கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Lanka Guardian 1978.09.01

Page 1
ABUI NIDHAL : V
LAN KA Interviewed by
Puran Appu an
Kasi Anant
Kapilavasthu Relics :
Tolstoy
Also: Caste O Pres
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

r JAFFNA World's top terrorist SPECIAL
Mervyn de Silva REPORT
DA
o, 9 September 1, 1978 Price Rs. 2/50
d People's War
dan speaks
An academic riddle
as artist
s opinion O Satire

Page 2
ABOUT EV
I NSU R
62 anult
Management C
Insurance Cons
insurance Instit
Pioneers in Sri Lanl
Fourizier Direcfor:-
P. O. Box 34
Colombo.
Telephone:

VERYTHING
A NCE
onsultants Ltd.
ultants Ltd.
:ute of Ceylon
ka - Established 1956
Dr. Linus Silwa
3rd Floor, YMBA Building, Fort, Colombo.
9 8

Page 3
Wol. I No. 9 September 1, 1978
CONTENTS
2 - 3 Jaffna Special Report | 4 News background
5 - 9 International News
- Research 2 - 5 The Arts 6 - 8 Discussion
9 Press opin on O- Satire 2 - 3 China
SS
LANKA GUARDAN
CWT
A shot from the fili
Šසඝ
Published by Publisher 5, Sic СЕПТЕ, Third Building, 125 Colombo - 1.
Telephon
Editur: MI
Printed by
825, Wolf
Colo
Trends
TU’s activated
The 25th Harta anniversary saw the Ward ‘hartal" back in trdde union circles. But what is being dictively cdr. Yassed however is a
general strike launched by a united trade unior overner. The more “left-Inclined" Lions outside the LSSP-CP fold want to Inject a greater militancy Into a restive but largely dormant movement. Taking a leading role in that move is the United Federation of Labour, the trade union wing of Mr. Wasudevd Nanayakkara's "new" LSSP.
But the others want to keep the struggle to strict economic demands: the restoration of the rice and sugar ratlons, a minimum wage of 300 - for unskilled Workers and 355/- for a clerk, with a non-recurring cost of swing gratuity, and a 40 hour 5-day week. The reinsto cement of victimised workers is also a major demand. The White Paper and the new Constitution are the more political issues.
A significant development in this connection was the participation of the SLFP (Mrs. Bandaranake personcly present). In the Hartal Day
meeting in the company of several "new" Left parties,
Wages. C. O. L.
Will the government succeed in pre-empting the trade un llon plans ? The next budget may bring sub
stantlal wage incr lic sector which force the private step,
But all the gol kg hold down risir Ces seem to be f er highpowered co toTrilles fis trying with the problem. tank produce insta problem which is Come of the ney Itself an applicati standard advice
DPL changes
Earlier this yea reer officers in tf kling off more tha Ambassadorid post "At last", they w professionalism w sed.'
But the Counter, politicos hus been sagging spirits are Ce than Jaunty str dars of the loc Another politician, minister, is expec the key New Delhi Director. General taking over the post. Besides, the Deputy High Cornri London will go Tember of the c Overseas Service's

Pittura
m *"Weera Purån Appu” Page 12)
Lanka Guardian Luth Asiri Media | Floor, YMBA. 23 Mail Street,
e: 2.59 [1] 2 8.
Brwy'n de SIIwan
Ananda Press endhal Strict, Tլէյց - 13.
eases in the pub
of Course wil/ sector to keep in
fernment's efforts g consumer prffoundering, AnothIrmittee of secrehard to grapple Burt Egr) a think rt solutions to a the logical outeconomic policy, or of the IMF's
cock-d-hoop cofe F.C. were tл a half a dozел s for their car. ere won't to say as being recogni
rattack from the so effective that : Tħare r ewide"des. In the corr7 Qual d’Orsay. a former deputy ted to move to Job with former Arthur Bosnayake low-key Rangoon once "suppressed" n/ssioner's post in
o a brker, fefunct CCS, the
rivy CIALIH.
Letters
Maduru Oya tender
Is there some" jiggery pokkery' going om in respect of the Maduru Cya Tender? Itis undersood that the Evaluation Committee, comprising very experienced engineers hawe made their recommendations which have now been upset by an influential gentleman. And we wonder why our cngineers are leaving Sri Lanka. We understand that one of the engineers of the River Walleys Developillent Board, who was oil the Evaluation Committce has already tendered his resignatiom a nd accepted a job in Nigeria. It is high time the politicans allowed the technocrats to carry out their job. After all, on the Maduru Oya Project, it is they who will have to work with the Inachines and not the politicans.
We understand that the Chairman, Rivcr Walleys Development Board, who is also engineer, along with the Tender Board have made positive recommendations in regard to what machinery should be purchased.
At the inspection tenderers were made to understand that the equipment was urgently required, as early deliveries would be a criterion for selection. It is now almost three months since thic closure of tenders, but the final award keeps on being postponed.
We hope this will be read by the President, who we are confident is a fair and just person.
Palladu.Ia. L. P. Pererą
How fares local industry?
The article on the above topic (15th July) brings out quite clearly the damage done lo local industry and consequently to workers by the "freer imports' policy.
Yet there are other dangers in this “easier imports" policy which II list be eliminated.
The opening of Letters of Credit can be done by any individual who can quote an Income Tax File No. Il matters not, whether he has paid tax for the last two years or not, it matters not whether (ட்சriாக ரr page g)

Page 4
Special report
The mood in Jal
uffna was the tituderbox thí1[ Jಛಿಸಿ: the corn inunal riots of August seventy-seven. One year later however, the Peninsula scen3 calm and peaceful but nevertheless determined. The deepscated reseltInent that the Peninsula citizen feels is na longer shouted about in public meetings and displayed in street corner graffiti but it is there Jurking in the political consciousness of the Jaffna Tamil.
FFEFFFF.W. - ELfFFILS is Frar possible. "Tamils outside the peninsula
learned, through the riots, that Co-existence is not possible” så id Mr. W. Yoges warall, the MP foT Jaffna. "They realised for the first time that they were virtual hos Lages in the South. Malay of them have yet to be gainfully employed in the North and their basic matcrial needs have yet to bet met.
"The TULF is the alternative as far as the Tamils are concerned. Those who leavic us will gravitate to the extreme movciherts. The Famil Self Rulle Party will not bencfit from defections from the TULF'.
Yet the atmosphere in the Dorth is de Woid cof tension beca
2
moderate"
Lust Lhe Police : conducting t Credit for this las Ranmuthugal the Superintende Ing tille recet Lhere: :hre çOlst the police-militat and stations in patrolled by a and soldiers,
maintailed at st Wehicles searche
The average : back on the pos tory of the furt lect. **We ha in the South in or industry or ; NOI "" Skei
“If at all, patric eled through an elccled represť point to the fa to provide for the north, the g commandeered a Jaffna College, du Elte Section. with boks, equi ture being tak Linderstanding be th: 3 chool aut
The lietil people is the m
CČ If this Middle class yo cation as an ol. oyment oversea completely aband of working cons the national Ecs Tot believe that any contributiot community by do they feel the tion to serve t birth.
Yðuring Idem w to the ranks of are als o turning seas. The Midd lucrative emplo:
 

