political preference for or against the unitary state with scant regard being paid to the manner devolution can be exercised as an intelligent device within the unitary state. It is not surprising that this should be reflected in the SC determination too.
INDIAN CONSTITUTION
As noted above what happens in federalism is the delegation of powers by the federating states to the Centre which these states establish for themselves Collectively. The Centre Cormes into existen Ce only through this delegation, Devolution of power, on the other hand, can have meaning and purpose only as a device that is resorted to for reordering of legal relations within an existing state structure. This invariably is the unitary state. The federal element in the Indian Constitution comes basically from the fact that the national Centre it projects is a creation of the Constitution to serve the purposes of already existing units. What has operated in that context in respect of power is not its devolution but its delegation. The "unitary" element in it issues principally from the responsibility the Constitution casts on the Centre in the refashioning of the units in accordance with the post-Colonial challenges, and in the holding of these units together. It is a serious mistake to assume that the political restructuring of post-independent India was the transformation of relations in a unitary state.
In Sri Lanka. We are faced today with a completely different exercise which is the restructuring of an existing and functioning unitary state. A restructuring that is adequate to cope with the compelling political needs of the country has to effect a substantial distribution of power to the periphery while maintaining the political and territorial unity and integrity of the country. Devolution of power has been adopted as the Tethod for accomplishing this.

The Unitary State and Do volution 813
DR. NEELANTIRUCHELWAMM. P., GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE TAMIL UNITED LEFT FRONT (TULF), AN AUTHORITY ON CONSTITUTIONAL LAW
| .
*、 Dr. Ngela | Tiruc'levan
31.01, 1944 - Քց.Ա.1ggg Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam has expressed his "strong conviction that in a unitary constitution the centre has the power of overriding either legislative or executive authority of the devolved unit". The right reserved in the Centre to legislate on the devolved Subjects in respect of "national policy" he sees as a means of glCroach Tent.
– Hon. Batty Weerakoon

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814 Politics and Life in Our Times
AUTONOMY
The autonomy that can be given to the province or region through devolution of power has two distinct aspects to it. One has a bearing on the political relationship between the national Centre and the autonomous unit. Its outside limit is determined by what is necessary to ensure the country's political and territorial integrity. The right of what is known as "external Selt-determination" and its related "Secession" which are at least notionally basic to the federal arrangement are excluded in this relationship.
The other aspect of autonomy is the legal capacity of the units to manage their own affairs within this relationship. This will necessarily include the powerS Vested in a unit over state land and other assets Within its boundaries, maintenance of law and Order, Welfare, the administration of justice, the provision of services and facilities needed for the economic and social life of the community, and the collection of
eVerue.
The 13th Amendment has given to the devolved units a very high degree of autonomy on the devolved subjects which extend from state land and its utilisation to the maintenance of law and Order.
Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam has expressed his "strong conviction that in a unitary constitution the centre has the power of overriding either legislative or executive authority of the devolved unit". The right reserved in the centre to legislate on the devolved subjects in respect of "national policy" he sees as a means of encroachment. The extreme dependence on the centre for the finances of the province is also seen as hampering autonomy. These however are not matters that cannot be rectified without affecting the basic relations within a unitary system.
DRAFTAMENDMENT
The draft Constitutional amendment now before the Parliamentary Select Committee addresses these problems. The centre's reserve power over "National Policy on all Subjects and Functions" has been given up. The removal of the "Concurrent list" is also apositive addition to autonomy.

The Unitary State and Devolution 815
The draft vests exclusively in the Regional Councils Legislative power over the devolved subjects. It also states in the section on Sovereignty that Regional Councils are a means through which legislative power that is sourced in the sovereignty of the People is exercised. The exercise of legislative power with this amplitude is not possible under the present Constitution not because of its unitariness but for the reason that Article 73, mentioned above, prohibits it. Executive power too, to the extent that it is required for the management of the Region, is exercised by the authorities in the Region as a function of the sovereignty of the People. The link of the Region's Governor to the President has been removed and he is made responsible to the Regional administration. The government at the centre would need to intervene only in the event of serious disorder which threatens the unity and security of the country, and provision has been made for this.
SOVEREIGNTY
What may be described as divided between the centre and the units in the draft in regard to legislative and executive functions is not sovereignty but the powers flowing from it. The 1972 Republican Constitution recognised sovereignty as vested in the People and that it is inalienable. There was no alienation of that sovereignty even to what was recognised as the "supreme instrument of State power of the Republic"-the National State Assembly. What was vested exclusively in the National State Assembly was State Power and it was this that was amenable to division and distribution. The 1978 Constitution adhered to the same distinction between sovereignty and the State Power that issued from it. The present draft maintains this distinction.
There is nothing sacrosanct about the form of a state being unitary or federal. Either form is adopted according to the needs of a given polity and not as the ideal all peoples must aspire to. It is a way of reconciling divergent and perhaps even competing interests. Neither form has characteristics which cannot be adapted to the purposes of the other. Devolution of power can be the means by which the unitary state can reach out, through the concept of autonomy, to the relative

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816 Politics and Life in Our Times
independence with which a state in a federation manages its affairs. Such mutual enrichment is possible and Constitutions develop means to face the challenges of the times through this means. This is what makes it ill advised for a Constitution to formally describe itself as either "unitary" or "federal", as done both in 1972 and 1978. The consequence of this is the importing of theory into the interpretation of the Constitution on matters touching this characterisation when, as seen in the SC determination on the 13th Amendment, there exists no adequate and authoritative theory or view on it.
The unitary state in countries of the so called Third World purportedly bound for NIC status in year 2000 have shown in the last two decades a strong move to authoritarian government. The Executive Presidential system that has been set up by the Constitution of 1978 has taken Sri Lanka on that path. It is difficult for this system to reconcile itself to the devolution of power which is essentially a democratic process. Misgivings on this score are not misplaced. The Constitutional draft that is now under discussion has excised from itself the Executive Presidential system.
Colombo, 1st August, 1996.

The Story of the LSSP Split Of the 1940s
by S. Piyasena
How may Left parties, offsprings of the original Lanka Sama Samaja Party, will hold separate or rival May Day rallies next week?
it was fifty years ago - on April 21, 1940 - the first split of the Left movement took place. Ironically this split had nothing to do with local political issues or the struggle against Colonialism and the "Imperialist war' that had just begun.
The split in the LSSP was born out of a certain 'theoretical conflict'- the 'conflict between Stalinism and Trotskyism'.
When the party was founded in December 1935 by the stalwarts of the Sooriya Mal Movement, as the first All-Ceylon political party (the Only other anti-colonial organisation was the Jaffna Youth League), many patriotic nationalists joined it even though they were not Marxists. Among them were men like Wilmot A. Perera and Corbert Jayewardene.
However, the party, from the very beginning, followed a Marxist policy, supported the Moscow regime, the vehement struggle for freedom of the colonial people and the Spanish Civil War against Fascism.
While there were no visible signs of a policy change locally, a series of articles published in the 'Congress Socialist Weekly' in India titled "Popular Front no way to October' written by a 'Ceylonese Marxist' in mid-1939 was brought to the notice of Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe by a Ceylonese Marxist Stalinist in Calcutta.
Dr. Wickremasinghe was at that time in medical practice in Matara and was not a full-time activist in the Lanka Sama Samaja Party. immediately after its formation in December 1935 the LSSP started participating in electoral politics. Dr. Wickremasinghe who was the sitting member for Morawaka in the first State Council, re-contested the seat as a candidate of the LSSP. The other candidates of the Party

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818 Folitics a rrid Life ir1 COLLI r Tirrjgs
were Philip Gunawardana, who challenged the Speaker Forester Obeyasekera at Awissa Wella, Dr. N. M. Perera pitted against aristocratic (later Lady) Adeline Molamure at Ruwanwalla and Leslie Goonewardene who contested Susantha de Fonseka, the most popular Member of the State Council of the Kalutara district.
Philip and N. M. Were elected while Wickremasinghe and Leslie were defeated. The defeat of Dr. Wickremasinghe and his self-exile to London for three years (where he worked with the British Labour Party and the anti-Imperialist organisations in UK) was largely responsible for the drastic change in the policies of the LSSP in the 1940s,
The last annual session of the LSSP before its proscription in 1940 was held in 1939. Strangely, a resolution was adopted at this Conference expressing solidarity with the Soviet Union and endorsing Moscow's military interwention in Finland, However, the 'solidarity', lasted less than 60 days,
In February 1940, when the party was "riding high' after the triumph from the Mooloya Estate Crisis, a resolution was brought before the Executive Committee by Leslie Goonewardene 'expressing noLLLLLLLL LL LLLLLLLLLSLLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLLLLLS
Naturally Dr. S. A. Wickramasinghe strongly opposed the resolution. But he was supported by only three others in the 40-member EXPCLJtỉwe CD mmitteå, Thay Wg Ta M. G. Mandis, AriyaWamsa Gunasekera and W. Ariyaratna,
DS UNITY
On April 20, 1940 the Executive Committee debated a resolution to expel the four Tembers who woted against the policy resolution in February, The only other member who supported the 'gang of four" was I. M. Ibrahim, the sole Muslim in the Committee.
After a long debate past midnight, the LSSP bade farewell to Dr. S. A. Wickramasinghe, the first Marxist legislator, and founding Thember of the party and his followers.

The Slory of the LSSP Split of the 1940s E19
FOUNDER OF THE LEFT MOVEMENT IN SRI LANKA
FOUNDER MEMBER OF THE LSSP AND OF
THE COMMUNEST PARTY OF SRI LANKA
T. Duraisingari Author of this book T. Duraisingam reading the "Long Walk to Freedom" by Nelson Mandala, President of South Africa

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THE SPLT HAD STARTED
The 'Stalinists' launched their activities in their headquarters at Huiftsdorp, under the name 'Colombo Workers Club'. Several local workers who had connections with the 'Stalinist' groups in Madras and Malabar worked very hard and under the dynamic leadership of M. G. Mendis, were able tomobilise the large Malayalee work-force in the city and the toddy tappers in the Negombo belt.
They published their weekly 'Janasaktiya' with Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe as the Editor. In June 1940 the leadership of the LSSP was interned under the Emergency (Defence) Regulations. Dr. Wickremasinghe (Editor) and T. Benette Silva (Publisher) of the Janasaktiya' were charged for sedition, but were released on bail until the case was concluded a year later and both were sentenced to jail.
The situation changed with the entry of the Soviet Union in the war in June 1941. Even though the new party - the United Socialist Party - formed by the Stalinists was banned together with the LSSP, the 'Stalinists' as the 'Communists of Ceylon' (not as a political party) came out in support of what they called the 'peoples war'.
The LSSP leaders who escaped from jail in 1942 and were absconding in India, worked for over two years in the sub-continent to strengthen the "Trotskyite forces' with very little success.
As much as the LSSP was enshrined as the major Marxist force in Ceylon, the Communist Party of india was head and shoulder above all the other Marxist groups in the sub-continent.
However, the LSSP leaders returned to the island as two rival groups, the LSSP and the Bolshevik-Leninist Party (BLP) of India and Ceylon. Since then it was split all the way - the VLSSP and the Nava LSSP and so many others sprang up from the cracked roots.
The Communist Party which was formed in 1943 was not proscribed. However, the party did not split until Moscow and Peking found theoretical reasons for a 'divorce'. The Communist Party of India was also split into two. The CPI supported Moscow while the supporters of Peking called themselves the CPI (Marxist).

The Story of the LSSP Split of the 1940s 821
The disunity of the Left forces in Ceylon turned out to be very Costly to the Left movement than in many other countries. It was proved beyond any doubt at the first parliamentary elections in 1947. Even though the LSSP and the BLP did not clash against each other - while the Communist Party did - they also did not extend their support to their erstwhile Comrades where there were no clashes.
Despite this rivalry it was creditable that the LSSP with ten seats, the BLP with five and the CP with five proved their strength, While at least five fellow travellers of the Left were returned. If the Left was united in 1947 they could have captured many more seats in Parliament. If, it is of course a big f - that had happened, the island's elections may have taken the form as in the Kerala or West Bengal States in India and the main contest would have been confined to the Right and the Left with no 'opening' for a "Third Force'.
Courtesy: "The Sunday Observer", Colombo, 22nd April, 1990.

Page 420
Rethinking Marxism's impasse
by Daya 7 Jaya til/eka
The Euthoris th Associat Editor of the jonā, Larka Gārdā, ard Executive Director of the Premadasa Centre, Colombo, Sri Lanka
This is a condensed version of an article which appeared in the Mainstream, New Delhi, India, Wol. 34, No. 28, June 15, 1996.)
MARXSMAND THE INTANGIBLE
There are two major interpretations within Marxism, concerning the motor force of history; two different identifications of the basic contradiction which propels large-scale qualitative change. One is the contradiction between the forces of production and the relations of production; the other is the contradiction between classes - the class struggle,
ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF SOCIALISM M THE USSR
In a striking leap of theoretical originality or perhaps intuition, Stalin, in his essay, Economic Problems of Socialist in the USSR envisaged the possibility of a contradiction between the forces and relations of production under socialism, (resulting from erroneous policies), Kautsky and Trotsky clearly visualized such a Contradiction, predicting the direct Consequences from it, they did so within an analytic framework that refused to identify post-97 Soviet society associalist.
The question thenis why is it that the Marxists of other countries, failed to see this. In the first place, they did not wish to admit that the problem was one of a contradiction between the forces and the relation of production, because to do so Would hawe been to rehabilitatea Stalinist thesis or worse still, to make concessions (they wrongly thought) to Maoist notions of funda Tental Contradictions under socialism, Therefore, the problem as seen merely as one of economic growth'stagnation

Fathinking Marxism's ripass. 823
FREDERICK ENGELS AND KARL MARX ARE THE FOUNDERS OF SC
28, 11, 1820 - 05.08.1895
The Socialist principulo is "Frontn Qach according to his atbilities, to each according to his work". When this has become a reality, then the Cortmunist principle of "From each according to his abilites, to each according to his needs", will be established.

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824 Politics and Life in Our Times
technological backwardness. The famous 'Scientific and Technological Revolution' (STR) was seen a quick-fix. Their outlook on the problems of socialism closely mirrored that of Walt Rostow (and World Bank orthodoxy) about the Third World!
Secondly, they did not understand the content of one of the most important aspects of the Scientific and Technological Revolution under late capitalism, which they were hoping to emulate. They failed to comprehend the crucial importance of information technology, of information and the dawning of the information age.
The STR, economic growth and even the forces of production were understood by the Soviet and Sovietised Marxists, in exclusively tangible, physical. material, quantifiable terms. These Marxists forgot or did not know Lenin's remark to the effect that "intelligent Materialism has more in common with intelligent idealism than with mechanistic materialism'.
Thus it is that a grave philosophical flaw, that of mechanistic, vulgar materialism, blinded dominant Marxism to the fact that an intangible, that is, "information" had now been incorporated as a vital productive force.
As a result the existing relations of production acted as a fetter on the further development of the forces of production and even caused a retardation of this development, since the forces of production that needed to be developed were the forces of informational production.
The contradiction between the forces of informational production and the relations of informational production manifested itself in two ways, or operated twice over. Firstly, as We have discussed, at an internal or intrasystematic level, where the necessary further development of the forces of production were fettered. Secondly, at an external level, that is the level of inter systemic contradiction.
The Marxists also failed to understand that certainly in modern times, information shaped culture was a component of it. The relationship between information and culture was not understood. This is unsurprising, because Marxism's major lacuna was not - as even so undogmatic a thinker as Regis Debray has alleged - the National Question. Indeed on that subject, Marxism (during and after Marx) contains a corpus of concepts that are the equal of any rival school of

Rethinking Marxism's Impasse 825
thought. A suppressed but easily verifiable fact, is that the Second International's and Lenin's advocacy of the Right of Nations to Self Determination antedated by several years, its use by Woodrow Wilson. Marxism's major lacuna, indeed its major weakness within is theorisation of the National Question, was and is precisely the Cultural Question (with Gramsci as the most notable exception). This in turn is linked to Marxism's inability to grasp the link between past and present, between Continuity and discontinuity, not in the social realm, not in the realm of socio-economic relations, but in the realm of thought, attitude, behaviour, habit, etc.
It is this structural weakness in Marxism that made it impossible for Marxists to grasp, let alone foresee, the contradiction that led so greatly to the collapse of socialism as a system: that between the forces of informational/cultural production and the relations of informational/ Cultural production.
For his part, Marx knew that while material force can be opposed only by material force, ideas become a material force when they are grasped by the masses. For "this Marx", there was no Chinese Wall between material and mental production- and the transformation from one to the other was a contingent process ("when..... grasped by the masses") - Contingent upon mediation by the collective, the mass. In this Other Marxism then, what is crucially determinant, is not the physical, the tangible, but the collective, the social. Or, more simply put, the people.
A PREMATURE OBITUARY
The main reason for declaring a crisis of Marxism was held to be the increasing gap between its predictions of polarization and of the vanguard role of the proletariat on the one hand, and the actual evolution of capitalist society on the other. If this were cause enough to declare the crisis or demise of Marxism, then it is almost two-thirds of a century old, since Eduard Bernstein made precisely these criticisms in the early part of the century. The point is not whether Bernstein was correct. The point is that even if he were, there was enough vitality and explanatory power in Marxism to act as inspiration for revolutionary upheavals at
east tiI 1979

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826 Politics and Life in Our Times
If the point is that of the collapse of the Socialist system, then why is it that the Survival of Cuba and its success at ensuring Social welfare despite the disappearance of its patron, is being ignored by the theorists of Marxism's end?
This achievement cannot be explained away as merely one of Cuban nationalism, because it begs the question of why Third World nationalisms — even those under praetorian systems — have collapsed while Cuba has not. It also begs the question as to why nationalism, or patriotism has found its strongest expression in Socialism in Cuba. Perhaps the "nationalist" explanation points to a strength rather than a weakness of socialism, that is, when it is not imposed from without, is the firmest and truest guarantee of independence, Sovereignty and indeed, of the national interest.
None of this is intended to avoid the problem of the collapse of Socialism in the USSR and Eastern Europe - and its implications for Marxism. But why identify a philosophy, and ideology, so completely with a system's destiny, particularly when the philosophers themselves had no blueprint for a system.
The other major argument that Marxism is over because there is no agreed upon or identifiable agency of change, is another arrow that does not hit the target dead centre. Surely the shift in identification of the main agent of emancipation occurred at least as far back as Mao, and possibly With Lenin's last Writings when he spoke of the World revolution's destiny being determined by the weight of China, India and PerSiia ?
When Fanon, Marcuse, Debray and Lin Biao virtually abandoned the Western and even the Third World's urban proletariat, no one lamented the Crisis, still less the demise of Marxism for that reason! That is because Marxism's fortunes were not dependent on fidelity to the original agency - or, at least had not been dependent upon it for many decades.
Marxism's main emphasis, strength and contribution was not the model of a future society. Here it resolutely turned its back on the Utopian Socialist tradition. It's main strength and emphasis was its critique of capitalism. This still remains relevant and therefore Marxism cannot be said to be dead.

Rethinking Marxism's impasse 827
Chiapas 1994 shows that Mao's final assertion in 1973 that 'countries want independence, nations want liberation, peoples want revolution' has not been invalidated. Mao formulation also reveals a development of a complex notion of history, first introduced by Lenin when he modified the International's old slogan of "Workers of the World Unite', to that of "Workers and Oppressed Peoples of the World Unite'. in doing SO, Lenin revealed his understanding of history not as a unitary process of class struggle but as a confluence of class and popular struggles, generated by contradictions of exploitation ("workers") and oppression ("oppressed peoples"). He also introduces a new agency, a new category, "oppressed peoples of the world". Not "nations" not 'the peasantry', though there is quite obviously an overlap.
A lesser known, more private response of Marx, to the defeat of the Commune, is of relevance here. If Marx's public response to the defeat of the commune opened up a paradigm shift in Marxism - the dictatorship of the proletariat-his second thought on the same subject could have constituted and may still constitute the beginning of an entirely different paradigm shift. The text in question is as follows: "With a modicum of common sense it could have reached a compromise with Versailles useful to the whole mass of the people - the only thing that Could be reached at the time". In the same letter of 1881 he had earlier noted that the Commune was merely the rising of a city under exceptional Conditions' and that its majority was in no wise socialist, nor could it be. (SC p. 410 cited in Miliband).
The formulations break with the classist paradigm and introduces a new consideration, new to Marxism: useful to the whole mass of the people. What makes this departure all the more significant is that it occurs precisely within mature Marxism, Marx after Capital Vol. 1. A question remains though, as to whether this new perspective was a secondary option, a fall-back, a retreat: "the only thing that could be reached at the time'. All the arguments that went into the debate of whether Lenin's NEP was a retreat or not, are valid in this case too.
From the other Marx then ("ideas become amaterial force when they are gripped by the masses"), through Lenin, Mao and Fidel, the agency remains: the masses, the people.

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26.12.1893 – 09,0.9, 1976 Surely the shift in identification of the main agent of emancipation OCCurred at least as far back as Mao, and POSSilly With Lein's last Writings when he Cof the World rewolution's destiny
being determined by the weight of China, India as Persia?
- Day-77 Jaya filleka
 

Fethinking Marxisfon's Impasse 829
Why then are we in Tourning? Because we know, deep Within ourselves, that something is dead. What is it - and when did it die? What died Was faith, hope, Confidence, optimism; the Certitude that history was on Our side, that our gains Were "irreversible", that We possessed an alternative that Was Superior, Does this Constitute a Crisis of Marxism or a Crisis of Our Marxism? Is this the end of Marxism or the end of Our Marxism? Is this not a Crisis of faith, of morale rather than of Marxis In as a whole?
What has died is Utopian Marxism. What has ended is the prehistory of Marxism, opening the door to the reconstitution of Marxism as Science alone,
But is it really that simple, that easy? Perhaps Marxism was newer a science, but there was much that scientific (social scientific, with its well known distinction from 'hard'science) within Marxism, What Marxism has lost is its Messianic, redemptrist (redemptionist) character, Outlook and one that cannot be recovered from within Marxis IT itself and perhaps Marxism cannot inspire without it. The scientific elements Cr "kerne!'— to use Marx and Engels phrase concerning Hegel — Within Marxism must be retrieved and reassimilated with 'something else', for the emotional charge to be ignited,
Where is this 'something else' to be found? Mao's 1973 pronouncement indicates one direction, Countries, nations, people, the national, the popular, independence, liberation, revolution. Marxis T1 then, must plug into, combine with, Work through, in those causes in order to regain its emotional appeal, causes which are Cross-class, less universalistic, more concretely and culturally rooted, more emotive,
Another path, quite complementary to the first, has been signposted by the Sandinistas and particularly by Fidel : a dialogue, a unity with religion. Where better to rediscover the lost Messianic - redemptionist dimension?
WHO'S AFRAID OF SIGMUND FREUD?
Engels (who can be considered the founding father of Marxist theory & practica of politics) makes interesting references to individual behaviour, sketches subtle patterns of social stratification, points to LLLLaLLL LaaatLLLLmLLLLLLLS LLLLLLLLK LLLLLLLLL LLLLaLaOL LLLLLL LLLCCL

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- all of which demonstrate an analysis of politics which is far from class reductionist and contains insights which verge - as do Marx's many analysis of the petty bourgeoisie and its attitudes - on a Marxist social pSychology.
To each, his or her own. I think that the major flaws and Weaknesses of Marxism and its main post-Marx currents, stem from an encounter that Wasn't, from a massive structural evasion : Marxism's avoidance of Psychology and Psychoanalysis.
Darwin, Marx, Freud - the three who created the revolution of modernity, spawning the specific knowledge of revolution and the consciousness of the twentieth century, Marx's references and debt to Darwin are Well-known.
But Bernstein and Kautsky, in Plekhanov, Lenin, Luxemburg, Gramsci- with all their varying concerns and accents - we seek in vain even a critique of Freud. The diversity and richness of the thinking of these figures only underscore that which is common - the common absence, the Common evasion. The avoidance of their intellectually most significant contemporary, Freud. Why this conspiracy of silence among Marxists, on the most silent of Marxist silences?
As Althusser correctly asserted, Marx'opened up the continent of History to Science"- which is precisely what Freud did for the continent of the psyche. What does Marxism's evasion, its suppression of the psychological, say about the subconslousness of Marxism? Just as the repressed in the psyche, returns, so too did the psychological dimension reassert itself to haunt the Marxist movement in the form of the bloody internecine strife. Pol Potism, etc. (see ch: 13 of my "Sri Lanka: Travails of a Democracy", Vikas, New Delhi 1995).
Althusser was correct when in his letter published in the English translation of 'Freud and Lacan' (cited in the Althusserian Legacy p. 177 & 182), he concluded that "no theory of psycho-analysis can be produced without basing it on historical materialism", but he would have been even more Correct had he also Concluded the near-Converse, namely that "(no theory of) historical materialism would be complete

Rethinking Marxism's Impasse 831
which does not incorporate the theory of psychoanalysis'.... and further, that no theory and history of Marxism and the Marxist movement would be complete if it did not pose and tackle the question of why there was no mutual recognition, let alone a cross fertilisation or convergence, between the two.
GREAT DIVIDE OR IMPOSSIBLE SYNTHESS2
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. There has been nothing before or since which encomposses so fully, the wishes and strivings of humanity for a different and better World.
The three key terms of this slogan correspond, to my mind, to three great psychological impluses of human beings. The tragedy of all revolutions from the American to date, has been the absence of One or the other, or the splitting up, the divergence, of these three noble impluses.
The twentieth century has been an ideological Century par eXCellence.
I would advance the hypotheses that firstly the main contending ideologies of this century - Democracy, Socialism, Communism, SelfDetermination and Fascism, correspond to different psychological aspects, characteristics and impluses of humanity. Therefore, a history of ideas of the twentieth century has to be a psycho-history of the twentieth century.
Secondly, these ideologies are formed when the psychological impluses interface with uneven development.
Thirdly, the ebb and flow of the psychological impluses themselves are rooted in uneven development.
The Paris Commune, the Russian revolution of 1917 up until the dissolution in early 1918 of the Constituent Assembly, the Allende years in Chile, the Nicaraguan revolution until it changed its economic strategy - all these were moments when the troika of slogans held together. But these moments were few and far between.

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Apart from the class analyses of these revolutionary processes, which have explained these trade-offs in terms of class or fractional struggles, there seems to have been psychological factors at work, which made the political actors hierachies these emancipatory causes; which made them downgrade some and even see them as choices - as a zero sum game. Why the readiness to sacrifice one cause for the other, to feel that this sacrifice was necessary; that it somehow made one purer, truer to one's cause? Why the incapacity to see the three great causes as interdependent, indeed as a symbiotic trinity? What psychological mechanism comes into play here?
The two ideologies that promised to adhere to all three tenets have failed. These are Anarchism and Social Democracy. (A third Libertarian Communism, never really developed as a serious current). They have both broken on the rock of ensuring economic progress. The Communists were able, for many decades, not only to meet the challenge but to credibly claim that they could do it better. The Anarchists have been manifestly and chronically unable to.
The Social Democrats merely managed the existing capitalist system, adapting to it and introducing reforms that were cosmetic or at least made no qualitative strides in the direction of equality and fraternity. Those Social Democrats who strove to do otherwise - the Left Social Democrats - either met with Such fierce resistance as to cause their ouster or mellowing, or mismanaged the economy so badly as to wind up with one of the same outcomes.
Perhaps the lesson then is that a synthesis is not possible when in power, or at war. Since it is usually the case that genuinely progressive and radical experiments meet with attempts at armed counter revolution and blockades, that is, finds itself under siege, the trade-off between the slogans is also usual, while in the case of a peaceful assumption of power, the economic stake holders are so entrenched that the dice is loaded against any attempt that goes beyond welfarism in the direction of equality and fraternity. Thus, the readiness with which the various currents of a liberatory movement diverge, each privileging one or the other of the three great slogans, is perhaps simply a recognition of necessity, of inevitability - and cannot be faulted. Northe absence of any regret over these choices,

Rethinking Marxism's Impasse 833
the lack of any public recognition of a retreat from the ideal, the assertion that what is taking place is an advance, the zeal with which the new course is prosecuted - all these point beyond structural inevitability, or beyond that alone, to the existence of a psychological mechanism at Work.
Does all this mean that it is impossible to sustain the three great slogans of liberty, equality and fraternity if taken together? It seems so, at least in power. Also in conditions of warfare, thought the Sandinistas and the Zapatistas of Mexico in the 1990s may by exceptions that do not prove the rule but rather provide a glimmer that possibilities exist for a synthesis. The youth movement of the 1960's deserves serious study since it constitutes perhaps the longest persistence of this synthesis at the level of consciouness, though its limitations, failures and eventual repercussions provide ample material for a "Critique of Pure Consciousness'.
S CHINA A MODEL?
Why did the evolution of China's econmic policy turn out to be far from centrist, winding up in the restoration or more correctly, establishment of capitalism, albeit with a socialist superstructure (China provides the most glaring example of noncorrespondence of base with superstrucuture). This question is of extreme importance because this failure parallels that of the failure of the Yuri Andropov - early Gorbachev (1985-1987) experiment of modernising reforms within socialism, a failure that cannot be simply sourced in Andropov's death. This failure is part of the larger question of the defeat of Third Road experiments in all its variants.
Was it the dyanamics of the internal class struggle or the external context that provides the answer. I believe it was the latter. There was a Contradiction between a Centrist Course On the economy and the foreign policy embraced by Deng. He inherited the perception that the Soviet Union ('social imperialism") was the main enemy and that a united front with the USA was permissible to Combat it - and took it to an extreme.

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834 Politics and Life in Our Times
Adhering to a centristcourse of socialist modernisation required a very different foreign policy, one that would have normalised relations with the USSR. Deng's external policy had feedback effects which cumulatively caused a rightward shift to a policy of capitalist rather than socialist modernisation.
Gorbachev too, inherited and developed his post-Stalin predecessors' foreign policy in which relations with various imperialist centres was more important than those with Left forces in or out of office. Had his main alliances been with the existing Communist ruled states on the One hand and the democratic Socialist and Social Democratic forces on the other, rather than with Thatcher, Reagan, Bush & Kohl, then the huge psychological cum ideological push that the latter unleashed could not have so successfully displaced the Perestroika experiment to the right, substituting capitalist reforms (the 500-day Plan") for socialist modernisation.
The ingathering of the forces of the global Left in Moscow in 1987 on the seventieth Anniversary of the October Revolution and the vital strategic prospect that was held out, of healing the historic breach between the Social Democratic and Communist trends, showed that such a possibility existed- but it never achieved mainstream foreign policy status.
My main contention remains that a correctexternal policy, acorrect policy on international alliances, global blocs and united fronts is a vital corollary of a correct internal economic policy of modernisation which does not abandon a socialist perspective. Democratisation or glasnost' tends to a bourgeois outcome because attractive (that is, non-state) Socialist ideologies and cultural influences are not strongly present among the forces contending for the hearts and minds of the people.
Such forces have to be consciously harnessed and channelled into the polity, by apolicy of international alliances which privileges left unity. There is no other way to countervail the tremendous ideological and cultural resources of imperialism. Protectionism, in this sphere, does not Work.
Internatioalism then, is not a luxury, not an ornament or fig leaf, not a sop or an exercise in charity, but a necessity for staying the socialist course, domestically. (If the youth do not get its jazzfrom Cuba, it will do so from the USA, together with much elsel) Let us hope the re-emergent Russian Communists realise this.
Courtesy: "Mainstream", New Delhi, June 15, 1996.

"Unitary', 'Federal' labels Should Not Stand in Way of Peace
Prof. G. L. Peiris Interviwed by Lakshman Gunasekara
Q: How has the continuing war affected the national economy? ls there a serious slow down as the business sector says there is?
A: There is certainly a serious problem deriving from the enormous defence expenditure. The Rs. 48 billion committed on defence up to September this year is as much as 6.5 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the country. It is not correct to say that the Government has no control or that we are just reacting to situations. The Government is in control of the economic situation. But We must look at our options, and in doing so, we must involve the people in the decision. The people must know of the seriousness of the current situation. The war has been going on for 12 years and more. Today the level at which the war is being conducted is unprecedented - there is an unparalleled level of spending. The Government has not been grudging. We are convinced that if the war has to be fought at all, it must be done properly. Our armed forces must be properly equipped. Q: But war is not the only thing going on. What is the impact of this spending on the economy? Can the economy stand it any more?
A: The Country must grasp the fact that there are Consequences to this Scale of military spending, given the Scale of our national economy. We are already facing difficulties in restricting the overall Budget deficit to a reasonable proportion of the GDP. In 1995 we estimated that it would be at 7.5 per cent of the GDP but it actually raached 8.4 per cent. In 1996 the deficit could be in excess of 10 percent unless it is corrected.
O: How Can We Correct the trend? A: This year, in mid-year measures, We took steps to raise the duty on liquor and tobacco to strengthen the revenue base. But this may not do at all. In addition to the deficit, a second problem is inflation. It is very difficult to keep inflation down with such massive spending on defence. Inevitably the prices of commodities will rise. The urban salaried

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836 Politics and Life in Our Times
classes feel this most. Thirdly, there are very high interestrates at present due to the State's need for money. This affects the competitiveness of our industry in relation to other countries. Our interest rates are three times that in many economies in Asia. The cost of production here is relatively high due to high debt servicing costs. Fourthly, there is a fall in company profits.
IMPACT ON EMPLOYMENT
Q: Then there is a slow down in investment? A: Yes. And there is an impact on employment. While the present level of military expenditure is necessary, we must achieve Some political stability in order to improve the investment situation. Domestic savings here are about 14 - 15 per cent. In the developed countries they are about 30 per cent. We need more foreign direct investment to offset this lack of domestic savings. For FDI, we need stability. Tax incentives are not enough. A high level of military expenditure is justified in order to achieve this stability.
Q: But how long can we sustain this high level of defence spending? What else can we do to keep the economy going?
A: That is something the country has to face and decide on. There are many things we need to do to revive the economy. The open economy does not mean that the State simply makes way to market forces. We don't have such simplistic notions. Just the state has intervened in systematic ways in newly industrialised Countries like South Korea and Taiwan, We too need a discriminating intervention by the Government in order to keep the economy on track. Such an intervention must be in accordance with our very specific situation: that is, with the specific problems we now face, which are the very high military spending and the other costs of the war, drought and its impact on agriculture, and a power Shortage.
Q: How do you propose that the State intervenes?

'Unitary, Federal" labels Should Not Stand in Way of Peace 837
A:Taxholidays and other fiscal incentives are not enough. They are useful only when profits start to come in. But before that, the investor needs capital-thefront cost. This is especially a need of local investors. This requires cheaper credit for identified sectors of the economy. We intend to provide such cheaper credit according to two criteria: ventures that contribute import substitution and employment generation.
Q: But have not the National Development Bank, the DFCC, and some large banks under the SMI scheme, been providing such cheap credit already?
DEFENCE SPENDING
A: Yes, But that is not enough. We need to devote more cheap capital to industrial expansion. But this is inhibited by the high defence spending. Cheap capital is needed most urgently in the rural areas. We must somehow allocate more money for this purpose. We need to ensure an even distribution of resources in all areas.
Q: How do we find this money?
A: This is the Crux of the matter. Our resources are finite. So We have to clarify our priorities in allocating these resources. The Country must decide how it will use its resources. That is why We must assess how long we can continue with the high defence spending. Another consideration is the high level of social expectations which if frustrated, can result in the kind of social unrest we saw in the past. The people must be made aware of these facts so that they can decide on the priorities of resource allocation.
Q: Are the security forces aware of the resource constraints?
A: The sex rity forces are aware of the difficulties. They know that this level of spending simply cannot be sustained over a long period. General Ratwatte as well as the military commanders have consistently maintained that ultimately the war has to end with a negotiated political settlement. The military strategy is aimed at compelling the armed group to accept a political settlement. The military weakening of the LTTE is essential for this purpose.

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Q: What about the political process at present? It is now a year since you first presented the package of devolution proposals. Is there a slow down or is it a complete halt?
A: The Select COIT Tittee process is necessarily a slow One. That is how it must be in a democracy where there are so many different Wiews and Where one must take into account all these Wiews. There have been many attempts made in the past to politically resolve the ethnic problem - the Bandaranaike-Chelwanayagam Pact, the Thimpu talks, the Delhi talks, the All Party Conference and the Indo-Lanka Agreement. The current process cannot be regarded as just one more attempt, The current process is distinctive for the elaborate nature of the political reforms conceived and the comprehensive process of consultation and decision-making. There is also the bold conception of the devolution package. Unlike in the past, this Government is taking a major political risk in proposing the package,
Q: In what way is it "bold'?
A: The political structures proposed in the past were all conceptualised within the contours of a unitary State. This Government has recognised that that is inadequate, the degree of devolution Contemplated in our package of reforms is simply not compatible with the concept of a unitary State. The Government has evolved a reform package providing for a new configuration of the Sri Lankan State.
Q: But what progress has the Select Committee made on the package in the past year?
POLITICAL INTERESTS
A: The 45 meetings of the Select Committee has produced a Considerable degree of understanding among the Wide range of political interests represented in Parliament today. The proposals being considered are more than simply the devolution proposals, We have also discussed a justiciable bill of rights and the principal of equality at both national and regional levels. With regard to the devolution package, many matters have already been sorted out with agreement in the Select Committee among all diverse parties involved: the regional public service, powers of the governor, fundamental rights, citizenship, language use, and the Constitutional Council.

Unitary, Federal" labels Should Not Starid in Way of Peace 839
MINISTER ASHRAFF'S GREAT CONFIDENCE
IN PRESIDENT KUMARATU
*飞厂。
இ 。鹫
*T
。口
Minister M. H. M. Ashraft PC, . A
Hon. M. H. M. Ashraff, Minister of Ports Development, Rehabilitation and ReConstruction (East); President of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress.
We can leave the People's Alliance at any time, but we won't, do it, because We hawe great respect and Confidence in President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga
– M. H. M. ASF's

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Q: There is an impression that right now there is hiatus in the Select Committee process. Is there a lack of political will among all parties to take on the contentious issues?
A: People must understand that there is a complicated matter which has not been resolved for the past four decades. You must expect a slow process. We can't have decisions imposed from above. This is the first time that constitutional reform is being attempted by a government that does not have a two thirds majority in Parliament. We have to talk with all other groups and achieve a consensus. The other parties have their own beliefs and interests which must be accommodated. This is inevitable, a complex process of negotiation and compromise.
Q: There are also the different ethnic group interests.....
A: Exactly. One of the main objectives of the constitutional reform is to promote sound inter-communal relations. We must also appreciate the depth of commitment of all the parties involved in the Select Committee. When problems arise, no one says "we want to walk out". Everyone realises that no one side will get all what it wants. They are in earnest in the search for a solution. That is what gives us hope for the future.
Q: The sticking point at present seems to be the 'unitary issue. What is the progress since the Choksy proposal?
A: That is being thrashed out at present. It is a difficult issue, given the wide range of views on the matter. A whole series of informal discussions are going on at present. The Tamil parties, for example, are meeting among themselves and will also meet the Government and the UNP, understand. I am also having discussions with the SLMC and with the UNP. We have listened to parties not in Parliament, like the MEP. We believe that, whether 'unitary' or "federal', labels should not stand in the way of a solution to the cits. We are also looking at the Nelson Mandela Constitution of South Africa for Some ideas about the nature of the State. We could adapt some of those ideas according to Our needs.
Courtesy: "The Sunday Observer", Colombo, August 11, 1996.

841
Why We are Building Socialism
By President Robert Mugabe
The world press has been writing a lot about the abrupt changes in what used to be the socialist community, claiming that command economies are inefficient and questioning the viability of the SOCialist ideals as such. But there exist different Views concerning the prospects of building socialism in Third World countries, specifically in Africa. At the request of "Asia and Africa Today", journalist Yuri Sigov recently interviewed President Robert Gabriel Mugabe of Zimbabwe, who is also a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement. The interview, which took place at the presidential residence in Harare, addressed some problems confronting the whole world, and not just developing nations. (Also, that was the first interview the President of Zimbabwe, granted to a single journalist in ten years).
Q. Zimbabwe is one of the African states that follow the Socialist way of development. How would you, Mr. President, define the concept of Zimbabwean Socialism?.
A. You see, as we fought our liberating struggle, the two parties - ZANU and ZAPU, which have now united - had the benefit of the experiences of Eastern Countries - China, Korea and Vietnam. And through the interaction with them we came to the conclusion that socialism would be the correct ideology for socio-economic transformations in our country after independence, and we adopted the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. But we also say, because of our peculiar circumstances we have to adjust these principles to our own environment, and so We proclaimed socialism our philosophy, adopting the principles of Marxism and Leninism, while taking into account the

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objective realities of our own environment. And after independence, the issues that faced us were numerous. There was the issue of Security and bringing absolute peace to this country, there was the issue of resettling our people, many of whom had lived as refugees or displaced persons, And there was the further issue in the context of resettling them: allocating thern enough land. Then further, We had the issue of reconstruction and rehabilitation of the economy to repair the damage that had been inflicted by the War. And so those realities faced us and We naturally pursued policies that were meant to Correct the situation, We also, in our three-year transitional national development plan, stated as, indeed, we stated in our five-year national development plan, the first five-year, national development plan which We are finishing this year, this month, that we would go by socialism, but socialism which is pragmatic, and that therefore We Would seek to Correct the imbalances that were created by Colonialism. This meant, of course, the physical economic imbalances, like the disparity in the allocation of land, it meant also correcting the Wage situation and improving the wages of the people and establishing a minimum wage. We've done all this. It meant, of Course, that in the process of improving the lot of the Workers We had to organise the Workers into a trade union movement. They had lots of trade union organizations, all claiming a role to represent the Worker, We asked them to unite and they did, and now they have one trade union movement to fight for their basic rights, And We tried to organize them in all walks of life where they are working: in industry, in Commerce, in mining, in agriculture; to form Workers' committees at all points, and Workers' Councils, so that Workers could be a force to reckon with in the context, in which the employers were taking an advantage of the disorganisation amongst the Workers and, of course, perpetuating the Colorial system. We wanted them to put up a fight against exploitation. So that was one Way, in which we could do something for the Workers, so that they could be a socialist force in the future and an instrument for acquiring the means of production later. However, at this stage. We proceeded, apart from improving the lot of the Workers, to spend a lot of money from the budget on social services and education. We Tade primary education free, and secondary education was made accessible

Why We are Building Socialis I 843
THE PRESIDENT OF ZIM BABWE AND A LEADER OF THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENTNARRATES HERE WHY THEY ARE BUILDINGSOCIALSM
President Robert Gabriel Mugabe Let those who work, earn money. Be they intellectuals, or technicians, let ther use their noney, have it invested and get more. Butlet not the resources that are ours together be exploited by individuals for their own indiwidual benefit to the exclusion of the rest of society, That is exploitation.
- President Gabriel Mugabe

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to all the children. Whereas in 1979, before independence, we had just about nine hundred thousand School children, now We have three and a half million children in school. You can see the stride that can be taken, and this is in quest of our socialist drive to improve the lot of the majority of the people and to give them the necessary skills. We also proceeded to improve the health and social welfare of the people, to build hospitals and clinics. We went further to improve the infrastructure in rural areas, roads, and to provide villages with running water. There is still a lot to be done, but we've begun. So these are social services which are an aspect or dimension of our Socialist thrust. In respect of industry not much has been done. The State decided not to nationalize industries, but to participate in industry by getting shares in those industries the state felt were Crucial to the country and to the economy. We've done this in mining. The government also runs the marketing services in agriculture. These were not established by us, but we welcomed their existence; the Grain Marketing Board, the Cotton Marketing Board, the Cold Storage Commission for Beef, and the Dairy Marketing Board. So that the farmers, big and Small, can have an easy access to the market, the government buys and then disposes of the grain. There has been a boost in the productivity of the communal farmers. We are ten million people. More than two-thirds of those are poor people. So close on the seven million are rural people. They depend on agriculture, peasant agriculture. They produce more maize now, which is our staple food, than the commercial farmers; they produce more cotton than the commercial farmers; they own more cattle than the commercial farmers; and they have increased the production of soya beans and are major ground-nut producers. However, Cash crops like tobacco, Coffee, tea are produced mainly hy the white commercial farmers. So on the one hand, as we improved the lot of the workers, on the other, we were also improving the lot of the peasants. We have, however, now embarked on an investment programme based on a definite investment strategy, and We recognize obviously that there has to be, for now anyway, some room for private enterprise. We've established control over private enterprises, we will have it for quite a good while, and our concern is that as much of this private enterprise as possible must be domesticated. So

Why We are Building Socialism 845
we have Zimbabwean companies instead of multi-national foreign companies. And should we like an investment, we would want that investment to pair up with our own, to include as partners realistic or national enterprises, so that in the end we can pride ourselves on being o'Niners, co-owners of a particular enterprise we have the possibility of taking over later, and so that also we can imbibe the necessary technology that comes with the particular investment. So full-blast nationalization we refuse from the beginning, not because of the changes in the East. From the beginning we said we were not going to nationalize, but wanted the state and our people participate in the economy. We built several co-operatives. Some are doing well, some not so well. The handicaps have been lack of resources, lack of skills, management skills, and the level of ignorance which needs to be corrected. But some have done very well and we will Continue to encourage Co-operative farming and co-operative enterprises in spheres where these can be well organized.
Q. Now that the former socialist states in Eastern Europe which We now call post-Socialist states, are rejecting Socialism as an ideal, do you believe that socialism is indeed erroneous? And how the Socialist idea can be transformed, let us say, in African countries?
A.Yes, that's a good question. I think it's a blunder, a very great blunder by East European countries. The morality of society bids: let there be a recognition of a commonality of interests. The essence of Society is the essence of Oneness, the essence of Common belonging, common interest, common ownership, common ownership of the world, common ownership of the resources of a country. And We cannot therefore reject the moral philosophy that bids us to recognize our equality as individuals in society, that the resources which Nature has given us, which God has given us, people could Say, are our Common property. And why should they be the monopoly of the lucky few, who, because they have inherited money, inherited fortunes, could seek to own and possess what should belong to us all? Take the situation in Africa, in Zimbabwe here, for example. Just now, our quarrel with colonialism is that it has left us impoverished in terms of our land. Most of our land, the fertile land, is in the hands of the white settlers, and they

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are only four thousand. Four thousand own most of the land, and the seven million peasants are crowded in communal areas, which are sandy and don't lend themselves to easy agriculture at all. That disparity is evil, it's immoral, it's ungodly, and it's what capitalism is all about. We cannot have it here. That's why we are, as we introduce our bill this afternoon in Parliament, for example, seeking to acquire most of this land. But we will do it in as less harmful away as possible, so that we do not effect hardship on those worthy inheritors of a situation from their forefathers, which is not of their own making. So these imbalances cannot be allowed in society. What one has worked hard for and earned, that should be his entitlement. But tell me, who worked hard to Create land, to Create forests, to create the seas, to create the minerals? These should belong to society as a whole, and to exploit them you must accept that such exploitation should benefit the people as a whole, and it is where socialism comes in. Only through a socialist thrust and socialist ideological guidance can you have a production System or process, which will benefit the masses and not exploit them. So there are areas where the individual must be recognized as having the right. Let those who work, earn money. Be they intellectuals, or technicians, let them use their money, have it invested and get more. Butlet not the resources that are ours together be exploited by individuals for their own individual benefit to the exclusion of the rest of society. That is exploitation. And the East European countries which are abandoning socialism because of the attraction of the sophistication in the economy of the West will have to regret it. Go to Britain. There are very poor people; they are in the streets, begging. In America, go to Harlem, a part of New York, where you get the poor blacks, begging. And yet We talk of America, as an advanced economy with so much wealth, some of which could be expended to alleviate and ameliorate the suffering of the poor. But it is not so. The rich are rich and remain rich, and the poor are poor and remain poor. Such a society is intolerable. In the Soviet Union, yes, you might get problems, like food shortages because of the climate of the area. They don't have as much summer as America has, and therefore the production seasons are short. And then, of course, there is a huge population. But what is there sofar has been shared and shared equally.