fna
are on the While |elsel Wes Well. is givel to Daugilla wlio has beein mit of Polici: duripast. However nt reminders ol y presence. Trails the north are rmed policemen Road-blocks are rategic points and | aliter dirk.
1 ffrha, Tarmii lQoks t-independent hish as le cof negthe government rested in education agriculture in the an educationalist.
Image: Was channybody cxcept the antatives.' They ct that in Order
a compaign in :overnment merely in existing school, and its undergraIt was arbitary, iipment and furni:en o yer with Lit ing arrived at with orities.
of the young Ost yisible ewidealleged Teglect. Luth lock to ed Lupening for empl-- S. They hawe oned any thought tructively within
nony, They do : they can make to thc Tamil staying on, пог slightest obligale lad of their
ho do not aspire the professions, their sights overle East provides yment for this
Jayantha Somasundaram
group. And today one can see the fruits of their overseas excursions — the litest Tm del Cars, clectronic Luipment Ild modern luses. CoolTib Llo Inger is the focal pin l of their lives. Thus there is growing a psychological independence from ColoIı bo, which is 4 grcater I. lırca to national integrity Lh4 El Hall the TULF slogans and rhetoric.
Ir. Ferrarioralis II air parocialisir: ? "Workers of the rora Murfre,..."
While the TULF talks about the inevitability of a separate state, thc advent of the UNP Government has had a sobering cffect on the Tamils - particularly the middle class element. This is a group that has had a love-hate relationship with he UNP. Thay are able to identify with the economic objectives of the UNP, they can relate more to the cos Tnopolitan apprach of the UNP.
Even Mr. Yogeswaran accepts that thc situation is different since the UNP came to power. Before that the TULF representatives were completely ignored as fair aus recommendation for jobs were concerned. He concedes that the new constitution is an advance as far as the Tamil pEqple's language rights are concerned. But it is nowhere near meeting their aspirations. It is also detrimental to Tamil interests in giving more seats on an area basis and thus reducing Tamil representation in parliament.
Oil the other hand, where the District Ministerships are concer

Page 5
ned. Mr. Yogesweran said that
they knew very little about the
powers and functions of such
District Ministers.
When the UNP has periodic
ally succumbed to communal extremis Ls in the south. the Tarmilis have felt betrayed, This was the kind of altitude that led the FF tL bandOll the UNP ÜiÖVersiIIIent in 19ó8.
But II: Ely Tamils feel that reconcilliation und rcstitutio T. ä. Te still a possibility. And Lihcy b:lleive tha L. J. R. Jayewardene is both a statesmail with the inclination to make concessions to the Tamilis and one who has thc political power to do so.
Jaffna intelligently viability of the Ealam demand as it s Lands. For example some ask, is it no absurd to expect the Colombo Government to woluntarily split the country. In other words, they see the peaceful and gradual road to separation as an illusion. Pointing to exallples from history they say that only a showdown and a fight could possibly achieve a separate state. and this the TULF does not seen to be in favour of.
Other Tamils question the notives and calibre of the advocates of separatism. They point Lo the fact hålt på triotis 11 is o filem the last refuge of the scoundel. They pose the question; are the best kind of people really in the forefront of this struggle? If not, the kind of leadership that Ealam will be siddled with, will hardly be the kind to look for Ward to.
People in question the
The minoritiets a IIn ong the Tamil speaking people, that is thic Christians, Muslims, and the depTessed castes, a Te ålŠČ ånxious about the kind of treatment they will receive il a Tarmi state. The Christians particularly are conscious of their schools and churches which haw: links with the south as Well as overseas; an obscurantist regime, built on acial slogans. Could underminę security of the minority groups.
The poor and politically active elements within the working class, are also anxious about
(Солтiлшғгі ал page )
hirty - nine Anandan, he
has spent severa tody. The last t Tonths ago whit filed at the Naw The leader of t movement, he LIF tested the Battic. last General Ele Kasi Amandam gı sive interwiew rேfar.
2. PV.a Frake είετεrΤητηEει αbσμr
A. We call ha Sinhala people o Our own territory of tur power. l Struggle lo Testo dom, but it is will lead to Inor derstaiding bety halese amd Tamils
Q, KViľ Taf th Ple be starried by
Earl?
A. We do not lese people mor at harming them ests. We have Sihlats. W wim ower Sinhala so that they will macy of our de will ulderstand .
 

Po rraf i'r prepara FC Pyar ke Fiacrifire Is."
all convince hala people
Plantıdan
year old Kasi
TJLF firebrad, | spels in Cu5ine being a few ni he Wrs conEl Base, Welisara. he TULF youth 1Successfully conaloa seat at the :tion. Last week från Led an excluto the aiki
fire TULF 5 I separate state?
.vc unity with the Inly if we hawe
and the security This is why we o our lost frcea struggle that & unity and unWe:Ill the Siri
e Sirhaliese peor the dehard fr
hate the Sinhaärė We aiming ČI their interLewer fought the seek instead to public opinion, I see the legitimand, that they otr * t uggle and
grant us justice. For this we Illust be prepared to Inake sacrifices. And through our dedication and sacrificie we will convince the Sinhala people.
We will convince them that We are not a minority. We are a separate people
2. Do you! I feel that people and Goverurtens outside Sri Lankg car influence the setting up of a separate state?
A. We have taken every opportunity to cxplain our case to international public opinion. I have little faith in the ability of foreign governments to influence the situation, but certainly foreign public opinion does count. We havc a lot of SyTupathy in sotme foreign countries where out demnands hawe been canvassed. As to whether they give financial support as Well, I don't really know.
2. Do yoi prink that with the removal of descriminatiori inti u lversity adratission, the frustration of the Tamil people, particularly
le you, t'il subside?
A. Inspite of the Government's claim to remove standardisation, We find that the racial composition of the new entrants, folloWs the old proportions. We can't quite fathom What is
3.