Why We are Building Socialism 847
And education was available to all, skills were provided to all, Social services were provided to all. This system, if capitalism becomes the model, will give way, and each one will have to fend for himself, poor or rich, and that is going to cause a lot of suffering. It would divide Society into classes. But, of Course, sometimes people need to be taught the bitter lesson of experience for them to realize that they are wrong in their choice of a way of life. And perhaps this is what the East European people are going to go through, a bitter experience before they revert to socialism. I cannot see them, after all this experience of socialist living, tolerate the capitalist way of life for too long. What we feel was wrong about the East European systems was the regimentation and a lack of free expression of ideas. If that is given the people now, I am Sure the rest of the socio-economic philosophy, if retained, would be enhanced by the free expression and the liberty that is going to reign in Society. Anyway, the countries are free to adopt whatever systems they feel can provide better lives for them.
Q. Now that the military blocks are in a process of being disbanded and the confrontation between the socialist and the capitalist Countries has diminished, how do you see, as one of the leading figures in the Non-Aligned Movement, the prospects of non-alignment?
A. Well, I don't see the blocs go for good. The ideology is going to remain. And it is on the basis of ideological differences that the blocs were formed. But I nevertheless still see a role for the Non-Aligned Movement even if the two blocs will disappear. Currently it comprises the Third World countries whose economies are developing. In other words, these economies are still underdeveloped and need to be developed. They are on the lower end, receiving end, of Our universal ecornmic cake. They lack good markets, they lack technology, and lack resources, developed resources. They are discriminated against economically, and therefore they have a cause, an economic cause, to band together and fight for their rights. And I can see therefore the Third World continuing to support the Non-Aligned Movement for this reason amongst others. But there is still the issue of the principles of the United Nations Charter. Those principles must continue to guide our international Community. They are not always observed by the major

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84B Polificas ard Life ir 7 Court TirTTAS
U. S. PRESIDENT RONALD REAGAN AND SOVIET LEADERMIKHAIL GORBACHEW MEETING IN MAY 1988 AT THE MOSCOW SUMMIT
స్ట్రో 鷺 *、 *、 స్టీ
Ronald Reagar and Mikhail Gorbachev
Reagan had his own act when he invaded the little country of Grenada, and Bush has done his own act now by invading Panama. And so you have these violations and We can't just say now, because the Soviet Union and the United States are friendly, there will be peace in the World.
- President Fobert Gabria/ Mugabe
 

Why We are Building Socialism 49
Countries, and One might see their wiolations every year. Today it may be the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, tomorrow it may be the United States in Panama, and so on and so forth. And these are violations by the big states, because the big states feel that because they are strong they Canbully little states into SLubmission. Reagan had his own act when he invaded the little Country of Grenada, and Bush has done his own act nOW by in Wading Panama. And So you hawe these violations and We can't just say now, because the Soviet Union and the United States are friendly, there will be peace in the World. After all, the Non-Aligned Movement was concerned about the possibility of an outbreak of a Third World War, and we wanted to prevent this. This is what Tito, Nasser, Nehru and others were Concerned with. And therefore they got together to try and getin-between the two blocs. But basically, the issue is one of preserving international peace and security. And We hope, of Course, that peace will continue to be preserved in spite of the violations that occur. Some of the violations take place in the Third World itself like we had in Kuwait recently. And there also the Non-Aligned Movement must play a part.
Q. Some members of the USSR Supreme Soviet and public activists now demand that the Soviet Union should reduce or stop its aid to developing nations because the USSR is facing grave economic and political problems of its own. How is that position viewed in African Countries?
A, Throughout their struggle against the colonial rule, African nations leaned on support from socialist states, first of all from the Soviet Union. The USSR was the first to start helping the African nations that fought for freedom and national independence. All of us will always remember and appreciate that,
Today, Complex and Contrersial processes are under way in the Soviet Union. Apart from positive changes, those processes create major difficulties, including economic ones. Wein Africa fully appreciate this, and We understand that any Country should put its internal problems before external issues,
Zimbabwe is in no position to complain about the Soviet Union rendering or not rendering it financial or technological assistance, In WieW Of Our economic situation, Industrialand agricultural davelopment,

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We have no need for that aid, in fact, especially as Compared with other African states. But we are fully aware of what the consequences may be if the former socialist community, including the Soviet Union, stop rendering economic, technological, scientific, and other assistance to Third World nations, including African states, because of their own economic problems.
Personally, I am very sorry that the issue of terminating Soviet assistance to African nations is being raised at all. Let me remind you that the Zimbabweans would have never liberated their country without the weapons supplied by the Soviet Union and China. Indeed, the Soviet Union is now confronting grave economic challenges, but perhaps it could be possible to hold consultations to establish how much help it can give Africa today-by sending technology, material resources, and personnel. For example, Soviet schools could receive more students from Africa. We would be grateful for any kind of assistance. But it would be unwise to stop helping Third World nations altogether; the USSR would never be able to restore fraternal relations with those nations.
Now, another aspect of the Soviet assistance to Africa. Why is the USSR, unlike Western states, so passive in our domestic market? You have many commodities and technologies that are known around the World. I know that the Soviet Union launches sophisticated space satellites carrying electronic equipment. But haven't seen your electronic equipment in our market. Why? Why don't you catch up with our US and European partners in trade? You have a lot of commodities to offer, Q. What do you think about the trend currently taking shape towards broader Contacts between the USSR and South Africa?
A. believe it is too early for the USSR to seek closer contacts with South Africa. Pretoria is taking steps to break the international Isolation, and if the USSR helps South Africa do it by promoting contacts with that country, the democratic changes there may stop.
We understand, however, that the USSR is a sovereign state, it has national interests of its own and a right to promote Co-operation with any Country. We in Africa will closely follow all those processes.
Courtesy: "Asia and Africa Today", Moscow, November 6th, 1991.

United Nations Charter and Todays Realities
by Prof. Dr. Grigory Morozov Honoured Scientist of Russia, Institute of World Economy and international Relations,
Moscow, Russia
1. The political delicacy and complexity of this problem make a preliminary reservation necessary. The considerations given below reflect the author's personal opinions. They claim for no other thing than that of being an impetus for discussing pressing issues related to the problem of enchancing the efficiency of the United Nations in conditions of the world which has changed over the years of its existence. It seems worthwhile to conduct a dialogue on the problems related to the UN Charter. It is important to concentrate this dialogue on the need of adapting the Charter to the world situation which has undergone cardinal changes. Naturally enough, this demands a high degree of circumspection and the strict observance of Chapter XVI of the Charter.
It is appropriate to notice that many well-known experts on the UN problems share such an opinion. Moris Bertrand for instance wrote: "Forty years after the establishment of the UN, it is not only desirable today but entirely feasible to give serious thought to the reform of the UN and its system of organizations.....The idea of reform is not only compatible with the acknowledgment of the historic role played by the United Nations, but it implies an affirmation of its importance and usefulness today. It merely postulates that it is possible to reflect on the establishment of a system that would be still more useful in the present political context".)

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PORTRAIT OF KOF ANNAN, SEVENTH SECRETARY-GENERAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS
UN Secretary-Genara, Kofi Annan
Portrait of Kofi Annan, appointed Seventh Secretary-General of the United Mlations by acclamation by the General Assembly on 17 December 1996 for a five year term effective 1 January, 1997
Courresy: UW DP. Priora by Milton Grant, Cap yright Lited Nafios
 

United Nations Charter and Today's Realities 853
The starting point in this connection is the fact that the political picture of the post-war World after the United Nations was founded has changed radically. At the time the United Nations was founded, out of 51 founding states only four were African states, and eight were Asian states, whereas now there are more than 50 African and about 40 Asian states in the Organization, The balance of forces in the World has also changed drastically. States whose economic and technological power is of special importance for Solving most important problems and for the destiny of preserving peace have appeared on the World arena.
We cannot disregard either the important fact that the UN Charter was adopted in the pre-nuclear age. As Weapons of mass destruction were produced the very concept of international peace and security could not but undergo changes. It became to be determined imperatively by the threat of destroying everything alive on the Earthin case of nuclear missile War - the threat which has conditioned the priority of universal human interests of the survival of the World community over all other factors. Over the years of the existence of the United Nations there have appeared global problems which demand for their solution joint organizational efforts of the entire world Community,
These most important circumstances should be undoubtedly taken into account in mapping up approaches to the problems related to the UN Charter, A StirThe We Titon, the CirCUTT1StanCe Linder Which the development of international relations began to transcend the frameworks of Certain provisions formulated in the UN Charter about half a century ago began to manifest itself to an ever greater degree. The Organization has reacted to a certain extent to these factors by its resolutions on certain problems of international law and legality, and disarmament, and has reflected the search of new Ways of assisting international cooperation. Corresponding resolutions (those of them are meant which are most important for strengthening World order), being acts of the sessions of the UN General Assembly, which went out of the limits of the Content of a number of specific articles of the Charter to which they, nevertheless, have invariably referred and being quite justified by obtaining conditions, have only the character of Tecommer dations and do riol hawe the for Ce Cf law.

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2. Nevertheless, the UN activity has reflected, though not quite adequately, the basic features of the post-war development of the World and in many cases its role in solving international problems has proved inadequate. Among the main reasons for these two reasons which are most important from our point of view could be underlined. The first of them is the stand taken by member states and, as practice shows, not only by permanent members of the Security Council. This was the case, for example, at many stages of the discussions of disarmament problems and during the elaboration of many conventions.
The latest example was the refusal of Iraq to reckon with the world community and the UN decisions, which led to the war in the Persian Gulf.
A success or failure of the United Nations is no other thing than the sum total of the will and interests of its members, and is determined by the degree of their desire to cooperate on the basis of the UN Charter. The other reason is Connected with the UN Charter and it is Worthwhile to dwell upon it in greater detail.
3. First and foremost, in our view, the Charter on the whole has not only withstood the test of time but, what is more, its fundamental principles form the firm foundation of modern international law. Therefore, there is no need for creating a new concept of the United Nations. We may speak about the inclusion of new elements in this concept - elements which correspond to the designation of the United Nations and the fundamental principles of its Charter.
it will be recalled that since the inception of the United Nations, attempts have been evident in this form or another and on various scales to revise the UN Charter. The main of them are directed at the actual elimination of the rule of unanimity of the permanent members of the Security Council.
We cannot agree with such plans. The right to veto has withstood the test of time because it was not only the expression of the rights of the leading powers of the anti-Hitler coalition, but also their special responsibility for maintaining peace and international security due to their greatest possibilities for accomplishing this most important task.

United Nations Charter and Todays Realities 855
It is this principle that underlay the foundation of the United Nations and at all stages of its Work it has been invariably Supported by the USSR. It is appropriate to recall that in his report to the US President, Secretary of State E. Stettinius wrote that in Dumbarton-Oaks it had been considered as an axiom that the corner stone of World security is the unity of those states which formed the nucleus of the great alliance against the countries of the axis and this point of view continued to be upheld by the inviting governments in San Francisco.(2) The Yalta formula of the principle of unanimity in its final form was proposed by F. D. Roosevelt. The UN Association in the USA wrote at that time that we must also understand that the preservation of this rule (veto - emphasis by G. M.) was also possibly necessary for the ratification of the Charter by the US Senate. (8)
The rule of unanimity of the Security Council's permanent members is a qualitatively new principle of international relations. One cannot agree with the opinion of an Yugoslavian expert on international problems M. Sahovic that, as far as the relationship between the Security Council and the General Assembly is concerned, in this particular case "it is a matter of a deep historic contradiction of the interests of great powers and other small and medium-size states, which has been dragging on since the Congress of Vienna.....". ()
In reality the right to veto is a generalization of enormous historic experience. One of the major causes, which led to the failure of the League of Nations, as is generally known, was the absence of such a norm and formal equality of all the League's members in its principal bodies.
4. Undoubtedly, there is the problem of adapting the UN Charter to present-day realities. Though those who elaborated the UN Charter provided for holding a General Conference of the members of the Organization especially for the purpose of making a review during or before the Xth session of the UN General Assembly such a conference was not held (item 3, Article 109 of the UN Charter). Despite a number of proposais by the UN Secretary General and the institution of a special commission for studying the

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problems of revising the UN Charter and connected with the need of strengthening it no progress has been achieved. It will be recalled that the actual revision of the Charter has boiled down to expanding the Security Council by adding four non-permanent seats and to increasing the number of ECOSOC members.
5. The new elements of the concept of the UN Charter which are being suggested make it possible to divide them into two groups: the first group is connected with making direct changes or amendments to the Charter. Such a possibility, naturally enough, is quite limited and entails great difficulties. It is precisely for this reason that the second group bears in mind the implementation of preparatory work on a whole number of matters during, for example, the time which the XXth century has left us. What is implied is the elaboration and adoption of additional protocols for certain main articles of the UN Charter by the General Assembly with their subsequent adoption by the Security Council. These protocols should be ratified according to the constitutional procedure established in the member states after which they will acquire a legal force binding on them. In this case there will be no need of making amendments to the UN Charter immediately, it can be carried out at a later stage by a special session of the UN General Assembly.
6. Coming to the point of making amendments to the Charter it should be pointed out, above all, that changes of the post-war period which are unprecedented as to their dynamics, scale and quality create prerequisites for the possible expansion of the composition of permanent members of the Security Council by enlisting the States which are also capable of bearing special responsibility for the destinies of the World community, which reflects a new balance of forces in the world.
In this context, worthy of note is the problem of adopting an amendment to the Charter, which provides for the inclusion in the Council as permanent members of Japan, Germany, India and Brazilian (in the Council, as is known, developing countries have the seat of only nonpermanent members). It seems that there is no need of substantiating this Consideration in great detail because in relation to each State welldefined arguments can be given.

United Nations Charter and Todays Realities 857
7. The Second amendment to the UN Charter is Conditioned by the fact that the development of the world has led to the situation when Chapter XII of the Charter "Trusteeship Council" has practically lost its significance (there are no longer trust territories in the world and the solution of the remaining problems of Micronesia can be made by resolutions of the Security Council). Thereby this would justify the replacement of this chapter by another one which provides for the institution instead of the Trusteeship Council of another body the need for which is necessitated by life itself. A Council for Ecology (for environmental protection) Would be such a body.
8. The third amendment to the UN Charter is linked with Article 107. The development of events on the international arenatestify to, at least, to its archaic nature. Article 107 reads: "Nothing in the present Chartershall invalidate or preclude action, in relation to any state which during the Second World War has been an enemy of any signatory to the present Charter, taken or authorised as a result of that war by the Government having responsibility for such action".
This means, in particular, that any of the terms of capitulation imposed by the anti-Hitler coalition as a result of the victory during World War II on the countries of the "axis" and their allies or sanctioned by them are recognized to be valid and the United Nations will not either deprive them of legal force or force the annulment of any of them.
We can make the Conclusion from the fact that at the Conference in San Francisco it was specified that Article 107 was a "measure on security at the transitional period" and, Consequently, upon the Conclusion of a peace treaty "former enemy states" will be given membership in the Organization and all ensuing rights and privileges will be granted to them. This article was of a temporary character from the very beginning.
In the period which has passed since the adoption of the UN Charter the world itself and the character of the states which were implied by Article 107 have changed completely. There has been, in particular, the unification of Germany with whose past this article was connected in the first place. All this necessitates the annulment of this article of the Charter.

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| addition to article 107 in the UN|| Charter there is another article which mentions the words "enemy states" (Chapter XII, Article 77, item l.b.). "Territories which may be detached from enemy stafes as a result of the Second World War" are mentioned as one of the Categories of territories to which the international trusteeship system may be spread. Nevertheless, former Italian Colonies and, for example, protectorates in Africa became independent states long ago.
9. Give below are specific proposals which could be carried out by adopting Protocols additional to the UN Charter:
S LaLL LLLLLLLLL LL LLLLLL HLLL LLLL LLLaLLHHH LLLLHHL CLLaaLLaL LH
multilateral diplomacy in the United Nations, which must pursue the aim of the inadmissibility of spreading to the relations among the states in the United Mations ideological differences and the exclusion of actions pursuing propaganda purposes from the practice of conduct of the UN members. UN diplomacy must strictly correspond to the traditions, CLstomary and Conventional norms of diplomatic law, The Protocol may formulate norms which are binding on the official representatives of the member States, and the future chairpersons of the sessions of the main bodies must be given the right to deprive the speakers who wiolate these norms of the possibility to continue their speeches. * For Article 2, a Protocol may be attached on the prohibition of international terrorism and on responsibility for it imposed by a body of international justice. The legal basis for such a Protocol may be the decision of the UN General Assembly of December 11, 1946, which approved of the Nuremberg principles. The need for such a Protocol matured long ago and it became especially acute in the light of the Criminal terrorist actions of S. Hussei. SS S LLLLL S 00 LLLLLL aLHL LL LLLLL K0S rL LaLLLLLLLaLLLLLLL GLLLLLL underline the general "principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments" have become inadequate in present-day Conditions. A Protocol on the interpretation of these LLLLLL LLLL LLLL LL LLLLL LaL aaaaLLLLLLLaL LLLL LLLaLLLL CLL LLLLL LLaaHLLLLLLL LL LLLLLLLGLLLaL aLGLL LLLLLLamLLLLLLL LL L LLLLaLaLLLL

United Nations Charler and Today's Realities 859
ATIONS ORGANIZATION (UNO)
The fortieth anniversary of the UNO was held in Sri Lanka. The UNO came into existence. On 24 October 1945 as a result of decisions made at international Conferences during the Second World War, and as a sticcessor g the League of Nations. The airts of the UNO are to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.... to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and Worth of the hurrian person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to establish Conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples,

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of important resolutions, including those on general and complete disarmament, on partial measures in this field, on the prohibition of nuclear weapons, on the use of space for peaceful purposes, and many others. The protocol is appropriate legally for the reason that in the post-war period a number of important agreements were adopted, which marked real progress along the way of disarmament (for example, the multilateral treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the convention prohibiting the development, production and stockpiling of bacteriological (biological) weapons and toxins and on their destruction).
Therefore, what is implied is the consolidation of the main results of the work of the United Nations itself on disarmament problems in the Protocol. Such a Protocol could give the United Nations the power of a genuine center of negotiations on disarmament, for the consideration and assessment of the results of negotiations which are held outside of the United Nations, and also give it the power of the chief guarantor of implementing the concluded treaties on disarmament. The competent body
represented by the Security Council could be granted the right
to take measures in relation to the states which have violated the agreements they signed, and this would expand the mandate of this body. As for an emergency situation - the risk that a nuclear war may break out in this case the UN Security Council must be given by the Protocola special power of taking urgent preventive measures by means of Collective actions of forces of the UN members. It should come to the functions of monitoring and control over disarmament not only in the field of nuclear weapons but also of conventional armaments, and Confidence-building measures.
A certain precedent should be noted in this connection, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Charter and the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons have given the UN Security Council the power to act as the supreme control body to which, if need be, the issue concerning the violation by a state of its obligations in the sphere of the non-proliferation of

United Nations Charter and Todays Realities 861
nuclear weapons should be addressed. There is no doubt that the very fact of endowing the United Nations with the functions of control over the implementation of disarmament measures in crucial spheres would greatly enhance the role of the United Nations and promote disarmament, and would increase the efficiency of the United Nations in the maintenance of peace and security. Relevant control can be carried out not only by UN bodies but also through setting up ad hoc international commissions and chambers for monitoring and control over disarmament, which would include along with the UN members representatives of non-governmental institutions and international public opinion.
° In connection with Article 33 of the UN Charter we can suggest the discussion of the possibility of elaborating and adopting a Protocol on the strength of the fact that specific measures Concerning a peaceful settlement of disputes, in particular, judicial settlement, arbitration, resort to regional agencies, which are contained in this article, have not been either used or have proved of little effect. What is needed is the elaboration of the ways of the practical realization of these measures in a Protocol additional to the UN Charter.
° In Connection with Article 40 of the UN Charter an additional Protocol seems appropriate which would contain a thorough analysis of practical problems of monitoring for the purpose of the prevention of conflicts and control over them. In Europe something like that is being associated with the center which is being set up in Vienna. In particular, wishes to build such a mechanism of the United Nations proposed by Perez de Cucilar can be realized also in the additional ProtoCol.
The problems of accomplishing the tasks of Article 42 on measures in the field of other operations of air, Sea or ground armed forces of the members of the Organization for fulfilling the decisions of the Security Council in case of a threat to peace, its violation or act of aggression gives grounds for considering

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the idea of forming permanent armed contingents of the United Nations in member states. For one of the arguments which S. Hussein used was speculation on the feelings of Arabs in connection with the fact that armed forces of the USA were predominant among the troops which acted in the war in the Persian gulf area. Had it been UN forces such an argument would have been senseless.
it should be pointed out, that considering the UN practice in the field of peacekeeping on the whole, it has been alternating flexibility with "improvisation"(5), as the Yale University specialists B. Russett and J. Sutterlin neatly put it. That is why there is a pressing need in the adoption of commentaries or an additional protocol to the Chapter VI of the UN Charter.
An instance of improvisation has been the Security Council's action, undertaken in response to Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The UN Charter provides for the use of the armed forces aganist aggression, placed at the Security Council's disposal by member countries. Responding to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait the Council recognized as rightful the use of armed forces against the aggressor, but such forces were not provided to by member states and acted as an anti-l raqi coalition, i.e. practically not as the UN forces proper.(o)
it might be reminded that, deciding on the military actions, the Security Council confined itself to a reference to the Charter's Chapter VII without mentioning the specific article of the Charter. This has marked a new approach to a collective security concept, not foreseen by the UN Charter, which has not determined the basis for the measures of compulsion on behalf of the UN itself, that has not created the Unified Command of the UN forces, to say nothing of the authorization to use the UN flag. It has meant in the end the absence of a concrete UN mandate for the antiIraq coalition and authorized the state, exercizing the command of the "Desert Storm" operation, to interpret the aims and resolution of the Security Council at its discretion.

United Nations Charter and Todays Realities 863
In this connection the measures, undertaken earlier to put an end to hostilities in the Middle East in 1956, might be recalled.
In the course of time the role of forces, dividing hostile parties, was extended and included, alongside with the other functions, maintenance of security and stability in a certain area (for example, in Southern Lebanon), observation of the elections (Namibia and Haiti), rendering humanitarian aid (Cyprus), disarmament of rebels (Nicaragua), measures to establish peace (Cambodia). In late December 1991 UN Secretary-General's representative Mr. C. Vance proposed a plan for peaceful settlement in certain areas of Yugoslavia"under the protection of the United Nations", i. e. with the use of the UN forces. This plan was carried out, and "blue helmets" arrived in Yugoslavia.
The 46th UN General Assembly session still more definitely developed the trend towards interference into internal conflicts of UN member countries. This "improvisation" differs in a most considerable way from one of the basic principles of the UN Charter, admitting interference only in conflicts between countries. At that it was, obviously, implied, that peacekeeping by the UN forces was interpreted as a temporary measure on the basis of the UN Charter, undertaken with consent of the interested parties and presupposing the use of arms for self-defence only.
It is clear, that without formal adoption of such a novel it will contradict the fundamental principles of the UN Charter. Thus, its formalization either in a protocol, or even in a special Protocol may provide for the formation of permanent forces of the United Nations. They may be stationed in member states and in case of need they can be rapidly concentrated in corresponding regions with the help of the latest transport means. The Protocol may oblige the Military Staff Committee to agree in advance of all main practical problems, above all, those concerning the formation of the command, unification and financing of operations.

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United Nations Charter and Today's Realities 865
In this connection it is appropriate to recall that Chapter WI of the UN Charter "Action With Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression" presupposes the need of elaborating matters related to operations involving the maintenance of peace.
* The Work of the Military Staff Committee on this problem which was interrupted in 1947 must be resumed and its results may be also formulated in a Protocol attached to the UN Charter. The a wailable experience of the War in the Persian Gulf speaks about the desirability of defining a precise mandate for UN forces, bearing in mind both political and geographical aspects.
* As problems of the Persian Gulf were considered, there appeared signs of the revival of the Military Staff Committee but this revival has not taken place, unfortunately,
It seems appropriate to pose the question about a resolute activation of this body and the expansion of its obligations for serving the United Nations in the field of its fulfillment of the functions of a center of Work for disarmament. This activity of the Military Staff Committee can be also provided for by a special Protocol. It may include the co||ection of information on a|| negotiations om disarmament, the elaboration on proposals on these issues, the elaboration of proposals on the problems of ensuring disarmament agreements which have been reached, informing the United Nations about the character of main military strategic concCpts, about the activity of main military political organizations, and the like.
In specific terms it is possible to empower the Military Staff Committee with a number of operation organizational and control werification functions in the field of disarmament: (1) the compilation by agreement With member states of agreements, plans and Schedules of a Werts related to the fulfilliment of di Sari Tha TaT t

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United Nations Charler and Today's Realities 867
agreements; (2) the elaboration of technical and organizational methods of carrying out these measures; (3) the exercise of on-site control over the terms and methods of armed forces reduction and arms elimination; (4) the performance of control verification functions by one's own forces and means and also through special control mechanists of the United Nations.
We are aware that the implementation of the above mentio med proposals, if they Would be adopted, Will require much time and effort. Nevertheless, it seems appropriate to express thern in order to use them as one of the versions for discussing the problems related to the UN Charter.
It is likely that some proposals will be made subsequently the basis of amendments to the UN Charter and some of them may prove useful in elaborating relevant conventions.
FoQllosés.
(1) International Institutions at work. Ed. by P. Taylor and A. G. R. Groom,
Printer Publishers Ltd., L., p. 193,
(2) U. S. Department of State, Charter of the United Nations. Report to the President on the Results of the San Francisco Conference, Publication 2349 (June 26, 1945, p.68).
(3) "We the People..." American Association for the United Nations,
Ν.Υ. 1945, ρ.351.
(4) Sahovich M. Where Are the United Nations Leading - International
Politics, 1991, N. 978, p. 17 (translated from Russian),

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(5)
(6)
Politics and Life in Our Times
See Russett B. and Sutterlin J. S. The UN in a new world order, Foreign Affairs, Spring 1991, p.67.
As to the Korean operation, the above-mentioned authors wrote: "The UN lacked control or influence over the course of military action or the precise purposes for which it was exercised (e.g. to repel and punish aggression, to reunify the country), the military operation became identified with the policy of the nation leading the effort rather than with the United Nations" (ibid, p. 74).
Courtesy: "Peace and the Sciences"- Vienna, June, 1992.

Ceylon and the GDR The Bandaran aike nitiati Ve
by Dr. Jaya Pathirana
Speaking on 1st November, 1957, at Katunayake Airport, nine long years after Ceylon attained independence, on the occasion of the handing over of the R. A. F. air base at Katunayake by the British Government to Ceylon, the late Prime Minister, Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, was constrained to remark, "Today our independence is complete".
On an earlier Occasion at Trincomalee, On 15th October, 1957, the British Naval Base was handed over to Ceylon.
These steps were a necessary sequel to the new foreign policy of Ceylon enunciated by Mr. Bandaranaike after he came to power in 1956, consequent to the defeat of the U. N. P. Government: Ceylon's foreign policy was described by him as being based on friendship and Co-operation with all nations and non-alignment with any of the power blocs of the World as a means of helping ourselves as well as the World, to obtain that understanding, peace and prosperity for which the World Was yearning.
Prior to the coming of Mr. Bandaranaike to power in 1956, Ceylon which had achieved its independence in 1948, pursued a rather peculiar foreign policy. One expected that with the achievement of independence, there was the duty and right of any Government in power, especially an Asian country, like Ceylon, which had attained the substance of independence after over 400 years of foreign imperialist domination, to follow a policy, which was not merely independent but also effective in eradicating from this country all vestiges of foreign domination and influence in order to make a positive contribution towards peace and understanding among nations, from a position of neutralism, as a nation, non-aligned and uncommitted to the major power blocs of the world.

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BFC} Politics and Life Kiri Orr Tirriles
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Ceylon and the GDR - The Bandaranaike frtitiative B71
Prior to 1956, Ceylon refused to establish diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, the People's Republic of China and other socialist Countries. In addition, the existence of British military, naval and air bases in Ceylon, as enclaves of imperialism, was an erosion of Our status as an independent country, but this also made our country extremely vulnerable, considering its strategic position, in the event of a global Conflagration.
In order to make our independence truly effective and at the same time make a positive contribution in the international forum, the late Mr. Banadaranalike gawe new dimensions and meaning to our foreign relations, Diplomatic relations were established by him for the first time With the Soviet Union, China and other socialist countries, and all foreign bases in Our Country were ordered to be removed. We became truly non-aligned and Luncommitted, although as Mr. Banda ramaike emphasised, We were Committed only to the extent of making our Contribution to peace in a positive form, to friendship among nations and to the prosperity and happiness of all mankind.
His widow, Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike, who became Prime Minister in 1960, after the assasination of her husband, too continued the policy of dynamic neutralism and non-alignment and participated in a number of international conferences, where she re-iterated this policy, The foreign policy of the two Banadaranaike Governments towards the German Democratic Republic was influenced by this Consideration. Ceylon recognised the existence of the two German States - West Germany and the GDR,
Speaking at the Belgrade Conference of the Heads of States of Non-aligned Nations, on 3rd September, 1961, Mrs. Siri rima Banadaranaike, Ceylon's Prime Minister, made particular reference to the German question and its relevance to world peace. She referred to the "tWC German States" and the "Wo Governments" and for the necessity of "demilitarisation of Germany".
She went on to say: "The great powers must immediately set down to the task of re-opening east-west negotiations designed to achieve a final settlement by peaceful means. For the success of such negotiations it must be essential for the two Germanys to participate în

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872 Politics arid Life liri Our Tirreas
the discussions, since the future of Germany must be determined not in accordance with the cold War strategy to suit either of the great powers but in Order to establish a unified state insulated as far as possible from the cold War and unaligned with either of the existing power blocs". One felt that she was re-echoing the sentiments expressed in 1945 by the signatories of the Potsdam Agreement for the treatient of post-war Germany - the prescriptions were almost identical.
On February 14th, 1964, Mrs. Sirima Bandaranake's Government raised the status of the GDR Trade Mission in Ceylon to a Consulate General. The trade mission was established in 1961.
The West German Embassy on 2nd March, 1964, issued a special communique in which it stated that the Federal Government received this news with great astonishment and then stated
"It makes it in particular impossible for the Federal Government to justify before the German people the continuance of economic aid to Ceylon in the manner wished for by both sides".
Here was an open declaration with a threat by West Germany to apply the infamous "Halstein doctrine" to Ceylon- an open affront to Our independence, Our dignity as a self-respecting nation and a threat to interfere in the internal affairs of Our Country and to dictate to us the manner in which we should conduct our foreign policy,
But Mrs. Bandaranaike stood courageously firm with her decision regarding the GDR Consulate General. This role of our foreign policy had enhanced our reputation as a non-aligned Country,
The Bonn Cabinet decided in typical neo-colonialist form in February 1964, to discontinue economic aid to Ceylon. At the same time West German circles launched attacks against Ceylon's right of self-determination, insulted the people of Ceylon and demanded that they bow to the dictates of Bonn.
Following the establishment of the GDR Consulate General in Ceylon, the relations between the two Countries have steadily improved to the benefit of Ceylon. A credit agreement was signed between the GDR and Ceylon during the regime of Mrs. Bandaranaike.

Ceylor a 7d the GDR — The Bandaranalike Yifat a 873
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874 Politics and Life in Our Times
On the basis of this Economic Agreement concluded between the Government of Ceylon and the German Democratic Republic in February 1965, contracts have been signed in November 1966 for the largest Integrated Textile Mill in South-East Asia. In the contracts are included the designing work, the delivery of machinery and equipment, technical Supervision for the erection and technical assistance for the training of 42 Ceylonese trainees during a course of 18 months in the specialised factories of the German Democratic Republic.
The total value of the above mentioned contracts in pound sterling is approximately 8 million equal to approximately 110 million rupees. The total costs of the whole investment are coming up to approximately rupees 350 million. This is one of the biggest industrial projects in Ceylon since Ceylon got her independence and will bring an area of 13.5 acres under one roof. It will have an annual output of 14 million yards of cloth and a finishing capacity of approx. 40 million yards of Cloth.
The first important step has been taken on the 17th January, 1968, when the foundation stone was laid by the Prime Minister of Ceylon in the presence of the Deputy Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic, Herr Max Sefrin.
In April 1969, the erection of the machinery and equipment under the Supervision of 84 GDR specialists started in co-operation with the National Textile Corporation and the State Engineering Corporation.
The first stage of the Textile Project was opened at Thulhiriya on 18th September this year by the Prime Minister. The GDR Deputy Premier, Max Sefrin, also participated at the opening ceremony.
After the commissioning of the mill, the German Democratic Republic will extend all assistance to make Ceylon self-sufficient in textile products, providing another 14 specialists for technical assistance during a period of two years in the production field.

Ceylon and the GDR - The Bandaranaike Initiative 875
Several Ceylon students are pursuing their studies in various fields in the GDR on scholarships granted by that country. The volume of trade between the Countries is steadily increasing.
Our relations with the GDR and the vast benefits this country has received from the GDR provide ample proof of the advantages a Country like Ceylon, with a developing economy, can gain by following an independent foreign policy, non-aligned and uncommitted to any foreign power the policy first enunciated in this country by the late Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and consistently followed by his widow Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike.
Courtesy; "Ceylon and the GDR" by Dr. Jaya Pathirana, Sri Lanka, 1970

Page 447
The First-Ever Miss World-1911
This interesting news item is from "HELLO! Magazine, November 1991. It says:
Every year when the Miss World competition comes around again, there's One lady Who Watches with particular interest: she's Alice Hyde, who became the first ever Miss World Way back in 1911,
NoW an in Credibly active 97-year-old, Alice still likes to look back. On those nostalgic days when she had the World at her feet.
"In those days", she begins, "I had many admirers but I wasn't interested in any of ther, I was far too ambitious. Ever since I was a little girl, I dreamed about being a star and being in a film".
The Miss World title made her dream a reality and the 17-yearold girl from Yorkshire became a household name overnight. Stars like Douglas Fairbanks and Charles Chaplin came to England to try and persuade her to move to Hollywood, where, they said, she was sure to է: Յ:C)rilt a star.
Sadly, desplte er childflQOd dreans, Alice never made it to HollyWood. Still a teenager, her parents refused to let her go.
MoW living in Leominster she has fond memories of her good friend Charlie Chaplin. He was always joking around. We became good friends but he newer tried to Court me", she says,
Although Alice missed her chance of a golden Hollywood career, she did appear in two British films but that brought her promising acting Career to an abrupt end shortly afterwards when she married her husband, Charles Hyde, an engineer. They had five children: Michael, Brian, Carl, war and Sheila.
Her glory days may hawe been short-lived EDLI! their memory has stayed With her throughout her life.
She Wasn't even 20 and she was receiving daily sackloads of lette TS TTCT) bleSOtted admirers. Her picture ador ned the best magazines and the popular picture postcards of the era and at One stage she couldn't Walk down the street. Without being asked for her autograph.

87W
The First-EVer Miss World - I 3 T T
IRANGANEE ROXANA SERASINGHE WAS AWARDED THE TITLE OF KALA KEERTHI E Y PRESIDENT CHANDRIKA BANDARANAIKE KUMARATUNGA ON 5TH APRIL, 1998, FROM HER YOUTH AND IN HER UNIVERSITY DAYS SHE PARTICIPATED ON THE STAGE AND LATER IN THE TELEVISION, IN HER EARLY DAYS SHE ACTED SUCCESSFULLY AS SITA, WHO WAS THE CONSORT OF LORD RAMĄ
|ranganee Serasinghe and Dilani Sudasinghe in "Sath Prasadaya" teleplay

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878 Politics and Life in Our Tinnes
Then in true romantic style Alice gave up all her hopes and dreams to be with one man- and she never regretted her decision for
a nOrnent.
When Charles, her husband, retired they moved to Spain to five and it wasn't until her husband passed away that she decided to come back to settle in Britain. Though difficult to readjust at first, Alice bought an antiques shop in Leominster and built a new life for herself. She still has the same charm and spark that first captivated the audience and the judges of the first ever Miss World competition, held 80 years ago.
"feel great", She enthuses. "I go out and do my shopping every day and I go to different clubs. I still do my daily exercises to stay in shape and I've always had a healthy diet and taken vitamins.
"I still enjoy life to the full and I feel like a much younger woman than am".
And of course Alice will never forget the day she became the first Miss World; "I'll always remember the tears cried when they proclaimed me "the prettiest girl in the world".
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, 1991.

C. P. S. L. Condemns Bomb AttackS
The following statement was issued by Chairman of the C. P. S. L., Pieter Keuneman, on September 9, 1986.
"The Communist Party of Sri Lanka condemns the outrageous bomb attacks on a number of public meetings organised by the LSSPCPSL-SLMP alliance and by the S. L. M. P.
"The intention of these bomb attacks is clear. It is to prevent the three-party Alliance from making known to the people its proposals in regard to ending the ethnic civil war and establishing a peaceful, negotiated and just settlement of inter-nationality relations.
"The perpetrators of these outrages hope, on the one hand, to intimidate the leaders of this Alliance from pursuing their campaign and, on the other hand, to frighten the people from attending the rallies organised by the Alliance, which have been attended by very large numbers.
"Needless to say, these dark anti-Social forces will not succeed in their aims.
"While the exact identity of the organisers of these outrages has yet to be established, it is clear that these bomb attacks are organised by a common centre which operates on behalf of those reactionary and racist forces that are openly campaigning to prevent a negotiated and peaceful political settlement of the ethnic problem.
"The fact that these forces have now resorted to such despicable and cowardly methods is a sign of their growing desperation and increasing political isolation. They are clearly perturbed that the need for a cease fire and a negotiated political settlement is gaining ground among all nationalities and sections of our people.

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PETER KEUNEMAN WITH MAUD KEUNEMAN AT THE KATUNAYAKE AIRPORT, ON MAUD AR RIWAL AT THE AIRPORT
Pieter Ke Lineman devoted his entire life to organize the Working class and to find Solutions to the problems faced by the Workers
 
 

C. F. S. L. Condas TFS; BorT7) A Tacks 88.1
"Unable to counter this, and finding that their crude racism is failing to make headway, they have now turned to terrorist physical wiolence and threats.
"Neither the government nor the Police have displayed any special anxiety about these new developments which threaten not merely law and order but also the freedom of speech. Obviously, they are more interested in other matters. Some of them may even think that the continuation of such attacks will be a good excuse to ban all public meetings.
"I note that the S. L. F. P. leaders, who originally pooh-poohed these attacks as inventions by the Alliance leaders to again cheap publicity for themselves, hawe now asked the government to in Westigate these attacks. As some of their statements to the newspapers show, the S. L. F. P. leaders are increasingly worried at the fact that some sections of public opinion are looking in their direction in this connection. "I do not, repeat not, accuse the S. L. F. P. leaders of instigating such attacks. But they cannot escape the responsibility for creating the political climate which has obviously animated those who organise these attacks, if they really want these attacks to stop, they should also stop their racist propaganda, which encourages such attacks,
"This new development must make all Left and radical forces, both within and outside the 3-party Alliance, and all others who want a peaceful and negotiated political settlement of the ethnic problem, to close ranks, protect their right to put forward their proposals and policies to the people and rebuff the racist forces".
Courtesy: "Forward", Colombo, 15th September, 1986,

Page 450
Regional Co-operation and Security A Sri Lankan perspective
by Lakshman Kadingarrilar
The Krishna Menon Memoral Centenary Lecture delivered by Lakshman Kadirgamar, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sri Lanka, at Kota, Rajasthan, India on Dec. 15, 1996.
Mr. Krishna Menon was a towering figure in the postindependence political firmament of India. He was known to be Mr. Nehru's spokesman to the World, but he was seen by many as more than that.
DOMINATED INTERNATIONAL STAGE
He was seen by millions in the Third World as their eloquent advocate, their brave defender, their doughly champion. Blessed by nature with saturnine good looks, a flowing mane, a proud bearing, a stentorian voice, acerbic wit, he was Well equipped to domirate the international stage in the decade of the fifties. When he spoke, he gawe went to the Tute feelings of half the World.
He always Commanded attention. No doubt controversy swirled around him, but what man of principle, of passion, of Commitment is bland, dulland Colourless. Isalute his memory on behalf of a generation of young people of the early fifties from many. Third World Countries who took great pride in his performance and great pleasure in his achievements, feel deeply honoured to have been invited to deliver this Krishna Menon Memorial centenary lecture.
The transition from the Cold War era of bi-polar centres of global power and influence to a "New World Order" where we stand threatened by the possibility of uni-polar global domination, has invested regionalist with a special importance, and imparted to its effective development a sense of urgency.

Regional Co-operation and Security - A Sri Lanka perspectiva 883
W. K. KRISHNA MENON WAS UND OUBTEDLY ONE OF THE MOST FASCINATING AND ECUALLY MISUNDERSTOOD PERSONALITIES OF OUR TIMES. THERE WAS IN HIMA PARADOXICAL COMBINATION OF REASON AND EMOTION, LOGIC AND PASSION, SARCASMAND AFFECTION. HE WAS BORNIN SUBURBAN MALABAR ON 8TH MAY, 1896. HIS FATHER, SHRIKRISHNA KURUPWASA PROSPEROUSLAWYER AND A LAND-LORD AND HIS MOTHER SMT LAKSHM KUTTY AMMA, WAS
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Mr. Krishna Menon was a towering figure in the post-independence political firmament of India. He was seen by millions in the Third World as their eloquent advocate, their brave defender, their doughty champion, Blessed by nature With Saturning good looks, a flowing mane, a proud bearing, a stentorian voice, acerbic wit, he was well equipped to dominate the international stage in the decade of the fifties. When he spoke, he gawe went to the multe feelings of half the World,
- Lakshirları Kadir garnar

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884 Politics and Life in Our Times
Our region comprises, mutatis mutandis, some of the poorest of the World's poor, when measured against conventional indices of eCOnomic and Social advance. We are, therefore, most vulnerable to the pressures imposed by the new international agenda. That agenda, of free trade and globalization of human rights, environmental protection, child labour, intellectual property rights and so on, could if we are not alert, be applied to us, developing nations in a manner designed to Safeguard and advance the interests of the developed nations. Effective regionalism has therefore to be for us both our forward defence line as Well as our defence in depth in safeguarding and advancing the Wellbeing of all our regional peoples.
Regional security and co-operation can only stem from Common political will. Common political will has to be based upon an agreed view of our region and of the world beyond. That entails recognizing and accepting those unchangeable and inescapable realities which characterize our region and which, for all practical purposes, suggest, if not dictate, the parameters for collective interaction. shall come to that presently. Some thoughts about regional co-operation may best point the way, at this juncture.
We in South Asia came late onto the scene of structured regional Co-operation. The reasons for that also explain, I believe, the insubstantial record of achievement during SAARC's first decade. Those amongst you who may have been in association with the inception of the SAARC process - and I am pleased to remind you that the process began in Colombo, in April 1981 - would recall that any forward movement at all became possible only when two basic ground rules were agreed. The first was that all decisions would be based on unanimity: the second, that bilateral and contentious issues would stand excluded from our deliberations - nothing could have better illustrated the lack of political will, at that time.
At the heart of our problems, of course, lie the significant asymmetries in size, human andmaterial resources, levels of economic and technological development and military power, which characterize Our region. These asymmetries have been compounded by historical legacies of conflict and suspicion, leaving behind deeply felt threat

Regional Co-operation and Security - A Sri Lankan perspective 885
perceptions. That same asymmetry has another adverse Consequence. It allows for an uneven impact upon us of that prevailing external order of which spoke earlier, leaving some of us less able than others to cope with those pressures.
The experience of others who have already embarked upon structured regional Co-operation has shown that squaring pluses and minuses to achieve a balanced equation is difficult enough where there is a reasonable approximation to parity of resources and power. Where co-operation is sought to be engendered between such unequals as our regions' asymmetries have created then Squaring pluses and minuses becomes irrelevant. The order of the day has to be the give and take of generosity and matching appreciation. That sort of interaction more than ever requires empowerment by political will.
Again, those who were associated with launching the SAARC process will recall that, ab initio, they faced the proverbial 'chicken or egg' question. That is to say : was it realistic to try to devise arrangements for practical co-operation in at least some areas in the hope that in time and with practice the necessary political will would be engendered to go farther and deeper? Or, would engendering political will have to precede any discernible co-operation Worth the name?
At that time, Sri Lanka leaned to the latter view namely, that political will was the name of the game, if I may be pardoned a colloquialism. However, since it seemed unrealistic to hope, far less believe, that we could proceed directly to generate that common understanding which has to underpin political will, Sri Lanka was in the forefront of those who advocated a twin-track approach.
That is to say: whilst endeavouring at bureaucratic and technocratic levels to devise instruments and programmes for regional co-operation in an ever widening range of areas, simultaneously to press for the earliest elevation of the process of regional interaction to the political level: i.e. of frequent and regular meetings, first of foreign ministers, and then of regional leaders.

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BASIC GROUND RULE OF SAARC
mentioned in passing earlier, that a basic ground rule of the SAARC process agreed in Colombo at our first meeting of officials, had been the exclusion of bilateral and Contentious issues from SAARC deliberations. From the very outset, however, Sri Lanka sought to interpret that rule in a manner which, without doing violence to it, would nonetheless allow us forward movement at the political level. We took the position that what stood excluded was only the injection of bilateral and contentious issues into formal - agendastructured and recorded proceedings. We were clear in our minds thus, that the spirit of SAARC was to eschew any disruption of the SAARC process itself by injecting bilateral or contentious issues.
However, we saw nothing whatever standing in the way of the region's foreign ministers and leaders using the excellent 'cover of the SAARC process to meet frequently and regularly, so as to address our own, private, regional agenda: by this mean to say, our ministers and leaders using those occasions to meet privately, informally, in closed meetings of twos, threes or any other numbers upto the prevailing seven, to discuss freely, frankly and confidentially, with or without officials, but certainly without any records, any and all issues which troubled them and their respective countries.
We felt that only thus would our respective political leaders be able to understand the deeply held perceptions and sensitivities of others, disabuse their own minds of suspicions and flawed judgements, and arrive thereby at that meeting of minds which is the very essence of political will. For political will is nothing but mutual trust and confidence, and that can only come through mutual understanding.
Sadly, such a process has never got under way. Indeed, the very format of SAARC meetings at Summit level precludes it, because the duration is minimal and entirely taken up with formalities. The prevailing practice of a 'Retreat' is merely national - more social than Substantively interlocutory. At our last meeting, in New Delhi in 1995, Sri Lanka advocated a fresh attempt at realizing what we see

Regional Co-operation and Security - A Sri Lankan perspective 887
to be the true purpose and role of SAARC summits: namely, enabling leaders of the region the better and quicker to get to know and trust each other, and thereby fashion a common regional and world view which would enhance our prospects of confronting the so-called "New World Order".
During SAARC's first decade, there have been some, but too few, instances of even bilateral interaction of this sort. One recalls the private exchanges between Sri Lankan President J. R. Jayewardene and his indian partner in SAARC, the late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, at the Bangalore Summit in 1986. Sri Lankan governments have twice injected bilateral issues to the point of disrupting the SAARC process. Once, when Sri Lanka absented itself from a meeting of regional foreign ministers because objection was taken to certain remarks of an Indian minister made in the Indian parliament. Again when Sri Lanka declined to host a SAARC summit which it was Sri Lanka's turn to hold, citing the presence of alien i.e. Indian military forces on our soil, forces, let it be stressed, which had been invited into our country by a Sri Lankan president, to help him resolve a Sri Lankan problem.
If I may take stock for a moment, my starting point of reference is that the political will to forge a cohesive and concerted association amongst ourselves is the very essence of regional security and co-operation. Then, the measure of regional security and of regional co-operation becomes the degree to which we are able to agree about the intrinsic character of our region, where we each stand in relation to the others, what the impact is upon us, severally and collectively, of the prevailing external order, and how best we should respond thereto. The only way to such agreement, if indeed it can ever be achieved, is to talk freely and frankly to each other, in order to achieve mutual understanding, trust and confidence. Today, across the globe, regional groupings tend to overlap because shared economic and political interests among discontiguous neighbours tend to converge. Thus, today if any of us were to see our destiny - perhaps future would be a less resonant word - as lying along the path of engagement with others outside the region,

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888 Possics and Life in Our Tirres
A SRI LAN KAN PERSPECTIVE OF REGIONAL CO-OPERATION AND SECURITY BY LAKSHMAN KADIR GAMAR, MINISTER OF FOREIGNAFFAIRS, SRI LANKA
Horn, Lakshirian Kadirgarmar
At the heart of our problems, of course, lie the significant asymmetries in size, human and material resources, levels of economic and technological development and military power, which characterize our region. These asymmetries have been compounded by historical legacies of conflict and suspicion,
— LakS for Får"? Kadiriga "Tar
 

Regional Co-operation and Security - A Sri Lankan perspective 889
as well as with our neighbours within South Asia, it cannot reasonably be argued that thereby South Asian unity would be denied. However, if our regional unity is to be preserved and promoted regional member states must address this core issue of political will from the standpoint of its own situation,
I mean by that, its geographical location, historical experience, and chosen national aspirations. If the process of addressing that core issue can, nonetheless, be undertaken collectively, then the chances of reaching agreement, and thereby of forging regional cohesion Would stand greatly enhanced.
That is why We in Sri Lanka lay such store by developing a process of free and frank exchanges amongst our neighbours, to facilitate that process. It is to that same end that I direct myself on this occasion, by attempting to provide you with a Sri Lankan perception of the region, and of where we stand within it. Let me first try to identify what I perceive to be certain unchangeable and inescapable regional realities, and then say something about our own regional position.
The first regional reality perceive is India's preponderance over all others in South Asia. It is a preponderance based upon size, resources, development and power, allied to influence. A second reality which strikes me is India's unique centrality. It is not just that no two others amongst ourselves can interact directly with each other without touching or crossing Indian land, sea or air space. It is also that, with each of her neighbours, India has specialties - whether of ethnicity, language, Culture and kinship, or of common historical experience, or of shared access to and dependence upon wital natural resources of a character and to a degree of intensity which is not shared by any two others.
There is a third reality too which bears directly upon these two. It is the co-terminality of national borders of regional members with those great natural physical barriers, the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean.

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890 Politics and Life in Our Times
believe it is fair to say that no other region in the world presents such an integral security zone. The force of that point may perhaps be the better appreciated if one were to consider the analogy of a wheel. At its hub lies regionally preponderant India. Radiating as spokes are India's regional neighbours, with each of whom India Shares land Or maritime boundaries, but no two others of whom are thus joined without at the same time touching India also. Binding those spokes to that hub are the physical barriers which I mentioned. Recognition of this characteristic, of the security of the region being an integer, a thing complete in itself, was of course central to the administration of the British Raj.
Given that with her preponderance and centrality within the region, India has become, for all practical purposes, the principal heir to that imperial tradition, it would not be surprising if india viewed her security along similar lines. That is to say, India may justifiably regard any alien presence or influence within those natural security borders, which was not there with her own acquiescence, as a potential threat to her national security.
said earlier that each regional memberstate was likely to view both the region and their place in it from the particular standpoint of their own national situation. Having briefly indicated how the region appears, to a Sri Lankan, let me say something of where Sri Lanka stands, within the region. Our position would be best demonstrated if you were to visualize the regional map. We are a small island exposed to a vast ocean, upon and beneath which man and his machines, benign or evil, may undertake ventures beyond our limitedken. At the northern tip of our island. We share a maritime boundary with our only visible neighbour, so to speak, across a waterway no wider than a mere short dash by fibreglass boat with outboard motor.
That neighbour also happens to be one of the world's largest, most populous and potentially powerful of nations. The proximity of India, the "India factor", if one may so describe it, is a cardinal factor in Our lives, as a nation. There is of Course much more to that India factor than the proximity of neighbourliness.

Regional Co-operation and Security - A Sri Lankan perspective 891
To begin with, there is no other neighbour equally powerful and proximal to countervail India. Then, there is India's huge advantage in disparity of resources, levels of development, power and influence globally. We have with her, the widest interaction between peoples and governments, and it thus lies with her to help or hinder us to the greatest extent.
Since India is far more important to the rest of the region and to the larger world beyond than we are, the other countries of the region will therefore be unwilling and unable to come to our help in any confrontation with India in which we may embroil ourselves. We had explicit evidence of this during the mid-1980s, when our bilateral relations with India were in crisis. Our regional partners, and SAARC had already been launched, indicated that we should not realistically expect their overt help in that situation because their own relations with India would be imperilled. Major world powers also told us, and they did so publicly on the record, that in their view India was indisputably the pre-eminent regional power, with a special responsibility for regional stability, and that we would be well advised to avail ourselves of that factor: namely, of India's help, in resolving our then prevailing internal crisis.
There are two more important, and for practical purposes interconnected, elements in that India factor which affects governance in Sri Lanka. One is the Tamil connection between ourselves and Indian Tamils, principally in Tamil Nadu State but also elsewhere in that country. It gives India a special concern with the Sri Lanka Tamil question. Let me emphasise my view, however, that to concede such a special concern is by no means to acquiesce in Indian interference in our affairs, as Such.
SRI LANKAN TAMLS AND TAMIL NADU
it must, be recognized that, if the situation of Sri Lankan Tamils becomes seriously disadvantaged, no Indian government of the day can shut its eyes to that situation and those consequences because the "spill-over" effect of those consequences on Tamil Nadu would inevitably and compulsively engage the attention of the government of that state and the central government.

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Hence, it is an obvious conclusion that the Tamil question within our polity should be so managed as to preclude the need for Indian concern, far less involvement. It would be unrealistic for anyone to claim, however, that India has no legitimate concern with the management of certain aspects of our internal affairs.
That would be no more than the wish being father to the thought.
I said there was another closely related factor. It stems from our own geographical location vis-a-vis India. Sri Lanka is India's exposed southern flank. It thereby becomes a matter of vital concern for India as to who comes and goes, and what happens in Sri Lanka. hark back to my earlier observation, that given the unique character of the region which makes it an integer, in terms of security, India is likely to worry about any alien presence in Sri Lanka, worse still involvement, which does not include herself too.
The point of interconnection is this: should, for instance, a Sri Lankan government of the day, facing an internal crisis concerning the Tamils there, be seen by India to engage the involvement, especially the military involvement, of any other regional member, far worse an outside power altogether, in its resolution, then it would be only fair to surmise that the Indian government of that day will be hard put, Whatever moral under-pinning is cited to the contrary, to keep its gaze firmly averted, and its hands firmly in its pockets.
No Sri Lankan would presume to suggest that this subjective view should be regarded as an objective yardstick of measurement for use by any other regional partner. It is advanced here as no more than an aid to discussion amongst us, of and in the region. The bottom line of regional Security and of co-operation will always remain that measure of agreement which we are able to achieve, in synthesizing Our respective national perceptions about the region's relationship to the wider world beyond. To construct a meaningful regionalism in South Asia, though, we have no other option but to test those national perceptions against each other's in free, frank and accommodating discussion, which is at all times informed by a discernible desire to find common ground.

Regional Co-operation and Security - A Sri Lankan perspective 893
If we are able to forge an effective regionalism, built upon and around the strengths of our region, and present to the demanding World beyond a cohesive and concerted collectivity, I believe the rewards would be significant, for each and all of us. If we fail in that, undoubtedly some amongst us would be able to survive and even to prosper. Others, though, will stand deeply disadvantaged.
For the small and weak amongst us, there can be no question but that regionalism is our future. The question which the bigger and stronger amongst us must surely address is whether or not their future would stand enhanced or retarded by joining with the others in that regional exercise.
MINISTER GUURAL ON FOREIGN POLICY OBJECTIVES
Recently, the Minister of External Affairs of India, Shril. K. Gujral, delivered a speech at the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London on the "Foreign Policy Objectives of India's United Front Government". It was a speech of majestic Sweep, elegant and refined and, above all, of almost startling candour.
spoke earlier of the significant asymmetries of the region - in size, human and material resources, levels of economic and technological development and military power. I spoke of India's huge preponderance. I said that the order of the day has to be the give and take of generosity and matching appreciation; that sort of interaction more than ever requires empowerment by political will.
In that London speech, in a passage of enormous significance for the whole region, Shri Gujral made exactly that commitment of political will on the part of India to mitigate the impact of the asymmetries referred to earlier,
He said:
"The United Front Government's neighbourhood policy now stands on five basic principles: First, with the neighbours like Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Sri Lanka, India does not ask for reciprocity but gives all that it can in good faith and trust. Secondly, no South Asian country will allow its territory to be used against the interest

Page 456
Politics and Life in Our Tirnes
894
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Regional Co-opera fiori artid Security — A Sri La 7 kar perspectiva 895
of another country of the region. Thirdly, none will interfere in the internal affairs of another, Fourthly, all South Asian must respect each others territorial integrity and sovereignty. And finally, they will Settle all their disputes through peaceful, bilateral negotiations. These five principles, Scrupulously observed, will, I am sure, recast South Asia's regional relationships, including the tormented relationship between India and Pakistan, in a friendly, co-operative mould".
Each of these five propositions is intrinsically sound. Each is Wise. Each is capable of implementation. Taken collectively, they Constitute a practical and principled foundation for regional cooperation and security. I endorse them without reservation and express the hope, the fervent hope of all of us in the other five Countries of the region, that India and Pakistan will see in these principles the way forward for them on the path of friendship and
DeaCe,
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, January 9, 1997.

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PJIsis IIT Lse sr) Our TTes
Original Devolution Package Full Details
The government, in its policy statement on January 6th, 1995 stated that:
"Our Government is committed to a peaceful resolution of the ethnic Conflict. We hawe a Wission of Sri Lanka Where a II COTTU Tities can live in safety and security, where human dignity is valued and equality of treatment is an accepted norm of public life. We believe that all Communities must be given the space to express their identity, and participate fully in the life of the nation, whether it be at the national, provincial or local level. A patient, cautious and democratic approach Which encourages dialogue, dissipates distrust, and Compels Consensus is at the heart of the Government Commitment to the peaceful resolution of Conflict".
With these objectives in view the government is seeking to rebuild the Constitutional foundations of a multi-ethnic, plural society based on the following principles:
(a) An effective Constitutional framework for the devolution of power to regions based on Credibility, clarity, and an internally consistent and Coherent Walue system, and which is capable of effective implementation and includes structures for the just resolution of Centre-region disputes: (b) encouraging the regions and communities which inhabit them to become constructive elements of a stable pluralistic democracy; (c) ensuring that all persons may fully and effectively exercise all their human rights and fundamental freedoms without any discrimination and in full equality before the law; (d) giving recognition to Sinhala and Tamil as official languages and thereby according equality of status to the officia|| languages, and recognizing English as a national language;

Original Devolution Package Full Details 897
THE GOLDEN MEMORAL SEAL OF THESRI LANKA, FREEDOMPARTY'S MUSLIM CONGRESS IS RECEIVED BY PRESIDENT CHANDRIKA BANDARANAIKEKUMARATUNGA FROMMINISTERA. H. M. FOWZIE
L.-R. President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Ministers Alawi Moulana, C. W. Gunaratna and A. H. M. Fawzie

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898 Politics and Life in Our Times
(e) protecting the identity of distinct communities and creating conditions for the promotion of that identity, including, the right to enjoy their own culture, profess and practise their own religion,and nurture and promote their own language, and the provision of opportunity to transact business with the state in the national language of their choice.
PROPOSALS FOR THE DEVOLUTION OF POWER
(a) Unit of Devolution
1. A regional council will be established for every province identified by a new schedule to the Constitution. One of the regions Would be constituted by redemarcating the existing boundaries of the present North - East Province. In the redemarcation of boundaries there will be full consultation with a view to reconciling Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim interests.
(b) Substance of Devolution
2. Regional Councils will exercise exclusive legisaltive and executive competence within the devolved sphere. The subjects and functions will be distributed between the Centre and Regions as below:
LISTS The Regional List
Planning at the regional level
Education and Educational Services, excluding national Schools and national universities and the setting of minimum standards for training, examination, curriculum, and teacher qualifications.
O Cal GOVernment
Housing and Construction
Roads and waterways
Agriculture and agrarian services

Original Devolution Package Full Details 899
Rural development
Health and Indigenous medicine
Co-operatives
State land and its alienation or disposal (State land within a region required for the purposes of the Centre in respect of a reserved subject may be utilized by the Centre in consultation with the relevant Regional Council and in accordance with Such procedures as may be established by law)
Irrigation within the Region
Animal husbandry
Regional Police and Law and Order
Regional Public Service Commission
Broadcasting and Media, including television
Promotion of tourism
Relief, Rehabilitation & Reconstuction
Transport
Minor Ports and Harbours
Industries and Industrial development
Forestry and Protection of the Environment within a Region
Energy
Urban Planning
Social Security
Fisheries
Taxes on incomes, capital and wealth of individuals, companies and
corporations to be specified
Excise duties to be specified
Domestic and international borrowing (international borrowings above a specified limit would require the concurrence of the Centre)
Regional Debt
Turnover taxes on wholesale or retail sales to the extent to be specified
Betting taxes, and taxes on prize competitions and lotteries other
than National Lotteries
Motor Vehicle licence fees
Stamp duties on transfer of properties, such as land and motor cars

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Fines imposed by courts Court fees, including stamp fees on documents produced in courts Land revenue, including the assessment and collection of revenues,
and maintenance of land records for revenue purposes Taxes on mineral rights Licence fees on the possession, transport, purchase and sale of
intoxicating liquor Offences against laws with respect to any of the matters specified in the List The supply and distribution of food within the region The administration of Borstal and reformatory institutions Regulation of Cultural activity within the region, including public perfor
a CeS. Regulation of unincorporated associations and Societies within the
region. The regulation and promotion of foreign direct investment, international
grants and development assistance to the region. Regional financial and credit institutions. Fines in respect of the matters in the Regional List Sports
RESERVED LIST
Defence, national security, national police, and the Security forces
Foreign Affairs
Immigration, Emigration and Citizenship
Posts and Telecommunications
Currency and Foreign Exchange, international economic relations,
monetary policy
National Census and StatisticS
National standards with regard to professions, occupations and training
Elections (Excluding elections to local Authorities)
National Universities
Drugs, poisons and Narcotics
National Rivers
Airports, Harbours, Ports with international transportation

Original Devolution Package Full Details 901
Inter-regional transport and railways Labour regulation and standards Civil Aviation Atomic Energy Public Debt of the Government of Sri Lanka Foreign loans of the Government of Sri Lanka Inter-regional Highways National Public Service, National Public Service Commission National media including Central Government Broadcasting and
Television Institutions Patents, Inventions, Desnigs,Copyrights, trademarks and merchandisemarks Monopolies and Mergers National Archives and Museums, and archaeological sites declared by
law to be of national importance Management of central policy and research institutions in the field of education eg: National Institute of Education; Management and Supervision of national schools, conduct of national public certification examinations, imposition of minimum standards for training, curriculum and teacher qualification. Minerals and mines (regulation and development of oil fields and mineral
resources, petroleum and petroleum products) Administration of Justice National Health administration (inclusive of existing special purpose
hospitals and teaching hospitals affiliated to National Universities;Training, education and research relating to Health; Development of National Health standards; Administration of all special programmes, e.g.: Anti-Malaria Campaign) National standards relating to research, development and training in
the area of agriculture Maintenance and Management of the National Grid National industrial research & training Regulation of activities for the enhancement of quality standards Public utility infrastructure development Inter-regional food distribution

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902 PL/I CS är ffg fir1 ) Lur Tir 7 EG55
DF. NEELANTIRUCHELWAM WASA MAN OF OUTSTANDING HUMAN QUALITIES AND HIS TALENT ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENTS AND DEEP KNOWLEDGE OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAWARE
Jr. (W3C-7 TrLJCIFIC/EFT7 F, , - 7,
Dr. Meelan Tiruchelyam had a long association with the United States, as a Fulbright student, law student and teacher. He was a hurian rights lawyer LLaLLL LLaL LLLLLaaLaa LLL a LLLLLaLL aLSSLLLLLY L L S LLLuS LLLLLLLLuuLLL LLLLLLLSLLLLLS SS He was particularly concerned with the reforT of the Constitution. He has assisted in the drawing up of the constitutions (}f se'WEeral COLurılries includir1g Ih1at Of Sri Lanka.
 

Original Davolution Package Full Details 903
Regulation of banking or other financial institutions Adoption of children Fishing beyond the territorial Waters Insuran Ce Stock Exchange and Futures Markets Audit of the Government of Sri Lanka. Taxes of income, capital, and wealth of individuals, Companies and Corporations (excluding those taxes which are devolved on the regions) Custom duties, including import and export duties, and excise duties (excluding such excise duties as may be devolved on the regions) Turnower taxes and stamp duties, goods and Services taxes (excluding
those taxes and duties devolved on the regions) Foreign Trade, Inter-provincial trade and commerce Shipping and Navigation; Maritime Zones including historical waters and territorial Waters (Exclusive Economic Zone and Continental Shelf) Pensions payable by the Government of Sri Lanka or out of the
Consolidated Fund Offences against Laws with respect to any of the matters in the List Fees in respect of any of the matters in the List, but not including fees
taken in any Court National environment and national policy on Tourism Surveys for the purpose of any matters enumerated in the Reserved list Specialized national housing programmes Specialized national powerty alleviation programmes National Planning Youth and WOThen's affairs Buddhist Development of National sports, administration and infrastructure Inter-regional irrigation Schemes Interwention in instances of National (natural and environmental)
disasters and epidemics,

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904 Politics and Life in Our Times
FINANCE
There will be a National Finance Commission entrusted with allocating grants to the Region, keeping in mind the objective of balanced regional development.
Regional Councils will have powers of taxation in certain specified areas, and the Constitution shall require other revenue sharing arrangements.
Regional Councils will have the power to borrow as well as to set up their own financial institutions. International borrowings above a prescribed limit will require the concurrence of the centre.
Regional Councils may negotiate foreign direct investment, international grants and development assistance.
LAW AND ORDER
There will be a regional police service headed by a Regional IGP appointed by the Chief Minister, in consultation with the Governor of the Region. The Regional IGP will be responsible to, and function under the control of the relevant Chief Minister. The Regional police service will investigate all offences against persons and property.
There will be a national police service responsible for Investigating offences against the state, threats to national Security, offences related to elections, inter-province crimes and international crimes. The national police will be headed by the National IGP and will be responsible to the Central Government.
The recruitment, transfers within the region, dismissal and disciplinary control of members of the regional police service will be the responsibility of the regional Police Commission.
There will be a National Police Commission, the functions of which will include the transfer of police officers from one region to another in consultation with the Regional Police Commission. The National Police Commission and the Regional Police

Original Devolution Package Full Details 905
Commission will both be appointed by the Constitutional Council. In the case of appointment of the Regional Police Commission, the Constitutional Council will act in consultation with the Chief Minister of the region in question.
LAND AND LANDSETTLEMENT
Land will be a devolved subject and State land within a region will be vested in the Regional Councils. State land within a Region required for the purposes of the Centre in respect of a reserved subject may be utilized by the Centre in consultation with the relevant Regional Council in accordance with such procedures as may be established by law.
Priority in future land settlement schemes will be given to persons first of the district and then of the Region.
EDUCATION
Education and Highes Education will be devolved subjects included in the regional list.
Certain specified schools and universities may be declared "National" institutions administered by the Centre.
The recruitment, transfer and disciplinary control of teachers other than those in National Schools will be the responsibility of the Regional Council.
Training of teachers will be the responsibility of both the Centre and Regional Councils, depending on whether such teachers are to be recruited to the national or regional schools.
Curriculum development in regional schools will be the responsibility of the Regional Councils. Minimum standards will be set by the Centre.
There will be a National Education Commission composed of representatives of the Centre and the regions entrusted with the following functions :
(a) identifying "National" schools and Universities in consultation with regional chief ministers and stipulating criteria for admission into these national Schools and universities;

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906 Politics adrid Life ir 1 COLLI r Tires
(b) setting minimum standard with regard to training, examination,
curriculum and employment of teachers,
ULWID 'CAF Y
There will be a High Court in every region. The High Court will exercise criminal, appellate and writ jurisdiction within the region. The Regional Judicial Service Commission, which will be appointed by the Constitutional Council in consultation with the Chief Minister of the region, will consist of the Chief Judge of the High Court and the two High Court Judges next in seniority.
The Regional Judicial Service Commission will be responsible for the appointment of Regional High Court Judges and the minor judiciary within the Region. The Regional Judicial Service Commission will consult with the National Judicial Service Commission with regard to the transfer of judges.
(C) STRUCTURE OF DEVOLUTION
GOVERNOR
There will be a Governor for each region for which a Regional Council has been established, appointed by the President with the concurrence of the Chief Minister of the Region.
The Gowermor Wil|| Wacate his office upon :
(a) resignation;
(b) a two-thirds majority of the Regional Council passing a
Wote of C. ConfiderNCE :
(c) removal by the President.
The Governor will appoint a Regional Attorney-General who will advise the Governor on the Constitutionality of laws passed by the Regional Council, if a law is seen to be unconstitutional, the Regional Attorney-General, after Consultation with the Governor will institute action before the Supreme Court of any other tribunal Specially set up to resolve dispute between the Centre and the Region.

Original Devolution Packaga FLY Defalls gD7
THE INTRODUCTION OF THE PEOPLES ALLIANCE GOVERNMENT'S DEVOLUTION PACKAGE RELEASED ON 27TH JULY 1995, SAID THAT ARTICLE TWO OF THE PRESENT CONSTITUTION WHCH STATES THAT THE REPUBLIC OFSRI LANKAS A UNITARY STATE WILL BE A MENDED TO PRO WIDE THAT THE UNITED AND SOWEREIGNREPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA ISA, UNION OF REGIONS
Prof. G. L. Pariš Tha '77ä #r7 arch ifgc of the Devo/utilory Packaga
If the Government's concept of devolution of powers from the Centre is to be a SUCCëSS, It Should emerge From the grassroot le wel and other Line LMaaLLCL LL LLLL LLLLLL LLTLLLaLLLLSS LLL LLLL aLLLLL LLLL LLL Ha LLLLLaLLLL Pro WinCE, Mlandi mitra Ekanayake, Whem he addressed the Muwara Eliya District Co-ordinating Committee Meeting held at the MILI Ware Eliya Town Ha|| im August 1995.

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908 Politics and Life in Our Times
The Governor may summon, dissolve and prorogue the Regional Council on the advice of the Chief Minister.
REGIONAL COUNCILS
A Regional Council will consist of such number of members as may be determined by law. A Regional Council will, unless Sooner dissolved, continue for a period of five years. There will be a Speaker and a Deputy Speaker for each Council.
The Governor will call upon the person who commands the confidence of the majority in the Regional Council to form the Regional administration.
The Chief Minister cannot be removed from office so long as he enjoys the confidence of the regional council.
Executive power in the Region will be vested in the Board of Ministers who will be appointed by the Governor on the advice of the Chief Minister. The Board of Ministers and the Chief Minister will be collectively responsible to the Regional Council.
Legislative power in the region will be vested in the Regional Council. Every region may make laws applicable to the region with respect to any subject set out in the regional list. The Regional Council will have no jurisdiction over the Reserved List.
CAPITAL TERRITORY
The territory comprising the cities of Colombo and Sri Jayawardenapura-Kotte will be excluded from the jurisdiction of the Regional Council constituted for the Western Region and will be administered directly by the Centre, in such manner as the Centre may think fit.
(D) CENTRE-REGION RELATIONS
DEVOLUTION COMMISSION
There will be a Permanent Commission on Devolution appointed by the Constitutional Council to resolve dispute between the Centre and the region or disputes among the regions. The Commission will have powers of mediation as well as adjudication.

Original Devolution Package Full Details 909
REGIONAL PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION
There will be a Regional Public Service Commission (appointed by the Constitutional Council in consultation with the relevant Chief Minister) responsible for the recruitment, disciplinary control and dismissal of all persons, employed by, or seconded to, the Regional Councils.
The Regional Public Service Commission will consult with the National Public Service Commission (also appointed by the Constitutional Council) in effecting the transfer of all such persons.
(E) CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORKRELATING TO DEVOLUTION
Article 2 will be amended to provide that the united and sovereign Republic of Sri Lanka is a Union of Regions.
Article 5 will be amended to state that the territory of the Republic will consist of regions, the names of which are set up in the first schedule, and its territorial waters.
ARTICLE 4 SAMENDED SO THAT
(a) the legislative power of the People will be exercised by Parliament, Regional Councils and the People at a Referendum to the extent hereinafter provided; and
(b) the executive power of the People will be exercised by the President of the Republic action on the advice of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet of Ministers, and the Governors acting on the advice of the respective Chief Ministers and Regional Boards of Ministers to the extent hereinafter provided.
Article 76 Will be deleted.
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, 28th July, 1995.

Page 464
Sri Lanka Freedom Party Today
by Dharmasiri Se7a7a yake, General Secretary, SLFP, Minister of Media, Tourist and Aviation.
Established on Solid principles of justice and fair play, peace and friendship, popularly known as "Bandaranaike policie's", within a short time, SLFP became a household word of politics in the Country.
The SLFP ideals and ideology became deep rooted in the peoples mind. So much so, the 8 member group in Parliament in 1952, romped home to a landslide victory in the 1956 General Elections returning the leader SWRD with the largest majority (over 26,000 votes} from the Attanagalla Seat.
Every succeeding General Election, SLFP registered an Up Ward trend. This Is phenomenal with the ever growing population of young men and young Women.
For them, the SLFP has become the Party which has an ear to their problems, needs and hopes.
With the astute and tested leadership of MadaT Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, who is respected and admired all Over the World, people look up to the SLFP as the oasis in a desert land.
Under her long standing leadership - both in prosperity and adversity - she showed the path of success without abandoning the aspirations of the common people for which the SLFP StandS,
Throughout the country, through meaningful services alone that benefited the peasant and the worker, prelate and the physician, the teacher and the student, the SLFP has carved out a niche in the minds of the people,

Sri Lärka Freedor77 Party Today g
THESRI LANKAFREEDOMPARTY (SLFP) IDEALS AND IDEOLOGY BECAME DEEP ROOTED IN THE PEOPLES' MIND, SOMUCHSO THAT THE 8 MEMBERGROUPINPARLIAMENT IN 1952, ROMPED HOME TO A LANDSLIDE WICTORY IN THE 1955 GENERAL ELECTIONS, RETURNING THE LEADER, S.W.R.D.BANDARANAIKE, WITH THE LARGEST MAJORITY (OWER 26,000 WOTES)
FROM THEATTANAGALLESEAT
— D'fiary Tasiri Sarıara yake
SKYSLS LLLCHlLLLLLlLlLlL LSeLeCCCCCLLLSSLS LLLLLLLLuCHtOL LLLLHLHHS TLGLLLLLLL
Hon, Dharmasiri Senanayake at the French National Day reception which was held at the Colombo Hilton ballroom recently, Here Elisabeth Dahan, the Ambassador of Franca in Sri Lanka, along with the Minister of Provincial Councils and Local Government, Alawi Mowlana, who was chief guest (on the right) and the Minister of Tourism and Civil Aviation, DharTasiri Senanayake (on the left, at the reception,

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912 Politics and Life in Our Times
Today, the message of the SLFP has gone beyond the seven SeaS.
People, particularly the Sri Lankans living in the continents of Europe, Australia and America have formed SLFP branches, Women's Organisations and Youth Fronts to spread the message of the Party and help the country.
That accounts for the prestige, Her Excellency, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga has won in the international area.
Her dedicated and selfless service and her charismatic appeal have played a unique role in salvaging the tarnished image of the Country and the people across the world.
President's role was a significant achievement in the modern history of Sri Lanka. Her unique contribution has etched indelibly in the minds of all peace-loving and disciplined people.
That alone is creditable indeed
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, January 25, 1997.

The Sri Lanka Freedom Party - The Early Fifties
By Maithripala Senanayeke, Governor, North-Central Province
I have been invited to write on the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) of the Fifties as the party holds its All-Island congress meeting today - January 29, 1997.
Founded by the late Hon. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike on September 2nd, 1951, it has journeyed a long way, playing a dynamic and indelible role in the history of our country, and continues to do so. First under Mr. Bandaranaike's leadership, then his widow, Hon. Sirimavo Bandaranaike (three times a Prime Minister) who continues to be President of the SLFP. Their daughter, H. E. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga is today, President of Sri Lanka, having led the party in the General Elections on 16th August, 1994 as well as the Presidential Elections on 9th November, 1994 to a great victory.
The late Hon. Bandaranaike was a Minister of the UNP Cabinet in 1947, but resigned from both his portfolio as Minister and the UNP on July 12th, 1951 owing to differences in policy, ideology, the methods of government as well as to re-establish his position.
In the course of his speech of resignation in the House of Representatives he said, "I should be guilty of a crime against the people of my country to whose services I have dedicated myself, if permitted personal considerations of any kind to come between me and my duty, as conceive it to my country. I am only too well aware of the forces that may be arranged against me. Pride and power, influence, money and over misrepresentation and distortion and all weapons that might be used against me. Against these weapons, possess humility and sincerity in the service of my people, and all the high principles for which shall humbly seek the confidence of the people in this country. Shall go - in the words of Abraham Lincoln, 'with malice to no one and with charity to all".

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g1 4 Politics and Life fra Lur" Tries
At the historic and mass meeting held in the Town Hall, on 2nd September, 1951, he inaugurated the new party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, under the chairmanship of Hon. Bandaranaike and Tore than 10,000 people attended from all walks of life, all communities and Creeds,
It was a historic day as it was on this day that the SLFP, the party that represented the ideals, ambitions and aspirations of the Common people, the party which changed the entire course of the history of this COLUntry, the party which gawe true freedomTl and real independence to the people was formed.
THE CONVENORS WERE:
1. Bernard H. AILFWihara 2. E3Gi-Ud-Dir MahlTLj 3. C. R. Belligammarna 4. Hajji A, T. Kareem 5. George R, de Silwa MP 6, C, P. dė Si|WE 7. Anthony J. M. de Silva 8. P. de S... Kulara tre 9. Stanley de Zoysa 10. P. B. Dissanayake 11. P. Dolaphihila 12. C., M. Ferrardo 13, D. H. Pandita Gunawardene 14, T. B. S. Godar Life 15, R. S. S. Gumawarden 16, Wermon GLUT1 a Sekera 1 W. D. S. GLIF lasekera MP 18, Daya He Wawit harama 19. Tamara Ilangaratne MP 20, J. P. M. Jayesinghe 21. A, P, Jayasuriya MP 22. F. R. Jayas Luri ya 23. L. B. Kolu gala 24. Jayaweera KurLipp LU MP 25. A. M., Marker 26. C. A. S. Marikkar 27. C. A. C. Marikkar 28. J. C. W. Moorasinghe 29, H. Sri Nissanka Q, C, MP 30, A, C, Nadaraja 31, Albert Perera 32, W. F. E. PEE 33, Walter Perera 34. Darre|| Pieris 35. Senator Barries Ratwatta 35. D, A, Rajapaksa MP 37. H. B. W. Rambukwela 38. C. W. Rala Waka 39. W. A. D. Ramanayake 40, C, A, Samarasinghe 41, M, SWarmy mathan 42. K., Sena Wira tre
43, S. Thangaraja 44, T. B. Terrħekolor

The Sri Lanka Freedor Party - The Early Fifties 915
THE G OWERMORY OF THE NORTH-CENTRALPR OWNCE HON MAITHRIPALA SENANAYAKE SPENTMOST OF HIS LIFE IN THENORTH CENTRAL PROVINCE HE STUDIEDAT JAFFNA, ATST, PATRICK'S COLLEGE AND DURINGHIS YOUNGERDAYSOFTEN WENT TO PROCTORS, NATARAJA.J. P.U.M.OF ANURADHAPURA SEEKINGELDERLY ADWICE AND WELL WISHES
* *、
H 斷
III IIH Hor), Ma/Firda la Sarara yake 77.07, 1975 - 2.7. 993
LaL CCHmmaG CCaCaCaL LLLLLaLLLL L LLS LLLLLLLLLLLC CLL LLLL LLLLLLa LLLLL aLL aL helping hand to lift them from the depths to which four centuries of foreign Subjugation and local exploitation had consigned them. As the avowed leader of the national liberation struggle of our country, LLS 0S LSLSS LLS LLLLLLGLLCLSK LLLLLL LLLL LLL HH aspirations and life style of the ordinary Tasses of this Country, and began the process of delivering them from the bonds of exploitation.
— Mail'ı ripiāla Seriāra yake

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916 Politics and Life in Our Times
in addition there were also Mr. T. B. Ilangaratne representing the Kandy Socialist Front, Mr. A. D. Jayasekara, President, Swabasha Teachers Association and Mr. Ovitigala Gunasekera, President, Ayurvedic Physicians Association. Large number of Buddhist monks were present.
And so the motive force for the Social Revolution of 1956 was begun. A few weeks before the General Elections of 1956, Mr. Bandaranaike announced a radical political, social and economic program for the country and formed a broad based front of his own party, the SLFP, inviting other progressive parties into an alliance with him. In effect, by those moves he welded together all sections of the progressive movement in our country. This was his shining moment. The result of these moves as Subsequent events demonstrated altered the course of history of this country.
I was privileged to be part of that revolution. I was privileged to be part of my leader's desire and ambition to free the people and usher in a better way of life, introduce social, cultural and economic changes and give them a place in the sun. It was a great privilege for me to participate in the changes that unfolded, coming from the Rajarata. I am today the only SLFP politician now left of his 1956 Cabinet,
At the hustings the might of the then ruling party and the state apparatus was ranged against Mr. Bandaranaike's SLFP-led Mahajana Eksat Peramuna.
But unobtrusively, the common people ranged themselves behind Mr. Bandaranaike and swept him into power on a tidal wave of popular enthusiasm. The government he set up was endearingly called "ape anduva" by the common people.
Really 1956 provided the watershed. It was a severance from the inertia of the past, a total rejection of the reactionary politics of the ruling upper crust of society which called the tune from 1947 to 1956.
The adoption of Sinhala as the official language, the reasonable use of Tamil bill, the setting up of the Cultural Affairs Ministry, the establishment of the Vidyodaya and Vidyalankara Universities, the nationalisation of the bus services and Port Cargo operations, the take

The Sri Lanka Freedom Party - The Early Fifties 917
over of the British bases at Trincomalee and Katunayaka, the establishment of diplomatic ties with the socialist block of countries, the declaration of May Day as a full public holiday and a series of measures to improve the conditions of service among workers were some of the more tangible measures adopted by Mr. Bandaranaike in 1956.
The reduction of the voting age to 18 was one of the major factors introduced in a series of changes aimed at the modernisation of the electoral process. It was under S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike that the youths - persons of 18 years of age - received the right to vote and thereby to get themselves involved in the elections of the country. Today the youths represent a vital segment of the Sri Lanka Electorate.
Even more significant than these measures was the feeling of emancipation which the 1956 Revolution engendered. The aftermath of 1956 was as if the whole country had been liberated after a prolonged war. Mr. Bandaranaike himself and his Cabinet and parliamentary group responded to this feeling of emancipation. A peasant or worker who could have Considered it an achievement to interview a clerk before 1956 now found that even ministers were easily accessible to them. At state functions representatives of farmers and workers were among distinguished invitees.
Sri Lanka in those years underwent a period of social and political changes to the age of transition, aptly described by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, the impact of which penetrated all institutions and values of the people of the country. His transition gave birth to a new era, the chief feature of which was the emergence of the common man of the country. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, as the exponent of a new tradition in the politics of Sri Lanka, initiated political reforms with a view to generating a political awareness in the minds of the rural and Working class people and thereby getting them to play a leading role in the political life of the country. Franchise became meaningful to the rural and working people, only after they were socialised into the political process. In this respect, he and the party paved the road for the emergence of the common man, whose lot he wanted to improve in order to accelerate the process of social and economic change. Sri Lanka was viewed in

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918 POffics ardo Liffee fr Co. Lur TfroT 105
terms of the aspirations of the rural and Working class masses, Who suffered under the colonial rule for several Centuries as Well as post independence, economic, social changes came to be produced as a result of the new ideology.
This political ideology, the SLFP policy came to be dubbed as "middle way policies" derived inspiration from the nationalist ideology, the hall Tark of which Was the Cormittent to maintain a link with the historical past of the Country. Historical tradition of Sri Lanka inspired him to dewise a political strategy capable of enthusing the farmers and Workers. It was a commitment to traditions of the country and the recognition of their impact in the political life of the country that encouraged him to provide leadership to a political movement, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, that aimed at the restoration of the language, religion and culture of the island. This, in his view, was the appropriate political strategy with which he wanted to inspire the downtrodden rural and Working masses, and the cultural symbols were used to inaugurate a new era for the common folk of the country,
The impact of these cultural symbols had an effect on the Subsequent process of political and social change which the country witnessed after the political watershed of 1956. Certain groups of politicians and academicians have been trying their best to discount the importance of the change of 1956 but its impact is still a force in the minds of the ordinary folk. The emergence of the common man, to Which Bandaranaike provided leadership with the numerous social and economic changes which emancipated the common man from various economic and social bondage, was resented by the champions of the elitist politics and elitist social forces whose only desire was to reverse lhe DOCESS.
Quoting the founder of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, this is what S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike had to say about 1956, "What happened in 1956 was really a peaceful revolution by the votes of the people, Amongst various factors that contributed to this result, the key factor Was an urge on the part of the masses to overthrow a regime which

919
The Sri Lanka Freedorn Party - The Early Fifties
----|-:: ()|---------|-· ----! !! !!|-----No | -----—|-----,sae : : :| 디sae!■|-|-:—|-|- sae,|×· :!!!!!!!----------------!!!!!!!!!= *_—叮劑**下黯口sae|-— ! ±:Nosae No鱷口| T.T. FF나 — ------_■_ -----: :-(:-( :-(鬥_!!!!!!!!!----
THE FAMILY, FRIENDS AND POLITICAL SUPPORTERS OF S. W. R. D. BANDARANAIKE, PAYING HOMAGE AT HIS MAUSOLEUM
L.-R.; Anura Bändaräriäikē, Miss Šumētħrā Bārīdāraṇaike, Mrs. Sirimawa Bandaramaike, Fresident Chandrika Bändaräriäike Kumaratunga, her children Yasodhara and WirTiuksi. The family of SWRD. and the others are seen here walking up to pay hômage al Bandaranaika's Mausoleum at Horagolia, Sri Lanka.

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920 Politics and Life in Our Times
under the guise of freedom was really continuing a system of colonial thinking and acting, that was primarily concerned with the preservation of various vested interests that paid little attention to the needs of the mass of the people and to which independence meant little more than merely a change of rulers. That is what I mean when I say that what happened in 1956 was a victory for the people, victory for progress as against reaction".
All the while, reaction lurked in the background and elected to bide its time. Wheneverthere was an element of trouble or discontentment, it fanned the flames of discord. In fact, whenever possible and wherever possible, reaction sought to discredit and Cripple the people's Govt.
37 years ago, Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, the founder leader of
the SLFF and Prime Minister of that time, breathed his last, a victim of a dastardly act of an assassin. Police files name Somarama Thera as Mr. Bandaranaike's assassin; but history will record that though the fatal gun was the gun of an assassin, behind the arm which held it were the sinister forces of reaction. History will also record that those bullets which snuffed out our late leader's life were not only fired at him but also at the progressive mass-movement he led.
The ring of those shots may have died out, but their echoes and reechoes reverberates in the minds of the common people who found in Mr. Bandaranaike a leader who identified himself with their hopes and aspirations.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, January 25, 1997.

Keuneman on the 1981 Budget of National Betrayal
"The Fifth Budget of the J. R. Jayewardene U.N. P. government marks yet another step along the path of neo-colonialism and national betrayal that it has traversed since 1977", said Pieter Keuneman in a lecture on "What the Budget Means" at the Town Hall, Colombo, on November 23rd.
The lecture, which was organised by the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, was presided over by its General Secretary, K. P. Silva.
The current budget, Pieter Keuneman said, illustrated vividly the parlous position to which the national economy and the living standards of the people had been brought by the economic and financial strategy of this government.
It also showed that this strategy entered a period of acute crisis, from which it could not recover.
As a result, the sharp divisions and disputes within the government and the UNP, which had been more or less submerged up to now, had come into the open.
WRITING ON WALL
This was why even the UNP's MPs and its mass media could not work up any enthusiasm for their budget.
This is also why they had been so despondent and defensive in their speeches. For in this budget they all saw the writing on the wall.
In a speech made a few days after the Budget was introduced, President Jayawardene had said that there was no way back. He was answering critics within his own party who wanted the government to make a U-turn lest they run into an electoral debacle in 1983.
Pieter Keuneman Said the President Was Correct When he Said that there was no way back for the government. It had reached this point of no return after burning its boats and its bridges behind it.

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922 Politics and Life in Our Times
But What President Jayawardene did not say, Pieter Keuneman stated, was that the government also had no way forward. Its strategy, which was dictated by the World Bank, had got it stuck in the mud. Now, the only way for it was DOWN. The main question was how long it would take to sink.
it was only four years ago that the UNP government announced the strategy of an "open economy".
This was the economic expression of its fundamental policy of making Sri Lanka a neo-colony, or 'second Singapore" as they described it. As President Jayawardene has recently confirmed, this strategy had been accepted by the UNP leaders even before the 1977 general elections. This was surely one of the reasons why the UNP received such strong support in the last elections from the western capitalists and imperialists.
The basics of this "open economy" strategy, Pieter Keuneman said, were to
(1) do away with the various mechanisms through which earlier governments sought to control the economy- especially the "three main controls", namely import, exchange and price,
(2) minimise state intervention in economic affairs; and (3) denationalise the nationalised sector (which President Jayawardene said constituted 60 per cent of the economy when the UNP took office in 1977) and hand its management and ownership back to the private sector, especially in profitable and Commercially viable SectOrS.
CAPITALIST
Although the UNP government talked about the need for economic development, it wanted such development to follow capitalist lines.
So, apart from a few selected "development" projects that the state would undertake, the bulk of economic development was left to the private sector and the spontaneous operation of "free market" forces.

Keuneman on the 1981 Budget of National Betrayal 923
To enable this to take place, the UNP government: (1) opened the gate to foreign capitalist investors; gave their investments constitutional guarantees; and set up special foreign enclaves in the form of So-called Free Trade Zones;
(2) gave the domestic capitalist class major concessions in the tax and related fields; and
(3) used the state banks to give easy credit to importers to dump foreign goods on the local market and to promote speculative development in areas like tourism.
To finance the so-called "development" projects carried out by the state (such as the Accelerated Mahaveli Scheme; the housing programme and the Jayawardenapure Parliamentary complex), the government relied mainly on foreign (mainly IMF) aid, on inflationary financing through the issue of Treasury Bills and on severe cutbacks in food and other subsidies, as well as in social service expenditure.
This was accompanied, in the political sphere, by the growth of authoritarianism, an attack on trade union and democratic rights so as to keep Sri Lanka's wage levels as the lowest in the region and stifle any opposition, an undeclared war against the Tamil minority, and intensified exploitation and repression.
In the field of external relations, this strategy involved the surrender of Sri Lanka's sovereignty and traditional non-aligned policies in order to obtain foreign aid. The government's overall pro-imperialist stance in external relations and in particular, its applications to join ASEAN and its decision to give the US the oil facility it wanted at Trincomalee for its Seventh (and new Fifth) fleets and its Rapid Deployment Force in the Indian Ocean, were all expressions of this.
RESULT
What, Pieter Keuneman asked, has been the end result of all this, after four years? Who has benefitted from this strategy?
The Minister of Finance himself had answered the latter question in his current budget speech. He had said that the main beneficiaries were the hoteliers, the tourist agencies, the contractors, the finance companies, the commercial banks and the pawnbrokers.

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924 Politics ard Life fr (Dr TinTTES
PETER KEUN EMAN - A PRINCIPLED POLITICIAN. KEUN EMAN'S PERSISTENT FIGHT IN PARLIAMENT, IN THE COLOMBO MUNICIPAL COUNCIL AND IN THE MASS MOVEMENT OUTSIDE FOR SO MANY POPULAR CAUSES. WON HIM GREAT RENOWN. SOMUCH SO THAT WHEN THE NEXT GENERAL ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT TOOK PLACE IN 1952, HE MORE THAN DOUBLED HIS 1947 WOTE
Peter 禹 еитетап O3, C, 1977 - 23, 1997
SCLO LCGLLK KCLSCO LLLLS SLLLLLS LLLu CLCLGLGGHHuCLGLL LLLLL SaL GLCLOuL LCLCLE CO big Crooks and swindlers, the bribe takers and other corrupt alerments, CC LGHG HCCCC CCL YLO LGGHGGGGHmLmLGG auCCCCLaS KGLH LOLLL LLLLGLT LCL S LGG CCCCLL CCGLGHLLL H SLu GTL LtL00SS LLCL CCLLLGGGGLL KGL five Star Fiores, Cagld her OW!".
- PEET KELTE Ffra 7
 
 

Kourier an on the 1987 Budget of National Batrayal 925
The Minister of Finance had however forgotten, Pieter Keun eman said, to Tlention another beneficiary — the parasitic section Of the local 'Italist class.
SLLLLLLLL LLauLGLLCLL LLLLSLC LLLLLSLGLG LC CLCCaaLLaLLLLL LLLLLL a LLL in which the big Crooks and swindlers, the bribe takers and other Corrupt elements, she COn Ten and the Commissionagarits, and hose Who live ss LD Ort Expanse aCCOLInks in fhe night Clubs, Dush restaurants arid filwa star trofes, car Tne ir , to their ownT",
Even a high-ranking representative of the World Bank who wisited Sri Lanka had estimated that thirty-five percent of the money given as foreign aid did not go into the projects that it was intended for, but into private pockets in the form of Commissions, cutbacks and feedbacks. Another source had put the amount frittered away on waste and corruption in the Mahawelischeme alone at around one billion rupees,
CONSECUENCES
The Consequences of this type of "development" on the national economy had been catastrophic,
Our economic Thainstay, the plantations, Were admitted On a|| sides to be in the doldrums. Mismanagement and looting by the UNP and its Supporters had reduced it to perhaps its lowest point in this century. Domestic industrial production, which had contributed 16 per cent to GDP in 1977, had now been reduced to half this contribution through the flood of imported goods that the "open economy" had brought.
The production of vegetables, of chillies and onions, and other foodstuffs apart from paddy, had suffered a similar fate as a result of this policy and the Withdrawal of subsidies in fertilisers, kerosene and other necCessary agricultural inputs. Even paddy production, where there had been some improvement, now faced a similar predicament.
The legal devaluation of the rupee by over half in 1977 and the 25 per cent de facto devaluation in the three years thereafter had, in conjunction With other government policies, brought about sky-rocketting and runaway inflation which had exceeded 40 percent in 1980,

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926 Politics and Life in Our Times
The government's claim that it had been able to reduce the rate of inflation in 1981 was highly suspicious. For even according to its own figures, in the first six months of 1981, when the rate of inflation was supposed to have declined by 18 percent, the official cost of living index showed a 26 per cent rise in the cost of all items.
Food prices rose 26%, general consumer goods prices by 23%, imported goods prices by nearly 35 per cent, and domestically manufactured goods by 26 per cent.
Any reduction that may have taken place in the first half of 1981, Pieter Keuneman said, was due entirely to the government being compelled, under threat of aid being cut off by the "Aid Sri Lanka Club" of the World Bank, to cool its "overheated" economy by an overall 25% cut in budget expenditure, the ending of the Lump Sum Depreciation Scheme, the Credit Squeeze, and similar measures.
This alone showed that inflation was mainly due to the UNP government's policies and not to so called "global"factors beyond its control.
DEPENDENCE
Continuing Pieter Keuneman said, that huge budgetary deficits and increasingly adverse balances of trade and payments, had become permanent features of budgetary policy of the Jayawardene government. While the imperialist countries and their multi-national corporations had used the "open door"provided by the government to export part of the economic crisis they experienced to us and to keep down our export prices and access to foreign markets, the same "open door" had increased our economic and political dependence on the foreign capitalists.
Sri Lanka has been reduced to a position, he said, where we have to rely on foreign aid from the West for at least 60 percent of our budgetary OutlayS.
By 30th June, 1981, our foreign debt had increased to Rs. 24.5 billion (with interest payment alone being Rs. 6.8 billion for the 1981-5 period), and our domestic debt to Rs. 39.5 billion. These amounts did not include the Rs. 14 billion that the government hoped to borrow from foreign sources to finance the current budget deficit.