Page 6
being done. is far from elimi g。Phaf 芭 J”
But
discrimination nated.
01: ஆரir ஆf
the so-called Tiger Movement?
A. I a II afraid I don't know
anything about
it. All I can
say is that a Government that Teleased JWP members who were
convicted of so
has reacted Sternl whose offense sc
5E;"TETէ: tiality.
sters for
That's what I call Under the provisions of of this Tiger Act,
thirty-eight
Inuch violence y å gå inst those ens much less par
Wanted poof us
were put up, and I was held at
th:
facilities that потпally books, and visito
SLN B31še at
Illonth-I was
people
in custody enjoy-like
Welisara for not given who are
S.
2. Rரw விர yar view the dit
петателts to
What about fire
ές
CeIII Fíffufigri? taking up of
District Miristerships by the TU
ALF?”
A. Things have ÇOnlistitutioriall help us. Nor do prospects in the ters SchtПле. TULF will accept Ministerships.
The mood in (Солrїннеї fѓаллt page their fullre, if Separate state.
Jaffna Residency which Tead: World Unite
illnendments
don't think
Just
Workers The
gorlle to får for tj.
much Miristhe District
I See District
thes:
g) it comes to a outside the We saw a poster of the slogan was
international — not parochial.
BLlt til: Ealam will
TULF be both secular and
insists that
socialist. They point to the election of a IIllinority castic member
at the last election
ticket as TULF's attempt Lugh tTąditior Ell ita tip I1.
The
Si
Ill
liberalistı to be
the
to play in
tempered by role that they are
In the TULF xample of the
to brek thTOforms of explo
TULF the called upun as the
of the
south,
leading opposition party in parliament by their international image:
as a depressed but
minority.
The TULF baches in New
has
progressive
very active York aI1d Lo1
2. How serioj. of the TULF yo
A. It is th who have Ima for the libcatio nation, And t bccione a contr in the TULF. ing restless beca CId to the Tall Tamils.
(2. kohať Hra: Aplicy fff 7 Ealarr world ad
A. We cI wis: socialist and se in which equal be Imade aWEtilab. eweryo Ine. We w cessary by Tesor the so-called ca.
Q. In the r See the TULF a do gyfeirg Ee விரy tர விரy ஐரீன்,
A. Yes. We protect the inter III (I) I Thail and WetIIIlcht that rights and interi
age citizen.
don. And pub these cities will
con TULF polici
In the south th asingly called st: 1) ds on natic it will Tit for with any Sinhala or group in the
"We will I involved with th gles", snimmed
1.
tank
Lanka
i5 availab
Poobalasingha M, opposit.
and 9 FIFs

is is the agitation
Ferent?
Le young people ide the sacrifices I of the Tallil day they hawe olling force withThey arc becom-use they see Inc. reatment of the
'd like the kirad of separate stare /
pit?
ge Eala TT1, as a cular s LatC. COID opportunity will le to Cach and will abolish, if I c"t to legislation, sitt syste. I 1.
Plear fire did J'ai 's beirg able fa u ristructive in the irs of the country?
Will St Tiwċ: LO "ests of the COIloppose aпy gojeopardises the 2sts of the aver
fToTm check
lic opinion
FC ES E
C. TULF is iTCTS
upon the take T13 l is SLles. Het tally align itself -dominated party : 5outh.
Ourselves StTUgYoges
it get ;eir power up Mr.
le In Jaffna
Guardian
3t
„m Bunk Papst
Bus Stand
t Cross Street
An LSSP
bastion fals
he battle bet Weem the Old
leadership of the LSSP and the rebellious young turks of the Party has consisted of a series if struggles to Wrest control of Lihe powerful trade unions that the Party controls.
In 1974 the first contest took place in the All Ceylon Motor Workers' Union-which yielded considerable power in the CTB, The old leaders succeeded in driwing out the rebels who thereupon formed the Wama (Left) Faction of the LSSP. Later came the struggle in the Uniticid Corporation and Mercantile Union where the clash between Percy Wickremasekera and Wasudewa. Na nayakkara led to the latter's expulsion from the LSSP.
The next major confrontation will occur later this year at the conference of the Dumriya Sevaka Sапgamaya, the key Railway l III II
The Wama group made major in roads into the Gowen Till Clerical Service Union last year. At last month election they gained Coldplete control of the Union leadership. The GCSU Secretary, Gunasena Mahanama, has complained that the post-clection GCSU statement published in the daily newspapers, was restricted to GCSU attacks on the refurnist LSSP. But the following scntence had been deleted:
"The G. C. S. U., victory is a major step on the road to building up this lica dership of the Working class and preparing for direct struggles against this fascistminded government. Hence, the forces that have really suffered a defeat are the reactionary capitalist interests that stand behind J. R. and the U. N. P. and their imperialist overlords.'

Page 7
International news
Abu Nidhal on The
by Mervyn de Silva
Nid llall, 24
HE Lumle is Ablu
1707 de guerre. His Teal
na Ine is Sabry Al-Banna. Wlıcın Said Mainnlani, the PLO representative in Britain and a wery popular figure in Arab circles il. On OI) was murdered in Ja illua. Ty lhis yeEl, the In: me Abu
Nidhal sprang into the headlines. In lhe "Tinies", London, L front page article described
hill, with Dr. Wadi Haddad, as the World's "fore Inost exponent of pure, urbridled terrorism.'' Already in January, Dr. Haddad, operational chief of Dr. George Habash's leftwing Palestinian Popular Fron, was dying of carcer to leave the field open to A. bu Nidha !.
Last mith, the “Striday
Tires' (London) of fercd him the saline accolade, slightly re-phased when it wrote in an article headlined *Why Palestinian feucling brings trror to London :And Paris.” Ille was cilled tille World's “prime exponent of pure, unrcs trail'd terroris II.' Press and TW. the news agencies and news magazines gave him top billing as the "terror" spread from London ald Paris and across the seas t islamabad, "War among he tetrists" was *** We Streeks” headlilor While ReTer hin-typicaliy titilla Liing paraded "War among the spooks."
Who is Abu Nihal and what does he stand for? In April l975. Abu . Nidha. I, then a TInan very Inuch in the shadows, gave me what was probably the first interview granted to a non-Arab journalist. This Article is based on notes made during that discussion and on another specially written for and distributed by "Gerriti Featurës', an affiliate of the "Guardian', London.
The trouble my friend is this ..... The desiTe to tlı Tattle
tle tic P:t les tirli not only the g the Zionist stali So much but th of the rotacio na Arab World whi fires of revolut mass: cred in Jo will try to Lebanon but
fighting. They peace as long justice.........'
The spczyker leier of the Arab Liberation pLılırly k II, wn i AbLL Midhall, w:
ir hlis officc Suburb. It is h
(),
Though the' place three yea dcvelopments ir: 31T even keert Nidh1:4!ʼs TeII13:Ik; 111t 5 CT) th: Palestilizin Left. l think, a clear interesting and, Esingly importan the country grant himi san Syrian : TImy, c; “Arab Licegue: pl ipse is will Lebanese and the radical activ stilian resistance hazardous trek Baghdad, perhap fuge. And this I through Geneva.
It was Mr. who introduced *(eevarist." I
varist.” ObserTwi Tert MT. Nidh Explain. Jis uTe
Which I found : quate, he had t of the two me panicd Ime Abu

Other
all Te willլ է it, Il is Teates desire of 1: Which håltes Lus
le secret longing .ry foTCes in thc o al 50 fer the ion......We were dail, and they do it again in We Will g0 ÚbT1
will have no ES We have no
y2:35, Abu Nidla l, B:ghdad-based Front, now poAs "Blick Ju Ilie." is talking to Isle in a Baghdad is living quarters
Unversation took ITS ilgÜ Çtı TrCTıt I thit area give :r edge to Mr. ably frink coinEctics of the It also throws, er light on the İ believc, incrét role of Iraq, which chose to c. Llly. As the Thouflaged as an "cščnce". Seeks II : httl. Lhe Palestinian Left, rists of the Pale
hawe: beguir a from Beirut to is their last re
"oad does not go
Nidhal, in fact, The to the word heard it as "Gueпg пmy puzzlenal hastened to
of his English, Inote than adeo enlist the help in who accinHassan, a Pales
Enemy
linian journalist who had been wounded in action in the Black September massacre in Jordan, 2i nd PeLcT Yusuf, a co Tn tribu ting cditor of “All Tra yw'ra", (Revolution), the ruling Ba: th party's official
TAM,
"Gi:Incwarist” is an in-jibe aimed at those Palestinians who think that Geneva can giwc thêm that 'state' which thirty years of suffering in exile and struggle did not. Interrupting a somewhat long winded explanation fronIn cone of my companions, Abu Nildhal said that the world in their vocabulary stood for a "compromiser." And today's compromiser, he adds with a flash of anger, is to lorrow's trait (T.
Did he include Yasser in this treacherous company? Abu Nidhal has no reason to love the PLO leader.
A gTO Lup commandier of Fatah, Abu Nidhal had broken
Arafat