Keuneman on the 1981 Budget of National Betrayal 927
"This has not only increased our dependence on, and vulnerability to imperialism and the MNCs", said Pieter Keuneman, "but undermined our sovereignty in several ways. That is why I say that the UNP government's economic strategy is one of mortgaging the Country and its people, including future generations, to imperialism for the sake of fattening a small section of capitalists. It is a policy of national betrayal".
PAYING THE PRICE
The mass of the people had been called upon to make big sacrifices for this specious form of "development".
Food and other subsidies, as well as Social services, had been Cut to the bone. Soaring prices and virtual wage freezes had become the order of the day. Apart from a narrow strata of rich and super-rich, who had reaped windfall profits from the UNP's policies, the rest of the population did not know how to make ends meet.
In the general elections, the UNP had said that the first purpose of economic development was the development of Man. But today the Minister of Finance admits that 40 percent of the population (as opposed to the 60 percent who receive them) are really eligible for Food Stamps, i.e. their family income is less than Rs. 300 a month.
In the private sector (which was expanding as the UNP government carried out its denationalisation policies), the capitalists had invested the extra profits they earned in speculative and "quick buck" ventures which did not provide any real development of the economy.
The few state-sponsored development projects had also run into big trouble and liquidity problems. The "accelerated" Mahaveli scheme had been considerably curtailed.
HOUSING
Referring to the housing and construction programme, Pieter Keuneman said that where it had not been stopped, it was grinding to a halt, so much so that the Prime Minister who was in charge of it had been compelled to put up an unconvincing show of readiness to resign.

Page 473
928 Politics and Life in Our Times
Although 100,000 new houses were promised in the government's six year period of office, the figures of the National Housing Department, the World Bank and the Central Bank showed that the actual target was 88,613 houses, or 11,387 less than the announced target.
By the end of 1980, only 24,794 units (or less than one quarter) had been completed-"many of them were housing schemes that were begun by me when I was Housing Minister". Attempts to build a further 28,293 housing units in the remaining period of the government's term of office have been suspended for lack of funds. "And no wonder", Pieter Keuneman added, "when the NHDA and UDA owe contractors Rs. 400 million for Work done in 1980 alone, and the unfinanced housing budgetary gap for 1981 is around Rs. 377 million, according to the World Bank".
Pieter Keuneman Said that the claim of the Prime Minister and the government that he (Mr. Keuneman) had only built 400 odd houses during his term of office was a big lie. He had given all the facts and figures in his speeches to Parliament and the total was around 30,000. But although Mr. Premadasa had been allocated over five times the amount he had received for housing, he had built less than 25,000 units in four years - many of them luxury flats for the super-rich.
Housing and construction had come to a virtual standstill and would decline next year, when work on the Jayawardenepura Parliament Complex Would also cease.
The FreeTrade Zone, which he described as a "bigtailor shop', had only generated 12,000 jobs in 3 years instead of the 50,000 promised in the first year alone.
IMPASSE
The government's economic strategy had run out of steam in 1980 when the World Bank suspended aid, insisted on "financial discipline" and later, for political reasons relented to give the government a last chance with promises of around Rs. 14 billion in 1982 and, as the Minister of Finance admitted, very slight prospects of any further aid thereafter.

Keuneman on the 1981 Budget of National Betrayal 929
This, and the fact that the UNP's electoral position was weakening as a result of popular discontent with its policies, (as witnessed at Kalawana and the DDC elections) had given rise to sharp controversies within the UNP and its government.
A powerful section, with Mr Esmond Wickremasinghe as its main spokesman, wanted the "open" economy to be curtailed and some form of import and exchange control re-established.
Mr. Upali Wijewardene had emerged as an aspirant for the post of Finance Minister.
Now that the "open market" school and those who want to toe the World Bank line have temporarily won out, the Prime Minister has threatened to resign. There is little doubt that this internal conflict will grow sharper, in 1982 and as the general election approaches.
LAST THROW
The draft budget for 1982 is really the last throw of a compulsive gambler who has run out of funds but can't stop.
A record budgetary deficit of over Rs. 21 billion is to be financed to the extent of over Rs. 14 billion by foreign aid that the Minister of Finance hopes to receive, but which he also says will be actually forthcoming up to 1985. Under the guise of "domestic borrowing", the limits of Treasury Bills will be increased by over Rs. 3 billion.
The attempt of the government to pretend that it is out to soak the rich through a surcharge on income and wealth taxes and some increase in the BTT paid by certain professional classes will deceive no one. For the Minister himself admits that all he hopes to raise by those taxes is Rs. 200 million, while the indirect taxes placed on the masses by way of enhanced BTT and the increase in beedi, cigarette and arrack prices will be Rs. 1,790 million.
Equally deceptive is the fig-leaf wage increase of Rs. 45 per month and a Rs. 2 increase for every one point increase in the cost of living index. This is much less than the Rs. 300 a month and Rs. 5 increase per point rise in the COL index that the National Trade Union Convention demanded early in 1980 to meet the increased cost of living at that time.

Page 474
930 PGVolo ard Life frt (JLTTIT795
THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, T.DURAISINGAMISSEEN HERE WITH SIGMONURUGODAWATTE SEATED IN FRONT OF THE TAJMAHAL
Taj Mahal
THL LGLaL LLLLLaLLLLS LL K LCLLa CHHHHLS Sigrnor Urugodware arld T. Durassfrgart)
The Taj Mahal was built by Moghuls, which is a variant of Mongols, who spread out from the region of Mongolia. Moghuls were a Muslim dynasty founded in Delhi in 1526 by Baber, who claimed descent from Jenghis Khar, The Moghul empire reached its greatest glory in the 17th century under Shah Jahan, who left the incomparable mosque of Taj Mahal as his Monument.
 

Keurier an on the 1981 Budget of National Bafrayal 931
It is stili not clear, whether the entire Corporation and private sectors will also give even this inadequate pay hike to their employees, and especially so in the case of plantation workers, who have not even been given the Rs. 70 a month increase that other sectors of the workers received two years ago.
In conclusion, Pieter Keuneman called for united actions by the Working class and the democratic forces, and in the first instance by the trade unions and the Left parties, to fight back the attempts of the UNP government to put more burdens, which were the result of its policy of neo-colonialism and national betrayal, on the backs of the masses.
Courtesy: "Forward", Colombo, December 1st, f 987.

Page 475
Yoga in the Classroom
Dr. Abrahan Kovoor
it appears the Minister of Education has decided to introduce yogic system of asanas and meditation in our educational institutions. Yogic physical exercises are as good as other physical exercises school students have all over the world. In no way yogic asanas are superior to athletics, gymnastics, swimming, weight-lifting, etc., and games like football, rugger, tennis, shuttle cock, netball, volleyball, cricket, water polo, etc.
Eminent psychologists are scornful about the dubious claims made by some people about improving mental faculties through yogic asanas and meditation. Meditation, being a form of self hypnosis, can induce hallucinatory experiences in persons engaged in meditation and chanting of refrains. Such hallucinations are symptoms of mental derangement, and not of mental health
The Minister of Education, as a person in sole charge of sound education for our children, should consult eminent psychologists like Dr. William Sargant, the author of Battle of the Mind, The Unquiet Mind, etc., and Director of Psychological Medicine at St. Thomas's Hospital, London, before foisting the cult of yoga on our school children at the advice of some local yoga faddists. Even in India, where the cult of yoga originated, it is not a school subject.
In the book on "The Science and Philosophy of Kundalini Yoga written by Dr. V. G. Rele, with a foreword by no less a person than Sir John Woodroffe of Oxford, we read about many fantastic mental powers a yogi can achieve. Some such powers mentioned in that book are
1. "Yogi can acquire powers of telepathy and clairvoyance. Mind can be made both a transmitting as well as a receiving station".
2. "All forces of nature will obey a yogi as his slave".

Yoga in the Classroom 933
3. "Yogi can stop his heartbeat at will".
4. "Yogi can materialise anything".
5. "Yogican get enlightened to know everything past, present and
future".
6. "Yogi can transmute metals, acquire healing power and see
adepts moving in space. He can travel in space".
7. "Yogi can purify his body from diseases and pains. He can live
in perpetual youth for thousands of years".
8. "Yogi can gain all types of psychic powers".
9. "Yogi can leave his body and materialise in another place".
10."Yogi can become light in weight to levitate in the air or to walk
On Water".
If all these supernatural powers can be achieved by manthrough the practice of yoga, all our former Ministers of Education should be blamed for not making yoga available to our youths earlier Had Yoga been introduced in our schools soon after the Colonial regime, today our country would have been the most advanced one in the whole World One of our men would have been in space long before Gagarin of USSR, or on the moon long before Armstrong of USA Instead of seeking financial aid from other countries, or establishing Free Trade Zones, our Minister of Finance could transmute all the scrap iron in the country into gold using his yogic power he developed at School Sri Lankans in perpetual youth could be seen today in all inhabitable planets in space Death and disease could have been wiped off from our island!

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934 POMNICS är) se " L " T "TES
appeal to the Minister of Education not to take any hasty decision in this regard just because there are Tiany misguided persons in Sri Lanka who foolishly believe that knowledge can be obtained, or mental faculties improved through yoga and meditation. You have a big responsibility to the parents of the children of this Country. Instead of imparting knowledge to our children through the normal channels of education, let LIS not spoil their education by making thern waste their precious youth on a dubious cult,
Introducing yoga in our schools and Universities will be a great blunder like the introduction of the Poya calendar some years ago by Some fanatics in their atterTipt to get rid of the "Christain" calendar! It is better to be Wiser before than after the incident
Courtesy: "ribune, Color 77 bo, VL Te 24, 7 978

Yoga in the Classroom 935
SIRRABIND RANATH TAGORE WASAN INDIAN POET AND SAGE. BOR NIN CULCUTTA, ON MAY 6, 1861, HE RECEIVED HIS EDUCATION IN INDIA, SUBSEQUENTLY WISITING ENGLAND, JAPAN, CHINA AND NORTH AND SOUTH AMERICA
Sir Rabindranath Tagore
In 1901, he founded at Santinikitan, Bolpur, Bengal, a school which gradually developed into a kind of International University, called Viswa Bharate, making this his life's work, in 1913 he was awarded a Nobel Prize (F8000) for Literature, devoting the proceeds to the upkeep of the institution,

Page 477
Dr. Abraham KOWOOr
Relentless Campaigner against Superstition
by Mervyn St. S. Casie Chetty
Attorney-at-Law
Dr. Abraham Thomas Kovoor died on 18th September, 1978 at his residence, "Tiruvalla" in Wellawatte in Sri Lanka, "leaving behind no mind or spirit to bother credulous people". According to his wishes, his body was handed over to the Faculty of Medicine, University of Sri Lanka, - within 20 hours of his death for Scientific research. In acCOrdance With his wishes his eyes were donated to the Eye Donation Society. Within three hours of the death, Dr. Hudson Silva himself removed the eyes with expert skill within a few minutes. These eyes have served to restore sight to two lads in Madras. Dr. Kovoor's skeleton will be mounted and presented to Thurstan College as desired by him. He had been head of the Department of Science of this institution during the last twelve years Of his Career as a teacher.
He had earlier been on the staff of St. Thomas' College, Mt.Lavinia, Richmond College, Galle and Central College, Jaffna. It was in the last institution that he commenced his teaching career in Ceylon in 1928, having come over from Kerala at the invitation of Rev. Percy T. Cash, the then Principal of Central College. Mr. Kovoor, who was a graduate in Botany-Zoology, was appointed head of the Science Department and asked to teach Scripture in addition to Botany. At the end of the first year he was relieved of his Scripture classes, although his pupils had all passed with Credit and Distinction in that subject. When he questioned about the change, Rev. Cash had said: "Abraham, I knew you produced the best results we ever had in Scripture, but all your Students lost their faith in the Bible". No better testimonial Could have been given this relentless rationalist crusader who held aloft the searing flame of Science throughout his long and active life as a teacher, writer, public Speaker, film producer and actor.

Dr. Abraham Kovoor 937
More than two of his cases are popular films in Malayalam and Tamil - he eventook part in them. There was hardly a day that the local press did not carry some incisive letter or article on a controversial theme from his prolific pen. As President of the Sri Lanka Rationalist Association, (SLRA), which office he graced formany years upto his death, he fearlessly exposed ignorance and Superstition at the highestreligious, political and social levels and severely chastised priest, politician, poltergeist, palmist, astrologer, light-teller, card-reader, charmer, spiritualist and pundit alike. The pursuit of truth through Science and reason was his lifelong absorbing mission, and the propagation of knowledge and understanding was his unremitting endeavour.
Even from his sick-bed at the ripe age of 82 years, afflicted with a painful and fatal cancer which was sapping his vitality, and suffering from an attack of cardiac-asthma having survived three heart attacks during the last two decades, his mental faculties were unimpaired and alert and his enthusiasm and courage undiminished. Death had no terrors for him; disease or physical pain had not the slightest effect on his resolution and conviction. He saw clearly the end approaching and faced it all alone with fortitude - not having even the solace of his only son, Aries - a Research Professor in the University of Sorbonne in Paris - to be at his bedside. He had courageously refused to be removed to hospital, scorning to have his life prolonged by artificial means. He had meticulously typed the instructions to be carried out after his death, including his brief obituary. It read: "Dr. Abraham Kovoor died on... leaving behind no mind or spirit to bother credulous people. His body will be handed over to the Medical Faculty in accordance with his wishes".
it was most distressing and regrettable that the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon and the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation refused to respect the wishes of the deceased and publish the obituary, on the ground that the notice did not conform to the conventional and contained what, in their opinion, could be offensive to the susceptibilities of others. It was in vain that , a friend of the late Dr. Kovoor for Over a third of a century and a Vice-President of the SLRA, tried over the telephone to convince the bureaucrats, including the respective Director

Page 478
938 Politics and Life in Our Times
and Chairman of both institutions, that we were only seeking to exercise a justiciable right guaranteed to every citizen of Sri Lanka under Section 14(1)(a) of the Constitution, namely the freedom of expression including publication. argued that this innocuous notice could give no offence or shake anybody's belief, but to no avail.
But this obduracy of officialdom did not altogether surprise me as, although the Press published a similar notice four years ago relating to the death of Mrs. Acca Kovoor, the SLBC had flatly refused to do so. Dr. Kovoor, the irate husband, then lashed out against the SLBC in the "Times of Ceylon" of 22nd November, 1974. This raises a pertinent question whether the Press Council law takes cognizance of refusal to publish notices of this nature. If there is no provision in the law as it stands, the Casus OmiSSuS Should be rectified without delay.
However, not all the ranks of Tuscany can stem or diminish the fierce onslaught against ignorance and superstition which this fearless champion of Rationalism led and directed all his life. His work will endure both in the written and spoken word, in print and on tape. We shall miss his genial and inspiring personality, but the impetus he gave the movement by his singular dedication to it will prevail.
We can ask with the Psalmist:
"O death, where is thy sting?
O grave, where is thy victory?"
Colombo, September, 1978.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People
To rescue our country and our people from the most pathetic state to which it has fallen under the present set of inefficient and corrupt leaders, the S. L. F. P. Government will immediately launch a wellconceived programme of action on all possible fronts to uplift the masses and the economy from the abyssmal depths of inefficiency, mismanagement, patronage, Corruption, bribery, nepotism and economic bungling that the U.N. P. Government has brought about during the last nine years of its unjust and authoritarian rule.
The economic and social programme of the S. L. F. P. Government will focus its special attention on the poor masses and the middle Classes who live in the rural and urban areas.
The Central focus and thrust of our policy is based on pragmatism and realism relating to the democratic socialist ideology enunciated by the founder of the S. L. F. P., the late S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. This programme is carefully designed and drafted to eliminate the corrosive influence of the chaotic economic policies followed by the U.N. P. administration, and replace it with a practical, realistic and humane alternative.
MMEDATE RELIEFS
x Immediate relief will be provided to the people from the diverse Crippling burdens imposed on them, which have now far exceeded the 'Himalayan Heights' referred to by the U. N. P. during the 1977 election campaign.
k The enormous price hikes under the Jayawardene Government have considerably reduced the value of food stamps which is the only source of relief to the poor afforded by the U. N. P. Government, after depriving the people of substantial reliefs which were provided by the previous S. L. F. P. Government. Accordingly, comprehensive income supportand other schemes to relieve the present plight of those who are in the low income brackets will be introduced.

Page 479
94C) Politics är 7 Lffeg in ČOLN" TirTTES
BANDAR ANAIKE, THE OXFORD BLUE RETURNED HOME IN 1925. SOON THEREAFTER HE STARTEDMEETING PEOPLE AND HOLDING MEETINGS AND PUTTING FORWARD PROPOSALS FOR CONSTITLJTIONAL REFORMS. HE SAID THAT IT WASNECESSARY, IN THE FIRST PLACE, TO REALISE THE IMPORTANCE OF THE PRESENT TIME, A REVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION WAS DUE IN 1928. ASATISFACTORY MEASURE OF SELF-GOVERNMENT WAS EXPECTED. IT WAS THEREFORE NECESSARY TO THINK WERY CLEARLY AND REALISE IN ITSENTIRETY THE WHOLE POLITICAL CUESTION
1 1_1 ܠܐ -
lol, S. M. F. L. Badaarlake
Ա8 () 1, 1 Bgg — 25 Ա9, 1953
At a meeting organized by the Jaffna Students' Congress and held in Jaffna in July 1926, S. W. R. D. Bandaranike set out, in brief, why he opposed a unitary constitution for Ceylon, and why he thought a federal constitution was more suitable for corditions hare, He out: 3d the difficulties that would crop up if a centralised system of government was introduced. I was present at this meeting, being a student at Paraneshwara College, Jaffna, a college founded by Sir P. Ratanathal.
 
 

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 941
: Through a number of economic and other measures will ensure
that people will get their basic essentials at prices they can afford. The cost of living will be brought down.
k The prices of infant milk foods, drugs and educational material
will be reduced substantially.
* All burdensome and unpopular levies in the urban and agricultural
areas such as the Water taxes, etc. will be abolished forthwith.
* Will embark on an investment programme which will provide employment to Tore than a million who are now unemployed
and who have no prospect of getting employment under the Jayawardene Regime,
POLICYON IMPORTS AND CONTROLS
* The import of goods which are not being produced in required
quantity and/or quality will be permitted. Unnecessary trade and exchange Controls and restrictions will not be applied.
RURAL.AREAS AND AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
A comprehensive village development plan will be implemented for the Whole island within the shortest possible time bearing in mind the particular problems and resources of each village.
* A Crash programme will be launched to improve the conditions
of the most destitute people in the villages.
These activities will form part of a rural area development strategy aimed at a major economic and Social transformation of the rural Sector.
A programme for the Cultivation of food and commercial agricultural Crops, other than paddy, would be immediately launched in the Mahaweli lands for the benefit of the settlers and to open further employment opportunities.

Page 480
942 Politics and Life in Our Times
k in the village level programmes priority will be given to agro
based industries.
Jr. Each village will have a development, production andmarketing
co-ordinating centre.
# A crash programme for the rehabilitation of the devastated agricultural economies of the northern, north central and eastern provinces will be launched.
PROTECTION OF WILD LIFE AND CONSERVATION OF FORESTS
k Measures to eliminate the rape of the national forests will be adopted and the protection of wildlife and the conservation of fast diminishing forest cover in the island will be ensured through vigorous enforcement of the relevant laws.
EXPORT CROP DEVELOPMENT
k Steps will be taken to effect better management of plantations with a view to eliminating waste, corruption, nepotism and inefficiency in the plantation sector.
y Replanting will be speeded up and facilities for the cultivation of high yielding newer varieties of tea, rubber and Coconut will be provided.
# The minor export crops which have declined during the U. N. P. administration will be rapidly increased particularly in the Mahaveli lands.
k An export rebate scheme covering all export crops will be
introduced to provide greater incentives to the growers.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 943
FACILITESTO SUPPORTAGRICULTURE
# All small village tanks will be restored within a short period of time and these tanks as far as possible will be linked to perennial rivers, canals and bigger tanks.
# A detailed and systematic programme for the exploitation of groundwater resources in the dry zone will be implemented early.
# The farmers will be provided with vastly improved extension services and advice in regard to crops, cropping patterns, agricultural practices and animal husbandry.
# Research institutions will be geared to meet the requirements of
a dynamic plantation and agricultural Sector.
st A special research grant Scheme to assist public and private
Sector institutions Will be initiated.
A For the benefit of the smallholders a price stabilisation scheme
Will be introduced.
k Prices of agricultural inputs will be stabilised and constantly
reviewed.
Ar Transport and communication facilities will be rapidly developed.
FISHERIES
k The malpractices in the fisheries sector will be eliminated and
every encouragement and facility will be provided to those engaged in the fishing industry,

Page 481
944
女
★
Politics and Life in Our Times
Fisheries loan schemes and the provision of basic needs will be effectively organised.
Industries related to the fisheries Sector Will be established near fishing villages so that during the off-season fishermen would find alternate employment.
LOCAL INDUSTRIES TO THE FORE
女
The U. N. P. Government through its open economy policy has destroyed the bulk of the Cottage and Small industries as well as Other local industries, and allowed multinationals to enter into areas of investment depriving local investors of lucrative business opportunities. The U. N. P. Government has not set up a single large manufacturing industry in the public sector. Instead it has dismantled what Was there.
The S. L. F. P. Government will effectively change this process So that there will be a regeneration of industries which will provide employment to thousands of disenchanted young people who are now looking for work and others who are leaving school and entering the labour market.
All industries including those that caterprimarily for export markets will be provided with a package of incentives to rapidly increase production and employment.
Substantial incentives will be granted to private sector industrialists and a separate authority would be set up for investment promotion in the entire country to expedite local industrialisation. Measures will be taken to promote the production and utilisation of local raw materials for domestic industry,
Special credit at concessionary terms and technical assistance Would be provided for local industries.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 945
INCREASING SELF-EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES
fr Through a series of measures at the local and national level greater opportunities for productive and profitable selfemployment will be provided in the agricultural, industrial and service sectors of the country.
A PLACE FOR THE OUALIFIED SRI LANKAN
k in economic and other development matters local consultants,
Scientists, professionals and entrepreneurs will be used.
k The use of foreign consultants and advisers will be minimised as We have the necessary skills, expertise and know-how both in Sri Lanka and abroad to draw from.
* A national advisory Council will be set up with persons drawn from varied fields. The U. N. P. Government has immobilised high level local talent, which the S. L. F. P. Government will fully mobilise.
Jr Key posts will not be given to relations and friends as is the case with the Jayawardene administration. Qualified men and women of the highest ability and integrity will be appointed to Such posts.
A BETTER DEAL FOR SRI LANKANS EMPLOYED ABROAD
x A package of attractive incentives and opportunities, for investment in agriculture, industry and in other areas will be provided to Sri Lankans working abroad or returning from employment overseas. Equally, facilities would be provided for self-employment of the returnees.

Page 482
94급 Politics Eur 7d Life irn, CMLJ r TirT 735
CO-OPERATI WES WILL BE REWITALISED
k. The Co-operative movement will be revitalised to make a positive Contribution to production and distribution at the rural and urban level.
# All facilities will be provided to Co-operative self-employment
programmES.
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
sk Social development activities which have suffered heavily under the capitalist free market oriented strategies of the Jayawardene Government will be reviewed and revamped.
k Measures to improve nutrition, health and educational standards of the vast Tajority of the people will be adopted on a high priority basis.
HEALTH
The chaotic conditions prevailing in the health administration Caused by un - Coordinated and i||-panned division of responsibilities will be replaced by a cohesive and a unified administration,
k. An independent board comprising of representatives of the medical profession will be formed to advise the government on matters relating to health and health care.
k Priority Will be given to an island-wide preventive health programme with a view to reducing the incidence of disease.
sk A new era in health improvement will be ushered in through islandWide health improvement programmes under which hospitals, clinics and other required facilities will be improved and increased to meet the growing health needs of the people.

947
Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People
MRS. SIRIMAVO BANDARANAIKE'S PUBLIC RELATIONS SECRETARY, MRS. YASA DE LANAROLLE IN HER RECOLLECTIONS OF MRS. BANDARANAIKE'S SERVICE TO THE COUNTRY, REFERRED TO THE COURAGE AND FEARLESSNESS THAT SHE HAD IN PLENTY, SEEN AT THE POLITICAL PLATFORMS AT GAMPAHA, RATMALANA AND HINGURAKGODA, SHE DID NOT PANIC AS OTHER's DID AND SPECIALLY AT HINGURAKGODA WHEN ATTEMPTS WERE MADE TO BOMB HER BY SOME UNIDENTIFIED GANGS, WHO LOBBED GRENADES AND PETROL BOMBS ON TO THE STAGE
- 역 : 『과 다 .|: : 韓國:「
:: - ( )
S. W. R. D., Bandaranaike accỢmpānied by Mrs. Bandaranaike and daughters Sunethra and Chạndriką paying floral tributes to his parents at the tomb at Horağolla, Sri Lanka. L.-R.; Mrs. Sirimaw, Bandaranaike, Chandrika, Sunethra and S. W. F. D. Bandaranaike. Mrs. Bandarānaikę is and was greatly respected in our country and also in other countries, She was invited to Iraq to Tiānitof the general elections shere. In 1985, when Mrs. Bandaranaikē visited China she was giveñ a stupendous royal treatment.

Page 483
948 Politics and Life in Our Times
y All village clinics, rural and base hospitals will be renovated and
upgraded to provide adequate Services.
k Steps will be devised immediately to overcome the shortage of doctors, nurses, drugs and equipment required to maintain better health Standards.
EDUCATION
Jr. In every district an adequate number of schools will be up-graded
to the level of the better Schools.
# The ratio of teachers to students will be rapidly increased by
immediate recruitment.
f The S. L. F. P. Government will make available at concessionary rates School equipment, writing material and other needs of school children for which exorbitant prices have to be paid at present.
x Suitable measures to promote better cultural values among school-going children will be introduced in consultation with and the Concurrence of religious bodies, parents and educationists.
k The present practice of using school children for pageants and tamashas other than for national functions will not be permitted under any circumstances.
x Steps will be taken to bring computer and technical training as well as foreign language learning opportunities, within the reach of the youth in all strata of society.
k in order to relieve the present pressure on university admissions, increased higher education opportunities relating to modern technological, agricultural and other professional studies will be provided in appropriate rural and urban locations giving priority to those areas which do not have Such facilities.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 949
# The improvement of the terms and conditions of teachers in Schools, training Colleges, pirivenas and universities will receive early attention.
HOUSING AND PUBLIC WORKS
* A regionally more balanced housing and public infra-structure building programme would be undertaken, taking into account areas where these facilities are most deficient.
* These programmes will aim at reducing the artificially inflated unit cost of housing construction and providing more space and facilities in houses for the low income and middle-class groups on much easier repayment terms than at present.
k The current exorbitant prices of building materials will be
Substantially reduced.
k Priority will be given not only to a system of maintenance and improvement of principal and sub-roads which are in a deplorable state today, but also to provide better access roads to remote Villages.
ir Colossal sums of money will not be wasted on the construction of prestigious highways, like the state drive to Parliament, instead funds would be utilised to build and improve, with local labour and material, the entire road network in the country.
TRANSPORT
# The existing transport facilities which are not properly maintained under the open economy policy, will be improved with the active Co-operation of the public and private sectors.

Page 484
950
Politics and Life in Our Times
Jr. By increasing the bus fleet and improving the efficiency of the
C. T. B. it will be brought up to the level of a pace setting competitor. To safeguard the interests of the bus Commuters, both the C.T. B. and the private bus owners will be required to conform to national standards to be devised.
Steps would be taken to provide facilities to private bus owners to upgrade their services in order to provide better transport facilities to the Commuter.
PUBLCENTERPRISES
* The calculated attack on public enterprises begun by the
Jayawardene regime will be reversed and through management and operational improvements, they will be made viable entities that play a positive role.
Heavy and other essential industries in the state sector and key public utility services will not be privatised.
The operations of Air Lanka, the largest loss making enterprise would be immediately reviewed with a view to eliminating waste, corruption and mismanagement.
TRADE AND COMMERCE
y The existing pattern of internal trade will be improved with active
support and encouragement being given to the small and medium Scale trader.
a Necessary steps to safeguard the rights of both the consumer
and Small and medium traders will be taken. The Consumer will be protected from monopolies and unfair trade practices. Emphasis would be placed on the quality of goods and quality Contro.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 951
st in the sphere of foreign trade, the country's traditional trade links with the Western as well as Eastern and Arab Countries Will be further strengthened, while taking positive measures to expand trade with other Countries aS Well.
x Smuggling of all kinds would be effectively checked.
GEMINDUSTRY
* The 1970-77 S. L. F. P. government pioneered the rapid development of the gem industry through the grant of various incentives and by the establishment of the State Gem Corporation.
k The gem mining and marketing trade which has been neglected and allowed to Crumble after 1977 under the U.N. P. rule, Will be resuscitated to make it a national industry and a major foreign exchange earner.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING
* The Jayawardene free market capitalist economic system has totally failed and brought the economy to its present disastrous state. Under the S. L. F. P. Government the private sector and the public sector will operate in a manner that will not affect their respective roles in the economy.
y Therefore, as a preliminary step, the S. L. F. P. immediately after the formation of the government will convene a national Conference of private and public sector interests with a view to obtaining their views and participation in the overall social and economic development of the country.
k A national planning council will be set up to bring together the private and public sector interests in planning and implementation, drawing from the best and the brightest talents in the private and public sectors.

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Politics and Life in Our Times
Economic decision making will be more democratic and broadbased with all views being entertained. The concentration of decision making in one person such as the President will not be permitted under the S. L. F. P. administration.
A national development plan which will help to achieve an orderly pattern of economic and social advancement will be presented within the shortest possible time.
To ensure better implementation of projects, appropriate organisational arrangements for co-ordination and monitoring will be devised.
The revitalised private and public sectors are expected to play a positive and a dynamic role in the economic development of the Country.
The S. L. F. P. Government will not in the name of development embark on projects which are personally prestigious to a few or those with long gestation periods such as those undertaken by the U. N. P. Government which did not generate adequate economic return and/or employment opportunities, but bred corruption, frittered away resources and fattened the purses of local politicians and their henchmen and foreign contractors.
TRADE UNIONS AND BETTER INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS
k The rights and privileges of trade unions which have been
arbitrarily usurped by the Jayawardene administration will be fully restored.
A Trade unions will be consulted on all matters affecting
employment, production and management in the public SectOr.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 953
k Steps will be taken to ensure better industrial relations, so that it
will promote a high level of national development.
* A national wage policy and industrial relations commission will
be set up.
k All those who participated in the July 1980 General Strike and as
a result lost their jobs will be re-instated with immediate efect.
LAW AND ORDER TO BE SALVAGED
* The law and order situation which has sunk to the lowest depths possible under the adharmista Jayawardene Government and which is unprecedented in Sri Lanka's history will be resuscitated and a peaceful and orderly social environment will be created within the shortest possible time, in order to ensure that all citizens live without fear and insecurity.
A Discipline will be tightened in all sectors and abuse of power by
politicians and officials will be checked.
BRIBERY, CORRUPTION AND NEPOTISM
k Bribery, corruption and nepotism which have been the hallmark of the Jayawardene Government, will be completely eliminated and no opportunity will be given for their recurrence in any form.
A Permanent tribunals comprising of present and retired members of the judiciary will be set up to entertain complaints on bribery and corruption, along with other appropriate machinery. These tribunals will be so structured that complaints will be inquired into without delay, and action taken irrespective of who the person is. This is to ensure a clean and honest administration which Would enable the public to get their work done without resorting to bribery and corruption.

Page 486
954 Politics adrid Lilia Ir 1 OLAr TIT Jies
+ A || those who hawe been Lunfairly and Unjustly treated by the authoritarian U. M. P. Gower Tert Will have their Cases reviewed and justice meted Out.
CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES
# A complete review of the 1978 Constitution and the Presidential system of government will be undertaken so that changes can be made, if necessary. The S. L. F. P. will seek a mandate from the people at the next General Election.
A FREEAMD INDEPENDENT PUBLIC SERVICE
# Two separate independent public service commissions with appropriate regional machinery will be instituted to make appointments, promotions and to attend to all disciplinary Tatters relating to employees in the state sector and public enterprises, thus eliminating political interference.
# A grievance handling procedure to provide speedy relief to those
affected by political victimisation will be introduced,
POST-ELECTION WOLENCE TO END
k All parly surveillance committees with the active involvement of the law enforcement authorities Will be set up in all electorates to deal with and avert post-election wolence.
A KEY ROLE FOR THE YOUTH
Youth will be given opportunities to enjoy a greater share of involvement in the affairs of the country.
k Special institutional arrangements will be provided for the views of the youth to be taken into account in the national decision Taking process.

955
LSL SLLLL L LLLLLLL LLLLLLLLS LL LLLLLLLLmmLLL LSL LLLLL LLL LLLLLLLLSLL LLLL LL LLLCH
FLIGHT IN A MŮNŮ PLANE
IN THE 1930s A PLANE CANNOT BE SEEN IN THE SKYS OF CEYLON. AN ENTERPRISING BUSINESS MAN HIRED A MONOPLANE FROM ABROAD AND ARRANGED FOR SIGHTSEEING TRIPS FROM THE SKY, EACH OF A FEW MINUTES DURATION. THE COLOMBO RACE COURSE GROUNDS WERE USED FOR THE TAKE OFF AND COMING DOWN OF THE PLANE
-
(No
re had come to see the plārie and the brave dnes who took the risk to go in the trip. Only a few went on the trips. Besides the pilot, only one other could go in this plane. The author of this book, T. Duraisingam, took therisk and went up to view Colomba from the sky. Three days later, this monoplane while flying low near the Colombo Galle Face beach had gone into the sea and had to be dragged back to land,

Page 487
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Politics and Life in Our Times
ir Steps to eliminate the present discrimination against Sinhala
and Tamil educated youth in recruitment to better jobs will be adopted.
Supporting services and all other facilities will be considerably strengthened.
The S. L. F. P. Government will use its good offices with the Arab governments with whom it has traditionally maintained good relations to ensure that increased employment opportunities will be provided to Sri Lankans.
SPORTS AND RECREATIONAL FACLITIES
# The S. L. F. P. Government which pioneered the development of
sports in Sri Lanka by the establishment of a National Sports Council will as a matter of priority improve sports and recreational facilities in schools, workplaces and in the country. Existing supporting services will be considerably strengthened.
RELIGIOUS, SOCIAL AND CULTURALMATTERS
ir Buddhism will remain the state religion. Due place will be given
to other religions and all religious leaders will be Consulted.
Culture and traditions of all communities in the Country will be preserved and promoted.
All necessary steps to halt the decline in moral standards and the escalation of crime and violence will be taken in Consultation with religious leaders, the elders and non-government organisations.
Drug addiction among youth and traffic in narcotics which have reached menacing heights under this so-called dharmista open economy will be severely curbed and suitable steps will be taken to rehabilitate the Victims.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 957
y All lotteries will be brought under one authority and the accounts
will be made public.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
. The democratic features of the previous system of local government with its grass-root representation will be revived and further strengthened to correct the present vacuum in peoples representation at the local level.
# The village councils system will be re-introduced on the basis
of re-demarcated areas to make them viable units.
# A major review of the powers, functions and the resource base of the entire local government system will be carried out in Consultation with the people at all levels.
MINISTRES AND MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT
# The total number of ministries will be pruned and rationalised in order to make the workings of the government efficient and effective.
# The present practice of never-ending political carnivals and tamashas for the glorification of individual ministers, wasting colossalamounts of public funds will be immediately done away with.
yr The vast Concessions made to M. P. S will be reviewed in Order
to bring them in line with national and economic realities.
NATIONAL DEFENCE
y Today the country is in the throes of a bloody civil war, which has been brought about by the U. N. P. government's secret pacts and false promises. A problem which could easily have been nipped in the bud has been allowed to escalate to unprecedented

Page 488
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Politics and Life in Our Times
dimensions. Though the country is in a state of war the Government and the U. N. P. rulers are acting in a frivolous manner. Billions of rupees are being spent on defence and unsuitable and unnecessary items have been imported. The kith and kin and hangers-on have benefitted from large tender awards. There is no cohesive defence policy. The President, Prime Minister and several other Ministers are supposedly handling and interfering with the subject of defence, which should obviously be handled by one competent person. The armed forces and the police are given contradictory orders and as a result total confusion prevails.
However, the S. L. F. P. is appreciative of the efforts and dedication to service by the Sri Lankan armed forces and the police to combat terrorism, without adequate modern arms and ammunition, equipment, transport and other facilities and extremely poor working and living conditions.
The S. L. F. P. Government will have a Cohesive defence policy which will be implemented directly under the sole responsibility of Madam Sirimavo Bandaranaike. It will adequately train and equip the armed forces and the police and also provide the men with better working and living conditions, in addition to improved terms and conditions of service, so that the country's defence forces would be well equipped and geared to face any eventuality.
MAHAVEL PROGRAMME
x The main purpose of the Mahaveli programme is the
provision of productive farming units for the peasantry of the country. Human settlements on land under the programme will be open to the peasantry from all parts of the country according to need for land and according to national ethnic proportions.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 959
THE JUDICARY AND THE LEGAL SYSTEM
The direct and indirect intimidation of and interference With members of the judiciary will be eliminated and the rule of law upheld so that an independent judiciary would be assured in order that every citizen could obtain justice and fair play irrespective of political considerations.
A The costly delays which litigants have to face at present will be eliminated So as to ensure justice at a reasonable cost within a reasonable period of time.
A To re-codify and update the laws of the country in keeping with the social and economic development of the country. A commission comprising of leading members of the official and unofficial bar will be appointed to make recommendations on this matter for speedy implementation.
# The working conditions, buildings and other facilities of the judiciary which have hitherto been neglected would be improved and modernised in all parts of the country, to enable judges to function in the best traditions of an independent judiciary. Similarly, the members of the official and unofficial bar will also be provided with improved facilities.
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS
* Freedom of the press will be assured and the present practice of subtle censorship and other forms of control will be dispensed with so that the media could play an active and effective role in upholding a democratic form of government.

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960 Politics ard Life ir 1 COLLI r TIT 735
RIGHTS OF MINORITIES
Immediately after the formation of the S. L. F. P. Government a national convention of representatives of Tamil, Muslim, Burgher and Malay amongst other minority groups will be convened with a view to ascertaining the problems of the respective groups and finding suitable solutions.
REFUGEES IN OUR HOMELAND
k All persons who have become refugees due to the monstrous acts of the terrorists and of politicians in power will be compensated, rehabilitated and settled in their homelands, with adequate security.
Those who have lost any member of their immediate family due to the activities of the terrorists will be adequately compensated.
WOLATION OF THE SIRIMA-SHASTRIPACT
k Positive action will be taken to safeguard the rights and privileges of the people in the villages in plantation areas who were affected and displaced by the recent attempt by the Jayawardene Government to grant citizenship to persons of Indian origin, outside the Sirima-Shastri Pact,
INVESTMENT PROMOTIONZONES
sk. The concept of Investment Promotion Zones was first mooted by the Export Promotion Council of the 1970-77 S. L. F. P. Government in order to attract foreign investment where there Would have been a significant transfer of foreign capital and

LaLLMkLLL LLLLLLLHM LCaLS LLLLLLLLuDuGHGGHLHu LlL sLL GC LCLHCCC LLT CCCkLLTL S S 000
H. LAKSHMAN JAYA KODY IS THE MINISTER OF BUDDHA SASAMA AND MINISTER OF CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS, HE IS THE MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT FOR GAMPAHA AND FORMERLY WAS THE MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT FOR ATTANAGALLE, HE JOINED THE SR LANKA FREEDOMPARTY (SLFP). IN ABOUT 1954. HE IS THE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE AFRO-ASIAN SOLIDARITY ORGANISATION OF SRI LANKA. WHICH ISAFFILATED TO THE AFRO-ASIANPEOPLESSOLIDARITY ORANIZATION, WHOSE HEAD QUARTERSIS IN CAIRO, EGYPT
E. মৃত্যু *
Hori. Lakshir 77 ar Jaya kody
Hon. Lakshman Jayakody is a livewire of the SLFP and has done a lot for Buddhism and the Buddha Sasara, His Ministry has a section which overlooks Hindu affairs and for which Mrs. Yogandra Duraisarmy is in charge. She is the daughter of late Dr. T, Nallanathan, who was the president of the Colombo branch of His Holiness Sri Sathya Sai Baba Organisation,

Page 490
962
Politics and Life in Our Times
technology. However, the GCEC of the U. N. P. Government has miserably failed to achieve this objective. The investors in the PZs would be encouraged to transfer technology and have a high value-added component so that the Country would benefit.
While the U. N. P. Government has totally neglected the welfare of the workers in the Zones, the S. L. F. P. Government will ensure an improvement in the working Conditions of the Workers.
FOREIGN POLICY
# The S. L. F. P. is firmly committed to the principles of a non
aligned and independent foreign policy which is in line with the national interests of Sri Lanka.
We reiterate our feelings of friendship and understanding With all Countries.
We support South-Asian regional co-operation and would maintain close ties and friendship with all neighbouring countries of the region.
Our traditional friendship with Arab countries will be strengthened and all decisions that have affected bilateral relatiOnS Will be reVOked.
All Sri Lanka diplomatic missions will be completely reorganised and manned by capable personnel so that they can play a more effective role in economic, political and foreign affairs and promote trade.

Sri Lanka Freedom Party's Programme to Save the Country and the People 963
A MANDATE TO SOLVE THE ETHNIC PROBLEM
fr Since the U. N. P. and the T. U. L. F. politicians who were elected 9 years ago have ignominiously failed to solve this problem and they no longer enjoy a mandate from the people to negotiate and decide on the present ethnic conflict, the S. L. F. P. demands that a free and fair General Election be held immediately, so that all communities could elect representatives in whom they have confidence to be capable of negotiating a lasting solution to the present ethnic problem.
THE TIME NOW OR NEVER TO SAVE THE NATION AND ITS
FUTURE
Today the entire country faces one of the Worst situations ever encountered in its history. There is no security of life, person or property. Every day more and more people join the ranks of the unemployed with no prospects of getting jobs. Prices of essential foods, drugs, infant milk foods and clothing are soaring. Incomes of the large majority of the people are stagnant while the cost of living moves into outer space. Bribery and corruption have reached the highest possible levels and the President himself has stated so, and judging by past performance nothing positive is likely to be done. Nepotism has spread all over the sinews of the government. The government which speaks of a free press and mass media mauls it through subtle remote controls. Democracy has been throttled and dictatorial tendencies have emerged. Everything points in the direction of a major national calamity, if this corrupt, inefficient and authoritarian regime is allowed to remain in power.
Let us all, therefore, resolve and Commit ourselves to the task of dislodging this inefficient and self-seeking corrupt set of rulers from power and elect the S. L. F. P. which is the only democratic

Page 491
964 Politics and Life in Our Times
force that can rapidly increase production and employment, and ushera in period of economic and social progress under a democratic System that ensures to all Sections of the population, peace, prosperity, freedom and effective law and order.
That is the only way to save the country from ruin now and for the future, it is your future which is entirely at stake. Rally round the S. L. F. P. to save yourself and the country from a major economic and SOCial disaster.
The focus and thrust of Our entire Social and economic development effort is to prepare the nation on all fronts to meet the scientific and technological advances and challenges in taking Sri Lanka into the twenty-first century.
Join us and March into the future with hope and confidence
Courtesy: "S. L. F. P. Programme", Colombo, 1986.

CHAPTER 13
Political Leaders
Chairman, CP of Sri Lanka
by A. Vaidialingam
Comrade Doctor S. A. Wickremasinghe is the father of the progressive, left, socialist movement of Sri Lanka.
in the first State Council under the Donoughmore Constitution, his was the solitary voice championing the cause of the ordinary people of Sri Lanka. His work in the State Council, the Suriya Mal movement and the anti-malaria campaign he carried on with Comrades Dr. N. M. Perera, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, Philip Gunawardene and Leslie Goonewardene and others laid the basis for founding the Lanka Sama Samaja Party in December, 1935.
was then a student at the then Ceylon University College, having completed my degree and waiting to go to the United Kingdom on a Government Scholarship.
The LSSP was then a radical anti-imperialist movement, being the first organization which raised the demand for independence. It was then the nucleus of an anti-imperialist movement yet to blossom forth.
The reactionary, feudal and pro-imperialist forces concentrated their main attack on Dr. Wickremasinghe and saw to his defeat in the elections to the Second State Council. This was a great blow against the left and progressive movement and in particular, to all genuine Marxist-Leninists.
Loyalty to Marxism-Leninism, friendship with the first Soviet Socialist State, support to the Third Communist International symbolising proletarian internationalism, adherence to the United Front tactics worked out by the 1935 Seventh Congress of the Communist international - such were the ideals which then, and even today, characterise the life and work of Comrade S. A. Wickremasinghe.

Page 492
Politics and Life in Our Trries
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Chaar, CP of Sri Larka 967
After the defeat in the elections to the Second State Council, Comrade Wickremasinghe for personal reasons, had to leave Ceylon and go to the United Kingdom.
While in the UK, he closely associated himself with the activities of the British Communist Party, the India League led by W. K. Krishna Menon and the Left Book Club. The years 1935-1940, were Very important for a number of students from the Colonial Countries then studying in the United Kingdom. It was this period which reared a number of communists loyal to Marxism-Leninism.
We may mention some of them hailing from India and Sri Lanka and then studying in the UK. They are Comrades Ke Luneman, Kandiah, Waidialingam, Parwathi and Mohan Kumaramangalam, N. K. Krishnan, Indrajit Gupta, Renu and Nihal Chakravarthy and others. In a sense, all these comrades were bred and reared in the People's and National United Front strategy, as worked out by the 7th Congress of the Cori|Tunist International.
On the other hand, there developed two trends inside the Left movement in Sri Lanka and, in particular, inside the LSSP. To name a few: Comrades Mendis, Yasodis. Ariyaratne, Goonesekera, Duraisingam - all these comrades and several others represented one trend in the left movement; namely, the trend loyal to MarxismLeninism and proletarian internationalism and Unswerving friendship With the first Soviet Socialist State,
The other trend was the anti-Communist, anti-Soviet Trotskyite trend. It was unfortunate that some of the main leaders of the LSSP fel a Victim to this trend,
Comrade Wickremasinghe returned to the island in the late thirties. He was soon followed by Comrades Keuneman, Kandiah and Waidialingam. This gave a great impetus and added strength to the then genuine Marxists in Sri Lanka.
However, all their genuine efforts could not preserve the unity of the LSSP as the rallying force of all the anti-imperialists of Sri Lanka. With the expulsion of Comrade Wickremasinghe, Mendis, Ariyaratne and others, the way was laid for the split of the LSSP.

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968 Politics and Life in Our Times
Consequently, the only alternative left for those loyal to Marxism was to rally all their forces and lay the basis for a genuine Communist Party. Comrade Wickremasinghe was closely connected and identified with all the struggles to rally all the Communists, now functioning under the banner of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka.
The life and work of Comrade Wickremasinghe are closely inter-woven with the successes and/or failures of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka.
Despite the split caused by the then LSSP leadership, the Communists of Sri Lanka, led by Comrade Wickremasinghe, persisted
and continuously fought for
(i) the unity of all left forces. (ii) the unity of all progressive and democratic forces in a mighty anti-imperialist front directed against foreign and local reaction.
In the opinion of the Communists, the struggles for left unity and for the anti-imperialist national unity are not mutually exclusive; they supplement each other.
The great election victory of 1970 and the formation of the United Front Government of 1970 are vivid demonstrations of the consistent policies of the Communists.
The fact that the LSSP is today outside the UF should be regarded as a temporary set back.
The Communists are confident that the growing crisis in Sri Lanka, the threat of local and foreign reaction and the rising political Consciousness of the people and their mass organisations - all this will ultimately help the healthy forces to overcome both left and right deviations and to rebuild at a higher level the national unity of all progressive and democratic forces.
No account of the life and work of Comrade Wickremasinghe can be complete if one does not refer to his special study regarding irrigation, water resources and the economic development of Sri Lanka. His analysis of this problem and suggestions for the Way Forward outlines a programme which will help not only economic development but also lay the basis for national unity.
Courtesy: From the book entitled Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, published on the occasion of his 75th Birth Anniversary, April 13, 1976

SWRD launched Transition to Socialism
by Dr. N. M. Perera
Eighteen years have elapsed since Mr. Bandaranaike was violently removed from the political life of this country. A grief-stricken country bemoaned his death for long quite deservedly. He had many qualities that endeared him to the people. And Parliament in which he played such a prominent part and in which he was a live-wire lagged behind the people in paying the respect due to him.
Parliament was the last institution to go on record of the sense of loss that the country suffered by his untimely demise. It fell to my lot as Leader of the Opposition to second the Vote of Condolence passed on the 28th of October, 1959. While paying my humble tribute to the memory of a man who contributed so much to the political regeneration of the country, stated that it was too early to estimate Mr. Bandaranaike's rightful place in our history.
OBJECTIVE
Has the time arrived? Although nearly two decades have passed since his removal from the scene, a final estimate must await many more years. We lived too close to him to take a dispassionate view and an objective, disinterested evaluation of his place in history, Certain observations Can, however, be made.
Already as a student at Oxford he was shaping his future career Conscious of the advantages and blessings he enjoyed. He knew he had a prominent place in the life of the country for the asking. He equipped himself to the role that he had figured for himself. He read widely. He was steeped in the classics as well as general literature. He had imbibed a sense of history and its philosophy drew him close to the Marxist interpretation of history. He revelled in the atmosphere of Oxford.

Page 494
97C Plis ar Life ir Cur ilgs
DH. N. M. PERERA, WANTED TO CHANGE THE WORLD INTO WHICH HE WAS BORN HE WANTED TO TRANSFORM HISTORY IN THE LAND OF HIS LLLLLL L LLLLLLLLLLLL LLLL LL LLLLL LLLL LL LLLLL LLLLLL LLLLL LLS LL LLLLLL L LLLLLL LLL LLLL LLL LLLLLL aLLLLL LLLL LLL0L LL LLLLL LLLS LL LLLLLL LLLL LLLLaLL LaLLLLLLLS LLKLLLaL LLLL LLLLLL LL0 LLL LLLLL LLLLLLLLSLLL SCIENTIST BY PROFESSOR HAROLD LASKIN THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS, THE POWER HE DESIRED WAS THE KND OF POWER THAT RESTEDUPON PERSUASION, POWEROWER THEMINDS AND HEARTS OF PEOPLE HEWISHED TOSEE CERTAINCHANGES WROUGHT IN SOCIETY
LLLLLL LLLLL LLLLLL LL LLLLLLL LLLL KaLLLLLLL L0LLLLLL LLLLLLSLLLLLL0LS
- Cliff Fair Tseka
M. M. PCFFF" LELS LL00LLS 0KaaaS S SSS00SLES a00a
Dr, N.M. Perera was one of the pioneers of the Left movement of Sri Lanka, which has radically transformed the basic attitudes and Walues of political life in Our Country. He was one of the leaders of the Series of working class struggles between 1945 and 1947, which culminated in the May-June general strike of 1947, that taught the British colonialists that they could no longer rule in the old way and hastened the attainment
of political independence,
— Pfefef" KEL'Terr77
 

SWF) la Luchigado Transitio) fo Socialigio77 971
In the twenties of this century, Oxford glowed as the enchanting paradise of dilettantes and Mr. Bandaranaike was a dilettante to his finger tips. He skimmed the surface gracefully. He knew the Superficial answers to most questions. He had a general grasp of politics, but he newer delved deeply into a study of the subject, Consequently, he newer worked out a consistent body of political thought.
He was a man without political moorings and therefore Continued to gloat over the fact that he was a pragmatist. Pragmatis IT is another Word for adherence to the existing established social and economic Stru CILIT9.
When he returned to Ceylon after his sojourn at Oxford, it was natural that he should find his alignment in the reformist politics of the Ceylon National Congress. But he was not content to remain festooned in the lackadaisical politics of the upper-middle-class Crust of Ceylonese society. He was young and ebulient enough to reach out for new activities that would catapult him into prominence. He toyed with the idea of the Charka and the Gandhian Khaddar hoping to strike the imagination of the youth that would thrust him into the leadership of a powerful movement,
After all Gandhiji had propelled himself into the leadership of a powerful mammoth organisation on Khaddar and the Charka, Why should he not emulate that great Soul and succeed as Gandhiji had succeeded? He forgot that Gandhiji combined Khaddar and the Charka as part of the armoury in the fight for the "Quit India Movement".
It never really caughton. And it is a mockery of fate that one of his ardent followers in the Charka campaign rewarded Mr. Bandaranaike by being one of the prominent accomplices of his assassination.
COMMUNAL
He then turned seriously to build a more stable following with a Communaltinge. The Sinhala Maha Sabha drew into its fold the rural petty-bourgeoisie, particularly the upper segments thereof who were not too happy with the domination of the urban bourgeois circles, And it formed an organisation of its own and functioned as a coherent entity in the National Congress.

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972 Politics and Life in Our Times
This was a tactic that ensured a measure of influence within that amorphous body of diverse interests, coagulated by the common desire to amass reasonable plums for themselves through negotiated reforms over the heads of the people. Mr. Bandaranaike lacked the clear perspectives that would have impelled him out of this bunch of mediocrities who equated the good of the country with their own Self-interest.
He was, therefore, content to wobble along with them even to the extent of pleading against universal franchise. The masses Were not to be trusted with the vote. It must be restricted to the educated few and those with property. The Congress could not foresee a day when the masses could be trusted to exercise the franchise wisely. The Donoughmore Commission saw through the game of the National Congress and unceremoniously rejected its advice and conferred universal franchise on the people of the country. With the grant of universal franchise the plums of office carried their own nemesis. The Ceylon National Congress died a lingering death. It ceased to be even the limited force it was in the country. The leadership passed on to individuals like Sir D. B. Jayatilaka and Mr. D. S. Senanayake. The ruling families were quick to monopolise the seats and the sweets of power. Others had to be satisfied with fringe benefits or be discarded as the unwanted. Mr. Bandaranaike was imperceptibly and vaguely affected by the new weapon in the hands of the people. The potency and the potentialities of this instrument were slowly creeping into him. His opposition to universal franchise was a big blot on his escutcheon but he had the nimbleness of mind to grasp the implications of the liberating power of the mass vote. But he still clung to the rump of the Congress which met occasionally for haphazard discussions and inconsequential deliberations. He was being slowly pushed into dissidence but not yet open rebellion.
By the time of the Second State Council, he had a sufficient following to become on his own steam the Minister for Local Government. This Ministry was his deliberate choice for it offered him another instrument to build a following through the Village

SWRD launched Transition to Socialism 973
Committees. The combination of the Sinhala Maha Sabha and the Village Committee Chairmen brought him a sizable following in the Country. But he had not the heart to challenge the leadership of the Senanayakes. For one thing he had no alternative policy to place before the people. His differences were minor. These were differences of stress and emphasis. He still stood for reforms; not independence.
In reality he continued to be the prisoner of his own milieu. For another, he often shrank from the logic of his own thinking. When Layton, the Commander-in-Chief, during the war period, sat on him like a ton of bricks for his bold, if indiscreet, Criticism of the Conduct of the imperial power, he folded up like a crushed flower. He was scared of losing his ministerial office. He could have defied and become a hero. He subsided into Subservience.
By 1936, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party had begun to bloom. A genuine left had blossomed and the vacillating Mr. Bandaranaike was hemmed in between the Left and the Right. He was too scared of the Left to scorn the Right. The war silenced him and the partiality of the Senanayakes to the imperialists found an echo in his heart.
He was privy to the incarceration of the Samasamajists in 1940. But he had not the courage to oppose it. His liberalism had deserted him at the Crucial test. When a stout-hearted man like George E. de Silva pleaded for our release and befriended us by frequent visits to the Remand Jail, Mr. Bandaranaike found discretion to be the better part of valour; and his silence was deafening.
The General Election of 1947 propelled him to a position of strength. The Committee System of the Donoughmore Constitution had been transformed to the Cabinet form of government as adumbrated by the Soulbury Commission. He could have been the first Prime Minister of this country. The Left parties together with the Independents and the estate worker representatives of that day Confabulated at Mr. Sri Nissanka's "Yamuna" abode and offered him their full support that would have enabled him to be elevated to the highest post in the land.

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974. Politics and Life in Our Times
TWO REASONS
He rejected the offer for two reasons. He was bamboozled into the belief that he would be the heir presumptive to the premiership after Mr. D. S. Senanayake. The premiership of the United National Party was congenial to him. It was consistent with his basic alignment with the capitalist system. The second reason was even more compelling. He was literally frightened by the revolutionary Left. In more effervescent moments, he may become expansive on radicalism but he never seriously entertained the class analysis of Society and its transformation into a new socialist set-up.
He missed the bus and he missed the opportunity to re-orient the political and economic life of this country along progressive and enlightened lines. In the period that followed, the Senanayakes cleverly manoeuvred the premiership away from him. Left high and dry in splendid isolation, he had no alternative but to seek other ways of achieving his thwarted ambition.
A period of serious rethinking followed. He decided to break with the past. His genuflections to imperialism were ended. But it went against his grain to forswear the capitalist road. He stuck to the middle of the road and called it neither capitalism nor socialism but the middle path. Thus was born the political hotch-potch called the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. It has a glorified appellation of Bandaranaike principles and Bandaranaike policy. It has neither a policy nor a body of principles. It is neither fish nor flesh; but it is foul-smelling because of its opportunism.
The General Election of 1952 reduced him to size and exposed the vulnerability of the drift into the vague no-whereism. The debacle of the 1952 General Election set him thinking again seriously. The grim lessons of the 1953 Hartal dawned on him gradually. Political enlightenment was taking an earnest turn. Reaction had to be fought not with namby-pamby methods but with bold radicalism. A radical alignment was a sure weapon to defeat reaction. The success of the Hartal which overthrew the well-entrenched Dudley Senanayake gave him the clue to the future he had set his eyes on.

SWRD launched Transition to Socialism 975
THE MEP
In 1955 he succeeded in bringing under his banner a number of nondescript groups to form the United Frontentitled "Mahajana EkSath Peramuna". Already he had signed a no-contest-pact with the Lanka Sama Samaja Party in September, 1955. The combined assault of the anti-UNP forces was sufficient to topple the presumed impregnable political citadel of the UNP. Mr. Bandaranaike utilized to the full the demagogic chauvinistic slogans of language and religion. Doubtless a valuable asset in his victory was the blunderbussing of Sir John Kota lawela, the Prime Minister who had replaced Mr. Dudley Senanayake after the Hartal of 1953.
This overwhelming defeat of the UNP exceeded his wildes expectations. With this substantial majority at his command in the legislature, he could have been the instrument of a major impact on the economic and political development in the country, but he failed and let us see why.
Since his erudition skimmed the surface, he never Comprehended the philosophy of progress. He never realized that reactionary capitalism has to be systematically eradicated. One cannottinker with it and expect it to fade away.
The capitalist class has a tremendous capacity for resurgence. This class is clever and sharp and undermines the governments that do not toe its line. And Mr. Bandaranaike paid the price with his life in 1959 at the hands of one of his own camp followers tricked into the service of the capitalist class. Mr. John Kennedy in the United States paid the same penalty at the hands of big business.
DESTINY
One cannot dismiss Mr. Bandaranaike as of no consequence in the political evolution of this country. However, hesitantly he stemmed the tide of reaction, he evoked in the ordinary man particularly of rural Sri Lanka a consciousness that he has a destiny to fulfil. In a people that had been subjected for over 400 years, he helped inculcate the lessons of pride and independence.

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9 WS Po'as and Lisg Is Our IIr77g3
THE ROSMEAD PLACE HOUSE WHERE S. W. R. D. BANDAR ANAIKE LIVED WITH HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN AND WHICH WAS THE CENTRE OF HISPOLITICAL AND SOCIAL ACT WITIES IT WAS ALSOHERE THAT IN 1959, HIS ASSASSININ RELIGIOUS GARB, SOMARAMA THERO, FIRED THE FATAL SHOTS WHICH KILLED THIS GREAT MAN, WHO HAD CHANGED POLITICS IN SRI LANKA
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- L. W. M. Pa
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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He fostered a lowe for the language and Culture of a people whose recorded history goes back to 2500 years. This awakening of the ordinary man paved the way for the subsequent radicalisation of the country. But he also paved the way for much communal disharmony, His communal politics had its reverberations in the north. Like everything else he did, his good trailed along with much that was evil.
And today if we are on the threshold of the transformation to socialism, much credit must go to him because he was the midwife of the transition. FrontiTe to time he shrank back from the Consequences of his own progressive moves, but history relentless in the logic it pursues could not be bridled by the irresoluteness of Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike.
Many today might be amused at the prediction of a Socialist Sri Lanka within a measurable time but those are ignoramuses who know neither history nor the dialectics of social development. Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was no ignoramus; he was conscious of the Vista that was unfolding before him. He was willy-nilly its midwife, a valuable role in the evolution of a country. In the annals of Sri Lanka he will find a place of high merit for he helped prepare the climate for the birth of the socialist society.
Courtesy: "Ceylon Daily News", Colombo, September 20, 1978.

Page 498
NM - envisioned Future Changes
by Carlo Fonseka
N. M. Perera wanted to change the world into which he was born. He wanted to transform history in the land of his birth in accordance with his vision of a truly humane society. The attainment of that kind of goal requires power. He therefore sought power. Having been trained as a political scientist by Professor Harold Laski in the London School of Economics, the power he desired was the kind of power that rested upon persuasion, power over the minds and hearts of people.
He wished to see Certain changes Wrought in Society and Sought power in order to achieve those objectives. He had no use for power if it Could not be deployed to achieve the vision of society he had in mind and believed in passionately. So together with a bare half-dozen other brilliant and dedicated young men, who had also returned after studies abroad influenced by the ideas of Karl Marx, he setto work in the early 1930s to Create the Socialist Movement- and the first political party-in this country.
Men and women are still living who can vividly remember the hypnotic impact N. M. Perera had on impressionable young people in this land in the 1930s and 40s. Extraordinarily good-looking with bright eyes and a hearty laugh which rang Out SO Spontaneously, he was One of those rare human beings who appears now and again to Colour his whole environment. To his contemporaries it seemed as absurd to question his integrity, intellectual honesty and concern for the wretched of the earth, as to question that night follows day. In a Movement packed with a remarkable galaxy of talent N. M. Perera gradually emerged as the dominant personality.
According to the first manifesto of the Movement published in 1935 their aims were "the achievement of complete national independence, the nationalisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange and the abolition of inequalities arising from differences of race, Caste, Creed Or Sex".

NM - envisioned Future Changes 979
On 22 May, 1972, N. M. Perera when seconding the motion which made Sri Lanka a sovereign and Independent Republic declared with pardonable pride: "Little did we as students in London meeting in dingy digs dream when we inaugurated a movement that blossomed later to be the Lanka Sama Samaja Party that we would within our lifetime be the proud participants of this historic day. We affirmed as our first principle on that distant day in 1930, the achievement of full national independence. It is the fulfilment of this affirmation that gives us unending pride and pleasure....".
Some demands put forward by the young radicals in the 1930s included the abolition of child labour, abolition of irrigation rates, a scheme of unemployment insurance, minimum wage, eight-hour working day, free School books, rent restriction, slum clearance, the use of Sinhala and Tamil in litigation and for entries in police stations and the gradual extension of this to all government departments, abolition of the headman system and nationalisation of imports of rice and petrol.
A moment's reflection Suffices to Show that Su CCessive governments in this country have come to implement one by one almost all of their demands. Thus N. M. Perera's scientific approach to social change had enabled him to foresee nearly half-a-century ago, the measures that successive governments would be compelled to implement in due course. Had these measures been affirmatively implemented on the basis of Scientific conviction rather than political, Sri Lanka might have been today a land in which all of us lived as equals in peace, harmony and prosperity. But that is another story.
As it happened in the 1930s and in the 1940s the radicals of the Socialist Movement made use of every possible occasion to harry the Colonial Government and the leaders of the State Council. They organised the urban workers. During the malaria epidemic of 1934-35 in which Some three million people suffered and about 80,000 died, they did relief Work in the rural districts.
They were shaken by the misery they saw. As N. M. Perera later described it: "What we saw we could not believe.... dying babies sucking the breasts of dead mothers; whole families lying side by side dying or dead. We did succeed in bringing some relief to these stricken,

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98O Politics and Life In T. Our Tirreas
dejected and abandoned mass of humanity, We did more than bring relief to them. We kindled the fire that would set their hearts aglow and blazed the lanes that Would consulTe to ashes feudalism with all its inequalities".
Gradually the socialist movement blossomed into full blown political agitation. The general elections of 1936 brought two members of the movement, N. M. Perera and Philip Gunawardana into the State Council and up to date no one has served longer in the Legislature of this country than N. M. Perera, Although the kind of political power he sought largely eluded him, to those who have followed him through the Wicissitudes of his political career, it must Surely be clear that N. M. Perera belongs not to the category of those who took the credit, but to the category of those who did the Work,
The political and legislative history of Our Country, since the time N.M. Perera appeared on the scene, has been the history of the struggles of the people of our country towards the kind of society he envisioned. Power, after all, is the capacity to produce intended effects and coercive state power is neither the only nor even the most potent form of it, For in the end, it is not by force that men are ruled but by the Wisdom and knowledge of those who appealed to the common desire of mankind for justice, peace, compassion, freedom and happiness, N. M. Perera, Doctor of Philosophy and Doctor of Science was such a man,
What was the motive force of the phenomenon called N. M. Perera? What made him tick? He was educated at Ananda College run by the Buddhist Theosophical Society where patriotism and nationalism Were consciously fostered. It is a little known fact that the first trade union in this country formed in 1893 derived its leadership from the Buddhist "agitator", A. E. Buultjens, who was the Principal of Ananda College. In 1912 the railway Workers who Went on strike Were actively encouraged and financially supported by Anagarika Dharmapala who proclaimed that the militancy of the Workers afforded "unmistakable proof of the national spirit among

NM = an Visio "Ed Ft Lura Char geas 981
PHILIP GUNAWARDENA ANDDR, N.M. PERERA WERE AMONGTHE FOUNDERS OF THE LANKA SAMA SAMAJA PARTY (LSSP) IN DEC. 1935. ACCORDING TO THE FIRST MANIFESTO OF THE MOVEMENT PUBLISHED IN 1935, THEIR AIMS WERE THE ACHIEVEMENT OF COMPLETE NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE, THE NATIONA, LSATION OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION DISTRIBUTION AND EXCHANGE AND THE ABOLITION OF INEGUALITIES ARISING FROM DIFFERENCES OFRACE, CASTE, CREED OR SEX.
Philip Gunawardena i O, O - 25.3.192
Philip's interest in politics was aroused when he was a lad of 14 years. The year was 1915 when history records the riots that occurred in Ceylon and the British Colonial Regime suspecting that it was an uprising, enforced Martial Law and arrested and imprisoned several prominent Sinhala citizens, Philip's father Boralugoda Rala hamy had been sentenced to death, but later reprieved. It was at this point of time that patriotic feelings were kindled in young Philip's breast,
= Warriori Bołaju Alor 7 Ey-af-Law

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982 Politics and Life in Our Times
the Sinhalese". N. M. Perera who was nurtured in this anti-imperialist tradition brought to bear on its furtherance specific insights derived from his comprehension of Marxist social and economic philosophy. A statue of the Buddha dominated his bedroom. His compassion for the poor, the sick and the exploited as well as his love of animals, were entirely in consonance with the spirit of the culture he inherited, distinctively a Buddhist culture.
The spirit of Buddhism was so much a part of his imagination and thinking that in inaugurating the twenty-seventh annual session of the Ceylon Association for the Advancement of Science in 1971 he declared: "We have a tradition of democracy coming down to us from the ages. Buddhism is the very anti-thesis of blind faith. It is the embodiment of independent thinking. We must build on that great tradition and dove-tail that heritage into our political institutions so as to lead our thinking to creative activity".
His mother Johana Perera who was a devout Buddhist, had extracted one promise from her son: to go to temple at least once a year. He kept his promise. Every Vesak day he offered flowers at a temple.
The equanimity with which he faced his final illness and the unrelenting manner in which he drove himself to work to the very end, even when he knew that he was mortally ill, are symbolic of the purposeful fortitude that characterized his entire political career, which after all, was the fountainhead of Socialism in our land.
Of his intimate qualities of mind and heart I do not speak. will only say that my association with him was an education in the deepest sense of that word.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, August 20, 1979.

Salute to a Pioneer
by Pieter Keuneman
This is the text of the speech made by Pieter Keuneman, on behalf of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, at the funeral ceremony of Dr. N. M. Perera, leader of the L. S. S. P., at Independence Square, Colombo, on 20th August, 1979.)
I don't intend to speak about Dr. N. M. Perera's personal qualities and talents. Previous speakers and writers in the newspapers have referred to these most adequately.
They have spoken about his high learning and rich experience of men and matters. They have praised his sincerity and honesty, his organisational abilities, and the order and method in his style of work. All these are of course, true. But these are qualities that we would expect of a leader of his stature.
For those like me who today marched the streets of Colombo with N. M. for the last time, these high qualities were not the main thing about him. What we respect and will remember about him is that for nearly half a century, he used these talents that he possessed to serve Our Working people in their struggle for national and social liberation.
N. M. Perera was one of the pioneers of the Left movement of Sri Lanka, which has radically transformed the basic attitudes and values of political life in our country. In the early 1930s, he was one of a small but gallant band of men, including Colvin R. de Silva and Leslie Goonewardene of the LSSP and S. A. Wickremasinghe and M. G. Mendis of our Communist Party, who for the first time in our country's political history raised the twin demands for political independence and socialism.
At the time they first raised these demands, they were attacked, reviled and ridiculed by not only the imperialists but also the "national" leaders of the day. They were denounced as ingrates and traitors to the "enlightened" colonial regime. What they demanded was condemned as a sinister attempt to foist on our people alien ideas inimical to their interests and Cultural traditions.

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984 Politics and Life in Our Times
But as a result of the Work of these pioneers and the Left movement which they founded and developed over the past four to five decades, independence and socialism have become the two most respected and popular Words in Sri Lanka's political vocabulary.
This is the main reason why We respect and honour the pioneers of our movement like N. M. Perera.
EARLY ACTVTIES
In the early 1930s, N. M. Perera and his colleagues formed the first youth leagues, which were the initial radical anti-colonial organisations in our country. Their opposition to British imperialism was deepened as a result of their first-hand experience of the plight of our rural people under colonialism during their relief work in the period of the Malaria Epidemic, where tens of thousands died. He was one of the prominent organisers of the Suriya Mal movement, the first political anti-war and anti-colonial movement in our country. in 1935, he was one of those who founded the LSSP.
The role he played in the Mooloya Strike, the Bracegirdle incident and other battles against Planter Raj will not be forgotten. Nor will his fight against the headman system and other feudal relics.
Due to these activities, the then British colonial government clapped N. M. and many of his colleagues, Samasamajists and Communists alike, into prison. But he escaped to continue the struggle, working under illegal conditions.
All who fight for national and class liberation can learn an important lesson from this period of his political life. It is that, in the Course of such struggles, we must always be ready, whatever the consequences, to defy unjust laws made by the exploiters to defend their systems of exploitation. We will respect laws based on justice. But why should we respector obey laws made by them to suppress what we stand and fight for?

Salute to a Pioneer 985
MASS STRUGGLES
In the 1940s and early 1950s, Comrade N. M. played a prominent role in the continuing struggles of the Left movement to win political independence. He was one of the leaders of the series of working class struggles between 1945 and 1947, which culminated in the MayJune general strike of 1947, that taught the British colonialists that they could no longer rule in the old way and hastened the attainment of political independence.
Another memorable struggle of which he was in the front lines was the Great Hartal of 1953 against the first attempt of the capitalist government to meddle with the rice subsidy and the already low living standards of life of the masses.
In both these historic struggles, Samasamajists and Communists fought side by side - which is the main reason for their powerful impact on political developments thereafter. Incidentally, Comrade N. M. passed away only two days after we celebrated the 26th anniversary of the Great Hartal which taught the working people something they should never forget - namely, that the political rule of the exploiters is neither inevitable nor eternal.
UNITED ACTIONS
These united actions between the LSSP and Our Communist Party were extended in the 1960s and 1970s to forms of unity between us on higher levels. We jointly led national campaigns for important socio-economic changes like the nationalisation of the foreign oil companies, the bus services, and the plantations. These gains of the people, which are once more under attack, must be defended. Equally, in the trade union field, the struggles we conducted won the workers many of the social benefits they have today.
Since 1977, the LSSP which N. M. Perera led and our Communist Party of Sri Lanka have worked together in a United Left Front. Under its banner, we fight to resist growing governmental authoritarianism and attacks on democratic rights and living standards. We seek solutions to Sri Lanka's fundamental problems outside the framework of capitalist relations, along a road that leads to socialism.

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986 Politi: ari: Lifa tri OLIT TES
PETER KEUNEMAAN CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY (CPSL)
Peg" KELIJFT r ) 23.1). If W - 23. Of 99W
Pieter Keuneman was a highly principled politician and was loyal to Communism, the political philosophy that he chose in his teens and held up to his death 60 years later. He got interested in politics by reading a book from his father, Justice Keurleman's library, entitled "Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism" by W. F. Lenin
— T. Puraisir gāTTI
 

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LEFT UNITY
When he lived, N.M., emphasised from many public platforms that the Left unity achieved by our two parties in the ULF should be Consolidated and further extended. This is our policy too, the policy of the ULF as a Whole.
// is sad fhiaf N. M. SfıOLld hawe passed a Way a fhris 71 OT7e7, When the need for the fighting unity of the Left is being increasingly realised by ever wider sections of the ovement, when the artificial divisions that reaction has sought to sponsor between the So-Called "old" and "new" Left have begun to break down and When the prospect of urited action of the Left is begi77 ing to take shape.
Four days before he died, N.M. discussed these developments with a delegation of the Political Bureau of our party which called to inquire after his health. We Communists will newer forget what he told our Chairman and his co-pioneer, Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe, on that occasion. "Wicky", he said "you and I laid the foundation. Now new generations must complete the building".
N., M. Perera is no more with us, He has done his duty and fought his last fight. We who remain to fight on must transform his hope into reality, Let us honour his Temory not only in Words but also by redoubling our efforts to Unite the widest sections of the Left movement, On behalf of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, extend our sympathy to N. M's bereaved relatives. Our Central Committee and all our members join me in expressing our fraternal Condolences to the The Tibers of the LSSP or the death of their leader.
We communists salute his long services to the cause of political and economic independence, national unity, social progress, and a socialist future for Sri Lanka. We dip our red flag in his honour.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, August 22, 1979.

Page 503
SWRD - Twenty five Years After
by Maithripala Senanayake
ITwenty five years ago today, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike the founder leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and Prime Minister of that time, breathed his last a victim of a dastardly act of an assassin.)
Police files name Somarama Thero as Mr. Bandaranaike's assassin; but history will record that though the fatal gun was the gun of an assassin, behind the arm which held it were ranged the sinister forces of reaction.
History will also record that those bullets which snuffed out our late leader's life were not only fired at him but also at the progressive mass movement he led.
The ring of those shots may have died out but their echoes and re-echoes reverberate in the minds of the common people who found in Mr. Bandaranaike a leader who identified himself with their hopes and aspirations.
HELPINGHAND
The common people found in Mr. Bandaranaike a leader who held out a helping hand to lift them from the depths to which four centuries of foreign subjugation and local exploitation had consigned them. As the avowed leader of the national liberation struggle of our Country, Mr. Bandaranaike identified himself with the aspirations and life style of the ordinary masses of this country, and began the process of delivering them from the bonds of exploitation.
Indeed, the legislative programme he implemented was due to his burning desire to lead the country and the people to the shining goal of socialism through the democratic process.

SWRD - Twenty five Years After 989
Though reaction cut short his life and stilled his voice, the principles he enunciated and the politics he implemented have endured. His wide humanism and political thought, distilled in what is now known as the Bandaranaike policies continue to dominate policy-formulation even to this date. Indeed it could be said that the ideas and principles he stood for, have required a greater mass appeal now than when he lived.
Though Mr. Bandaranaike is not alive today to lend his personal charisma, his ideals, his policies which were legislatively implemented by succeeding SLFP governments led by his widow Ms. Sirima Bandaranaike, have such an appeal that the Freedom Party which he left behind has become the rallying point of the common people of this country. By endorsing these policies again and again the common people have enabled history to prove again, that the ideas of a people's hero do not die with his assassination; they, on the contrary, fill the imagination of new generations who come forward to articulate them and demonstrate a greater determination to finish the tasks he left incomplete.
Mr. Bandaranaike's policies formed the bedrock on which the foundation for a socialist society in our country has been laid. His policies though they were enunciated many years ago, Sometimes as far back as 1930, show that he had the vision to project himself to the future. Even his erstwhile political foes have realised the correctness of the stand he adopted on burning questions and have accordingly veered to his way of thinking. The centripetal force of his idea drew towards the Freedom Party all the genuine progressive elements of our country.
SYMBOLS
Popular veneration turn some men into heroes. Posterity then transmutes a few into symbols. Those individuals who are thus elected to be the material of this alchemy of History are also honoured as History's favourite sons. Both the manner of his life and the manner of his dying, made Bandaranaike one of the chosen few in this country's chronicle and neither his detractors, nor time can obliterate that factor rob him of his immortal fame.

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990 Politics arid Life Our Tiles
Today, what the late S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike represented, has become the accepted fundamentals of politics and policy in Sri Lanka - the frame-Work of ideas and aspirations within which the broad discussion of public affairs takes place today.
Om language, Culture and peasant agriculture, land reform, Workers' rights, industry - the pursuit of the socialist ideal through de Tocratic means, on Sri Lanka's relations with the international Community and on many fundamental problems, the policies expounded by Mr. Bandaranaike have gained such acceptance, that today they are the common assumptions of Sri Lankan politics. His ideas have become the mainstream, the central direction of national opinion and thinking.
On an occasion such as this it is perhaps pertinent to recall to mind certain personal qualities of this great leader, for the benefit of the younger generation. It is the responsibility and indeed the privilege of those of us Who Were close to Mr. Bandaranaike to do this, so as to keep alive the memory of this outstanding Tian.
Mr. Bandaranaike it must be conceded was the country's finest Orator, towering over contemporary giants. His mastery of the spoken Word gawe him a complete command ower mass audiences. Hispassion and talent for words was matched by a genuine sensitivity to ideas, He could sway crowds and impress audiences and hold people captive with the power of his argument. His knowledge and learning had such a broad SWeep that he could comment authoritatively and lucidly on any question here or abroad. He was as at home speaking to a glittering audience of intellectuals or to the Working masses in Colombo or the peasantry in the village. He touched a responsive chord in Whatever the audience he had before hill,
HUMANITY
Those who were associated with him politically and those who Worked for him, with him, and even those who knew him only in chance encounters will doubtlessly remember him for his wide humanity, and the un Wawering dedication to the cause of the people, which derived from that self-same humanity and generosity of spirit, which in its

SWRD-Twenty five Years. After 991
MR. BANDARANAIKE, IT MUST BE CONCEDED, WAS THE COUNTRY'S FINEST ORATOR, TOWERING OWER CONTEMPORARY GIANTS, HIS KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING HADSUCH A BROAD SWEEP THATHE COULD COMMENT AUTHORITATIVELY AND LUCDLY ON ANY OUESTION HERE OR A BROAD, HE WAS AS AT HOME SPEAKING TO AGLTTERING AUDIENCE OF INTELLECTUALS OR TO THE WORKING MASSES IN COLOMBO OR TO THE PEASANTRY IN THE WILLAGE. HE TOUCHED A RESPONSIVECHORDIN WHATEVER THE AUDIENCE HE HADBEFORE HIM,
Prine Minister Bandara naike in Conversation with Sir Nicholas Attygale, Vice Chancellor, University of Ceylon, Peradeniya,
Tho election programme of the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) (1956) has endorsed many of the political demands of the people for strengthening independance and extending democracy in this country. I shall refer to some of them. No bases can be permitted in our country to any foreign power, and all foreign troops must be immediately withdrawn from Our Country. All assential industries including foreign owned plantations, transport, banking and insurance, Will be progressively nationalized. The constitution needs a Tlandment in various respects. Some of which are a reconsideration of the Senate, the abolition of appointed members.
— Piese KELI 7-9 fları

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992 Politics and Life in Our Times
largeness did not even exclude his political foes. He had a contempt for false ideas of status and his disregard for social distinctions, despite his own background and station left a deep impression on those who came in Contact With him.
Those who would read his speeches and writings would note both the abundant diversity of his interests, as well as the unerring instinct with which he grasped the essential nature of many of the basic problems that Confronted him. On education, language, ayurveda, Science, international relations, higher learning, population, economic growth, planning or whatever the subject, he had something positive and stimulating to say about all these matters. He possessed the attributes of the true intellectual, a free, inquiring, restless mind and broad outlook that came naturally to the earnest student.
Having given a picture of the man, let us ask ourselves what was the precise role that Mr. Bandaranaike played, and why he will be remembered by posterity and indeed why he should be remembered.
Mr. Bandaranaike will be remembered as the man who gave the motive force for the SOcial revolution of 1956. A few weeks before the General Election of 1956 Mr. Bandaranaike announced a radical, political, social and economic programme for the country and formed a broadbased front of his own party, the SLFP inviting other progressive parties into an alliance with him. In effect, by these moves he welded together all sections of the progressive movement in our country. This was his shining moment. The result of these moves as subsequent events demonstrated, altered the course of history of this country.
At the hustings the might of the then ruling party and the state apparatus was ranged against Mr. Bandaranaike's SLFP-led Mahajana EkSath Peramuna.
But unobtrusively, the common people ranged themselves behind Mr. Bandaranaike and swept him into power on a tidal wave of popular enthusiasm. The Government, he set up, was endearingly called "Ape Anduwa’ by the Common people.
Courtesy: "Sun", Colombo, September 26, 1984.

Why Solomon Bandaranaike Was murdered
by Vladimir Yakovlev Soviet Ambassador in Sri Lanka, 1957-61
It happened twenty-five years ago in Colombo. September 25, 1959, was a fine, sunny day. That morning Solomon Bandaranaike, Prime Minister of Ceylon, as Sri Lanka was then called, was receiving the U. S. Ambassador, Mr. Bernard Gufler. As was usual, on the open Veranda of the mansion in Rosmead Place sat a number of Callers, among them two Buddhist monks. The American left and Bandaranaike stepped out into the Veranda. One of the monks jumped to his feet, Snatched out a pistol that had been Concealed under his saffron robe, rushed towards Bandaranaike and fired three shots at him, point-blank, and then another three. Only when the Prime Minister fell to the floor did the assassin turn to flee. A policeman who had been hiding from the glaring Sun in a booth by the gates was aroused from his drowsy siesta to shoot at and hit the monk. Passers-by, upon finding out what had happened, fell upon the wounded monk. The policeman picked up the pistol the monk had dropped. Solomon Bandaranaike was rushed to hospital where he underwent surgery. However, an abdominal wound proved fatal and on September 26 he died.
it was clear from the very beginning that this was apolitical murder, that its purpose was the elimination of a popular national leader, a fighter for independence, a democrat and an ardent champion of peace. The Subsequent judicial investigation showed that the monk, Talduwa Somarama, was merely the blind Weapon of a reactionary group.
The whole country mourned for Bandaranaike. Not a single Buddhist monk dared venture out of his cell during the funeral for fear of being lynched by the crowds.

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At that til The I Was U.S.S.R. AITıbbassador to Ceylon, Natura|| y, I often had occasion to Teet the PriTie Minister and hear his eloquent speeches. A simple, modest and kindly man, he was unquestionably an Outstanding national leader and one of the Thost educated people,
had dealings with in Ceylon.
| should like to te|| readers about Bandaranalike as I knew him during the last years of his life, and also about the strained situation in which he worked.
| first met him on May 2, 1957. It was as Minister of External Affairs that he received Tie (he was also Minister of Defence) before the forthcoming presentation of my credentials to the Governor-General of Ceylon, then still a British dominion.
THE FIRST WISIT
It was with some trepidation that entered Bandaranaike's office. What reception would I get from this man whose life had been so Unusual? Born into an aristocratic Sinhalese family, a law graduate of Oxford University, he was earmarked for a career as a high ranking LLLLLL LL LLLLL LLaaLLLL LLLLLLLLLLL S LLLLLLaL LLLLLamLLC LLLLLL LLLL L LLLLa national liberation movement of his oppressed people.
While still an undergraduate at Oxford, where he studied in the early 1920s, the young dark-skinned Bandaranaike was painfully made to feel the wall of alienation, the atmosphere of racial and social superiority that reigned in this privileged British educational institution. In his diaries which were subsequently published he wrote: "In all directions found myself opposed by barriers, which, though invisible and iTipalpable, Were none the less very real". Oxford, he noted, "influenced profoundly my entire career and outlook". An outstanding student, he also participated in student political discussions. Among topics the discussions dealt with was the situation in the Colonies and in Countries dependent on the British Crown - India, Egypt, Ireland. During these debates Bandaranaike proved himself to be a brilliant, sharptongued public speaker. Later the young Sinhalese Was even elected to leading bodies of the students' union.

Why Solornar Bandaranalike was 77 Iridered 995
S. W. R. D. BANDARANA I KE, A LAW GRADUATE OF OXFORD UNIVERSITY.
In elections held in April 1956, in Ceylon, the People's United Front (M.E.P.), led by Solomon Bandaranaiko, won 51 out of the 95 seats in the lower
house, thereby defeating the United National Party (UNP) headed by Sir John Kotelawala.

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Upon returning in 1925 to his own Country, Bandaranaike joined the struggle his people were waging for their national independence. Ceylon Won its political independence in 1948 and in 1956 he became its Pri Tg M irister.
And so, my first encounter with this remarkable man. Bandaranaike got up from his desk to greet me. He was Wearing a Cotton European style lightweight, cream-coloured suit. Not very tall, he was lean, with fine features. His hair, just turning grey, was combed back. But his eyes, penetrating, wise, they looked attentively, searchingly at Te.
Bandaranaike adjusted his large horn rimmed glasses, clasped my hand in a firm handshake and invited me to sit down. Smilingly he asked the question traditional in those climes when meeting Europeans:
"Do you mot find it too hot here after Moscow?"
"Warmish", answered, also smiling.
Bandaranaike was unpretentious, obviously friendly and I felt my nervousness evaporating. He glanced through my credentials and informed me of the date set for their presentation to the GovernorGeneral, Sir Oliver Goonetilleke - a pro-Western Sinhalese who represented the Supreme power of the British Queen on the island.
PROBLEMS AND WORRES
A few days after presented my credentials, Bandaranaike again received me this title as Prime Minister at his Rosmead Place residence that stood amidst a sea of green foliage. This time he wore a White sarong, the national costume - a long shirt and a white linen skirt. Sandals on his bare feet.
"should like", he said, "to acquaint you, a newcomer to Ceylon, with some of the problems our government is faced with. Among the most disturbing issues today is the problem of the coexistence and cooperation of the two main ethnic groups in Ceylon - the Sinhalese, who make up three quarters of the population, and the Tamil minority. Our

Why Solo Tion Bandara raike Was Turdered 997
WHILESTILL ANUNDERGRADUATE AT OXFORD, WHERE HE STUDIED IN THE EARLY 1920s, THE YOUNG DARK-SKINNED BANDARANAIKE WASPAINFULLY MADE TO FEEL THE WALL OF ALIENATION THE ATMOSPHERE OF RACIAL AND SOCIAL SUPERIORITY THAT REIGNED IN THIS PRI WILEGED BRITISH EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION. IN HIS DARES WHICH WERE SUBSEC) UENTLY PUBLISHED HE WROTE: "INALL DIRECTIONS FOUNDMYSELF OPPOSED BY BARRIERS, Wi-ICH, THOUGHINVISIBLE AND IMPALPABLE, WERE NONE THE LESS WERY REAL"
盟、
31
. 01
BRTH !!! 璽 DEATH
MälarTä Gardi
Gandhi fought against racial discrimination first in South Africa, thereafter in ridia. Bandaranaike in his early days of his social and political activities after returning from Oxford, followed Mahatma Gandhi by Wearing "Kadhar" and popularising the "Charkar" - spinning wheel,

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chief task is economic progress and raising the living standards of the people. However, the unsettled national problems, using which certain circles deliberately stir up passions, are hindering the fulfilment of the tasks facing the government. Passions have reached boiling point now, both the Sinhalese and the Tamils are aroused. We must be prepared for anything".
Bandaranaike took out pipe, packed it with the fragrant tobacco, litit and toka puff.
"I personally intend", he went on, "to introduce amendments to the Constitution to guarantee the Tamils national rights. These rights Will include teach ing in their nati'We language, as Well as Correspondence in that language with government organizations".
Bandaranaike spoke with great emotion. The inter-community Conflict, formented by the bourgeois press, was threatening to break out into a bloody battle.
The young state that Won its independence only ten years ago - and a limited independence at that - was not shaken by the unsolved national problem alone. A struggle was under way to choose a path for Social development. The remnants of the colonial order hindered Ceylon's progress. The greater part of the tea plantations, the chief Wealth of the country, belonged to British owners. The naval port at Trini Comalee and the airforce base in Katunayake also remained in British hands, Ceylon's foreign policies were, to a certain extent, restricted by its dominio StatLIS. A Considerable part of the Sinhalese and Tartnil bourgeosie maintained close ties with the former metropolis and were not at all eager to put an end to foreign domination,
The struggle was bitter. At its hub, besides the Sri Lanka Freedom Party which came into power Linder the leadership of Solomon Bandaranaike, after a decisive Victory in the parliamentary elections of 1956, there were also the Left-wing opposition forces - the ComFunist and Socialist parties. The new government was not politically homogeneous, A Rightist group that had joined the Bandaranaike party for Considerations of expediency put obstacles in the way of realizing the pre-election programme of the Freedom Party. This programme had proclaimed the liquidation of Colonial dependence and declared

Wy Sour Bandaarlake vs Trara 999
S. W. R. D. BANDAR ANAIKE'S DEOLOGICAL OUTLOOKWAS IN HIS OWN WORDS: "WE WANT TO BE FREE TO LOOKABOUTUS. TO TAKE WHAT ISUSEFUL AND BENEFICIAL TO US.MAYBE FROM THE EAST OR WEST MAYBE FROMCOMMUNISMORCAPITALISM; MAYBE FROMANYTHING ELSE IN BUILDING UPOUR NEW SOCIETY AS SUITS US BEST. THAT IS THE PHILOSOPHY BEHIND THE THEORIES OF NEUTRALISMAND COEXISTENCE WHICH MY OWN COUNTRY IS FOLLOWING NOW...."
THIS IS THE ESSENCE OF NON-ALIGNMENT
*
Jawaharal Nehru Was the inspirer of the Non-aligned movement. In April 1955, the first Afro-Asian Conference of Heads of States was held in Bandung, Indonesia, where the then Prime Minister of Ceylon, Sir John Kotela Wefa, participated. Due to the disputes among the Afro-Asian independent Countries, who ware inspired and instigated by the colonialists and imperialists, a second conference could not be held, However, a Peoples' Afro-Asian Conference was hold in 1961 in Bandung, which was organised by the Peoples Afro-Asian Solidarity Organisation with its headquarters at Cairo. In this conference at Bandung, Heads of States and delegates from Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organisations attended. The author of this book, T. Duraisingam, participated in this international conference as a Tember of the delegation sent by the Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka. The Bandung Conference of 1955 and the activities of the Afro-Asian Peoples Organisations led to the founding of the Non-aligned movement by Marshall Tito and others in Belgrade, Yugoslavia,

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the Country a republic. Ceylon followed a policy of non-alignment in foreign affairs. The Bandaranaike government soon established diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and a number of other socialist countries. All this was not to the liking of the advocates of the capitalist way of development and Western orientation. In his message to the people the Prime Minister wrote that the struggle between the forces of reaction and progress was continuing in the Country.
IDEOLOGICAL OUTLOOK
Bandaranaike's political adversaries pilloried him in Parliament and the press. Finally, the Prime Minister could suffer this no longer and addressed the newspaper publishers - this was in January of 1959 -accusing them of falseness and venality, of serving interests alien to their country. I remember how the newspaper men bristled. The press announced that Bandaranaike and his party were Marxist stooges. At that time it was Customary in Ceylon to use Marxism as a bogeyman.
What was Bandaranaike's ideological outlook? This is how he himself answered this question: "We want to be free. To look about us. To take What is useful and beneficial to us - maybe from the East or West; may be from communism or capitalism; may be from anything else in building up our new society as suits us best. That is the philosophy behind the theories of neutralism and coexistence which... my own country is following now...." quote these words from the speech Bandaranaike delivered in Delhi on December 4, 1957. Long before, in a message to the Commonwealth Press Association, Bandaranaike had written: "I know that there is place for a third force. Not, of course, as a military bloc, but as a middle way of life between two extremes, on the Right and on the Left".
What this "third force" was like Bandaranaike did not explain directly, but one thing is clear, he foresaw no future for capitalism. He said that feudalism had made way for the system we know as capitalism. "I am utterly convinced," he said, "that even that civilization is decaying and falling. That is the period of transition we are living in now". Bandaranaike did not undertake to predict the final form of the social

Why Solomon Bandaranaike was murdered 1001
formation that would follow this transitional period. However, in his opinion the dawn of a new society had already broken in Russia. "... The new age was ushered inforty years ago by the Russian Revolution, inspired by the writings of Marx and Lenin", he said in 1957. At the same time he, an aristocrat by birth, did not accept everything in the Soviet state system. However, he was very critical of Western, notably British parliamentarianism. In his January 1959 memorandum to revise the Constitution of Ceylon, Bandaranaike said that "the British system is, in effect, a dictatorship clothed in democratic forms", and that it was unsuitable for his country. He believed that for the economic conditions of Ceylon the development of democratic socialism was preferable. What this hypothetical social system should be like in practice he did not explain.
Aa an ideologist, Bandaranaike was a complex figure and it is difficult to judge him unequivocally. But one thing is indisputable: he sincerely dreamed of a better future for his people, even of an ideal Society of the future in which, as he was fond of saying, every Ordinary person would "enjoy the golden fruits" of the new civilization. He followed closely the successes achieved in the Soviet Union and in other countries where the exploitation of man by man had been wiped out.
KNDLY FEELNGS
His kindly feelings towards the first land of socialism had long been apparent. Back in the difficult year of 1944, when the historic fight against fascism was being waged, Bandaranaike warmly applauded the ideals for which the Soviet people were fighting. His message, printed in the holiday edition of the Lanka Soviet Journal published in Colombo on the occasion of the 27th anniversary of the October Revolution, is notable. This journal was published by the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union. Sri Lanka's present-day President, Junius Richard Jayawardene, was an active figure in it. Bandaranaike, at that time, the Minister of Home Affairs, wrote that for centuries mankind had dreamed of the golden age of friendship, prosperity and happiness. Soviet Russia,

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he said, was doing its utmost to achieve those ideals. During a short period of time, a quarter of a century, the U.S. S. R. had achieved such successes in the field of economy, culture and health protection (in a word, all that makes for the well-being of man) that were even hard to Credit. Russia was demonstrating its might and confirming its belief in the spiritual values of humanity.
This was a brave and even risky statement to make in the then still colonial Ceylon, all the more so for a man who occupied a high administrative post.
Fourteen years went by. On November 6, 1958, a meeting was held in Colombo in celebration of the 41st anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. A white stream of saronged Colombians flowed towards the municipality building. The enormous hall could not aCCOmmodate all those who had COme. its doors Were, therefore, left open and many people standing in the street listened to the speakers. The Chairman - Minister William de Silva - read Solomon Bandaranaike's message of greeting. The October Revolution, said the message, had opened up a new era, an era of Contemporary civilization. The development of friendship between Ceylon and the U. S. S. R., based on the principles of Bandung,... was a vital necessity for the peoples of both countries.
The friendship Bandaranaike defended when he pressed for and won the establishment of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, when the first steps were being made in organizing the practical Cooperation of our countries in the fields of economy and Culture. remember how in 1958, just before the arrival of Soviet delegations to sign agreements, the adversaries of Co-operation, among them several ministers, mounted an attack in the press both against the very idea of entering into economic and cultural agreements and against the initiator of the negotiation, the Bandaranaike government. The Premier moved against the current and firmly took the reins in his own hands. The documents that established the legal basis for co-operation were signed. The steel and tyre works currently operating in Sri Lanka and built with Soviet aid, that first heavy industry enterprises to be commissioned,

Why Solomon Bandaranaike was murdered. 1003
are the finest memorials to Solomon Bandaranaike; tangible symbols of Soviet-Lankan friendship. A group of projects built in Co-operation With the Soviet Union became the basis of the State Sector of the economy which was likewise founded through the efforts of Bandaranaike. He saw the counter-balance to a dependency on the capitalist West in co-operation with socialist countries.
One of the most important steps undertaken by Bandaranaike in Consolidating Sri Lanka's independence was to close down the British military bases - the naval base at Trincomalee and the airforce base in Katunayake. I recall the meeting held in this connection in Trincomalee on October 15, 1957. Solomon Bandaranaike justifiably called it a "historic" day.
However, Ceylon was still fettered by its British dominion status, so Bandaranaike set about liberating the land from the last vestiges of colonial dependence. But he was not permitted to live to that day. This task was accomplished by his widow-Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike, who was elected Prime Minister of Ceylon in 1960. In 1972 the country became a republic and took the ancient Sinhalese name of Sri Lanka.
JOINING THE CAUSE OF PEACE
Solomon Bandaranaike was a fervent advocate of peace, AS read through a collection of his speeches made both in Ceylon and at international forums, see that his leading idea was always an ardent appeal for peace and co-operation among peoples. "The main thing we need today is peace. Today we cannot think in terms of war. War Will mean the destruction of all mankind", he stated. He believed it was inconceivable to permit contradictions and disagreements - political, economic, ideological or national - to be settled by force of arms, especially nuclear arms. Addressing a U.N. General Assembly session in New York on November 22, 1956 (at the height of the cold war), Bandaranaike said: "We are living today, in fact, in a period of transition between two civilizations, the old and the new. During a periodlike this,

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O)4 Politis ārof ir "Tites
SRI LAN KAN PRESIDENT CHANDRIKA BANDARANAIKE KUMARATUNGA PAYING OBEISANCE TO HER MOTHER, PRIME MINISTER SIRIMAVO BANDAR ANAIKE, ON 16TH NOWEMBER, 1999, AND RECEIVING HER BLESSINGS AT THE PRIME MINISTER'S ROSMEADPLACERESIDENCE, FEFORE HANDING OWER HER NOMINATION PAPER FOR THE FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION TO BE HELD ON 21ST DECEMBER, 1999. MADAM SIRMAW O BANDARANAI KE IS THE FIRST-EWER WOMAN PRIME LLLLLL L LLLLL LLL LLLLL LLLLLLLL L LLLLLLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLLLL IS THE FIRST-EVER WOMAN PRESIDENT IN THE WORLD.
L-FR.: Madam Sirim awo Bandaranalike and MadaT Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaralunga.
Plato, the ancient Greek philosopher (427–347 B.C.), said plainly to Tankind: "Most of the social and political ills from which you suffer are under your control, given only the will and courage to change them. You can live in another and a Wiser fashion if you choose lo ihinkit out and work it out, You are lot awake to your own power".
 