Page 8
away from the PLO's main fighting arm after a violent dispute with Arafat over tactics and strategy. Arafat had tried him in absentia and sentenced
him to death in 1974. The sentence still stands.
The principal point of disagreement, he told me, Was about Palestinian relations with “reactionary i Arab states." Abu Nidhal refused to accept the notion of "Arab unity in the context of the Arab World's present "level of development
and political consciousness." To him, Arab unity is a myth. He argued therefore for a twofront struggle-against Israel and at the same til Inc, against “the other enemy." The other ency is a blanket phrase for those feudal, backward and reactionary elements in the Arab World whose fundamental interests lie with the US and the West, and whose concern for the Palestinian cause is hypocritical, Ihittorical or, at best, marginal.
Abu Nidhal shot into a promimence as" leader of a n "indepen
dent guerilla group with his spectacular raid on Nahariya, the hotel district on the Tel
Aviv coastline. It was the first sea-borne commando attack on Israeli territory. The Israelis, who hat I See Somebody Els: imitate their own speciality, were so incensed that they burnt the bodies of the guerillas and threw them in the street from a hotel balԸԸny. I
Though surprised that Mr. Nidhal should admit responsibility for this raid to a foreign journalist, Mr. Abu Al-Adil, the PLO representative here in Colombo, confirmed Abu Nidhal’s claim. Ambassador Al-Adil, who knows Abu Nid hal extremely Well, (“ʻI hawe known him as my brother for many years') now considers Abu Nidbıa1"s, recent actiwitieS a3, divisive and dangerous.
And these activities', of course, hawe been focus sed Con "the other enemy.' With Syria and Jordan as the main targets, the Black June group launched attacks on Arab embassie abroad, on top tourist hotels in
Ашіпman and most dramatic tempt to ambush Teign Minister PIEsident Assad's ator and the kel Syriatl "solution Crisis.
When I drow Nidal's Incides Baghdad suburb, пnelodramatics. carrying an A-K side on the step: street Where SOII playing. Escorte mcil and her minutes, up 50m ways, I entered nished room wh an improvised digs than a gueri centre. But for picture of Pales the wall and, b pistol in its hol
**I Tegard Gè1 not a goal. Celt Palesti Elians' h to “Grewa." a diplomatic ills strument of the powers, sопе even of some P You asked me ä fat. Well, i lo tool, too.
What was his gotiations in ps eyen the N. L. Allericans in the Palestinian idea of being t the Middle East
AbaLu Nidh Ell to his Teply. "No ted the Wietna hoIII el a tüd. YCS, physically dividc two government: the Wietnames: pct regime, a Tld interwention, imp But nobody çTE: some cutside f Ilese soil. Whet a th, saime tab the Zionist usu what it has sc nearly thirty ye; He wins recog from Arab state

Damascus, El Dd of all, the atthe Syriam FoMr. Khaddam, No. 1 negotifigure in the to thc Labarlest
h to Mr. Abu office in a the Were 10 A solitary guard . 47 stad o puts leading from a 1C children Were di into a base, after a few c winding stara sparsely furich looked more undergraduate's lla's operational Lliw o things: the i nia, In mErly It's Orl y the bcd side, a St.
eva as a tool, ainly not for us t Sid Whos: he als Wered "is trument, the in
U. S., the big Arab states and alestinian leaders. bout Yasser Araoks as if he is a
objection to reinciple. After all, F. talked to the Paris and didn't radicals cherish the le Wietna. Il ese of : ?
yok çare to phrase outside force ejecmese frŮm i heir
thic Co Ltil try Was d; y es, there were , a government of people and a pup- the Te was foreign erialist aggression. ated a “'state' for orce on Wictinaa Palestinia II sits le as his ené Illy, per, Israel gains ught vainly for ars. Recognition. Inition not only s but from the
Palestinians, the Palestinian on whose land he has created his state. So you See that Wietnam is not a goud examplc in this matter. The laws of conflict and lib cration struggle follow a certain patterп, it is true, but the objective conditions, ås we understand them, are different here'
Abu Nidhal’s views on å Palestinian state carved out of Lhe West Bank or West Bank ånd Gaza are equally uncompromising. He said: "Look at the U. N. partition plan and see how much land they offered 115 then and that was more than a quarter century ago. That too was a state. The Palestinians rejected it, The Arab people rejected it. What will they offer us now? A state with much less than half that land, and after thirty years, afler all that has happened to our people, a whole generation, you expect us to say 'yes' now?'
Those Palestinians who favour Ihe idea of a “state, however circumscribed its territorial limits, justify it as a first step, as a liberated zone" which can be extended later. Abu Nidhal scoffs at this view. Far from being a liberated zone, he told me, it will be a puppet regime which lives under Israeli and Jordanian guns.
Since he inentioned "the big powers', I asked him about the Soviet role. Would not the prer sence of the USSR, as Co-Chairma I of the Gicle wa comference, prevent a total sell-out of thc Palestiniams? Am. ironic 5 mille played on his lips. “My friend' he said, “I won't lecture you con Sowiet Imiddle-east policy but I’ll te| you something that is no secret. Among us Palestinian Tevolutionaries, the prestige of the Soviet Union is sometimes as high as my reputation in Tel Aviv,
If what seeins. In ore and more a well-orchestrated move for a Geneva conference is activated, men like Abu Nidhåll and George Hebash of the PELP will play the part of de-stabilisers. But their capacity for such de-stabilisation will be relative to the logistical support they receive from an Arab state. Iraq has all the