Why Solorilor Bardaranaika Was fiiurdered 1005
all kinds of Conflicts arise, ideological, national, economic, political. That has happened in the past, and in the past those conflicts were settled by Some nice little War here orthere. Today we cannot afford the luxury of War, for We all know what it means. Therefore, the task for us today is a far more difficult one than ever faced mankind before. It is to effect
this transition to some form of stable human society, and to do it arida Welter of Conflicts, with reasonable peace and with the avoidance of Conflicts that burst Out into War".
| remember the speech made by Bandaranaike at a state reception in Colombo. It was at the end of January 1959, Henoted that Ceylon Wasan UnCommitted nation. "I do not like the word 'uncommitted, he said. "We are Committed to the hilt - to peace in a positive form, to friendship amongst all nations and to the peace, the prosperity and happiness of all mankind".
This is the position, it may be affirmed, taken today by the majority of Countries in Wolved in the non-aligned movement as a whole, which has now become an authoritative and influential force. This is evidenced, notably, by the proceedings of the latest, 7th Conference of Heads of State and Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in March 1983 in D.
Banda ramai ke lowed people, and Was reWarded by a bullet. In a resolution adopted on September 26, 1959, the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of Ceylon demanded an exhaustive investigation into the assassination of the Prime Minister. The newspaper Forward, published by the Ceylon communists, portrayed Bandaranaike as an Outstanding political figure who oriented himself On new social forces, although these forces doubted the values of the Social straturn he had emerged from and even challenged the existence of this Stratum. During the three and a half years he was Prime minister, Wrote For Ward, Bandaranaike contributed greatly to the progressive development of the land, even though he did make some mistakes, He raised the Concept of national interests to its proper level, seeing in this

Page 512
|OOS F'Miss är se fr ) " T "TAS
PREMIER CHOUEN-LAOF THE CHINESE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC WAS BORN IN 1896. HE GRADUATED ATNANKA, UNIVERSITY AND WENT TO PARIS TO CONTINUE HIS STUDIES, WHERE HE ORGANIZED A COMMUNIST CELL AMONG CHINESE EXPATRIATES HE RETURNED TO CHINA IN 1923, BECAME COMMUNIST PARTY SECRETARY FOR THE KUANGTUNG REGION AND THEN CHIEF OF THE POLITICAL SECTION OF THE WHAMPOAMILITARY ACADEMY.
Froriser C. J. Er I-II ()5. 13. SEE - M8.07.9 WÉ
Premier Chou Eri-lai took an active part in bringing about the 5 point international treaty of friendship and good relations between China and India. This treaty has been used as a model by other countries for similar treaties. In the 1970s Premier Chou El-lai was in Caylor. The author of this book, T. Duraisingam, the founder of the Left and Communist movement in Ceylon, had occasion to Teel, with his wife, Premier Chou En-lai arid dis CLS5ed with hier political āT][] []thẹT TTlälters {}f L}{IITITT1[]II, IIllEfE5l.
 

Why Solomon Bandararaike was murdered 1007
idea a means for fighting imperialism and for establishing friendly relations with the socialist world. Bandaranaike, continued the paper, was a democrat, one of the most accessible Prime Ministers the country had known. But this meritorious trait of his was a cause of his death.... Hundreds of thousands of people assembled in Colombo to pay their last respects to the memory of their national leader,
The Prime minister was entombed in a crypt built in the town of Horagola, near the grave of his father. The government took the decision to erect a monument with the inscription "In memory of a great patriot".
CONSPIRACY OF REACTIONARES
An investigation into the murder was undertaken. Among the five persons arrested Were the monk Buddharakhita, member of the leadership of the Freedom Party, head of a Buddhist temple at Kelani, Colombo, and a political follower of his, the millionairess widow Wimala Wijewardene, the then Minister of Health. These two were jointly engaged in Big Business Ventures, to further which Wimala utilised her position as a cabinet member. This couple hated Bandaranaike because he had refused to abet their unlawful machinations; together with a Rightist grouping in the government, they sabotaged the progressive reforms the Premier was pressing for. Reactionary circles, closely connected, as the press reported, with the embassies of Western powers, set themselves the task of "eliminating" Bandaranaike. Their criminal plot was confirmed in Court by numerous witnesses, Police officials were also involved in the conspiracy. It was made clear that the inspirer and organizer of the Prime Minister's assassination was Buddharakhita, while police inspector Neuton Perera gave the assassin Somarama the pistol with which Bandaranaike was shot,
The trial Went on for 124 days, Two hundred and five Witnesses Were Called.

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The monk Somarama was Sentenced to death and was executed, while his master, the head of the temple, Buddharakhita, was sentenced to life imprisonment. In 1967 he died in prison. Vimala Wijewardena did not go to prison. It was said that her connections and her millions were responsible for this.
The assassination of Bandaranaike inflicted immeasurable damage to the democratic and national liberation forces of Sri Lanka. His name is linked with those of the outstanding figures in the national liberation and democratic movement of Asia, Africa and Latin America who were the victims of ville assassinations perpetrated by the reactionaries of the World, imperialism and its agents.
It seems to me that the life and activity of Solomon Bandaranaike, whose statue, the work of the Soviet sculptor Lev Kerbel, stands in Colombo, still await their chronicler.
Courtesy: "Forum", Colombo, December 15, 1984

The legacy of N. M. Perera
by Dr. Colvin R. de Silva
It is generally accepted that N. M. left his imprint on a whole era of our politics - an era of profound changes in the history of our country. We shall note here the more important of these changes and the part that N. M. played in bringing them about.
The most profound of the changes of 1931 - 1979 era was the passage of Sri Lanka from direct colonial subjection and rule topolitical independence. We are still working out the consequences of that change.
N. M. left an imprint in that change in that he was a leader of the LSSP in the fight for independence. He was, moreover, a principal Sufferer in that struggle, going to jail, breaking jail and Working illegally in the underground, both in Sri Lanka and India.
A second and from some points of view even more profound change of the post 1931 era, was the emergence of the masses as direct participators and constitutional arbiters in the political process in Sri Lanka.
This was an Outcome of the introduction in 1931 of the franchise for both sexes at the age of 21 years (extended to 18 years in 1958).
N. M. was a pioneer in the task of taking politics to the common man and involving the common man in the political process.
As a politician, N. M. Was also a product of that mass process. He was a product and a leader of the political mass movement in Sri Lanka.
Allied to the second change mentioned above was a third, namely, the transformation of Sri Lanka from a colonial autocracy to a full blown bourgeois democracy of the parliamentary type.
Sri Lanka came to the parliamentary system (1946-7) via the State Council system (1931-46).
We have now changed over from that parliamentary system to a presidential system which has already in its functioning shown that it has a gravely adverse impact on the system of bourgeois democracy which has been developed in Sri Lanka in the course of some thirty years.

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The year of introduction of the present constitution, 1978, marks the end of the era. We are considering,
N. M., was a product and an architect of that era. He was, among other things, a master of the parliamentary art.
It was also in the Course of this era that Sri Lanka became a Well-nigh fully literate country. This was achieved through the introduction and expansion of the free education system (1946).
N. M. was a fighter for a free education system. He wrote a book on the subject while in a detention prison during the War,
In connection with the preceding point there should be Tertioned the added fact that this was an era in which the national languages of Sri Lanka, namely Sinhala and Tamil, Came into their own, They became not only the media of education, giving rise to a SWabasha intelligentsia, but also media of public discussion and the means to a new national Culture.
The Wital new turn these changes gave to Sri Lanka's Social and economic development is perhaps not yet fully realized.
N.M., Went to the masses at meetings and the like in Sinhala, long before the false heroes of "Sinhala only".
He could speak in Tamil also. As is well known he stood firmly for the rights of the Tamil Language, taking a political beating in that Connection. He was a pioneer of the swabasha struggle,
The period in which N. M. Worked witnessed the rise and development of a powerful working class movement in Sri Lanka.
With the growth and expansion in those years of an indigenous Working class in addition to the immigrant workers on the plantations, that class also became Conscious of itself and articulate.
The trade unions became a permanent and important feature of the Socio-economic landscape. Working class political parties arose, developed and multiplied,
The Todern class struggle between the Capitalist class and the Working class came to the foreground of the political picture, occupying that foreground permanently and becoming in many ways the principal Totor force of politics in Sri Lanka,

The legacy of N. M. Parora 1011
GEORGIWALENTINOWICHPLEKHANOW, ONE OFRUSSIA'S GREATPUBLICFIGURES, WASANOUTSTANDING SCHOLAR AND THEORETICAN, RICHLY ENDOWED AND WIDELY EDUCATED, HE WAS RUSSIASPIONEERIN MARXISM, LIKE MANY OF THE BEST PEOPLE OF RUSSIA OF HISDAYS, PLEKHANOW BEGAN HIS PUBLIC ACTIVITY WITH WORK IN REVOLUTIONARY CIRCLES, WITH "GOING TO THE PEOPLE". IN 1880 HE EMIGRATED TO ESCAPE PERSECUTION BY THE TSARIST POLICE, AND SPENT THIRTY-SEVEN YEARS A BROAD. THERE HE GAINED KNOWLEDGE OF THE INTERNATIONAL LA EBOUR MOWEMENT AND GAWE HIMSELF TO THE STUDY OF THE WORKS OF KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS,
Georgy Valentinovich Pekhanay 1855 - 1918
Plekhanov was the first to apply Marxism to an analysis of Russian history and of Russian life. The "Enfancipal for of Labour"group he organised in Geneva in 1883, was the first Russian Marxist group. He wrote the Rosa of the individual in History and other works which had a tremendous influence on the development of Marxism in Russia, Plakhanow committed a number of major political errors (during the revolution of 1905-07, World War I, and during the October Socialist Revolution) which led him to break with the revolutionary Social Democrats - the Bolsheviks - on fundamental questions of programme and tactics and brought him over to the carTip of the opportunists. Lenin fought Plekhanow on this account, yet he recognized the great services Plekhanow had rendered in the past,

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AS is well known, N. M. Stood and worked in the forefront and at the centre of this entire process. The part he played in making the Working class of Sri Lanka conscious of itself and in organising it as a class in trade unions and in political organisations is indelibly inscribed in the public memory.
Finally, two other important changes may be mentioned, both in the field of the economy, N.M.'s political lifetime witnessed a change in the structure of the national economy of Sri Lanka, which is of great importance.
It was the growth to dominance of what is now generally referred to as the public sector of Sri Lanka's economy. Incorporated in this process was the nationalisation process, which reached its high point in the nationalisation of the plantations.
The struggle for nationalisation comprised the whole of N.M.'s political life, it being part of the struggle both for national independence and for socialism - the two great objectives which governed N. M.'s political activities.
ΜΥΤΗ
Last, but not the least, of the deep-going changes during the period in which N. M. lived his political life is the emergence of the rural population to recognised national importance.
There is an actively propagated myth in Sri Lanka that the Marxist parties have neglected the problem of the peasantry. In so far as this concerns N. M., the Marxist leader of a Marxist party, this allegation is totally untrue.
He represented a rural constituency. His political vision encompassed the problems of the nation in all its sectors.
Anyone who reads his many speeches On rural problems, as recorded in Hansards, would realize, how profound was his grasp of rural problems and how consistent and sustained was his struggle on rural issues.
It will be clear from the above how N. M. imprinted himself upon his time. It is a rich legacy that he has left to us.
Courtesy: "Young Socialist"; "The Sunday Observer, Colombo, August 14, 1988.

Ranasinghe Premadasa
by Sergei Bulantsev
A modest ceremony of reopening a Buddhist temple in the vicinity of Colombo, following restoration, was drawing to an end. The guest of honour, President Ranasinghe Premadasa of Sri Lanka, was winding up his speech. The small audience consisted of monks, the President's entourage, a small number of local residents and several pressmen who had come for reasons of protocol rather than in the hope of learning a piece of extraordinary news. But Contrary to expectations, the President made a statement that immediately became known far and wide in the country and beyond its borders: "The last two months have seen a stage-by-stage withdrawal of the Indian peacekeeping forces from Sri Lanka. It is necessary to speed up this process so that by the end of July (1989-Ed.) the last Indian soldier will have left the island".
This happened on June 1, 1989.
They say that it was a great surprise for all those present; the Buddhist monks, the journalists, even the President's close associates, and, of course, the Indian Government. On the One hand, it was an open secret that President Premadasa was an opponent of the IndiaSri Lanka Agreement. During the presidential election campaign he Warned that he would insist on the withdrawal of the Indian forces from the island. On the other hand, his statement on the time-table of the withdrawal came as a bolt from the blue. What made the head of State come up with such a declaration?
People believe it was a slip of the tongue. Others object that slips of the tongue are not in the nature of President Premadasa. He thoroughly prepares his statements, having earned the reputation of a fine speaker who is always in control of the audience. It must have been a "well-prepared improvisation", and its date (June 1) seems to provide a clue to the whole thing.

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1014 POS and Life J. O. T is
Premadasa is known to be a devout Buddhist, fond of visiting Buddhist shrines in Sri Lanka and abroad. He took his presidential oath in the holy Buddhist temple of Kandy in which Buddha's tooth is preserved under three locks in seven golden stupas inserted one into another,
The legend has it that just during a June full moon in the third century B. C. Sri Lanka was visited by the Indian Emperor Ashoka's son, Mahinda, Who Cornwarted its residents into BuddhisT1. This is a major event in Sri Lanka's history. Such an association may seem rather doubtful to people brought up in European traditions, but in the East ever statesmen are prone to "consult the stars and horoscopes before taking important decisions.
Be it as it may, the President's statement in the Buddhistlemple once again showed that utter unpredictability is one of his main traits. Here is one more episode that greatly surprised those who followed the development of Sri Lanka-India relations after Premadasa's unexpected statement. The deadline indicated by him for the withdrawal of the Indian forces Was July 29, the second anniversary of the agreement under which the Indian peace-keeping forces were stationed in the north-east of the island. It was announced in Colombo that on July 28, a day before the deadline, the President would address the nation. Having read the English text of the speech I was one of the foreigners who suspected errors in the translation fror the Sinha lese in it. "I Want", said Prenadasā, "the last soldier of the Indian peace-keeping forces to leave Sri Lanka by the end of July. Today there are 45,000 Indian servicemen in the country. Therefore, it is impossible to evacuate them in a day or two. They Will have to be evacuated by sea. Still I hope that if the withdrawal is stepped up, it will be possible to complete it by the end of July".
To penetrate the logic of his action would probably mean to understand the nature of the leader of the 17-million-strong nation and the problems he faces. The impression that his statements are at times utterly illogical because they damage his own prestige as President and the positions of the ruling United National Party (UNP) is superficial.

Fariasing/7F Fra 177aidasa TOT 5
ON JUNE 01, 1989, PRESIDENTIRANASINGHE PREMADASAMADE THIS ASTOUNDING DECLARATION : "THE LAST TWO MONTHS HAWE SEEN A STAGE-BY-STAGE WITHDR AWAL OF THE INDIAN PEACE-KEEPING FORCES FROM SRI LANKA. IT IS NECESSARY TO SPEED UP THIS PROCESS SO THAT BY THE END OF JULY (1989-Ed.) THE LAST INDIAN SOLDIER WILL HAWE LEFT THE ISLAND"
წწ. სემეს.
Fallasirigha Pre?/11Adasa 23.5, 92 - J.), 993
"I have nover gone back On a profTise given to the people or left the people in the lurch'
— Far7asinghaj Prei! Tiada 5a
President Premadasa having chosen the lesser of the two evils put himself in a corner, the Indians were still on the Island and the parliamentary opposition got a trump card. The opposition leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Chairman of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, who is a highly experienced politician, did not fail to play the trump, saying that not a single condition, put forward by the President, was fulfilled.

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1016 Politics and Life in Our Times
Premadasa was forced by the circumstances to make his statements of June 1 and July 28. He had to choose the least of the tWO evils: either to demand the withdrawal of the Indian forces and aggravate relations with Delhi, or to be ostracized in his own country. In the short period of presidency he came up against a host of political and economic problems. The economic reforms he drafted are clearly misfiring, on the political front, aside from the parliamentary opposition, he faces two mighty adversaries: the Tamil separatist organization Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) and the Singhalese left-wing extremist Janatha Vimukti Peramuna (JVP).
No matter how different they are the main demand of the armed groupings, just like that of the majority of the parliamentary opposition, Was the Withdrawal of the Indian forces. So Premadasa's decision was as this: let the wind of anti-Indian sentiments fill my sail. But having chosen the lesser of the two evils he put himself in a corner: the Indians were still on the island and the parliamentary opposition got a trump card. The opposition leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Chairman of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, who is a highly experienced politician, did not fail to play the trump, saying that not a single condition put forward by the President, was fulfilled.
All these events went to show one more typical feature of Premadasa: he is said to be intolerant of objections, and even hints, that his decision was not the best One.
Premadasa was born on July, 23rd, 1924. As a boy Premadasa studied under the tutorship of a Buddhist monk who had instilled deep faith in him. Later he studied at St. Joseph College, Colombo's leading Catholic educational establishment.
He started his political career in 1950 as a member of a municipal council, and in ten years became an MP. In 1973 he was elected deputy leader of the UNP and in 1977 appointed Minister of Housing and Construction. He is still proud of his work in that post. Subsequently, under President Junius Jayawardene, he became Prime Minister and at parliamentary elections in December 1988, beat his main opponent Sirimavo Bandaranaike, though with a tiny majority.

Ranasinghe Premadasa 1017
His astounding capacity to work is undoubtedly the main factor that propelled him to the post of President. President Premadasa sleeps six hours a day, his working day begins at four a.m., and he demands that the people around him be just as diligent. Having taken office, he surrounded himself with friends who prefer to speak Sinhalese instead of English, the language of Sri Lanka's aristocrats. Premadasa himself speaks Sinhalese, Tamil and English. He is said to be reliable in friendship. If you've been lucky to win his confidence it is for good. But the number of such persons is very restricted.
Premadasa is a vegetarian, he does not smoke nor drinks alcoholic beverages. His almost ascetic way of life has won him favours with the influential Buddhist clergy. He has authored several books, met with enthusiasm by some and with disdain by others.
As President he eclipsed two most prominent figures of the UNP "old guard", offspring of highly-placed aristocratic families. Lalith Athulathmudali, ex-president of the Union of Oxford University Graduates, who held the prestigeous post of Minister of National Security under Jayawardene, became Minister of Agricultural Development and Research. Gamini Dissanayake, who had hoped to be appointed Prime Minister, became Minister of the Plantation Industries. SOOn after the reshuffle it was rumoured in Colombo that Premadasa had, On his own initiative, Set up opposition within the UNP. However, his relations with aristocrats in the UNP are not as simple as it seems at first glance. The "old guard" seemed to have exhausted their resources already under Jayawardene and therefore decided to nominate Premadasa as a leader. His rise came as a result of Crisis in the UNP, which in better times would have never allowed a lower caste member to assume supreme power. But for noblemen the times have changed for the worse and the UNParistocratic leadership stakedon Premadasa's appeal as a representative of the popular masses.
But this plan has obviously fallen through, leaving representatives of big capital, who financed Premadasa's election Campaign, Worried and disappointed. They used to feel secure but Premadasa's policy gives them no confidence in the future.
It is not for nothing that the President has the reputation of "unshakable". It seems, unabashed in face of any bitter truth, whatever the problem, he's got a ready answer and recipe.

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108 Politics aria Life iri Our TIT Jies
PRESIDENT PREMADASA ECLIPSED TWO MOST PROMINENT FIGURES OF THE UNP "OLD GUARD" OFFSPRINGS OF HIGHLY-PLACED ARISTOCRATICFAMILIES. LALITHATHULATHMUDALI, EX-PRESIDENT OF THE UNION OF OXFORD UNIVERSITY GRADUATES, WHO HELD THE PRESTIGEOUS POST OF MINISTER OF NATIONAL SECURITY UNDER JAY AWARDENE, BECAME MINISTER OF AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT AND RESEARCH. GAMIN DISSANAYAKE WHO HAD HOPED TO BE APPOINTED PRIME MINISTER, BECAME MINISTER OF
THE PLANTATION INDUSTRIES.
Ga/77iri Dissarayake "J.J.3, P-42 - 24. 0.
He was a fiery orator, who inspired awe in opponents. Yet he retained a great democrat and believed in the people. He was an epitome of goodwill, sincerity, friendship, selflessness, and gratitude, all rolled into one, He set an example for all of us as regards how to succeed in life. He moved with kings but never lost the common touch.
— Halfriya swasa Carī darlarda 771Er
 
 
 
 

Farasingfie FrEr77 adasa TO1 9
Premadasa was elected largely due to the support of the poorest woters whom he won over by generous promises of bread and housing. JanasaWya, the programme put forward by him is actually an ideology, not simply a programme of Combating powerty. The bait Was taken by the poor people who are not versed in economics, but the economists had their doubts, and his political opponents received it with Open ridicule.
What is the essence of this programme? To put it in a nutshell, the programme aims at "putting on their feet" within two years 1.4 million most needy families receiving now food Coupons. But how? By paying to each family with a monthly income of below 750 rupees, a 2,500 rupees Subsidy in Cash, food and Consumer goods. About half of the subsidy will be transferred to their bank accounts, so that in some two years the family Could start a Small business, JanasaWya's purpose is to enable a great number of Small producers to make a living.
At its initial stage, implementation of which has already been postponed several times, the programme will embrace 192,000 poorest familias, which Carlot Tlake EJC til er dS T t.
But the first problem is: whence the money? The "unshakable" President says: "I shall get the money, after all, I shall invent it." And that's What worries the economists, in particular the experts of the International Monetary Fund which is in no hurry to offer Credits to Sri Lanka.
Their concern is only natural: the great "invented" paper money supply would inevitably step up inflation which is already accelerating. The second problem: the incomes of many families of drivers, dress-makers, ewer soldiers and police Ten are above 750 rupees, but far less than 2,500 rupees and so they will not be within the Scope of Jamasawya. This may prove to be a social "time bomb", those Working by the sweat of the brow will be getting less than those who are entitled to assistance. So Premadasa with his JanasaWya has found himself in Tid-air.
The President continues to stick to his other promise that helped him to win the election: to provide housing for a million of poor people by the end of the decade.

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1020 Politics and Life in Our Times
The unrealistic nature of Premadasa's promises may be somehow explained if we take into account the struggle he has to wage On three fronts.
Let us start with his diplomatic duel with Delhi. In spite of the President's demands, the withdrawal of the Indian troops from the country's north-east was postponed. Although this question was not the central issue of the election campaign, Rajiv Gandhi could not risk his reputation in the Tamilnad State with its population of 60 million. Had he pulled the troops out within that period, the opposition would have immediately accused him of giving the green light to the massacre of Tamils, inhabiting North-eastern Sri Lanka.
This problem is closely linked with the situation on the other two fronts. The armed opponents of the government - the JVP and until recently the LTTE - both strongly demanded an immediate withdrawal of all Indian troops from the island. If Sri Lanka has a sophisticated politician, capable of a balancing act on a tight rope between Delhi, the LTTE and the JVP, it is not Premadasa.
The LTTE emerged as a separatist organization, Coming out for the creation of an independent Tamil state in the north-east of the island. However, with the arrival of the Indians in 1987, in keeping with the India-Sri Lanka agreement, the "Tigers" appear to have revised their positions or, at least changed their tactic.
in 1989, the LTTE leadership held two rounds of talks in Colombo, describing them as sincere and productive. It looks like the LTTE and the government struck a compromise: the "Tigers" abandon their separatist slogans, Colombo grants a maximum of autonomy to the north-east after the withdrawal of the Indian troops. There were even reports that Colombo started supplying the "Tigers" with weapons. Thus, whether India wished it or not, she helped Premadasa neutralize the LTTE for the time being and dispatch his 40-thousandstrong army against another dangerous foe - the JVP, rejecting so far political contacts with the government.
It is from here that Premadasa faces the most serious challenge to his rule. Realistically assessing the JVP potential, the President, as soon as he took his post, released from prison some 1,800 suspected members of the JVP. However, this gesture of goodwill did not placate

Ranasinghe Premadasa 1021
the "revolutionary" ambitions of the JVP leftist leadership. This organization seems to have everywhere its "own people" and supporters, especially among the youth in the country's south.
Social contrasts in Sri Lanka are striking: according to the 1985 data, 10 per cent of its population accounts for 49 per cent of all incomes, while 40 per cent of the country's poorest section earn a mere 7 per cent of the incomes. Statistics show that the gap between the rich and poor is steadily widening.
Janasawya, Premadasa's pet brainchild was supposed to reduce the flagrant disproportions and thus take the wind out of the sails of left extremism. However, JanasaWya is likely to produce an opposite effect and promote the JVP's propaganda aimed to involve the lowest-paid brackets of workers and employees in strikes. The JVP today has such a clout that, according to local observers, it can challenge Premadasa's power. It is already called the country's "second government" and each new trial of strength - be it a "general strike" organized by the JVP or a "protest day" - invariably wins points for it.
Of course, Premadasa is aware of the changing balance of forces. It is rumoured in Colombo that, trying to placate the JVP, he pretends to appear more anti-Indian and more nationalistic than he really is. He repeatedly intimated that he would like to open talks with the JVP, similar to those he is conducting with the LTTE. Finally, Premadasa is cautiously sounding the JVP top leadership for contacts, but, fearful of a trap, the party is not responding to his initiatives. For the JVP looks upon Premadasa as a nouveau riche, a new Capitalist.
Premadasa, who is also Minister of Defence, hopes for a political dialogue with the subversive elements from the JVP, but his close associate, Foreign Minister Ranjan Wijeratne (also State Minister of Defence) makes no secret of the fact that he expects a military solution of the problem. He is supported by the army which is embittered by the terror campaign launched by the JVP militants against the families of servicemen and policemen.
Thus on all sides Premadasa comes up against knotty problems which are extremely hard to solve and if he resorts to simplified solutions, using surgical techniques, there is no guarantee that surgery will heat
the patient and not complicate his condition.
Courtesy: "Asia and Africa Today", Moscow, June, 1990.

Page 520
The Father Of Free Education
by W. T. A. Leslie Fernando
Today is the 28th death anniversary of Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara known as the Father of Free Education in Sri Lanka. A great statesman and patriot he was also one of the galaxy of leaders who led the national movement in the first half of this century to obtain independence for our country.
Christopher William Wijekone Kannangara was born on October 13, 1886 at Loolbadde in Pas Yodun Korale. He was a child of 12 years when his father who was a clerk lost his employment. This was a big blow to his family with six children who had to struggle hard to make both ends meet.
SCHOLARSHIP
But Kannangara the brilliant student wrested the much coveted Foundation Scholarship and entered Richmond College, Galle. Richmond at that time was meant for the rich and Kannangara, the poor boy from the village, was often looked down upon.
The experiences in his younger days might have induced Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara to fight so gallantly for free education in later years for the benefit of the poor students.
Although poor in wealth young Kannangara excelled in studies in class and sports in the field. He was often the first in class and he passed the Cambridge Senior in 1903 placed in the first division. He obtained highest marks for mathematics among the students of the whole of British Commonwealth and brought honour not only to Richmond but to the Whole of Sri Lanka.
After leaving school he served as a teacher at Prince of Wales College, Moratuwa and then at Wesley College, Colombo.
While teaching at Colombo he attended the Law College and passed out as a lawyer in 1910. He commenced practice in Galle and soon earned a reputation as a clever lawyer.

The Father of Free Education 1023
Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara entered the national arena as an active member of the Temperance Movement initiated by patriots like F. R. Senanayake, Sir Baron Jayatilleke, D. S. Senanayake, Arthur V. Dias and Piyadasa Sirisena. In the 1930s he followed Dr. P. de S. Kularatna, Dr. G. P. Malalasekera, E. W. Adikaram and others who introduced 'banian and cloth' as the national dress. Since then throughout his career, Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara never appeared in Western Suit.
Dr. Kannangara was a founder member of the Ceylon National Congress the main plank of which was to obtain independence for Sri Lanka. In 1924 Dr. Kannangara was elected to the Legislative Council to represent the Galle District.
In 1931. Dr. Kannangara was made the president of the Ceylon National Congress. The same year under the Donoughmore Constitution, he was elected to the State Council as the member for Galle. In 1936 he was again elected to the State Council but this time as the member for Matugama. He was the minister of education in the State Council from 1931 to 1947.
Higher education at that time was the exclusive preserve of the rich. It was in English and fees were charged for it. University education was beyond the reach of even those with an average income. The poor had to be satisfied at most with secondary education.
it was in this situation that on the initiative taken by A. Ratnayaka, the member for Dumbara in the State Council, that a special committee headed by Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara on education recommended free education.
VESTED INTERESTS
Whan Dr. Kannangara presented the Free Education Bill in the State Council, he had to face severe opposition from the vested interests. He anticipated such opposition and was ready to meet them.
Some of the Critics of free education suggested instead Scholarships to poor selected by a competitive examination. This would have been a mere patchwork to maintain the status quo. The affluent with money, influence and better English could have easily outrivalled the poor in various fields. Dr. Kannangara and other sponsors of free education were too clever to be trapped in that manner.

Page 521
1 024 Follt: a 17d Life írt CUr I írt 7E3
A GREAT STATES MAN AND PATRIOT, HE WAS ALSO ONE OF THE GALAXY OF LEADERS WHOLED THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE FIRST HALF OF THIS CENTURY TO OBTAIN INDEPENDENCE FOR OUR LLLLLLLLLS S L LLLLLLaL LLLLL LL LLL LLLL LLLLL LLLLLLLKaLLLLLLL EXCELLED INSTUDIES IN CLASS AND SPORTS IN THE FIELD, HE WAS OFTEN THE FIRST IN CLASS AND HE PASSED THE CAMBRIDGE SENIOR IN 1903 PLACED IN THE FIRST DI WISION. HE OBTAINED HIGHEST MARKS FORMATHEMATICS AMONG THE STUDENTS OF THE WHOLE OF THE BRITISH COMMON WEALTH AND BROUGHT HONOUR NOT ONLY TO RICHMOND BUT TO THE WHOLE OFSRI LANKA.
3. U. IBB – 23. g. 1959
Dialectical Materialism has its origins in the dialectical methods of Socrates, the famous Greek Philosopher, This theory was developed by Marx and Engels and now the philosophy of communism, it rejects all Supernatural explanations of the universe and holds that, matter and all phenomera, develop by processes in Which the succession of thesis, anti-thesis and synthesis is typical, the last occurring as a sudden or revolutionary leap rather than by gradual evolution.
 

Thit Fallitir Lif Free Eitil Luitg|IIt is i 1025
Some others queried why free education should be extended to the rich, Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara who had to undergo many difficulties and suffer harassment as a poor student explained that he did not want to hawe class distinctions in educatiom and Create SECOnd claSS StudertS,
LLaLLLLL LLGLLL LgLmLa LLLLLLaL LLLLLLta LLLLLLL LLLL LLG LLLLLLaL LLLLLL GaL youths to pluck the yield in their estates. That was the very type of inequality of opportunity the free education scheme aimed to eliminate.
Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara and his supporters carried out a vigorous campaign all over the country for free education. They held meetings and answered all the arguments levelled against the Scheme and disabused the minds of Critics. They explained the benefits of free education to the masses and generated a strong public opinion in its favour. Dr. Kannangara then Won Over the members of that august assembly and saw the Free Education Bill passed in the State Council,
LaLLLLL LLLLLLL S LLLLLLL LLL LLLL SLLLL LLL LLLL aLaL Price", brought about a social revolution in Sri Lanka. It opened wide the doors of higher education to the poor, Education was made free from Kindergarten to the University,
CENTRAL SCHOOLS
Along with free education Central schools were opened allower the Country with a greater Concentration on rural areas, Scholarships from the 5thstandard up to the university providing free board and lodging, besides free education were endowed on poor talented children Selected by a competitive examination. Thus the Way was prepared for those poor but clever children who earlier had only a bleak future to reap the benefits of higher education.
The parents of those poor offspring who could not afford higher education for their clever children shed tears of joy when the free education scheme was implemented.
(The Writer is High Court Judge, Antipara.)
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, Sapielber 23rd, 1997.

Page 522
Christian leader of Hindu Tamils
Written on the occasion of the 99th Birth Anniversary of S. J. W. Chelvanayakam
by D. B. S. Jeyaraj
On September 6th, 1997, Lalith Athulathmudalithen Minister of Trade said in Parliament "Samuel James Velupillai Chelvanayakam was born in Ipoh.....Ipoh is known as the cleanest City in Malaysia. Perhaps it was in the fitness of things that Mr. Chelvanayakam's life was marked by a cleanliness unknown in contemporary politics". Athulathmudali was speaking on the vote of Condolence for S. J. V. Chelvanayakam. Then J. R. Jayewardene, then Prime Minister, also spoke on the vote of condolence for the FP and later TULF leader. He said "I have not met anyone in my community or any other community who said that Mr. Chelvanayakam would let you down". These sentiments were merely endorsing what veteran journalist Mervyn de Silva had written in 1963: "For all his physical frailities he is known as the uncrowned king of the North. Chelvanayakam's antagonists will willingly testify to his integrity".
Samuel James Velupillai Chelvanayakam was born 99 years ago in Ipoh, Malaysia on 31st March, 1898. His birth centenary year began last week. He was from Thellippalai in Jaffna. His father Viswanathan Velupillai was a businessman in Malaysia. SJV's mother Harriet Annamma's maiden name was Kanapathipillai. When Chelvanayakam was four years of age the family with the exception of his father movcdback to Thellippalaiso that the children could obtain a good education. SJV a protestant Christian attended Union College, Thellippalai, St. John's College, Jaffna, and finally St. Thomas's College, (STC) Mt. Lavinia (located at Mutwal then). Later his first cousin Anandanayagam became warden of the same institution. At STC Chelvanayakam was a contemporary of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike with whom he was to cross swords politically many a time later.

Christian leader of Hindu Tamils 1027
Chelvanayakam first graduated as an external student of the London University. He got a B.Sc. He then began teaching at St. Thomas's College, Mt.Lavinia. Later he moved to Wesley College as a teacher. While teaching he pursued studies in law and soon enrolled himself as an Advocate of the Supreme Court. He confined himself to Civil matters mainly and built up a lucrative practice. He became a respected civil lawyer and took silk in due course. In 1927 he married Emily Grace Barr Kumarakulasinghe the daughter of Kumarakulasinghe the "Maniaghar" (Administrative Chief) of Thellippalai. He donned the Tamil national dress"Verti" and "Salvai" at his wedding instead of western attire as was customary of the elite then.
Chelvanayakam's love for the Tamil language and Tamil culture was not artificially constructed for political purposes. It was more a deep-seated natural emotion. Even before entering politics he would always refer to himself as a man from Jaffna. He wore the Verti at home as far as possible. Except on legal or official business or at mixed social gatherings he always conversed with fellow Tamils in Tamil. Although not a scholar he was also familiar with ancient Tamilliterature. Chelvanayakam was also extremely appreciative of Carnatic Music and Bharatha Natyam.
What is remarkable about this affinity for Tamil culture on the part of Chelvanayakam was his equally Committed conviction and adherence to his Christian beliefs and faith. He was a practising member of the Church of South India, Jaffna Diocese. In Colombo he attended the Anglican Church but after the CS opened a Church in Wellawatte opted to worship at that Church. His Christianity inspired his political mission.
Although his Christian names were Samuel and James the Biblical figure that had great impact on him was Moses. Chelva saw himself as some kind of latter-day Moses whose mission was to deliver his persecuted people from political slavery into the promised land of milk and honey. In fact at Chelvanayakam's memorial service at the CS Church in Wellawatte, Bishop D. J. Ambalavanar delivered a moving eulogical sermon under the text"Let my People Go". The Biblical verses invoked were from the Old Testament pertaining to Moses, Pharaoh and the Israelites in Egypt.

Page 523
1028 Folitics adj Life ir7 COLLI r I ir | 735
CHELVANAYAKAM'S LOVE FOR THE TAMIL LANGUAGE AND TAMIL CULTURE WAS NOT ARTIFICIALLY CONSTRUCTED FOR POLITICAL PURPOSES. IT WAS MORE A DEEP-SEATED NATURALEMOTION. EVEN BEFOREENTERING POLITICS, HE WOULD ALWAYS REFERTOHIMSELF ASA MAN FROM JAFFNA. HE WORE THE WERTI AT HOME AS FARAS POSSIBLE, EXCEPT ON LEGAL OR OFFICIAL BUSINESS OR AT MIXED SOCIAL GMTHERINGS HE ALWAYS CONVERSED WITH FELLOW TAMILS INTAMIL. ALTHOUGHNOTA SCHOLAR, HE WAS ALSO FAMILIAR WITH ANCIENT TAMILLITERATURE CHELWANAYAKAM WAS ALSOEXTREMELY APPRECIATIVE OF CARNATIC MUSIC AND BHARATHA NATYAM.
The T. L. L. F. lgadors having a disscussion.
L-R. S. Thondaman, A. Amirhalingan, Dr. Neelan TiruohelvarT and
M, Sivasilhamparan.
The Word insurgent is derived from the Latin surgera, to arise. One who rises in revolt. This is one of serveral terms, such as bandil, loyalist, partisan, resistanco-worker, revolutionary and terrorist, which Tay be used to describe a person who employs force to attack the established Order. Unlike these other terTIS, however, the term insurgent does not in itself suggest either praise or blame,
 

Christian leader of Hid Tails 1029
Chelwanayakam's political co||eagues hawe noted that attimes of doubt and indecision about Certain political issues, Chelwa Would retire quietly for meditation and prayer. This strengthened his will and reinforced his resolve. Once he arrived at a decision after prayer, he Would stick to it firmly and Would not yield to any Compromise thereafter.
Despite this Christian Conviction he had also absorbed much of the Hindu ethos having grown up in a predominantly Saivite environment. Also many of his close relatives were Hindus. His attachment to Tamil culture also nurtured an affinity towards the Hindu ethos. This enabled him to claim to those rear and dear to him that he was a Christian by religion and a Hindu by Culture.
Again it must be emphasised that this was not an affected position caused by political expediency. S. J. W. Chelwanayakam's Parliamentary constituency Kankesanthurai as Well as the Sri Lankan Tamil people in their entirety were pre-dominantly Hindu, Although Chelwanayakari had an empathy towards his fellow Hindu Tamils, it was not something cooked up to Cultivate political support. This was something inculcated in him long before even thinking of embarking on a political career.
The reality was that he newer compromised on his religious principles for political gain, His "Christianity" was used against him by political opponents time and again. His Tamil political rivals raised the religious Cry overtly and covertly many times on both electoral and national levels. He was portrayed as the Christian outsider trying to usurp rightful Hindu leadership. In 1952 it was stridently harped upon When the Federal Party first faced the hustings. After 1956 no Tamil politician of any standing dared to raise the anti-Christian cry against him openly but covert Whisper campaigns were afoot.
The only exception perhaps was Prof. C. Sunderalingam, who had spearheaded the anti temple entry movement at the historic Maviddapuram Kandaswamy temple in 1968, His role had gained him the support of many caste Conscious upper caste Hindus of the area Which fell under the Kankesanthurai electorate. SJW and the Federal

Page 524
1030 Politics and Life in Our Times
Party had generally kept aloof of the controversy but had extended moral Support to those so-called low caste Tamils demanding the right of entry into the temple. Sunderalingam hoped to cash in on the resentment in conservative Tamil circles over Chelvanayakam's non involvement in the issue despite being the MP. So he whipped up a nakedly anti-Christian campaign against Chelvanayakam. An aggressive aspect of that campaign was Sunderatingam driving up to any group of bystanders in the electorate and exhibiting a silver "VEL" (a javelin like weapon in the hands of Lord Muruga) and a wooden cross. He would hold them aloft and ask loudly "Vela? Siluvaia?" meaning do you want the Vel (Hindu) or Cross (Christian). The overwhelmingly Hindu voters of KKS elected Chelvanayakamthat year in a fitting reply.
Chelvanayakam held the Kankesanthurai constituency from 1947 to 1977 with two breaks in between. The first was from 1952 to 1956 when he lost to S. Natesapillai of the UNP. The second was from 1972 October to February 1975 when he resigned his seat and challenged Mrs. Bandaranaike's government to hold a by-election as a means of testing whether the Tamil people accepted the 1972 constitution or not. After postponing the elections for a long time the Government held it finally in 1975 where the Kankesanthurai voters re-elected Chelvanayakam with a thumping majority of more than 16,000 votes.
Chelvanayakam's only electoral defeat was in 1952. The Federal Party had just emerged and the Tamil voters were not that enamoured of it's policies then. G. G. Ponnambalam, a minister in the UNP government, was still the dominant figure in Tamil Politics. Chelvanayakam, as the leader of the fledgeling party, was constrained to campaign more in other electorates where the party, fielded candidates than in his own. Moreover it was an open secret that Natesapillai if elected was certain to become a UNP minister. These were all reasons in favour of Natesapillai (son-in-law of Sir P. Ramanathan) being elected. In addition to this, the religious card was also used against Chelvanayakam publicly and privately.

Christian leader of Hindu Tamils 1031
During the campaign all Federal Party candidates went to the Nallur Kandswamy temple for a special pooja. SJV also went and waited bare-bodied with respectfully folded hands. Former Kayts MP, V. Navaratnam wanted Chelvanayakam to be photographed as accepting the "Kalanchi" a sign of Hindu religious adherence. This was a bid to diffuse anti-Christian tensions in the electorate and portray Chelvanayakam as a man who observed Hindu rituals despite being a Christian. Chelvanayakam refused saying that while he respected the Hindu religion he would not stoop to pretensions of worship. He would lose the election rather than winning through such a ruse he Said. So lose he did.
Yet the same man whose religion proved a handicap in 1952 went on to win six more elections in KKS continuously in 1956, 1960 March, 1960 July, 1965, 1970 and 1975. This he did without compromising on his religious principles or resorting to religious charades. There were also efforts made to undermine the Federal Party credibility by political rivals who raised the Christian bogey questioning Chelva's right to lead the Hindu majority Tamils. Chelvanayakam's able "Hindu" lieutenants countered this type of propaganda effectively.
Chelvanayakam's spate of victories in Kankesanthurai (83% Hindu, 16% Christian) were all the more remarkable from another point of view too. Chelvanayakam was not the conventional MP attending to the day to day needs of the people. He concentrated more on the overall problems of the Tamil people. Later deteriorating health kept him away from the electorate too. Despite all this the KKS voters Continued to elect him. Former Senator and Ex-Chairman of the Jaffna DDC, S. Nadaraja was of yeoman service and more or less functioned as the unofficial MP for Kankesanthurai.
The Federal Party continued to be the dominant political force among the Tamils, notwithstanding Chelvanayakam's religion. Subtle attempts however continued. One was the Tamil Congress demand for a Hindu University in Jaffna as opposed to the FP demand for a Tamil University in Trincomalee.