Page 9
qualifications. It is in Baghdad that Sadat is on "trial' as a traitor to the Arab people.
After Lebanon, Palestinian hatred, once directed at Jordan, Whose Premier was murdered in Cairo, made Syria its main target. Iraq's qualification to play the role of patron to the increasingly homeless and hounded Palestinian Left has a securer foundation than the long and bitter Baathist feud with the rival faction in Syria. It has never recognised Israel, it has never agreed to cease-fires or signed agreemcInts and it did not eyen wote for the UN Resolul Lio T1 242 still the most widely acceptable basis for W. Tab-Israel negotiations.
Iraq fully endorses Abu Nidhal's view that the proposed Palestiniam state will be a “puppet state'. Iraq's Deputy Foreign Minister, Mr. Mohammed ElAmiri told this correspindent that "any Palestinian state car ved out of territory conceded by Isfacil at the negotiating table will come into legal existence with the consent of Israel, and the United States. It will live by the grace of its creators, and the blessings also of some Arab states. It can mewer hawe am independent existençE."
Conceding that the Iraqi position is a minority view, Mr. ElAmin observed: “But it is nevertheless a view which reflects the true aspirations of the Palestinians and the Arab masses. Those who want to march to Genewa, w hoever they may be, do not represent the authentic sentiments of the Arab nation.
"Palest innian sentiment" explains Abu – Hass:R n who is a member of the Palestinian National Council (a sort of Parliament in-exile) has an amazing mobility
and moves frt
gToup to group and issue. So happens when Genewa and po placed before people.'
The PE LP ad ctrinal approach AIL offic alysed the pre Marxist terms:
issue.
While Gee
a new balance
äręā, tlę fund of the US is
the Arab that bourgeoisie into capador class the Arab rewol
terms with Isra
"The focus struggle is here as the Amcrica
ed Ilor Africa says the Direct established Cer Studics." Oil, ETT team ad t
Will Inake that and more con
АП
the heart of it
few years.
What if the
approves the id пеetiшg опсе і settled and Pale tion guaranteed
Abu NidhäI*s tainly worth r. happended to Nuri es-Saids, The people km With traitors."

leader to leader, with each event
et's the question of ssible betrayal is the Palestinian
see what
pts the most do
Lh ial spokestinan anisent situation in
L LO whole
a is a product of of forces in this armental objective to help convert ional a Tid petit
a pro-imperialist
which will thwart tion and come to
ec1"*,
of the global Indo-China.
D15 Wrongly beliewor Latin America',
. İlot
or of the newly tle for Pacistine Israel, the Medithe Indian Ocean
5 trl lggle sharper plex in the di Palestime
II. ***
Ilt
is at
: PLO officially ea of a Geneva is modalities :s tinian
раг1ісіра
All 5 We Was C. ecording. "What the Farouks, the
and Shesha klis... ?
OW how
མ། །
t0 deå
Palkistan Playing the CENTO card
M蠶 ဖါးရိုး၊ ವಿ"...!
in Pakistan on the solemn pledge of a rapid restoration of parlia
mentary democracy and "clean elections". General Zia is still busy trying to give his martial
law administration a civilia Il facade. Last week he appointed several politicians of the PM.A., the Illain opposition to Mr. Bhutto's PPP. into a government that is actually run by soldiers and civil scr"W:ı Int5. Buh [ the P.N.A.. is as, badly divided as the country itsclif and the introduction cof a few known right wingers into a government that is controlled by a general, a Sandhurst prototype and a sclf-confessed "rightist', will only help dramatise the energing coalition of the armed forces, the top burcaucracy and the civilian conservatives. Given the strong roots of “Bhuttoism', (with or without Bhutto) in the Punjab and Sind, the regionalist pulls of the other prowinces, notably Baluchistan, the opposition of radical opinion grouped in the Democratic Alliance and the worsening Cconomic conditions, this ad hoc alliance will remain both unrepresentative and unpopular.
A few weeks ago, ao || 1-nation Aid Pakistan consortium rejected Pakistan's request for 2 million to Ilies of wheat and called for a mcTe convincing account of its agricultural failures. The governimen's (Wil memorandu II stated: "it would not be possible for Pakistan to import 2.3 million tonnes out of its own cash foreign exchange resources without subjecting its already precarious balance of payments position to seveTec stresses and strains and without disrupting its development efforts*",
The economic difficulties, populaT discontent and political tensions kept under control only by stern martial law decrees and military tribunals have made General Zia’s dilemma a desperate "one.

Page 10
He can only turn to Pakistan's traditional aid-givers to bale him out. But liberal opinion in the West has been scandalized by public hangings, whipping and "khaki" justice. Some Islamic donors like Libya are equally in censed over what is clearly the army's intention to" destroy Mr. Bhutto.
Pakistan-watchers in Delhi attach
special significance therefore to Islamabad's moves in external affairs. The Indian Lok Sabha
has discussed at tempts at plammed
infiltration in Jammu and Kashmir. They have also noted Pakis
tani propaganda against the new regime in Kabul. Is there an attempt to de-stabilise the new government of Afghanistan? Westen, Iranian, Saudi Arabian and Pakistani concern over the change in Kabul is Well known.
Pakistan which joined Iran and Saudi Arabia in giving Inilitary assistance to a Soil alia that inwaded Ethiopia's Ogaden province would dearly love to receive enhanced financial and arms aid from the West ind Iran.
“So Pakistan is now playing the CENTO card" says one Delhi-based Asian El Ibassador. He was referring to 'signals' from Islamabad that it would be in Pakistan's interest to leave CENTO, the US-sponsorČd riitilitary alliam Cę. The rhetorical gesture was timed for Pakistan's diplomatic effort to enter the non-aligned movement. At Belgrade, it was accorded the lowest-level status of "guest', not
observer. Senior non-aligned diplomats who met in Belgrade agreed that the "CENTO card
was in fact played for the benefit of US, Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the expected reward was more money and arms.
S
Are ther
“Shif, shir, SE, af a bifach las d'or.
his unguardt
from a Cyrus mawerick Arimbass candid in LCTwie: W пеwspaper “ Ile A “thousands of pol the U. S.- The se llcd un tl:LL . before the Sowit in fullricus tit-for term press ovet trills, hall poll. Ll: give-away prop: LInders Ländablto Young's own increasing tribe,
his blood.
Mr. Young sa Caper. As Co Conyers (Republi Carter walls to fast-ditThinishing election. all he fire Andy'. Be Youthg has do. job for the US winning OWer so cals, like Angol way for the N. negotiated by th in the Security
French Collect
While the rel prisoners proved tic opinion, mu Wee Mr. Your the French exter imperialism' in off the Task ol the Frcchlı cleyir: senting the oper empt to save t nocenii Europea. callously buti Katangan rebels,
Het Said that wention was in humanitarian col sire tio protect " Inic interests. F has wery fruitful lationships in A France overcom payments proble!

e political
if íhaf (!frth Far e if agair!..."
:d outburst came ; Wall Corc alide': 'whığı ador Andy Young's ' With the Paris fair' touched on itical prisoners, in : dust has now bu Lihha but mot :t. inelia, engaged -tąt with the Westle Tecęft SQwięt ::d gan Mr. Young's
aganda gift with glice, and Mr. britics, an ever
had called for
Wived his latest Ingressllan John can) explained: “If
throw away his
chalces of Tehas to do is Llo sides, Abassador me a relarkable
and the West by me African radia, and pawing the amibia settlement Le Western Big 5 Couth Cil.
іоп
lark on political abrasive to donesch, less publicised g's comments on cise in 'paratroop Zaire. It ripped f sanctitiony which arly used in pre"Ekin ås an atthe i Wę5 of iIis who were being chered by the
the French interot motivated by ncerns but a detheir own ecolorance, hic added, I Tneo-colonial Tefrica which help her balance of
S.
prisoners in US 2
Ardreh Yoring
Mcanwhile thic more seriousmindcd Alinerican press has taken Ambassidor Young's pro vocative remark as an observation that merits investigation. Angela Davis once said that in the final analysis all black prisoners are political prisoners and Mr. Young himself was jailed for organising a civil rights demonstration,
The Christian Science Morritor published its findings:
But Ambassador Young, elabor Elling later on his Ternark, of fered a broader definition of political prisoners' as "peoplc who are in prison much more because they are poor than because they are bad.'
If such persons can be construed as "political prisoners', - and they would not be under the usLal definition of that term - the Ll correctional statistics suggest that here Mr. Young may be on soulder ground.
Recent studies, including solic by the federall government, indicate that substantial numbers—perhaps ovena Inajority-of thcinnates of American local jails end up there because of lack of money for bail, for fines, or for an adequate defense.

Page 11
Many held awaiting trial
A national jail census by the Justice Departement’s Law Emforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) several years ago found 52 percent of prisoners Were pretrial dicta inces being held for trial because they had failed to post bail.
That adds up to more than
83,000 prisoners, a figure on the gcInerous side of Ambassador Young's estimate of “hundreds, cwen perhaps thousands,' if these are the kinds of prison Crs to whom he was referring.
Other reasons for persons bcing confined in jail, as shown by surveys, also have economic roots.
These include :
Nonpayment of court - imposed fines (under which estimated thouSands of persons, mostly indigents, arc jailed each year).
Criminal nons upport of one's family (alimony and child support offenders have constituted as much as nearly 7 percent of the inmates in at least one state's jail system).
Civil contempt sentences for nonpayment of debts.
Lack of a law hearing (studies defendants go though having a the chances for
Half of those j:
Nearly one-hal. who land in jail 0ther recent štud found that 45 pe did not earn a come in the ye a Tests.
“American jail arily as catch-all people,'' claims a Washington a lice Department thot of a recent “The wast major jail are there be afford to buy ti their predicainen
The federal pr to lock up a share of low-econ Crillimåls."
A recent study attorney's office City indicated th convicted of "w Tiles stood only chance of going figure rose to 5. Wiolent street' percent for Wiolen
Letters . . .
(Corrd frரr தரg )
he is a li tax defaulter. In fact the number quoted is never checked with the Inland Revenue Departtment, nor is documentary proof required that tax has been paid.
Th:Te hawe been instances where: importers with bad records with the Banık (Evel convictions foT cheating) havc very easily opened Letters of Credit for several lakhs of Tupees-on minimal margins at that
This liberalization of imports must be carefully examined. All ill porters must be required to produce documentary evidence of payment of tax before they are allowed to open Letters of Credit. If this is not done genuine importers will have to compete with
crooks and cheats na le of the tra will be spoiled.
Nugegoda.
The role of
The C. D. N. W.
21-8-1 nם urםfI two surprises on ils (WT1 Words tl:
"It is surprisi its use has be. commonplace it whiteman's staple test village boutiq try. It is cven mor how ready we bread often Imad Poor quality, is months of shipm. ands of miles, c

'yer at a bond show that Inost um represented, allawyer doubles release).
ailed are poor
f of Americans
are poor. ADy by the LEAA cent of in II lates powerty-level in'air before their
s 0 pecrate primasylums for poor Ronald Goldfarb, wyer, fогпner Jus|la Wуег, and Blubook on jails. ity of persons in cause they cannot leir way out of
isons, too, appear disproportionate omic-status**street
by the U. S. in New York at while persons hite Collar” Ciria 36 percent to prison, the 3 percent for noncrimes and 80 : 'street" cirmes.
and also the good de in Sri Lanka
F. O. Schoorram
mass media
riting on rice and 978 had sprung
its readers. In ley are as follows:
ng how universal CITC and how is to find the e dict in the remoLuc in this coune surprising to see
TO CO COS e from flour of tale from long Lent 3Cross thousif lying in the
harbour, or in various around the country."
StOTe5
This kind of writing besides being a downright insult to the intelligence of the readers of this country, serves little or no purpose in trying to make the people change their food habits. Peoplc understand the predicament of a
government that has to find scarce foreign exchange for the import of wheat flour among
other things and at the same time undertake massive development projects like the accelerated Mahaweli Scheme.
Mass media in this country must take the people into their confidence and speak the truth quite frankly. Then only could it be said that the mass media has understood its Tole.
Pa Tadura. W. K. Wijeratine
Import stampede
They way importers have rushhed in to import goods which can be made in Sri Lanka and a Te already being made only depicts the collosal stupidity of some Sri Lankans, No imported battery ever came up to the standard of some bitteries made here in regard to length of serwice ind efficiency. So is it Tegarding reliability of most goods like refrigeraters, radios etc. In Sri Lanka, which is still a developing country more poor than rich--thic people are more utility conscious than fāśtidious.
The main drawback of indust
rial development in i Sri Lanka was lack of sufficient industry, one in each province at least,
and greater competition of it. The District Development Council type of industry can work and will be a success if it comics off its own bat, collecting its own Tevenue and spending and developing on it.
Coolbo 7: A. E. Gunawardena
)

Page 12
SS SSS
Research
Kapilavastu relics — som
by a Special Correspondent
he relics discovered in 1897
by a British engineer i na med William Claxton Peppe in the Tuins of a stupa at a place called Piprah WA in the Basti District of Uttar Pradesh in India were contailed in two steatite vases. One carrying an inscriptian stating that the relics contained therein were the relics of the BlessedOne, the Buddha, deposited thcre by some Sakyans. Though scholars have questioned the accuracy of this interpretation of the inscription, it has been generally accepted that the relics are genuine relics of the Buddha. These well-attestcd relics of the Buddha, however, were offered to the King df Siam by the Government of India for dist TibutioTh. iT. 1898, but whether these relics in fact were sent to Siam as proposed cannot be ascertained.
The relics exhibited in Sri Lanka. were discovered at the same stupa at Piprahwa, but at a lower level and in 1972, to be exact on the 20th of March of that year by K. M. Srivastawa, Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Sirvey of India, Excavations Branch. Nagpur 1. II 1971 Mr. Sriv:stävä started his excavation of the site at Piprahwa already excavated by Peppe, and a detailed investigation of the site was undertaken in 1972. This is how Srivastava describes his own investigation: "During the course of this operation an earlier ring of burnt bricks came to light below the Square base, and the earlier ring appeared to be the brick-edged outline of an earlier stupa.
The discovery of the said earlier ring was a further step in the direction of finding earlier and original Telics. A slall trench was therefore sunk in the north eastern quadrant of the stupa which revealed interesting features. Arı outline of the shaft bored by Peppe Could be easily observed now... lntrigucd by the earlier - ring the present
Writer directed be taken furthel where Peppe ha result two burn Were discovered
Inters from the տligբճ.
That the spe the brick chamb sacred objects from:1 tilhet natu TC struction. -- A s. and a red-Ware: to each other W. the norther ch: three courses of owed. The dish another dish of Whigli had hok: Both the soap : the dish were ca. the help of bric The maximuli casket is 7 cms dish 26 cms. It c of charred bore. the dish could T. because it Wasl Wys filed with e however, I bol
Tha position the dishes were the souther bic dishes of the si: as it the north placed just bel course of brick. reduced to fragi more courses of E another soap sti in size, came " te of the casket h; The maximum casket is 9 cms 16cms. On the re. which filed the ca were found insi
The above pa quoted from 3r Ed's Lyf T Identified" by K. officer who disc and accompanied