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1032 PJMFif*5; Éqrri LVEg i J (C)Lur" TrT?éaS
This was a blatant move airlined at embarrassing the FP and Chelwanayakamon religious and regional lines, it was also a manouevre calculated to appeal to the Hindu Jaffna voter.
Even as Tamil political rivals attempted to undermine or replace Chelwanayakam's leadership certain Sinhala sections also sought to question his leadership credentials. They attempted to discredit him on the grounds that he a Christian was not the proper representative for the Hindu majority Tamils. Yet Chelwanayakarin Wassure of his ground as he had been elected Continuously without having to compromise on religion. These wictories were also a tribute to the basically secularist attitudes of the Tamil people and the essence of tolerance prevalent in the Hindu religion,
A case in point was the reply proffered to a letter Written by the Wen, Hewanpola Ratnasara Theroin the "Ceylon Daily News" of 3 Oct., 1970, Chelwanayakam wrote "you referred to my religion as Christian and therefore had little in common with Tamils who were mainly Hindus by religion, it stands to the credit of the Hindu people that they have not forced me or other Christians to change our faith before We lead them", This was an obvious reference to the "Donough more Buddhists" phenomenon when some Sinhala Christians became Buddhists to improve their electoral chances after universal franchise was introduced under the Donoughmore constitution, There was some communication on these lines between Chelwanayakam and the government in the 1960-65 period too.
It should be noted that the anti-colonialist nationalist revivals of the Sinhala and Tamil people had certain similarities and differences. A Thoot point was that of religion. Revivalism initiated by Anagarika Dharmapala and Arumuga Nawalar was religion oriented and rewolved around the Buddhist and Hindu religions respectively. The Continuation of this reviwalist process in the post Independence period however saw a major difference, Sinhala political discourse continued in the same Wein with Sinhala Buddhist nationalism becoming the dominant ideology among the Sinhala people.

LCHLLLLLLL LLLLCLLL LL LYaLL LLMLLLLL 1033
THE CENTRE FOR THE ALL CEYLONTAMIL CONGRESS AND FOR THE FURTHERANCE OF THE TAMIL CAUSE WASAT No. 156, HULTSDROF STREET, COLOMBO 12, THE SPACIOUS HOUSE AND OFFICE OF S. SIWASUB RAMANIAM, PROCTOR AND NOTARY. APART FROM BEING AN EXPERIENCED LAWYER, HE WAS A WELL KNOWN POLITICAL THINKER AND WRITER AND HINDURELIGIOUS WORKER. THE TAMIL CONGRESS INITIATED THE MOVEMENT FOR THE CAUSE OF THE CEWLONTAMLS. HE WASA FOUNDER MEMBER AND FORMANY YEARS
THE SECRETARY OF THE TAMIL CONGRESS,
S. SiyaSubra manian |89.9 - 1985,
S, J. W. Chelwanayakart and many others were brought in to Work for the Tamil cause by "Aiya". S. Siwasubramaniam and in the case of the author of this book, T. Duraisingam, he encouraged and inspired him to Work for the Colombo Wivekananda Society and for Hinduslim in general, Not only was Aiya's house spacious, his heart too was equally spacious and his opinions were liberal,

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1034 Politics and Life in Our Times
In the case of the Tamil people who saw themselves as the victims of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism the reaction was different. Their response was basically linguistical and not religious. When Tamil nationalism arose in defiance of Sinhala nationalism it became more secular. It was nota Tamil Hindu nationalism. There are many reasons for this but two significant causes contributing to this were S. J. V. Chelvanayakam and Rev. Fr. Thaninayakam, the Tamil Catholic Scholar. Father Thaninayakam spearheaded a Tamil cultural revival by promoting a worldwide interest in Tamil studies. This made the Tamil proud of his or her glorious heritage. Chelvanayakam led the Tamil political movement against the imposition of Sinhala. His presence as the great helmsman of the Tamil ship saw him charter a course of secular Tamil nationalism centered around language. The assertion of linguistic nationalism was successful enough not only to embrace Tamil Hindus and Christians but also include the Muslims too at a particular period under the concept of "Tamil speaking people".
The man who advocated Tamil rights with a missionary zeal was not one who engaged himself in politics willingly. Chelvanayakam's ambition was to mount the Supreme Court Bench. Circumstances beyond his control or in his view God's plan for him led him to politics. Later, an opportunity arose where becoming a Supreme Court Judge was very possible.
The tumultuous Donoughmore era, Chelvanayakam While observing political developments keenly kept aloof of Tamil politics. He first showed an open interest in politics in the forties when he accosted G. G. Ponnambalam at the Colombo Law Library and voluntarily affixed his signature to a memorandum being sent to Whitehall on the Tamil question. Thereafter Chelvanayakam began involving himself more closely with Tamil political affairs and became active in the Tamil Congress. Sivasubramaniam, the father of former Kopay MP Kathiravelpillai, was instrumental in persuading him to enter active politics. Chelvanayakam was part of the delegation led by G.G. Ponnambalam, that made representations to the Soulbury

Christian leader of Hindu Tamils 1035
Commission. Soon Chelvanayakam began immersing himself in Tamil Congress activities and by 1946 was considered the "vice captain" of Ponnambalam. Jane Russel describes this development in her book "Communal politics under the Donoughmore Constitution" in the following manner:
"The emergence of S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, a Christian and a Colombo lawyer as Ponnambalam's second-in-command was significant. Unlike Ponnambalam who was concerned largely insatisfying his personal ambitions for power, Chelvanayakam was seriously concerned with the political effect of the Sinhala Buddhist cultural resurgence on the future of the Ceylon Tamils. Chelvanayakam was a thoughtful man; as a politician he displayed the integrity which Ponnambalam lacked. His Tamil communalism was not the froth of an opportunist but a deeply felt and considered judgement backed by an appreciation of Tamil culture which amounted to blind loyalty. Chelvanayakam's attachment to the Ceylon Tamil culture came much close to a true Tamil nationalism and his gloomy views and oracular attitude proclaimed him the heir to the aged Ponnambalam Arunachalam who had turned in his bitterness from the ideal of a united Lankato the concept of a Tamilnad or pan-Tamilian state in his solstitial years. Although S. J. V. Chelvanayakam did not present a differentiated policy to that of G. G. Ponnambalam in 1947, his political approach augured a radical change in the tone and demeanour of Ceylon Tamil politics in the post independence period". In 1947 the Tamil Congress contested elections to Parliament and won seven seats. Chelvanayakam himself contested and won Kankesanthurai polling 12,126. He defeated both Nagalingam of the LSSP and Natesapillai of the UNP. Soon political differences began erupting between Ponnambalam and Chelvanayakam over the future course of the Tamil Congress. Prof. A. J. Wilson, son-in-law of Chelvanayakam, in his book "S. J. V. Chelvanayakam and the crisis of Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism, 1947-1977" describes the situation thus

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"Ponnambalam interpreted the mandate of responsive cooperation with progressive minded Sinhalese parties, received at the general election of 1947 as an authorisation to the ACTC by the Tamil electorate to secure portfolios in the cabinet, where a Tamil presence would enable Tamil problems to be aired and benefits obtained for the Tamil areas. Chelvanayakam for his part preferred to use Tamil cooperation as a lever to obtain an acceptable resolution of Tamil concerns relating to citizenship rights for the Indian Tamil plantation workers, parity of status for the Sinhala and Tamil languages, an acceptable national flag for the new State and the cessation of state-aided Colonisation of the Tamil speaking areas with Sinhala colonists. He wanted these preconditions satisfied. Most important he wanted a constitutional assembly Convened to determine the Island's future Constitutional structure. Ponnambalam did not obtain these guarantees".
Even after Ponnambalam became a minister and voted with the Government on citizenship issues, Chelvanayakam did not break away immediately. Instead he dilly-dallied as to whether he should remain within Tamil Congress ranks and fight it out with Ponnambalamor whether he should form a new political party. Finally he broke away with Kopay MP Vanniasingham and Senator E. M.V.Naganathan. The Federal Party or "lankai Thamil Arasu Katchi" in Tamil was launched in 1949 December.
Chelvanayakam and his party ushered in an ideological shift in Tamil politics. He formulated Tamil nationalism on linguistic lines and channelled that into a clearly demarcated territory thereby providing a territorial dimension. The Northern and Eastern Provinces Were the traditional homelands of the Tamil speaking people. These provinces would form an autonomous Tamil state (Tamil Arasu). This state would come into a federal arrangement with the residual Sinhalastate and remain within a Ceylonese union. The party sought equality of status for both the Sinhala and Tamil languages. This demand was not for the Ceylon Tamils alone but for all Tamil speaking people such as the Muslims and the UPCountry Tamils. The party was also against the demographic structure of the Tamil traditional homeland being altered through Sinhala Colonisation.

Christian leader of Hindu Tamils 1037
In 1952 the fledgeling party did not fare well and won only two seats Vanniasingham in Kopay and Rajavarothayam in Trincomalee. Another FP backed independent won in Batticaloa and crossed over to the UNP the following day. Chelvanayakam as mentioned before lost too. SJV's views on the dangers facing the Tamil people did not find a responsive chord in the community then. But as Sinhala Buddhist nationalists began gaining ground in the South, a corresponding Tamil nationalism too gathered momentum in the Tamil areas. Soon the increasingly alarmed Tamil people began to look upon Chelvanayakam as a prophet who predicted this impending doom and felt that he was the saviour who could lead them at this critical juncture. The meek and mild Chelvanayakam was becoming the single most popular mass figure in Tamil politics.
1956 was the watershed. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike swept the polis in the South on the Sinhala only platform while the Federal Party won six seats in the North and Four in the East. The Federal Party under Chelvanayakam began a new culture of political protest. That was "Non-violent agitation" modelled on Gandhian philosophy. The first major demonstration was the Satyagraha launched on Galle Face Green when Parliament was debating the Official Language Act. Thugs and hoodlums backed by politicians in power set upon the Satyagrahis and mercilessly assaulted them while the police watched with their "hands tied". Chelvanayakam's son himself was assaulted in front of the father while SJV sat unflinching. The Tamil poet Kasi Anandan immortalised that episode through a poignant poem.
Other non-violent activities such as protest marches, blackflag demonstrations, hartals, boycotts, letter writing campaigns, non Compliance of administrative regulations, tar brush campaigns, Satyagrahas, etc., were continuously launched along with political mass meetings, processions, rallies and conventions.
All these activities made the Tamil People a highly politicised Community. Chelvanayakam was now described as "Thanthai Chelva." and "Eelathu Gandhi" by his followers. "Thanthai" came from the Dravidian movement where the father of the Dravidian movement

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E. V. Ramaswamy Naicker was called "Thanthai" and "Periyar". Chelvanayakam's opponents ridiculed him as the "Kaatsattai Gandhi" (Trousered Gandhi). Most Party followers referred to him as "Periyavar". Chelvanayakam had now acquired cult status and was almost a "Venerated" figure.
Among the agitation conducted by the Federal Party the most notable ones were the anti-Sri tar brush campaign and the mass Satyagraha of 1961.
Chelvanayakam himself was jailed in Batticaloa in 1958 over the tar brush campaign. In 1961 the Northern and Eastern Provinces were administratively paralysed when Tamil Satyagrahis campaigned opposite Govt. Buildings. The Campaign reached it's climax when a separate postal service was set up and a Stamp issued. Finally the Army was called in, Curfew imposed and Tamil leaders including Chevanayakam detained and placed under house arrest. Chelvanayakam along with FP leaders had been detained in 1958 too. Chelvanayakam's strategy when dealing with the Governments in power had been that of agitation Cum negotiation. In fairness to the Federal Party it had despite it's rhetoric and non-violent campaigns been more than willing to talk to the governments in power and arrive at a political settlement. In order to achieve political accommodation Chelvanayakam and the FP compromised to a great extent on their original positions. For instance they were amenable to regional councils and district Councils instead of a formal federal set-up. They were ready to settle for special provisions regarding the use of the Tamil Language instead of rigid official Language Status.
Yet, sadly agreements entered into with two Prime Ministers were honoured in the breach in the face of mounting Sinhala extremist pressure. The Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact of 1957 as well as the Senanayake-Chelvanayakam pact of 1965 if implemented may have resolved the Tamil problem long before it assumed such violent proportions. Likewise if Tamil grievances had been redressed when articulated in non-violent form through leaders such as Chelvanayakam, armed violence need not have risen among Tamil youths.

Christian leader of Hindu Tamils 1039
In spite of Chelvanayakam's apparent failure to resolve the Tamil problem through negotiations the Tamil People did not consider it his fault.
The Tamil People perceived it as the fault of Sinhala leaders who had betrayed Chelvanayakam and by extension therefore the Tamils. Thus Chelvanayakam and the Federal Party could continue to win the bulk of Tamil Parliamentary seats. 10 in 1956, 15 in 1960 March, 16 in 1960 July, 14 in 1965, 13 in 1970.
The FP always justified the contesting of Parliamentary seats on the grounds that Parliament was the supreme forum to articulate Tamil grievances. It also stated that Tamil Unity was essential to prevent divide and rule tactics by the enemy. More importantly it stated that Tamil MPs by forming a bloc would hold the balance of power in a keenly contested parliament. It could therefore bargain from a position of strength.
These tactics succeeded to Some extent in the 1960 March and 1965 elections where the Parliamentary clout of the FP became a crucial factor in the making and unmaking of Governments. The FP however was politically impotent when governments in power had strong majorities. The Federal Party itself reached the zenith of it's Agitation cum Negotiation strategy in 1961 and in 1965-1968.
In 1961 the Satyagraha which paralysed the North-East had demonstrated clearly the depth of feeling in the Tamil community over their legitimate grievances and the wide spread support for the Federal Party. Yet the response was not political accommodation but the use of force to Crush a democratic non-violent movement.
lf 1961 was the high watermark of the FP's agitation strategy the negotiation strategy reached it's peak in 1965. In 1965 the FP became a constituent partner of the National Government under Dudley Senanayake. An FP nominee Senator M. Tiruchelvam became the Minister of Local Government in the cabinet. The expectation was that some form of de-centralisation would be implemented through the District Councils.

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in that sense the FP had exhausted it's strategical options by 1970 and when in that election the Sinhala electorate polarised heavily in favour of the UF government the possibility of bargaining within parliament too was removed. SJV expressed his frustration when he said in a statement that only "God could save the Tamils now". Measures like Standardisation, the new constitution, etc. only aggravated the sense of alienation felt by the Tamils. The Political path pursued by Chelvanayakam no longer seemed relevant or worth emulating. Chelvanayakam's health too began deteriorating. (He suffered from Parkinson's disease). He still remained the supreme leader but Tamil political thought was moving rapidly in a different direction. The new "Manthras" were Thamil Eelam - the separate state and "Ayutha porattam" or armed struggle. A helpless SJV too seemed caught up in the rising tide.
At a protest march led by SJV the police banned it from proceeding further. Chelvanayakam directed his followers to sit down on the road itself and commence Satyagraha. Many obeyed him but a lot of youth refused and wanted to March on and confront the Police. Amirthalingam had a very hard time persuading the youths to sit calmly and finally they obliged for some time. Thus many youths broke out from the Satyagraha and began staging an unauthorised procession in many streets of Jaffna. They were ready to confront the Police but the police "ignored" them. That incident was symptomatic of the growing Youth rebellion and the increasing irrelevance of the old guard.
Chelvanayakam's greatest electoral achievement occurred in
the twilight of his life. He resigned his KKS constituency in 1972 Oct. and challenged the Govt. to an election on the question of the Tamil People accepting or rejecting the new constitution. After considerable delay the by-election was finally held on 3rd Feb., 1975. Chelvanayakam obtained an unprecedented 25,927 defeating V. Ponnambalam of the Communist party by a majority of 16,470.
In 1971 a loose alliance of Tamil political parties was formed. It was called the Tamil United Front. In 1976 the TUF renamed itself as the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). Chelvanayakam,

Christian leader of Hindu Tamils 1041
Ponnambalam and Thondaman were elected as atriumvirate of leaders. The demand for a separate Tamil State was formally adopted. A new phase had begun in Tamil Politics.
Chelvanayakam too espoused the demand for Tamil Eelam. He said that establishing Tamil Eelam was a difficult proposition but the Tamils had no choice if they wished to survive as a nation. He also went on record that only the Tamil youths could through their courage and sacrifice achieve Eelam.
The proponents of Tamil Eelam and the armed struggle consider these statements as the last will and testament of Chelvanayakam. They interpret it as proof that the Tamil Gandhi too was for armed struggle and that Tamil Eelam was his uncompromising position. Two years ago LTTE spokespersons flabbergasted the public of Jaffna when they told a press conference that they were only following the footsteps of Chelvanayakam by conducting an armed struggle for Eelam. They quoted Chelvanayakam in support of their argument.
The question of Chelvanayakam's position on Tamil Eelam and the armed struggle is debatable and subject to the vagaries of various interpretations. What he would have done in the present Context too remains hypothetical 20 years later. Persons close to him feel that he may have used the Eelam demand as a bargaining ploy to achieve Federalism and that he would never, ever have extended support to an armed struggle. No one however has a definite monopoly of the truth in this case and the issue would remain a topic of unresolved academic interest.
S. J. V. Chelvanayakam died twenty years ago on April 27th, 1977. He had a bad fall some Weeks before his death and remained in a coma until his demise. His funeral was an exhibition of a genuine outpouring of collective grief never before seen in Jaffna. The greatest tribute to his memory was however the landslide victory of the TULF three months later in July. The name of Chelvanayakam and his political legacy was evoked to a very great extent in the election campaign.
All shades of political opinion mourned his loss and the views expressed by Jayewardene and Athulathmudali are but a few indicators. This contrasts considerably with earlier views such as:

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THE WHOLE COUNTRY WAS SHOCKED AND GRIEVED AT THE ASSASSINATION OF BANDARANAIKE IN 1959. SOON AFTER THIS THE PEOPLE GATHERED NEAR THE PARLIAMENT BUILDING WHERE THE BODY WAS KEPT FORMOURNERS, TO FILE PAST AND PAY THEIR LAST RESPECTS. PEOPLE STOOD IN GROUPS NEAR BY AND DISCUSSEDTHE DASTARDLYACTANDABOUTTHE CONSECUENCES TO THE COUNTRY AND TO THE PEOPLE. THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, T. DURAISINGAM, WAS FOR A SHORT WHILE IN THE GROUP WHERE S. J. V. CHELVANAYAKAM WAS PRESENT. HE WAS THOROUGHLY SHOCKED AND SHAKEN. HE TOLD ME AND SOME TAMLS AND OTHERS WHO WERE THERE THAT IT WAS A GREAT BLOW TO THE TAMLS AND TO THE OTHERS. I AGREED WITH HIM AND SAID THAT BANDARANAKE WAS A GREAT MAN AND WITH LEBERAL DEAS AND THATHE TRIED HIS BEST TO SOLVE THE TAMIL PROBLEM.
S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike meeting friends and wellwishers after a Parliamentary election victory
The Manifesto of the Communist Party, published in 1848, is the gospel for the communists and for those who believe in Scientific Socialism. This is a political tract written jointly by Marx and Engels, first published in France as a programme for the Communist League, a society mainly of German political emigres; it expounds briefly and passionately the central ideas of Marxism, and has exerted great influence, containing notably an exposition of the Marxist Concept of history, an analysis of the contemporary capitalist society and its "inevitable" class struggles, and a prophecy of the overthrow of the capitalist system.
 

Christian leader of Hindu Tamils 1043
"He is a lean and hungry looking man whom cannot trust" of D. S. Senanayake or S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's comment on Chelvanayakam, "He is surely one of the most dangerous types of human beings in the world, quite in his own way an idealist, sincere, but having no idea whatsoever of reality and the practical side of things. Very dangerous people, such people".
This then was the sad state of affairs that prevailed then. The man who espoused non-violence and displayed the positive attribute of willingness to settle for something far short of his original demands was portrayed as untrustworthy and dangerous. No meaningful attempt was made to settle the problem peacefully with Chelvanayakam then.
Today the memory of Chelvanayakam has practically faded. The younger generation thinks that the struggle began with Prabakharan and does not even know that this man led a non-violent struggle for Tamil rights for nearly three decades. They do not know that this was a leader who was revered as an incorruptible, sincere man who would not let the Tamils down. They do not realise that if Chelvanayakam had not led the struggle in his own manner, there would not have been a Tamil nationalist base for a future armed struggle. The days of Veluppillai Chelvanayakam and his weapons of non-violence are gone and all that remains are the days of Veluppillai Prabakharan and his arsenal of deadly Weapons.
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, April 6th, 1997.

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Next in Succession
"THE PREMIER STAKES, 1952"
by Henry P. Abeysekera
In August 1952, the Trine, a Weekly news sheet published in Serial form a document entitled "Premier Stakes, 1952". The two contenders in the race were the gentle and retiring Dudley Senanayake who had been pushed into the fray willy nilly, and the forth right Sir John Kotelawala, the Leader of the House at the time who, relying on the provisions in the Constitution and Convention, expected the Governor General, Lord Soulbury, to call Lupon him to form the government in succession to the late Prime Minister D. S. Senanayake. Senanayake had passed away on 22nd March 1952 after falling off his horse during his morning ride on Galle Face Green.
The situation that arose then, in regard to the succession was perhaps not second to that which occurred seven years later when Prime Minister Bandaranaike was assassinated, though of a different genre. Back door intrigue as regards Senanayake's successor had commenced earlier when Bandaranaike was in Senanayake's Cabinet, When he was considered Lunduestionably to be the next in succession, In addition to the policy differences that existed between the two at the time, this intrigue was the last straw that broke the camel's back and made Bandaranaike to resign from the UNP in disgust, and go on to lead the SLFP. Had Bandaranaike not been hasty, the history of this Country Would hawe been different.
Bandaranaike Was Over anxious to be Prime Minister so that he could implement the policies which he had planned for the progress of the country, for he keenly felt that the old brigade was not Towing fast епоugh.
A beliewable story in this connection was related to me by his brother-in-law, the late Abraham Livera.

Next in Successor O45
THE CEREMONIAL OPENING OF THE 1ST PAR LAMENT OF INDEPENDENT CEYLONTAKING PLACE ON 10TH FEBRUARY, T948 AT INDEPENDANCE SOU ARE IN THE PRESENCE
OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER
On the left is seen Prime Minister D. S. Seanayake participating in the ceremonial opening. The Kandyan King's throne that was returned to Ceylon is seen on the dais in the background.

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Bandaranaike, thinking that Senanayake was grooming Kotelawala as his successor, had met Sir John and said, "Lionel, my father is very old and is keen to see me as Prime Minister before he dies. You are a younger man and can afford to stand down". Sir John's response had been: "My mother too is old and would be very happy if she could see me as Prime Minister before she dies".
Whether the story is apocryphal or not, it savours of a likely scenario. This sparring between the two hopeful combatants was "actually as a matter of fact", utterly sterile as well as futile, as the real protagonist had not yet openly entered the ring, for Senanayake per Se had other intentions.
His intention was to Create a succession of Senanayake Prime Ministers, or at least better the parallel of the Pitt father and son Prime Ministers in England where the son succeeded the father after an interval, while here, the son would be in immediate succession. The facade he created that he was grooming Kotelawala against Bandaranaike with whom he had serious policy differences, was really a red herring drawn across the trail. Had Bandaranaike had half the patience of the Old Fox, he would have succeeded Senanayake as Prime Minister in 1952. In the event, he would have rued the day that he resigned from the UNP.
His impatience was however not without reason. He was perhaps the only member of the government who recognised the existence of a political undertow that was threatening to engulf them all. He realised that events were moving fast; that the government should not allow events to overtake them; that they should grasp time by the forelock and shape and direct the incipient forces that posed a threat to the country's stability. The quintuple rural mass force, the Buddhist clergy, the Vedamahatmayas, the Registrar Ralahamies, the Vernacular Schoolteachers and the long suppressed volcano of Sinhala Buddhist deprivations through centuries of foreign domination, was already on the brink of explosion. In fact it was too late even when he tried to do so when the mantle of leadership fell on him later and the national tragedy which is being enacted even today, ensued.

Next in Succession 104.7
Lord Soulbury who was away from the island at the time Senanayake died, had left instructions with his locum tenens Sir Allen Rose that in the event of the office of Prime Minister falling vacant, no action should be taken by him but that he (Lord Soulbury) should be sent for, as the late Prime Minister had suggested to him that he should call upon Dudley Senanayake to form the government, as he had no doubt that Lord Soulbury would find that he had the backing of the majority in Parliament. This was announced by Sir Allen at a meeting of Ministers he had Summoned. The fat was in the fire. There was Consternation all round. Sir Allen's proposal to issue a press notice to this effect was shot down by Sir John, but an amended one omitting that part which gave the dead Prime Minister's suggestion, was issued. At an informal Cabinet meeting that followed Sir John suggested that a general election be held immediately. He knew that he would be leading the Party and that the result was a foregone conclusion for the UNP's record up to that time had been clean and there was no opposition party of any stature that could put up a fight or marshal the forces of incipient national and religious discontent.
The SLFP was still in its infancy and far from being in an organised state; moreoverthere was islandwide sympathy for the late leader and the country was likely to back the Party which he had formed andled. Sir John reckoned that when this happened and the Party was returned to power, Lord Soulbury would have no option but to call upon him to form the Government, the late Prime Minister's suggestion to him not withstanding.
But the battle lines within the Cabinet, the party and in fact in the country itself had already been drawn. The split was clear, Sir John vs. Dudley.
According to the Trine monograph, while A. Ratnayake and Henry Amarasuriya had supported Sir John, and Eddie Nugawela, M. D. Banda and Dudley himself had nothing to say, G. G. Ponnambalam's reference to "young blood" clearly indicated where his sympathies lay. Sittampalam, the former Civil Service bureaucrat insisted that the Governor General should stick to the Code and call

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1048 Politics and Life in Our Times
upon the Senior Vice President of the Party and the Leader of the House, Sir John, to form the Government. JR foxy as always, played it both ways saying that unity must be preserved at all costs and that whoever was selected, everyone should back that person.
The Trine records that Sir Oliver had earlier told Sir John: "Lionel, the Old Man has played you out, me too". What Sir Oliver meant by this remark is made sense of in an Editorial of the "People's Voice" of the time which stated in effect that the strategem of Senanayake per se was to appoint Dudley Senanayake as Minister of Agriculture, and when the vacancy for the post of Prime Minister came round, in order to avoid the charge of nepotism if Dudley was appointed to succeed him immediately, Sir Francis Molamure was to succeed for a sort of Regency period and then give way to Dudley. It was to be all so familiar and friendly. When Sir Francis died, this plan misfired and it was next arranged to obtain a safe seat for Sir Oliver in Ja-ela or in the pocket borough of Buttala and for him to be made Prime Minister till Dudley was ready to step in.
The contents of this Editorial can be considered as being more imaginative than factual. It was unfair by the elder Senanayake. It could not be said of him that he would intrigue to this extent to ensure Dudley's succession.
The intrigue continued. For his part, Sir John in his forthright way invited Dudley to dinner at Horton Lodge, his mother's residence and indicated to Dudley where his duty lay.
The Trine records that Dudley had given Sir John a solemn undertaking that he would not accept the Premiership. This news upset the king makers. They re-marshalled their forces and commenced an anti Kotelawala campaign into which the Lake House and part of the London Press too entered, requesting Lord Soulbury who was then returning to the island to call upon Dudley to form the Government.
There was much coming and going between Woodlands and Kandawala and many parties with axes to grind and plans to put in place, intervened. A delegation from the Ceylon Workers Congress whose chief was Thondaman had arrived in Kandawala and promised their support if he agreed to give citizenship rights to the Indian

Next in SucceSSion 1049
community in Ceylon. The Trine records that Sir John gave short shrift to the delegation. "If you had made this offer anywhere else except under my roof would have beaten you within an inch of your life. Your low standard has brought you to the wrong person. How dare you think that for all the world, for any price whatever would ever dream of betraying my country". The delegation had fled in disarray. Sir John was acting in keeping with his family motto: "Always for my country".
Lord Soulbury acting on the suggestion of his friend, the dead Prime Minister, finding that Dudley had the backing of the majority of back benchers, called upon Dudley to form the Government.
So ended a week of events which changed the course of the country's history. Dudley, sincere as always, called for an early election as he wished to test the Wishes of the voters, and was returned with a decisive majority.
The story of the Premier Stakes does not end here. The denouement was still to come. Sir John was both hurt and angry that people whom he thought were his friends had let him down, and that at a time when he was facing the greatest crisis in his political life. At first he refused to serve in Dudley's Cabinet but at the latter's earnest request he agreed, after Dudley had reassured him that the reason for his accepting the Premiership was not that he considered that he was more suitable than Sir John, but that weightier reasons urged upon him by people that mattered had led him to do so.
The appearance of the "Premier Stakes, 1952" in the Trine in August 1952, caused a countrywide furore and even overwhelmed the Cabinet. It was widely bruited that the author of the document, of which several copies were already in private circulation, was none other than Sir John.
The exposures made therein about some members of the Cabinet were such that Sir John could not be permitted to continue as a member, and Dudley was advised accordingly. Sir John was away on official business in the United States at the time. He Was Summoned back and his explanation was called for. A Cabinet crisis of a major nature was brewing.

Page 534
1 Ս5() Postics and Life in Our IsrTes
SIR IM AWO RATWATTE DIAS BANDARANAI KE AND SOLO MAN WEST RIDGEWAY DIAS BANDARANAIKE ARE SEEN HERE IN THE EARLY STAGES OF THEIR MARRIAGE, HAVING TEA AT HOME.
L-R,: Sirimawa Bandaranaike and S. W. R.D. Bandaranalke
One of the most important steps undertaken by Bandaranaike in consolidating Sri Lanka's independence was to close down the British Military naval base at Trincorralee in October 1957, which Soloman Bandaranaike justifiably called it a "historic" day. However, Ceylon was still feltered by its British dominion status, so Bandric:;alke set about liberating the land from the last vestiges of colonial dependence. But he was not permitted to live to that day. This task Was accomplished by his widow - Siri Tnavo Ratwatte Dias Bandaran aikawho was elected Prime Minister of Ceylon in 1960. In 1972 the country became a republic and look the ancient Sinhalese name of Sri Lanka,
- Wladir T7ir Yako WGV,
 

Next in Succession 1051
That ace negotiator and diplomat Sir Oliver took a hand in matters at this stage. He formulated an explanation which, extraordinary as it was in the face of publicly known facts, Sir John surprisingly agreed to publish and more surprisingly was accepted by Dudley.
The communique published by Sir John as Minister of Transport and Works was as follows:
"I returned to the island today in order to discuss with the Prime Minister the situation arising from the publication in a newspaper of the document called the "Premier Stakes, 1952". explained to the Prime Minister that I had nothing to do with the publication. I also deny the truth of the statements in the document attributed to re. The Prime Minister accepted my explanation". A very serious crisis in the Government was thus a Wested.
But J. L. Fernando, a veteran journalist of the time has gone on record as saying that he had in his possession a copy of the "Premier Stakes, 1952" duly autographed by Sir John as the author, which page he had torn out and given to Sir John who had shown it to Sir Oliver later, and tors st to shreds.
Thus was suppressed irrefutable proof of the authorship of the "Premier Stakes, 1952".
Courtesy: "The Sunday Times", Colombo, August 70th, 1997.

Page 535
Reflections on George Rajapaksa
by Sam Wijesinha
One of the most sincere speeches in the annals of our parliament was delivered by a young member on August 22, 1962 during the second reading of the Budget Debate. It was by George Rajapaksa, the M. P. for Mulkirigala who resigned that day from his office of Parliamentary Secretary to Felix Dias Bandaranaike, Minister of Finance in protest mainly against the removal of the rice subsidy to the poor of this country.
Speaking with deep emotion, George said that he was in Parliament not because of any achievement of his own, but because of the services rendered to the peasants of Ruhuna by his late father, D. M. Rajapaksa, a judgement debtor lingering in prison on that election day in 1936. But the people of the Hambantota district voted for him and sent him to the State Council. Until his death in 1945 be fought relentlessly againstall those who were overlording it in the backwoods of Ruhuna, in the hamlets of Hambantota.
On his death the only inheritance he left, George said on the floor of the House, was the rich heritage of his name and the little brown shawl worn round his neck of Kurakkan colour to symbolise the struggle of the peasants of Ruhuna against feudal and official oppression.
Before continuing about George Rajapaksa, whose 21st death anniversary falls on June 18, thought it best to refer to his father D. M., whom knew personally, and place him in the relevant political context lest these recollections of the past beforgotten in the enthusiasm to pride ourselves on the present.
LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
For the first time the Legislative Council of Ceylon had a Member for the Southern Province in 1921. He was Mr. Oswald Tillekeratne. He died in office and was succeeded by Mr. C. W. W. Kannangara. In the Legislative Council of 1924 there were three members for the three

Reflections on George Rajapaksa 1 O53
districts of the Southern Province viz, C. W. W. Kannangara for Galle, Forester Obeysekere for Matara and V. S. de S. Wickremanayake for Hambantota.
With the introduction of adult franchise in 1931, the Southern Province elected seven members viz, H. W. Amarasuriya (Udugama), Robert de Zoysa (Balapitiya), C. W. W. Kannangara (Galle), G. K. W. Perera (Matara), David Wanigasekera (Welligama), S. A. Wickremasinghe (Morawaka), and V. S. de S. Wickramanayake, (Hambantota).
in the 1936 election, only David Wanigasekera retained the
same seat. Hambantota was won by D. M. Rajapaksa who defeated V. S. de S. Wickramanayake (the sitting member) into third place - L. G. Poulier, a Burgher Proctor of Tangalle came second.
D. M. Rajapaksa was not a professional man like the other two candidates who were both outside lawyers at the Tangalle Bar. He was not a rich man. He had his schooling at Richmond College, Galle and later at Wesley College, Colombo. He was not an outstanding student but better in games. The cricket captain of Richmond was then traditionally elected by the team. As there was an allegation of "bribery" against his rival, the Principal of Richmond rewarded D. M. (the losing candidate who should have been elected on merit) by sending him to Colombo where he did well at Wesley. Incidentally, the winning captain, at a parliamentary election in later life, was found guilty of corrupt practices and lost his seat.
Having distinguished himself in cricket, he returned to his home at Buddiyagama, where he took an abiding interest in the people of the area. They were poorlandless peasants with neither adequate irrigation facilities nor outlets for their meagre agricultural products. Their cause was espoused by D. M. who fought not only for them but also against the fading feudalism and the waning "walawwas" of the area. His main target was Mudaliyar Harry Jayawardene of the West Giruwa Pattu who resided in Tangalle.

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1054 Politics and Life in ČOLJr Tir F7Es
GEORGE RAJAPAKSA WAS A CLOSE ASSOCATE OF THE LEFT MOVEMENT AND BECAME A GOOD FRIEND OF THE THEN SOVIET UNION. HE WAS THE PRESIDENT OF THE SRI LANKA, SOWET FRIENDSHIP LEAGUE DURING THE SIXTIES AND ONE WOULD SAY THAT IT WAS IT'S GOLDEN ERA.
Ceorge Rajapaksa 5. 2. 1925 - 1 (J.F. 7
TTCCC YMLMLaL S LLLLLLLLmmLLC LLLLLLaLLLL LLLLL LCL LaLH HH aLC CLLmLLLmLLLL family, which ruled a small district on the Himalayan slopes. He was married at nineteen to a beautiful cousin. He hunted and played and went about in his Sunny World of gardens and groves and irrigated rice fields, And it was amidst this life that a great discontent fell upon him. He felt that the existence he was leading was not the reality of life, but a holiday - a holiday that had gone on too long. The sense of disease and mortality, the insecurity and the unsatisfactoriness of all happiness, descended upon the Irind of Gautama, He is said to have sat all day and all night in profound thought, and then he rose up to inpart his vision to the World.
He went on to Benares and there he sought out and won his disciples to his new teachings. In the King's Deer Park at Sarnath, Benares, they built themselves huts and set up a sort of school to which came many who were seeking after wisdom,
— H. G. MWENIS,
 
 
 
 

Reflectioris con Georgg Fajapaksa 1 Ս55
MUSICANS AND POETS
Proctor W. S. de S. Wickrama na yake was supported by D. M. against the Mudaliyar who had retired to contest the 1931 State Council elections. It was D. M. Who pioneered local musicians and poets at election meetings. He attacked pompous officialdon and the ruthless exploitation of the villager, the oppression and the ill-treatinent of the rural share-Cropper. He attacked the powers in the remote villages, who dressed in brief authority, victimised the helpless, Gradually he became a banner under which the downtrodder could rally and the neglected muster. He became their champion who could challenge the citadels of power.
The Assistant Government Agent at Hamban tota was W. Coomaraswamy of the Ceylon Civil Service. When he was on circuit, a complaint was made to him that Rajapaksa had threatened to shoot one Singho Appu. On his directions the "accused" was produced before him at Middeniya. He said that, all parties being present, he thought it desirable to try the case at once. The A. G. A. Hambantota being also the Additional Magistrate at Tangale, he assumed jurisdiction, recorded the complaint, framed the charge upon which he tried the case and Convicted the accused. On appeal to the Supreme Court, Justice Garwin in Nov. 1928 set aside the proceedings stating that if confidence in the administration of justice is to be preserved even the semblance of unfairness, to which procedure of this nature gives rise, should be avoided.
By 1936 he had gained sufficient confidence to enter national politics and Won the Hambantota seat With the largest majority over any sitting candidate. He represented the people of Hamban tota for nine years until his untimely death of a heart attack in the State Council premises in 1945. He left behind a young family of seven children, all under twenty one years of age, and their wery Courageous mother, This was the late father D.M. Rajapaksa, because of whose services rendered to the peasants of Ruhuna that George was in Parliament, as he recalled With great emotion, When he made his historic speech on August 22, 1962.

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1056 Politics and Life in Our Tinnes
STATELY HOME
I knew George from his childhood. His father D. M. used to send me a ticket to enter the Gallery whenever I went from school to the State Council to watch the proceedings. used to visit George in the Royal College Hostel during the war when it was housed in the stately home "Maligawa" of Sir James Obeysekera.
George scored two centuries for Royal in the match against Trinity in 1943. I saw that memorable feat briefly at Asgiriya. When he captained Royal in 1944, and lost to St. Thomas by an innings. watched that match seated beside D. M. up in the old S. S. C. pavilion. After his father died in May 1945, George entered the University of Ceylon a few months later and the Ceylon Law College in 1946.
George was a diligent, hard-working student who realised his responsibilities on the death of his father who left no rich fortune but a legacy of an illustrious name. He quickly passed his Advocates' Finals, and took to the legal profession. His legal acumen and political sagacity made him an excellent criminal lawyer. Soon he had the bulk of the criminal court practice in the South. With his professional earnings he was able to restore the family income and payback the inherited debts. Though nurtured in national politics he had his local apprenticeship in the Mulkirigala Village Committee, being its Chairman for sometime.
Meanwhile in 1947 under the Soulbury Constitution, Hambantota district was allocated two seats, Beliatta and Hambantota, and in 1960 three seats - Beliatta, Thissamaharama and Mulkirigala. The affection of the people of Ruhuna to the late D. M. was such that, his younger brother D. A. Rajapaksa was returned unopposed at the resultant byelection in 1945. Since 1947 D. A. represented Beliatta and D. M.'s eldest son Lakshman represented Hambantota. By 1960, with the allocation of a seat for Mulkirigala, George was ready to enter the national political arena. He contested the new seat, won it at the first "one day" General Election in March 1960 and Continued to hold it till his death in June 1976.

Reflections on George Rajapaksa 1057
He never hankered after office. It was in July 1960, that he was called upon to accept the office of Junior Minister of Finance, where he had to work under his junior at Royal College. To the best of his ability he served Mrs. Bandaranaike's Government loyally and efficiently.
HONESTY AND INTEGRITY
He maintained that the honesty and integrity of individuals will be judged not so much in the parliament but outside in the country at the proper time by the people. He felt that a Government cannot be always defeated by the combined opposition, but often from amongst its Own ranks
He said that a Member of Parliament has more duties than mere obligations. He has a duty to protect his Party and Government, but the primary duty of every Member of Parliament is to protect the people who put him in office. The foremost problems that a Government in office is called upon to solve are unemployment resulting in poverty, inadequate housing, education and health.
A couple of days before his speech of August 22, 1962 he telephoned and asked me for my copy of Shakespeare's play "Julius Caesar". I realised why he wanted it when I read his speech of resignation in Parliament. He said that "if no one has died in this country through starvation it was only because of the rice subsidy, and this Government - to use a phrase which the Hon. Minister of Finance is often fond of using - "in the fair name of socialism' has denied to the people half a measure of rice".
Like Mark Anthony in the tragedy of Julius Caesar vilifying Brutus' speech ".... but Brutus is an honourable man", George also used the phrase ".... in the name of socialism"at precisely ten appropriate pauses in his speech with devastating effect.
BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION
He suggested that government departments make a sustained and organised effort to eliminate waste, bribery and corruption. He wanted public servants to work during "time" and not during "overtime". He said that a "threat" to introduce Bills for the declaration of aSSets

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1058 Politics and Life in Our Times
never materialised. There was pious humbug in the Throne Speeches. He felt the rice cut was only a symptom, not the disease. "Much has been talked about national development, but national development is impossible without national unity. National unity means unity between the majority and minority Communities. Unnecessary controversies that developed have eroded any hope of forging national unity". He reflected that the late Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike stood firmly and solidly against any division of the country. But he was never against the forging of national unity between the communities.
The people wanted some kind of solution to this language problem that was an obstacle to progress. But bitterness, acrimony, hard feelings, still remained between the two communities, and it is the duty of the Government to findsome way out of this impasse, some solution, if they want to carry out, the development schemes that they are talking about.
Speaking at a Commonwealth Parliamentary Association meeting in 1971 he said that democracy is a human artifice and has no claims to a divine right of supreme perfection. Any erosion in the classical and known forms of parliamentary democracy, therefore, would come principally from internal structural changes like the development of bureaucratic and technocratic power. Governments must also realise that politics at times, is like a game, we lose more because of our mistakes than they win on their merits.
STRUCTURES AND PROCESSES
There are tensions in the parliamentary system on the level of principles, structures and processes. We have been preoccupied with forms of parliamentary democracy rather than its content. If democracy is to survive, it must be meaningful to the vast mass of people. But democracy has, within itself, certain built-intensions, tensions between the ideal and the achievement. In the traditional sense, democracy is government of the people, by the people, for the people. But are the people drawn into the processes of government? What we have today is not government by Parliament, but Cabinet government.

Reflections on George Rajapaksa 1059
The independence of the Judiciary is one of the corner-stones of democracy. In practice, justice is available only to those who can afford to pay for it One can see a growing impatience with the dilatory procedures of parliamentary democracy.
These are some of the ideals that George lived for. It can be discerned that the pre-war politics of his father's era which mainly Concerned the pathetic poverty of the rural Ruhuna peasant had changed. The post-war period brought out new problems that needed drastic solutions. Early in the 1970s the Prime Minister entrusted him with the task of finding effective ways to prevent the denuding of the Sinharaja forest. His comprehension of the problem, his analysis of the danger and his farseeing solutions to the impending disaster, left a report admired and appreciated by generations.
Courtesy: "The Sunday Observer", Colombo, June 15th, 1997.

Page 539
Lenin's Unique Role in Human History
by Dudley Senanayake, Prime Minister of Ceylon
Lenin Created a new era in history. The forces he set in motion in 1917, in leading the Russian Revolution, are to-date making their impact on the world at large. In 1917, the Czarist Empire was on the werge of collapse. Lenin, with a comparatively small number of followers, the Bolsheviks, captured power and created the Soviets, experimenting with the political philosophy of Karl Marx. The Revolution he led has through the years, inspired the struggle of colonial peoples for national independence.
It is irrelevant here to discuss the political philosophy that emerged out of Marx's original thinking and Lenin's practical realisation of that ideology. What did happen in history to other great thinkers did also happen to Marxism-Leninism - sects, schisms, different interpretations of the original thoughts, as was the fate of other great religious and political thought. Nevertheless, the impact of Marxism-Leninism has influenced a great part of humanity today. Even continents are directly under systems of government that owe their ideologies to Marx and Lenin. It is not necessary to agree with Leninist thought to appreciate Lenin's greatness or to give him credit for the unique role he played in human history. To my mind, Lenin and Gandhi in the 20th century, although their methods were opposed to each, ther - wiolence against non-violence - did most to kindle in Asia and Africa the flate of freedor.
If we look at the two super-powers of today, the Soviet Union and the United States of America, We see that their material Wealth and prosperity had been created on the basis of two diametrically opposed dogmas. While the Soviets achieved their goal on the basis of state ownership of the means of production, the United States achieved

Lenin's Unique Role in Hurrar. History 1 ()E |
DUDILEYSENAMAYAKEIS A GENTLEMANPOLITICAN PAR EXCELLANCE, HONOURABLE AND HUMBLE. SOHUMBLE THAT ANY CITIZEN COULD APPROACHHM.
9.6, 9 - 3A, 97.3
The Soviet Union is a socialist state of workers and peasants. The 1936 Constitution states: The econor Ilic foundation of the U.S. S. R. Consists of the socialist economic system and the socialist ownership of the tools and means of production, firmly established as a result of the liquidation of the capitalist economic system,.... The economic life of the U. S. S, R, is determined and directed by a state plan of national economy in the interest of increasing the public wealth, of steadily raising the material and cultural standard of the working people, and of strengthening the independence of the U.S.S.R, and its capacity for defence. Work in the U. S. S.R. is a duty and a Tatter of honour for every able-bodied citizen, on the principle: "He who does not work shallot eat",

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1062 Politics and Life in Our Times
their material well-being with free enterprise as the corner-stone of their economy. Obviously, neither was a historical accident. It was the historical realities that produced the two systems. , for one, think that a synthesis of the two is better suited for my own country.
Lenin's experiment with history has interesting lessons for all students of history. When Lenin took on a political philosopher's thoughts, that of Marx, and sought to practise these theories, one sees him, in the face of realitiy adapting abstract theories to suit the particular conditions of his own country. His New Economic Policy is one such instance. Then again, followers of Marx thought that the frutiful ground to realise their socialist dream would be an industrially advanced society, but the Revolution broke outfirst in a backward feudal country-Russia, and in the course of the last 50 years or So, it was out of this backward, oppressed country that the followers of Lenin succeeded in building a Super-power,
Whatever views One has about Marxism as Such, there is no denying that the modern Welfare State, where the working population is assured of decent living conditions, came into being as a Consequence of socialist thinking and its resolvement of the antagonism present in various strata of society.
Lenin died young, in his early fifties. This creator of a new epoch in history will be remembered by posterity for his achievement, which is comparable to that of any other hero of history,
Courtesy; Lenin's Birth Centenary Souvenir, Colombo, April 22nd, 1970,

Chandra Gunasekera The Cultural Ambassador
by Ajith Samaranayake
The death of Chandra Gunasekera at the age of 75, removes from the leadership of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), the country's oldest political party, perhaps the last link between the countryside and the town.
The portly, bespectacled Chandra Gunasekera, who favoured a brownish top for his national dress, was an immensely earthy politician from the Hewagam Korale made famous by his illustrious kinsmen, Philip and Robert Gunawardene.
A nephew of the Gunawardenes, Chandra distinguished himself in public life as village council member, municipal council member, member of parliament, senator and provincial council member finally. But he never, never lost the Common touch.
Until his final days one could see him travelling by bus or trudging to work at the LSSP office in Union Place, bulging briefcase in hand.
In a party wellknown and sometimes derided by opponents for its intellectual, doctrinaire approach to politics and its insulation from the cultural life of the masses, Chandra Gunasekera provided a necessary Counterpoint.
While this is not the proper forum to discuss whether the left movement failed in Sri Lanka because it had no sympathetic cultural relationship with the larger masses, it is true that people like Chandra Gunasekera provided a healthy opposite pole to the weighty, theoretical leadership of the LSSP preoccupied with the urban working class.
Chandra was necessarily formed by the folk heroism of the Hewagam Korale where the LSSP first took such miraculous root due to the mercurial leadership of the Gunawardene brothers.