he questions for scholars
the small trench to below the point d stopped. As a il-brick cha Iimbers
at a depth of six 2xtant top of the
!cific purpose of eTs was tri keep becaпme apparent of their cosap stone casket dish placed close ere observed in Imber after the top brick were Tellw:is covered by the same type in lo threę pieces, storic casket El Ind efully packed with cks and brickbats. diameter of the And that of the ontained fragments The contents of it be distinguished badly situashed ald Earth. There Were, 1e fragments init,
if the casket and
(sic) differemt in k chartber. W. ame type and size 2T chamber, were ow the topmost
Both dishes were ents. Wher twU Frick Were removed onc caskct, bigger light. The lid ad been broken. dia Imiciter of the
and the height Iowal of the earth sket, Charred bortet le",
ssages have been article " entitled oy of Kapilavastu M. Srivastawa, the overed these relics tlhem to Sri Lanka
a few weeks ago. The article lay be regarded as the definitive statement on the discoveries at Piprahwa, appeared in the Wishveshwara and and IndCological CollTitul, Panjab University, Wol. XW, Pt. 1, in March, 1977. It is these 'charrcid; bones' Mr. Sriwasawa has brought to Sri Lanka claiming then to be relics of the Buddha without adducing even a semblance of proof of their identity and thereby a misleading thousands of unquestioning Buddhists of Sri Lanka to pay-hornage to thei ir the since Te belięf that they are authentic relics of the Buddha. In the article from which I have quoted sole passages above there is not even a faint suggestion that tlhe relics Mr. Sriwa. S tawa discovered at Piprahwa Ilay possibly be those of the Buddha. It will be-noted that between the discovery of these relics in March 1972-there is no doubt that they are the relics of sole Buddhist saint-and the publication of Mr. Srivastawa's article in March 1977 there was a period of five long years in which he could have given careful thought to the full implications of his discovery at Piprahwa and if he was convinced that there was slfficient evidence to consider the-charted bones' he brought to light at Piprahwa to be genuine relics of the Buddha he could have easily incorporated his evidence it the article referred to above.
In fact as far as the present writer is aware thic first time that Mr. Srivastawa claimed the charted bones he found at Piprahwa to be relics of the Buddha was at Madras on his way to Colombo with the Telics, (Madras **H frid" of 22 April 1978). Then when a week had elapsed after the relics had been received in Colombo with unprecedented religious fer wouT by thousands and thousands of Buddhists of Sri Lanka, 1 Mr. Seri vastawa gawe full vent to his belated joy in discovering the relics åt Piprahwa

Page 13
five years earlier. "The Sunday Observer' of the 30 April, 1978 reported as follows: "Indian archaeologist Krishna Sriwastawa, to whom we owe the discovery of the KEpilavaslu relics now being WeneraLed by millions of Buddhists in the country, said his 'joy knew no bounds' when he finally released the bone fragments of Gautama Buddha from the tightly packed burnt brick encasements in which the Sakyas had placed them after the Creatio at KushiragaT (Kusimara Y ..... Mr. Srivastawa, a Hildu by birth, is convinced, so he said with a smile that hid more than the camera eye could catch, that something more than dead accuracy guided him to the relic chamber.' Apparently divine interwention was aiding scientific archaeology.
There is no conclusive proof Whatever to den10Th strate that the Telics discovered by Srivastawa at Piprahwa are relics of Buddha Gautama or of any other Buddha. The mere fact that well-authenticated relics of the Buddha had been discovered at Piprahwa in the
same stupa. Some eighty years earlier cannot be regarded as conclusive proof that the relics
un carthed by Sriwastawa are also relics of the Buddha. In the absence of any conclusive proof such as an in Scription as in the case of the Telics discovered by Peppe in 1897, to describe the relics discovered by Srivastava' as relics of the Buddha would be only a simple presumption, and presumptinn is mo snbstitute for i proof. Whoever the authority that was responsible for the physical despatch of the Piprahwa relics to Sri Lanka did not himself believe that the relics that were being despatched to Sri Lanka were those
of the Buddha, for the plaque affixed to the glass case containing the relic caskets reads:
HOTY RELCS FROM THE STUPA AT PIPRAHIWA TE is no mention of Buddha relics nor of Kapilavastu (for a picture of the glass case see “Sunday Observer“ of 25. April 1978.)
Now we come to the question of the identification of Kapilavastu. This is a matter that should engage the attention of the government of Sri Lanka, which, according to
press герогts, pго shrine at Piprah relics discovered Srivastawa, appar belief that the latt of Piprahwa as ilawas Liu, tlue hon Buddha, is sup; clusive evidence.
Ewen as Carly of relics alt Pipir, Lhe Suggestion li; scholars that the thic I, a meient city WCIe the Buddha had been enshrir Pali tex L5, ACC) tradition some a the cl:Tl to Whi belonged, had als at Käpi laivaslu. clusiwe cwidence to identify. Pip ancient Kapilava:
Mr. Srivasta ya rests Coll the disi sealings and the A po in a builë of the stupa at sealings which nu carryiппpгessions i ters of about th second century a era either the woT viliare Kapila'yasitthe Kapila vastu B of thc Devaputr; Words, fata-R Sarga”, the Bhl of Maha-Kapilava carry the names of This evidence is adequate to ident the ancient Kapi accepted without sealings and th the inscription 0. done at Piprah W it would follow idential with th Wastu. But it is has been pointed Wogel, a Dutch sc ional repute, in that these article where, the sealin 5tcure packets a! dcspatched to i ot inseribed pot na been Colle of the and sent to Pipr: known as Kapils