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1064 Politics and Life in Our Times
This was the terrain of Sithavaka Rajasinghe and the people were proud of their ancestral gods.
This early inspiration Chandra Supplemented by an education in India where he immersed himself deeply in the Indian nationalist movement.
In India he not only imbibed nationalist politics but also rekindled his devotion to Buddhism, the most enduring sign of which was his life-long relationship with the Paramadhamma Chetiya Pirivena in Ratmalana and its chief incumbent Ven. Mapalagama Vipulasara.
it is fitting that his body should lie at the Pirivena this morning before being taken to the LSSP office.
Returning from India, Chandra wore a kaddar dress and a Gandhi cap and roamed the Athurugiriya area talking to the people.
He was a very popular Chairman of the Athurugiriya Village Council and a Deputy Mayor of the Dehiwela-Mount Lavinia Municipal Council.
Appearing then on the national political scene he has been MP Kottawa, a Senator and a member of the previous Western Provincial Council.
Always a bit of a maverick, Chandra Gunasekera contested S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike at Attanagalla in the First General Election to Parliament in 1947 when the late SLFP leader Contested on the UNP ticket.
He repeated the performance by contesting the then Prime Minister, Mrs. Sirimavo Badaranaike, at the 1977 General Election.
As a cub reporter covering that election at the Royal College counting centre, remember Chandra coming to see whether we reporters were Comfortable and regaling us with old yarns.
Needless to say he lost both times but that was the man. On his home turf of Kottawa he was pitted several times against M. D. H. Jayawardena, that other maverick and another thoroughly honest and endearing man.
Chandra, portly and jolly, and M. D. H. gangling and brooding, made an odd pair.

Chandra Gunasekera - The Cultural Ambassador 1065
CHANDRA GUNASEKERA SUPPLEMENTED HIS EDUCATION IN INDIA, WHERE HE IMMERSED HIMSELF DEEPLY IN THE INDIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT. THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF HIS SON WAS IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATICREPUBLIC (GDR) IN BERLIN. CHANDRA HAS VISITED BERLIN CUTE OFTEN AND ONCE WITH ME, THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, WHEN HAD THE OPPORTUNITY OF STAYING WITH HIM AT THE UNIVERSITY HOSTEL WITH HIS SON.
Look out tower "Muggelturm" in Berlin
Under a treaty between the German Democratic Republic and the U. S. S. R., which came into force on 6th October, 1955, the Republic became a Sovereign state and was given complete freedom to decide all questions concerning its internal and foreign policy, including its relations with the German Federal Republic. Russian forces stationed there under Four Power agreements continued to be stationed there temporarily, with the approval of the Government. Under previous arrangements, however, which remained unchanged, the Republic had to pay reparations to the U. S. S. R. from current production until 1956.

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1066 Politics and Life in Our Times
In 1963 when the LSSP joined the SLFP in the first coalition, Chandra was appointed Deputy Minister of Education and Cultural Affairs. That had been something which was always close to his heart. As President of the LSSP-oriented Mahajana Kala Mandalaya he had previously associated closely with the artistes.
Chandra Gunasekera was widely regarded as a politician who was honest and decent in his dealings, both public and private, and was greatly loved as a very humane person.
He lived to a ripe age and led a full life. He will be missed by all who loved him.
Courtesy: "Island", Colombo, 7th June, 1993.

Vivienne Goonewardene - A fighter of 'storm and passion'
by Amaradasa Fernando
In describing one of the greatest women revolutionary Socialists, Rosa Luxemburg, Bertram Wolfe, the well known American socialist, in his introduction to her book, "The Russian Revolution, Leninism or Marxism?" says of Rosa, "it would not be amiss to suggest that this longing to conquer in storm and passion made Rosa Luxemburg a "revolutionary" rather than a "reformist socialist".
This description is one that fits exactly the personality of our own "Red Rosa", Vivienne. Like her uncles, Philip, Robert and "auntie Caro" (Caroline Anthony Pillai), the highly volatile Boralugoda blood ran in her veins. When she came into the revolutionary Socialist movement in the early thirties, she along with Selina Perera, wife of Dr. N. M. Perera, gave a new dimension to the Women's Movement, which had been dominated by womens' friendly and charitable societies, which were petit bourgeois in outlook.
They were interested only in the alleviation of poverty among the incipient middle, working class and rural poor, and not for the revolutionary transformation of society, fired by the Russian Revolution and the national and anti-imperialist movements that were taking place in the Sub-Continent of India and Asia.
In India, there were well known women anti-colonial nationalists (such as Sarojini Naidu and Kamala Chatopadyaya on whose agenda, as in Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru's case) was only the replacement of the British capitalist class by the Indian capitalist class. While Vivie along with the other leaders of the LSSP went one step further in relation to unfolding of the Ceylonese Revolution, i.e. a socialist government of the Workers and peasants.

Page 543
1068, F'lias drTI Life ir L r Tirr9;S
ELP|
The LSSP|eaders when in Carcerated in Bogar Tiba ra jail t00k the decision that Ceylon was to be only a part of the coming Indian Revolution. The leaders were to break jail, CrOSS Ower to India and help in the formation of the Bolshevik Leninist Party of India, along with other Marxist groupings. The LSSP was to become the "BLP (Ceylon Unit)". Vivie with her little baby daughter in arms Crossed over to India in disguise, with Allan Mendisposing as her husband. She joined her husband Leslie to continue her political activity.
Wiwie came from a Wealthy Conservative family. Her father, Dr. Allanson Gunatilleke sent her to the fore Thost Buddhist girls School of the time, Museaus, where all Well to do Buddhist parents Sent their daughters to be trained as goodwives andmothers. From her upbringing she was destined to be a well to do Than's obedient wife rearing a brood
of Children.
But by a quirk of destiny she took a different path after a chance meeting, with Leslie Goonewardene, a young London returned barrister, at a poster exhibition on the Spanish Civil War with "Auntie Caro" as chaperone. Leslie, had cut his political teeth at the Ceylon Students' Association. It was here that Leslie met Philip, N. M., Colwin, Dr. S. A. Wicks, Doric, and P. H. William Silva, who were to be his CoTi Tades in the for Tation of the LSSP.
Leslie Wastalland handsome. He was a man of spartan simplicity and few words. Temperamentally they were at opposite poles. Nothing would ruffle him, while Wiwie a Woman of great beauty and chart, Was a fire brand, part of the heritage she inherited from the Boratugoda clan. It is said that some marriages were made in heaven. So it was in their case,
Vivie belonged to an emerging band of Sinhalese and Tamil Women, English-educated women, both Buddhist and Christian, Who Were just not content to manage or help their husbands assilent business partners. They were the rising local upper class, who were the arrack renters, the Ceylon produce merchants, transport owners (carts), the wives of the lawyers, doctors, teachers. Many of them were bourgeois philanthropists.

Wvierra Gaora Wardene - A fighter of 'storf and passion" O69
IN INDIA THERE WERE WELL KNOWN WOMEN ANT-COLONIAL NATIONALISTS (SUCHASSAROJININIAIDU AND KAMALA CHATOPADYAYA ON WHOSE AGENDA, AS IN MAHATMA GANDH AND NEHRU's CASE) WAS ONLY THE REPLACEMENT OF THE BRITISH CAPITALIST CLASS BY THE INDIAN CAPITALIST CLASS. WHILE WWE ALONG WITH THE OTHER LEADERS OF THE LSSP WENT ONE STEP FURTHER IN RELATION TO UNFOLDING OF THE CEYLONESE REVOLUTION, E A SOCIALIST GOVERNMENT OF THE WORKERS AND PEASANTS.
Deldgates to alternational Conference of the World Peace Council (WPC), in Berlin, having tea. On the left is a Sri Lankan dalagata, T. Durai sirgam, and in the centre is the other Srī Lanka delegate, Wivienne Goonewardene.
Wiwie, Selina Perera, Kusuma Gunawardene, Florence Senanayake and Doreen Wickremasinghe were probably the only women pioneers who struck a different path, joining their husbands in the nationalist socialist ITICWETTent, There Wëre yCot others lika Hilda Kula ralle, Mrs. W. A. de Silwa, Dr. (Mrs.) Mary Ratnam, who were tied up with the Buddhist revivalist, the educational and nationalist mentors, mostly through their husbands. Of the World who came to be associated with the Working class socialist ITIOwoment, also through their husbands, Wive was different.

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Vivie, Selina Perera, Kusuma Gunawardene, Florence Senanayake and Doreen Wickremasinghe were probably the only women pioneers who struck a different path, joining their husbands in the nationalist socialist movement. There were yet others like Hilda Kularatne, Mrs. W. A. de Silva, Dr. (Mrs.) Mary Ratnam who were tied up with the Buddhist revivalist, the educational and nationalistmentors, mostly through their husbands. Of the women who came to be associated with the working class socialist movement, also through their husbands, Vive was different.
She had already come into the nationalist-socialist movement through her uncles, the two revolutionary militants, her socialistmentors, the brothers Philip and Robert Gunawardene of Boralugoda. So did Selina Perera, wife of Dr. N. M. Perera. Both of whom had their apprenticeship in the nationalist"Suriya Mal" movement, the preCursor to the formation of the LSSP, which was an umbrella organization for all nationalist and SOCialist hue.
Always ready for a fight on behalf of the downtrodden women, she took the Women's Feminist Movement by storm. She was a fearless and charismatic woman. She was a woman with personality and not easily brow beaten. She was thus able to find her way in a male dominated society. She was a powerful speaker and much in demand all over the country. She led May Day rallies, Women's liberation protest marches, anti-imperialist demonstrations, election rallies, peace marches, etc. She would walk the entire route of several miles in these marches and rallies, inspite of debilitating diabetes, particularly at a very advanced age, a feat many a younger person Would have shunned. I remember an occasion when she was leading a peaceful protest march, the police attacked the marchers. Vivie on seeing the IGP, Sir Richard Aluvihare on horse back, fearlessly went up to him and pulled him by his leg and berated him for shamelessly attacking a peaceful march. Batty Weerakoon, the general secretary, in his funeral Oration, said that March 8, the Women's International, Was known as the day that Vivienne gets assaulted. She would take all comers, police, politicians, thugs and intellectual snobs.

Vivienne Goonewardene - A fighter of 'storm and passion' 1071
THE GOONEWARDENE CASE
Vivie led a group of persons on March 8, 1982, the Women's International Day, carrying banners to deliver a letter of protest to the American Embassy in Kollupitiya. Having delivered the letter without an incident, she was peacefully returning home, shouting slogans. A press cameraman who took some pictures was promptly put under arrest and taken to the Kollupitiya police station.
Vivie, who went to the rescue of the Cameraman Was manhandled by a police officer who pushed her to the floor. The police officer then put his beastly foot on her with out shame or honour, whereupon she asked him, "Do you have a mother?". She petitioned the Supreme Court under Article 126 of the Constitution, under a plea that her fundamental rights were violated. The SC held that her arrest was unlawful, and ordered the state to pay her Rs. 2,500 in damages. The judgement was delivered on June 8. On June 9 the sub-inspector who arrested Vivienne was given a promotion by President Jayewardene. So much for the "Dharmista Samajaya" of the UNP.
President Jayewardene in his defence willingly admitted that he had personally ordered the payment of costs and the promotion to this police officer.
POPULAR
The "Goonewardene case" as it has come to be known has permanently carved a niche for itself in the legal history of the land and for human rights in general and women's rights in particular.
Vivie was returned to parliament in 1956 for Colombo North. In 1964 she won Borella as the candidate of the United Left Front. in 1970 she was returned as the LSSP candidate for Dehiwela-Galkissa. She was a deputy minister of Local Administration in United Front Government of Mrs. Srimavo Bandaranaike. She was a popular figure among the poor as she spent most of her time attending to their needs. Even when she was seriously ill in hospital after numerous heart attacks, she would write letters to ministers and public officers seeking their assistance for those who sought her help.

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1072 Pols arī ir CLIr Trīs
Her marriage with Leslie Goonewardene was vehemently resisted by a conservative father, on caste grounds. Her first liberation
struggle was with her irate father.
Vivie not only took part in the national liberation of her own
country, but she gave her assistance to the Indian national liberation
struggle.
Her memory will be enshrined in the hearts of all those who
fight for human rights and the Wretched of the earth,
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, October 12th, 1996.

Vivierre Goo awardene - A fighter of storm and passion' 1073
SRI LANKA. HAS RECENTLY PASSED THROUGH A WERY SAD AND TRAUMATICPERIOD. OUR COUNTRY HASLOST ONE OFITS GREATEST SONS - PRESIDENT RANA SINGHE PREMADASA, HIS CONTRIBUTION IS IMMEASURABLE, ONLY FUTURE HISTORIANS WILL BE ABLE TO TRULY ESTIMATE THE WALUE OF HIS WORK. HE WAS TAKING OUR NATION STEADILY AND SURELY TOWARDS THE GOALS OF PEACE, DISCIPLINE AND PROSPERITY REGRETFULLY, HE COULD NOT LIVE TO SEE THE FRUITS OF HIS LABOURS. WE WHO ARE PRIWILEGED TO FOLLOW HAVE DEDICATED OURSELVES TO REACHING THE GOALS THAT HAWE BEEN SET FOR OUR PEOPLE.
— Presider 7 D. B. Wiye Luriga
Co/orT7bo, May 3 7s!, 7993,
Presider Farasingfie Pref17adasa 33. Ա5, IB:ք - III, Ա5, IB:13
President Ranasingha Pre-Tadasa started his political career in 1950 as a The fiber of a Tunicipal Council, and inter years became an MP. In 1973 he was elected deputy leader of the UNP and in 1977 appointed Minister of Housing and Construction. He is still proud of his work in that post. Subsequently, Linder President Junius Jaya Wardene, he became Prime Minister andat parli är Tentary Celections in Decembar 1988, baat his main opponent Sirima wa Bardararaike, though with a tiny majority,
- Sarge Bularlsey

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Pieter Keuneman Episode SAM WJESNHA STORY
by Premil Ratnayake
"Pieter Keuneman was an intellectuai Communist", Sam Wijesinha said. The former Clerk to the House of Representatives and the first Ombudsman of Parliament was summing up the individuality of the Communist leader who died recently an octogenarian.
In his Parliamentary career, Sam had witnessed many an orator on his feet in that august chamber. In his view two were most outstanding: one was Pieter Keuneman and the other Bernard Soysa, the LSSP leader, who is still among us.
"Pieter and Bernard were two Parliamentarians who spoke well and who spoke sense", Sam said, "the outstanding feature of their conduct was that they never hurt anyone. They spoke with a sense of dignity in Parliament".
Sam briefly digressed from the narration of his own story to talk about Pieter because once the Communist leader had a near brush with the Australian authorities because he was a Communist and Sam was in the midst of that confrontation.
It was 1965 and Sam was attending his first Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference in New Zealand. A Parliamentary delegation from Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was known then) was due to attend that conference held in the capital city, Wellington. The delegation comprised D. F. Atapattu, MP, the then Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of State (father of Dr. Ranjith Atapattu), Senator B. H. Dunuwille, Deputy President of the Senate and father of the present Mayor of Kandy and Pieter Gerald Bartholomeusz Keuneman M. P. Sam was to accompany them.

Pieter Keuneman Episode - Sam Wijesinha Story 1075
The Ceylonese delegation was to travel to New Zealand through Australia and they required transit visas. The Australian High Commissioner in Colombo, B. C. Bollard refused a visa to Pieter Keuneman because he was a Communist. This refusal in spite of the fact that Pieter's younger brother, Arthur Keuneman who had migrated to Australia in 1960, was a highly respected citizen. Arthur was a legal draftsman to the Parliament of Victoria. After he migrated he settled down in Melbourne.
Sam remembers the then Australian High Commissioner in Colombo as "a rather old conservative gentleman" who seemed to have had an in-built aversion towards CommunistS.
Sam knew Arthur Keuneman very well. Both worked together years ago as Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General's Department.
"In Colombo", Sam said continuing the "Pieter Keuneman episode", "after much ado, the High Commission for Australia issued a visa to Pieter for a few days.
"But when we landed in Australia, Pieter was given a visa for several months with multi-entry facilities!".
The Wellington Parlimentary Conference was ceremonially declared open by the Governor-General of New Zealand, H. E. Brigadier Sir Bernard Ferguson.
The Leader of the UK delegation was Rt. Hon. Emanuel Shinwell, who like the famous writter, Joseph Conrad had also migrated to England to make a new home there, Sam said.
Shinwell was of Jewish origin and he had come to England in the 1880s at the age of four. He had got into national politics through the Labour Party and was a Minister in Winston Churchill's War Cabinet in 1940.
Shinwell who was told to remember that Churchill is descended from Marlborough, was reported to have dealt a devastating retort when he reminded everybody that he was a descendant of an even a greater Warrior - MOSes himself

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1OWS Poing and Life i7 பெr Tr783
PIETER KEUNEMAN - AN INTELLECTUAL COMMUNIST
Piegler IKEL Ir Terr777 3.10, 1917 - 23.07, 1997
According to the records kept by Majorie Eleanor Shockman, het Son, Pieter Gerald Bartholomeus Keuneman was born at "Belair", Serpentine Road, Colombo, on Wednesday, October 3, 1917, at 11.40 p.m.
 

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Sam said: "On the opening day of the Wellington Conference, Shin Well Waddled up to me and asked, alsThost in Churchillian fashion
- "Have you got a Communist in your delegation?"
"I replied, "Yes", and he thundered: "None of his Communism here!" With those un kind Words, he Waddled Coff.
"The first subject of discussion at that Parliamentary Conference Was Rhodesia. Shin Well was replying to the incessant and repeated demand of the African delegates that Britain must cut downlan Smith's unilateral declaration of Independence With force,
Shinwell, in defence, quoted British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, who thought that the solution to the problem was not one to be dealt with military intervention, unless, British troops Were asked for to preserve law and order and avert tragic actions, subversion or murder. "Pieter KeunerTan, the delegate from Ceylon, making a brilliant contribution, cited many instances where Britain had intervened With force in British Guyana, Aden and other places elsewhere,
"And Pieter concluding his speech added: "It is difficult to disagree with the other speakers who say that Britain's Strange reluctance to use force against the rebel, White supremacists in South Rhodesia, is prompted by the fact that blood is thicker than morality".
"This brought the entire assembly down in loudlaughter". At the end of Pieter's speech, there was a Coffee break and the delegates trooped out of the conference hall. Sam was still seated in his usual place inside, putting his papers in order,
Suddenly he felt that somebody was standing in front of him, He looked up to see the Head of the UK delegation, Emanuel Shin Well, Who had earlier Warned "No COTITL is here".
Sar Continued: "Shinwell standing in front of the with a Churchillian glint in his eyes, looked at me benignly and said: "If that's your Communist, let's
a WE TOE of the IT".
"He shook me by the hand and waddled off for his coffee". Later in Colombo, Sa II used to relate the episode to many Parliamentarians in the presence of Pieter, Pieter only Smiled,

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1078 Politics and Life in Our Times
"Pieter was a very modest man", Sam continued his summingup of the Communist Leader," Pieter was an outstanding student at Royal College, whose vast reading and bright intellect were recognised even at Royal where he ended up with the usual array of prizes and high office. He went to Cambridge in the latter half of 1930s where he formulated his ideas on Socialism which he had read of in School. He was in that group of intellectuals some of whom defected to Soviet Russia.
"Pieter returned to Ceylon towards the end of the war burdened with a vast array of Marxist literature, which, believe, he managed to bring in through India.
"I knew Pieter mainly through his brother, Arthur, who was a fine example of a great gentleman. I was associated with him at the Bar and for several more years as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General's Department.
"Pieter, the Scion of an outstanding Burgher family, was such a genuine human being, he found little difficulty in being understood and appreciated by the Colombo voters".
Courtesy: "The Island", Colombo, August 17th, 1997.

Remembering Sheikh Mujibur Rahman The Founder of Bangladesh
by H. E. Masum Ahmed Chowdhury
(From the address delivered at the BMICH by Masum Ahmed Chowdhury, High Commissioner of Bangladesh to Sri Lanka on National Mourning Day' which fell on August 20, 1997)
As the sun rose on August 15, 1975 all over the world heralding the dawn of a new day in Bangladesh, the lights went off. The nation, with stunned silence and grief came to know of the most ignominious and despicable assassination - the assassination of the Father of the Nation, Sheikh Mujib along with 23 members of the family by some disgruntled army personnel.
it was neither a coup - nor a revolution - it was an act of some conspirators whom history would never forget or forgive. But Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman proved his immortality through his death. He was only 27 years old when the British finally left the subcontinent propelling the world into an era of post-colonial freedom.
Pakistan was born with a tenuous hold on unity and Sheikh Mujib's dreams as a young visionary was not fulfilled. A leader committed totally to the principles of democracy saw and comprehended the flow of the execution of British Raj's withdrawal policy from the subcontinent. He understood that British partition plan left behind a tremendous amount of unfinished business.
HEROC LIBERATION WAR
He wanted to correct the flaw and surely he did it when Bangladesh - another country in the subcontinent was born in December 1971 after a heroic liberation War of nine months. That Was the victory of his faith in the destiny of his people.

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O8O Folities irid Life ir CDL Ir Tirriles
The creation of Bangladesh is an appropriate metaphor to the decolonization process that began when the Union Jack was lowered at the Red Fort - the bastion of British Raj in the subcontinent. Born under the leadership of Sheikh Mujib, Bangladesh - world's ninth most populous Country today is inexorably and unmistakably looking better every day, Bangladesh is Bangabandhu and Bangabandhu is Bangladesh. It Wil|| remain inseparable.
His death 22 years ago engulfed the nation in sorrow, with shame, with ignominity. His death and deaths of others on that fateful night have however, given the nation renewed strength. In our region, We witnessed the brutal killings of Mahatma Gandhi, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and many other leaders but the conspirators could not retard the progress of the nation. They Could only render us grief-struck, but neither Could dispossess us from Our Conviction nor distance US from realising the vision of our leaders.
In 1947, I did not understand what partition (division of the subcontinent) was all about, only knew Ty father as a civil servant opted for Pakistan when British Home Office asked him for his preference and how the family came to Pakistan, I did not understand What partition meant then. But many years later as a young civil servant | understood it, when along with millions of others, I went to the Dhaka Airport on January 10, 1972 to see Bangabandhu returning from a long nina months imprisonment in Pakistan.
On his way to Dhaka from a distant Pakistani prison, he told the World press in New Delhi that his journey from prison to Bangladesh was a journey from "darkness to light... captivity to freedom... to Tillion Smiles". That journey to freedom was 24 years long. He sacrificed and suffered long years in prison alone in a dark cell away from home, Nevertheless, he held firm to a dream of the people, a commitment to the people and struggle for the people the people of Bangladesh, His death could not bring an end to his life. He lives on in our wery existence. The fact that there is a Country known as Bangladesh is sufficient testimony to Sheikh Mujib's position as a legend of our age, He was perhaps the only leader in the 20th century in whose name the Proclamation of Independence was rade, Tillions sacrificed their lives a war of liberation was fought and Won.

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SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN WAS BORN INTO A MIDDLE CLASS FAMILY ON MARCH 17, 1920. HIS POLITICAL LIFE BEGAN WHILE HE WAS STILL A STUDENT AND HE DEMONSTRATED AGAINST THE BRITISH RULERS, ASAPOLITICALACTIVIST WITHIN SEVENMONTHSOF THE DEPARTURE OF BRITISHOWERLORDS, SHEIKH MUJIB WAS AR RESTED ON MARCH 11, 1948, FOR HAWING OPPOSED THE IMPOSITION OF A MINORITY LANGUAGE OVER THE LANGUAGE OF THE MAJORITY OF THE PEOPLE, THAT RESISTANCE CULMINATED IN THE HISTORIC LANGUAGE MOVEMENT IN 1952 IN WHICHHE PLAYED A CRUCIAL ROLE, FOR WHICH HE WAS AGAIN IMPRISONED EARLIER FROM HIS IMPRISONMENT, HE PIONEERED THE FORMATION OF THE AWAMI LEAGUE WHICH SUBSELENTLY SPEARHEADED THESTRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE.
Shaikh Mujibur Rahmar
(3.792 - 5,8,975
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was perhaps the only leader in the 20th Century in Whose name the proclamation of independence was nada. The proclamation made by the elected representatives both at the national parliament and provincial a SSDT bly declaring Bangladesh a Sowereign people's republic Confirined the Declaration of Independence made by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on March 26, 1971. It was now a part of history that Awami League, the political party in the country, having won 167 seats out of 169 (which was the Tajority in Pakistar parliament) was denied to for IT the government and the Tartial authorities declared an unjust and perfidious war.

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1082 Politics and Life in Our Times
The Proclamation made by the elected representatives both at the national parliament and provincial assembly declaring Bangladesh a sovereign people's republic confirmed the declaration of Independence made by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on March 26, 1971. It was now a part of history that Awami League, the political party in the country, having won 167 seats out of 169 (which was the majority in Pakistan parliament) was denied to form the government and martial authorities declared an unjust and perfidious war.
The people of Bangladesh were denied their inalienable rights by a military government which had then ruled Pakistan. In 1947, British left India, but a separate assignation with destiny was yet required to be made for the people of Bangladesh. Resplendent in white Payajama and Kurta, Bangabandhu was a true democrat and sought to Secure justice and fair play through democratic and Constitutional means.
STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
Unfortunately it failed. At the mammoth public meeting at the Race Course in Dhaka on March 7, 1971 he declared and 1 quote, "Today come to you with a heavy heart..... We tried Our best. But the streets of Dacca, Chittagong, Khulna, Rajabulu and Rangpur have been dyed red with blood of our brothers.... Remember, once we have shed our blood, we will not hesitate to shed more. But we will free the people of this country. Insaa Allah, the struggle this time is the struggle for freedom, the struggle this time is the struggle for independence. Joy Bangla". And in response to this clarion call, the people took to arms and fought gallantly the enemy troops who had let loose a reign of terror and committed the history's worst genocide.
THREE MILLION LIVES
Bangabandhu was taken into custody and attempts were made to put him on the gallows by the military junta. In accordance with this historical Declaration of Independence a provisional revolutionary government was formed with Bangabandhu as the president in absentia. The war which cost three million lives was fought in the name of Bangabandhu. On December 16, 1971, the war came to a victorious end and the dream of the Father of the Nation Was realised.

Remembering Sheikh Mujibur Rahman - The Founder of Bangladosh 1083
The road to freedom was inexorably linked with the political career of this great man. The chronology of the events of his life was the country's biography. Born into a middle class family on March 17, 1920, his political life began while he was still a student and demonstrated against the British rulers as a political activist. Within seven months of the departure of British overlords, Sheikh Mujib was arrested on March 11, 1948 for having opposed the imposition of a minority language over the language of the majority of the people. That resistance culminated in the historic language movement in 1952 in which he played a crucial role for which he was again imprisoned. Earlier from his imprisonment, he pioneered the formation of Awami League which subsequently spearheaded the struggle for independence. In 1954, in the provincial elections, the United Front in which Awami League was the major coalition partner, won almost all seats in the provincial assembly, but it was not allowed to run its full term. Martial law was imposed in 1958 and the inherent rights of the people were Snatched away.
Bangabandhu was prominent among those leaders who opposed it. In 1966 a charge of secession and high treason was brought against him but in the face of opposition, the military government submitted itself before the people's will.
Bangabandhu emerged a stronger leader of his people who believed that he was the only leader who could now give vent to their feelings. His speech on March 7, 1971, finally gave full expression to his vision.
Stage by stage he prepared his people for their ultimate freedom, serving as the ethos that shaped the history and aspirations of his people. On January 10, 1972, Bangabandhu came back to his beloved land and admiring nation and with it the Father of the Nation brought with him the heavy responsibility to run and rebuild a Country ravaged by war and to meet the dreams, hopes and aspirations of seventy five million people built up through a struggle of 24 long years.

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10.B4 Politi:5 and Life ir 1 COLLI r Tir7735
LLLLLL LLLL LL LLL LLLL0L LLLLL L LLL LLLLLLLLLLLL LLLS LLL LLL LLLLLL POLYANA, A COUNTRY-SEAT NEAR TULA, IN 1828. AT THE AGE OF SIXTEEN HE ENTERED KAZANUNIVERSITY, BUT DISSATISFIED, LEFTIT LC LLLLLL L LLaL LLLL LLL LLLL LLS 0K S LLL L LLLLLLLL LL LLLLLLLLLLLLLLLL WHERE, SAVE FOR BRIEF INTERVALS, HE SPENTHIS LONG LIFE. IN 1851 TOLSTOY WENT TO THE CAUCASUS WITH THE RUSSIAN ARMY AND TOOK PART IN THE FIGHTING THERE. THE CAUCASIANPERIOD OF HIS LIFE MARKED THE BEGINNING OF HIS LITERARY CAREER.
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In 1863 Tolstoy began work on his War and Peace, an epoch-making novel in World literature. He devoted to it more than six years, which according to his own Words, were years of "incessant and exceptionally hard Work under the best Conditions of life". In War and Peace, the action of which is laid in the first quarter of the 19th century and ends with the victorius expulsion of the French from Russia in the Patriotic War of 1812, the Writer unfolded a gigantic panorama of historical LLLLLL L LLLLLLL LaL LLLL LL LLLLL LGLLLLLLLL LLLLL LCLHLHHLLCLS LLLLLLLLlLL Russian people, who decided the outcome of the war, is shown as its hero,
 

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He faced a colossal task. It was rebuilding of city, streamlining the administration, rehabilitating of about 10 || || refugees, taking back the artins now in possession of unauthoritic persons, building the infrastructure destroyed during the bloody liberation War, putting the economy back on the rails. Under his dynamic leadership the country began mowing on, to the road to progress.
MOMENTOUSACHEVEMENTS
His foreign policy opened up a new Vista of peace, Co-operation and non-alignment. Leaders from far off and near countries - heads of government of India, Pakistan, Bhutan, Afghanistan, Nepal, Burma and Tiany other countries flew into the land where the flag of the new country in the subcontinent - the red sun in the canvas of green was fluttering in the free open blue sky to Congratulate him on his momentous a chie Werents.
Bangabandhu attended the OIC summit, the Commonwealth summit, the UN General Assembly and travelled to many countries to thank the people allower the World for the lowe, help and Co-operation, the struggling people of Bangladesh received during their glorious War of liberation and to reiterate his message of love and peace across the World. He received the Joliot Curie Peace Award for Un Wawering Committent to peace,
At the 29th UN Generalassembly in 1974 Bangabandhu himself in a memorable speech encapsulated his thought when he said, and quote: "I Would like to conclude by reaffirming my faith in the indo Titable spirit of man-in the capacity of the people to achieve the impossible and to overcome insurmountable Odds. This is the faith which Sustains nations like us which have emerged through struggle and sacrifice, Our nations may suffer, but they can newer die. In facing the challenge of survival, the resilience and determination of the people is an ultimate strength.
"Our goal is self-reliance, our chosen path is united and Collective efforts of our people. International co-operation and the sharing of resources and technology could no doubt make our task easy and reduce the cost in human suffering. But for us in the emerging World, ultimately We must have faith in ourselves, in our capacity through the united and concerted efforts of our people to fulfil our destiny and to build for oursel wes a better future".

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1086 Politics and Life in Our Times
BLOOD OF THE NATION
At that moment of history when the country was recovering from pangs of birth, he was heinously killed. Only two of his immediate family members survived. His daughter, Sheikh Hasina, now the country's prime minister and the younger daughter, Sheikh Rehana, Were away from the Country. Bangabandhu was assassinated but the Conspirators could not end the great leader's legacy the rejuvenated Bengalination. It was impossible for them to obliterate his achievements which were attained through so much of blood of the nation and now vibrate through the minds and souls of the people of Bangladesh.
As we commemorate his martyrdom, we not only pay our homage to the memory of the most illustrious son of the soil but as the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina - the daughter of Bangabandhu reiterates, "We take a fresh vow to build a happy and prosperous Bangladesh - the, Sonar Bangla- or the Golden Bengal as dreamt by the Father of the Nation".
it was the people of Bangladesh, irrespective of class, Creed or religion, who one day responded to the call of Bangabandhu in defying the forces of evil. Today as one looks at this country and its great people, rich in history and civilization, one feels an optimist. Democracy, closest to his heart has taken firm root, judiciary has never been more effective, freedom of press is assured, the economy is showing signs of great promise.
We are now a nation capable for realising the objectives of real freedom. And that will be our sincerest tribute to him. Let Our Sorrow and grief be our strength in our march towards that goal.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, August 21st, 1997.

Remembering Sir Razik Fareed
by Fathima Zahara
Al Haj Sir Razik Fareed, Kt. OBE, JPUM, statesman, diplomat, educationist and leader was born on 29.12.1893 at Layards Broadway Colombo. After a distinguished career of service to community and country for over a period of half a century he died on 23.08.1984, aged 91 years at his Fareed Place residence in Bambalapitiya, Colombo.
As a far-sighted politician dedicated especially to uplift of the Sri Lankan Muslim Community, he pursuaded successive governments to help the educationally backward Ceylon Moors advance in education. Subsequently many schools were established for the Muslims. For his services to Muslim education he will live in the history of our country as the "Father of the Government Muslim Schools".
Sir Razik was one of the few, if not the only, versatile politician, with the rare distinction of having served in all the supreme legislative assemblies of the land. He was a City Father, in the Colombo Municipal Council, a State Councillor, a Member of the War Council, a Senator, a Knight, a Parliamentarian, a Minister, a Deputy Speaker of Parliament and a High Commissioner.
As the Founder and Life President of the All Ceylon Moors' ASSociation and the President of the Moors' slamic Cultural Home for about 38 years, Sir Razik had successfully fostered the political and Cultural advancement of the Sri Lankan Moors. Sir Razik was a man of vision with mission. To fulfil his mission and ambition of serving his community and country, he dedicated himself to the people. Honourable Muslim that he was, he generously gave of his wealth to help the Lankan Muslims. He enriched the lives of his brotheren while impoverishing himself. He served his people withoutmaking use of them. He honoured the faith they placed in him by not betraying their trust.
Countesy: "The Island", Colombo, August 21st, 1997.

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1088 Polis drid Life in Our Tires
SIRRAZIK FAREED WAS INDISPUTABLY AN IDEAL LEADER OF THE PEOPLE OF HIM THE LATE PRIME MINISTER, S. W. R. D. BANDAR ANAIKE, SAID "I REGARDRAZIK NOT ONLY AS THE LEADER OF THE CEYLON MOORS BUT ALSO AS ONE OF THE GREATEST CEYLONESE LEADERS". SIRRAZIK FAREED WASA DISTINGUISHED POLITICAN WITH MANY YEARS OF SERVICE TO THE LAND OF HIS BIRTH. HE SERVED FORMANY YEARS ASA MEMBER OF THE STATE COUNCIL UNDER THE DO NOUGHMORE CONSTITUTION. HE WAS ATTACHED TO THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE FOR EDUCATION AND WAS A MEMBER OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE THAT BROUGHT IN THE SCHEME OF FREEEDUCATION, SIRRAZIK FAREED WAS THE BEST DRESSED MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESANTATIVES WITH THE RED FEZ CAP AND THE ORCHID ADORNINGHIS COAT BUTTONHOLE AND MANY ADMIRED HIM.
Siг Hazik Fагggd 2. 2. 3 - 23. E. R.
Sir Razik and I, the author of this book, T. Duraisingam, went as delegates of tha Afro-Asian Solidarity Association of Sri Lanka ia Irak, oran International Conference at Baghdad. We were seated in the conference hall side by side. The delegates to the conference stopped as they passed us and looked attentively at Sir Razik. He pointed at his Red Fez Cap and humourously told me that they were not looking at him but at his Red Fez Cap. Though Irak is a Muslim country, no one there wears the Red Fez Cap.
 

Mahaweli Balasingham Pioneer in many a Field
by Dr. S. K. Vadives
Mr. Pieter Keuneman, When he was a Minister in Mrs, Siri Tawo Bandaranaike's Cabinet, hailed the late K. Balasingham as the "Mahaweli Balasingham",
He did so when sought his assistance to obtain state support to commemorate Balasingham in some tangible form.
Mr. Keumeman knew, but Which many in this Country hawe now forgotten, that it was Mr. Balasingham who first mooted the idea of diverting the Maha Welli Ganga.
Kathravetpillai Balasingham remembered as the Honourable Balasingham, having had the distinction of being a member of both the Legislative Council and the Executive (Cabinet) Council, thought of the country as one, as did the Ponnambalam brothers, newer in terms of this or that COTmunity.
A leader in Colonial Ceylon, whose 119th birth anniversary falls on Tuesday, October 22, 1996, took a keen interest in the uplift of the Country, its economy and living standards of its people, despite obstruction by the then British rulers.
Balasinghain who was educated at Royal College and at the Ceylon Law College, became a Commissioner of Requests and District Judge. Later on, he sacrificed a call to be on the Supreme Court Bench.
OUJACKERY
As a member of the Legislative Council, he was responsible for the enactment and or amendment of several laws which guaranteed the social and economic advancement of the people. He wrote the "Jurisprudence" which to this day is the beginner's guide of a student learning law. He also edited the New Law Reports.

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1090 Polics and Lig Or Tir ES
One of the important contributions he made was the retrieval of the indigenous medical systems. From 1916 he pressed the government to introduce legislation and take steps to resuscitate them. But the Britishers scoffed at the idea, implying that traditional Tedicine was nothing but quackery.
On January 19, 1928, Balasingham tabled the following motion in the Legislative Council:
"This Council approves the establishment of a Board of Indigenous Medicine for the purpose of the control and development of the local system of indigenous medicine and for research in Connection there with and it recommends the provision in the Estimates for 1927-28, a sum of Rs. 75,000 as a grant in aid, to be applied to Such purposes as the Board may determine".
The motion was accepted. Subsequently, a Board of indigenous Medicine was established with K. Balasingham as Chairman. The TerTibers of the Board were Messrs D. S. Senanayake, D. B. Jayatilake, A. F. Malamure, W.A. Siwa, Donald Obeysekera, Weda Muhan diran Samarasinghe, and Siddha Physician MuthuCumaru.
|NITIATIVE
The then Governor, Sir Herbert Stanley declared open the College and Hospital of Indigenous Medicine on 29th June, 1929, in a private building at Cotta Road. Balasingham continued to be the Clairar of the Board until the establishment Was Wested in the government in 1942.
Although the Golden Jubilee of the College of Indigenous Medicine and Hospital was celebrated in 1979, it is sad that Balasingham was totally forgotten on that occasion.
He founded the Ceylon State Mortgage Bank and Was its Chairman from its inception in 1931 till his death in 1952. The Tourist Board, the Coconut Board, the Conciliation Board, the Borstal Institute and the Public Trustee's Department are some of his Creations,

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KATHIRAWETPILLA BALASINGHAM WAS EDUCATED AT ROYAL COLLEGE AND AT THE CEYLON LAW COLLEGE, BECAME A COMMISSIONER OF RECUESTS AND DISTRICT JUDGE, LATER ON, HE SACRIFICED A. CALL TO BE ON THE SUPREME COURT BENCH FOR SERVICE TO THE COUNTRY. ALEADER IN COLONIAL CEYLON, HE TOOK A KEEN INTEREST IN THE UPLIFT OF THE COUNTRY, ITSECONOMY AND LIVING STANDARDS OFITS PEOPLE, DESPITE OBSTRUCTION BY THE THEN BRITISH RULERS.
Han. Kathira velpillai Balasingham
B77 - 1952
On January 19, 1928, Balasingham tabled a motion in the Legislative Council to approve the establishment of a Board of Indigenous Medicine for the purpose of the control and development of the local system of indigenous Tedicine and for research in connection there with, The author of this book, T. Duraisingam, had the occasion to go with his father, S, Thambimuttu, to meet Hon. Balasingham, when this author was able to listen to the conversation they had On various matters of public interest.

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1092 Folitics arid Life in Cur ||Tlas
PHSICAN W. KUMARAVELU COMES FROMAN ARISTOCRATIC AND HIGHLY RESPECTED FAMILY FROM TRUNELWEL IN JAFFINA SRI LANKA. HIS ANCESTORS WERE ALL FROM TRUNELVELI. HISELDER BROTHER KANAGASABA WAS ALSO ANOTED SIDDHA PHYSICAN. DR. W. KUMARAVELU LEARNED MEDICINE UNDER HIS BROTHER.. IN THE 9TH CENTURY HOUSESBUILT OF STONE WERE RARE IN JAFFNA. THERE WAS ONLY ONE HOUSE BUILT OF STONE IN TIRUNEL WEL AND THAT BE LONGED TO DR, KU MARAWELU AND HIS BROTHER KANAGASABA. ALL THE OTHER HOUSES INTIRUNELWEL WERE MUD HOUSES. THEIR HOUSE WAS CALLED "KALWEEDU" MEANINGSTONE HOUSE. D.R. KU MARAWELU HAD A WIDE PRACTICE THROUGHOUT JAFFNA AND TO WISIT HIS PATIENTS HE HADOWNED A HORSE AND CARRIAGE AT THAT TIME MOTOR CARS WERE WERYWERY RARE.
Siadia Playlisciar Dr. W. FK Lura mara wellu
Tha author of this book, T. Duraisingam, is a close relation of Dr. Kullaravelu, whom he called uncle. The author of this book, recollects many stories arrated by his uncle about his escapades, including his stint in prison for a charge of murder, on false dwidence, and of the interwention of Sir P. Ramanathan to give him a reprieve, after a few years of imprisonment, Dr. Kumaravelu's Son Shanmugam studied in the Ayurveda College at Colombo and qualified as an ayurvedic physician and is in active practice,
 
 

Maha Woli Balasingham – Pionogr in manya Field O
He was a member of the University Commission, University Council, University Senate, Council of Legal Education and author of several books on the laws of Ceylon. He was responsible for the inclusion of Sinhala and Tamil as subjects for the London BA examinations.
On his initiative in 1919, a pension scheme was formulated for teachers in aided Schools.
He was a statesman par excellence and a patriot,
Courtesy: "The Sunday Observer", Colombo, October 20, 1996.

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Weteran leftist looks at "Politics and Life in Our Times"
by Jaya tilleke de Silva
As I approached 31, Wilson Street the landscape seemed familiar, Changes, if any, had not been registered in my brain. Recollections of the past flashed in my memory as pictures in a video Screen, imagined a busy interior just as in the good old days when it Was the nerve centre of Pieter Keuneman's election campaign in ColorTbo Central.
Once inside an atmosphere of Calm and serenity greeted me. I had forgotten that it is the off season for elections. Comrade Duraisingam greeted me with his customary broad smile, which had not withered away. With old age.
Duraisingam who celebrated his 86th birthday on October 1 last year is a veteran of the left and democratic movement in Sri Lanka. If the younger generation of today is not familiar with his name, it is a reflection of their political immaturity and a sign of the times,
An extraordinary personality, he has Tanaged to reconcile the irreConcilable - Sawa Siddharita Hinduism with dialectical materialisII, perhaps at the expense of both. This unusual philosophical synthesis found expression in his chequered career,
At the age of 16, he joined the Jaffna Youth Congress, the first radical youth Tovement in Sri Lanka and was subsequently elected to its executive Committee. He was also a founder member of the Suriya Mal Movement, the United Socialist Party (the forerunner of the Ceylon Communist Party) and the Ceylon Communist Party. He is still a member of the latter and has been the Chairman of its Central Control Commission for several decades.
His communist politics did not prevent him from being a wicepresident of the Colombo Divine Life Society, the Colombo Vivekananda Society and of the Yalpanattar Kathir Velayutha Swami Temple in Chekku Street, now called Kathiresan Street.

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A SOLICITOR ANDATTORNEY AT LAW, THAMBIMUTTU DUFAISINGAM BILLSHIMSELF "THE FIRST MARX STIN SRI LANKA". BORNINKUALA LUMPUR, MALAYSIA, ON OCTOBER 1ST, 1911, HE JOINED THE PARAMESHWARA COLLEGE, JAFFNA, WHICH WAS FOUNDED BY STR PONNAMBALAMRAMANATHAN DURASING AM WAS TAUGHT BY SIR PONNAMBALAM RAMANATHAN, SIRARUNACHALAMMAHADEVA AND BY HON. S. NATESAN. ATAGE 1GHE JOINED THE JAFFINA STUDENTS' CONGRESS WHICHLATER BECAME THE JAFFNA YOUTHCONGRESS, HE WASELECTED TO ITS EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. COMING TO COLOMBO IN 1929, HE ENTERED THE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, HE MARRIED SATHIAEA, MA NATARAJA OF AMI LURA DHA PLURA, IMI MAY, 1953.
L.-F.: Sa/7 la barT7a DJ raisinga 77 and Tha T zbirT TILL DJ raisinga 777
T. DuraisinganTı joined the Suriya Mal Movement İnı 1931. When the LSSP was formed in Daceliber 1935 he was elected its Literary Secretary. He established a firm called Mohan and Bhati to print and import communist literature, and in 1937 he established the readers' group of the Left Book Club. When the LSSP split, Duraisingam went with the Communists. He has been the chairman of the Central Control Commission of the CPSL for Several decades, T. Duraisingam has spent the past few years collecting, compiling and arranging his Writings (and those of others) to be published in a volume grilitled "Politics and Life in Jur || mes",
Courtesy : "Lanka, Guardian", Colorriblo, 1st Noway Tibor, 1997.

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1096 Politics and Life in Our Times
This paradoxical co-existence of religion and Marxism in the person of Thambimuttu Duraisingam finds apt expression in the pictures of Goddess Lakshmi, Marx and Lenin that adorn his study.
Comrade Duraisingam is a man with a mission and a vision. A few years back he decided to publish a selection of his writings on a variety of subjects - social, political and religious, which cover a span of 30 years. In addition, the selection would include a second part consisting of writings of various personalities, both national and international on various subjects including music, painting, dancing and Bharatha Natyam. Policy statements of national political parties will be included as a supplement to the first part.
This publication entitled "Politics and Life in Our Times" is now in print and will be out soon. There is no doubt that it would be a chronicle of the Left movement in Sri Lanka and an outline of major world developments during the last few decades. Students, researchers and the general public would find this book equally interesting and valuable. Posterity would be thankful to comrade Duraisingam for undertaking such a challenging task, when the responsibility had been shamefully shrugged off by established institutions of the Left.
At a time when erst-while Marxist rebels are worshipping at the altars of market capitalism it was soothing comfort to witness the unshaken socialist conviction of this veteran Communist, though his Marxism was tinted with a dose of Hinduism with its belief in the omnipotence of the Brahman.
As I left comrade Duraisingam, after two hours of animated discussion, which covered 70 years of his political career, a deep feeling of gratitude towards the veterans of Our Left movement was ingrained in my heart.
Courtesy: "Daily News", Colombo, 11th January, 1997.

For Chapter 13 onwards See Volume II

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Page 559
Desabandu T. Duraisingam J.P.,
Born On 1st October 1911 Attorney-at-Law
Founder of the Left Movement in Sri
| have Written this book, entitled "Politi Our Times", to bring in one book all th that is essential for every man and Wishes to be knowledgeable for edificatiOn and al SO tO thOSe WhO Wis active part in the affairs of his or her C neighbouring countries and in the World Book of Knowledge contains articles or of Subjects and of average length, lo about twenty pages and also Snippets - With colour and black and White photog first part of the book are given the artic me, the author of this book, and in thi are given articles in support of those gi part, Written by National and personalities. This is a Handy Book o
PRINTED BY UNIEARTS (PvT) LTD. COLOMBO-13. TEL: 3301
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CS and Life in he knowledge WOman WhO his personal sh tO take an :ountry, in the at large. This a wide range ng articles of - all illustrated graphs. In the :les Writtenby e Second part Ven in the first
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T. Duraisingam