poses to erect a a to house the
ther by Mr. ently in the full er's identification Ille a Llicient " Kaphe town of Lord ported by con
as the discovery ahwa by Peppe, ad bcn inlädt: by site represented of Kapilavastu, 's corportal relics cd as reported in rding to another ter-day Sakya Ills, ch the Buddha O biter'ı inhumated -ווסט סות חטWGwםH has been adduced rah Walt with the St.
Log identificatio Covery of some Inscribed lid of ling to the east Piprahwa. The IIuber about forty n BrahmicharacIs first or the f the Christian 15 "On DevapurraBaiku-Sarghahhikshu community - wihara—or the Kapila ya Fr Briksikshu community istu. Some sealings individual monks. 3, however, not ify Piprahwa with la Wąstu. If it is question that the e engraving of in the pot were a, then certainly that Piprahwa is c Ancient Kapilamore likely, as out by J. Ph. holar of internata parallel case, ; : Werc Tmade elsegs being made to ind parcels to be her places. The y indeed hawe articles so scaled hwa from a place LWELSt. Ll.
The parallel case I refer to is the attempted identification of present-day Kasia in Ut La Pradesh in lindia with the ancient city of Kusinara where the Buddha passed a Way and where his remains were created by the Malla princes. General Alexander Cunningham, one of the best known pioneers of Indial Archaeology, was the first to IIloot this idea, and he Was later supported by distinguished scholars sueh as Wineent A. SI Luith, Lhë distinguished historian. Later on the idea gained further support by the discovery in the ruins of two monasteries cxcäwated at Kasia
.. öf over 500 clay scalings, möst of
thern in fragments. Qn some of thèse sealings appear Sanskrit Words equivalent to the phrase, "of the community of Bhikshus of the Mahaparinirwana-cality". Ilt is on the basis of these scalings that scholars, anong them the distinguished historia El Wincent A. Smith, sought to identify Kasia with the ancient city of Kusirara. However it was left to Wogel to point out the defects in their arguments. Let me quote Wogel's own words: “As long as the use of these documents has not been ascrertained it is impossible to decide whether their evidence ends to disprove Cunninghan's theory. If they belong to the spot where they were found-and the wariety of their da Les and uniformity of their legends seen to point to that conclusion-they would windicate Cunninghall's identification. If on the other hand, they were attached to letters and parcelsand this seems to be the Ilost likely use they were put to-they would place beyond doubt that the convent of the Great Decease is to be sought elsewhere. At present the only fact which can
e deduced from thern with certainty is that there flourished a monastic establish II ent on the spot of the Buddha's Nirvana between c.400 and c 900 A.D., and that there existed another convent at the place of his cremation from c. 400 to 600 A.D. at least'. The second part of the last sentence in the passage quoted above Iefers to a few Sealings which contain the Tame Sri Makutabadha, where the
(ரோtrd Br page ஆg)
11

Page 14
The Arts
Puran Appu: Who is
here has to be a catch,' I though to myself during the intermission, after the effective and distinctly seditious first half of " Weera Puran " Appu o. Consider: An imperialist power acting through its local puppets imposes severe economic burdens on the IIlasses. The masses attempt a peaceful prolest and arc brutally beaten down. The they sink regional and caste differences and Irise: Lup against tlıoppressors in an armed struggle for national liberation.........
Strong stuff - especially in these days of the GCEC, Deinis Hopper and Johannes Witteweten, not to mention Sections 58 and 157. So there simply had to be a catch sole where, though it wasn't in the first half of the film, which was very well paced and presented from the powerful opening sequences onwards. The ambush. sprung by the wandering minstrel troup; the court sequences which reveals imperialist legality's travesty of justice; the gradual transformation of the bandit. into a revolutionary " lica der sinking his roots among thpeople of the area to whom he is initially a stranger; the utterly futile attempt at peaceful protest against an ared oppressor leading the people to thic ineScapable conclusions that armed struggle is the only way out-these processes are wividly and swiftly sketched up to midway of the film. Tissa Abeysekera's portra yal of Kudapola Unnarıse (part, Machiavelli, part Richelieu) is little short of brilliant.
The catch was there alright. The pre-intermission phase of the movie paralleled the preinsurrectionary phase and the film's ending in a rifle crack which is less a bang tham a whimper. The rebel army Inarches off to battle to the tune
1.
畿
Preserring fÄ
of s. me petty cl les, like the La Corps or whatev to phase of Måliyoyeli Sele: the storming of fortress, the ri Tilade out to To give but a they surround a continue to hop side its fece lui ges in. There disgusting scene sant soldiers ind ke n baila sessio II unconvincing sk bels are routed wing handful d The only redee the second porti are the graphic sion conducted b and their local
Lester James gates achievemen ing passages of
 

real hero?
e peff.fr,
s
ha uwisinistic jingund Development er marching off the Accelerated me. Except in a (rather small) ebel troops are be on-heroes. single example, Kachcheri and agitatedly outtil Puran charis a particulary where the peaulge in a drun1. After a few irmishes, the reand the sur Wiesert Our Hero. ming feature in on of the film scenes of represy the imperialists puppet tтоорs.
Peiris thus Ilets of the openhis movie. To
S aHaEEL TLLLL LL LT SLtLGaa LCLT SSGLS
quote an old Cuban prowerb, he destroys will his feet what he created with his hards. Not Inly does he reveal a weak grasp of historical reality, but also a contempt for the masses. The rebellion of 1848 initially SLEcceeded to Such an extent that the British were on the verge of Vacuating the country. The rebel forces however had to defend and hold the sizeable territries they had liberalled, thus turning from the offensive to the defensive and as Engels Said the defensive is the death of the Trevolution. The balance of forces on a world scale was so favourable to Imperialism that defeat was inevitable. Massive Teinforcemets were brought in from India, savage repression unleashed and the rebellion was crushed with the help of feudal collaborations.
The film ignores this, seeks the reasons for the uprising's

Page 15
initial success in Puran Appu's personal heroism while locating the failure of the rebellion in the vacillation and capitulAtomi5T11 of his follo WeTS. The film does not focus on the Collective nature of the sluggle, the daily personal lives it ind cfforts in battle of the other combatants. Here we can negatively contrist this nuo vie with In other film with a strongly siTilar historical setting-'Quei11:da” (BURN). This nuo wie which an at the Savoy around 2-3 years augo starreti Marlon Brando and was directed by Gillo Pontecorvo with screenplay by Franco Solinas, incidently the same pair thar made the "Battle of Algiers'. Dealing with a slave revolt in the West Indies and its crushing by the British in almost the same historical period as the 1848 rebellion in Ceylon, it avoids all the pitfalls that Lester has succuTubed to and succeeds brilliantly in portraying the mass nature of the struggle "as well as the indiwidual contribut tion of personalities and the objective circumstances that lead to the defeat,
But Lester James Peiris is no Gillo Pontecorvo and thc script writer is Franco Solinas. The difference is by no means one of technical ability, but a more profound one of Weltanschaung (World outlook). “Weera Puran Appu" fails to reveal that what look place in 1848 was a Peoples War. History is not made by the efforts of great men. As a heroic leader of a titanic and successful national liberation struggle, Mao Tse-tung, ' once saidi : “the masses are the Teal heroes.' The makers of this film obviously disagree.
We are informed at the mowie's conclusion that the struggle of 848 culminated victoriously on February · 4th 1948-a facile comment which cannot hide the fundamental difference between the popular armed struggle 130 years ago and the polite beseeching of "flag independence' by the venal compradore oligarchy. In sun, it cannot conceal the fact that (to use the phrase of the African liberation fighters), "a rfa continia'-the struggle goes on.
Tolstoy
by Reggie Si
Ley Nk date is recor old-style Rus: days behind
1 1935 James
ding his daugi Wutules of Tolst in a letter: In 777zuchi Larid Does the greatest story ure of the worl Wonders whether fully what he wa For Tolstoy's st simplicity in its like that of a fa highest kind of boundless steppęs man, - rock the grabber in Tolst docs the ele IIcni hisart Warft het and contriwances fiction.
The supremacy Ong thic World's Tänge und fullne ence has ofte b but full justice h done - at least speaking world - artist and crafts Tolstoy is one of whom the divisio and content is draw. In Fla. James, Proust, J. ways conscious of with which the been shaped and sees the marks ch both Flaubert In early the sale the writer spendi refining the rhyth tences. One can Tolstoy doing th: great a novelist a Tän to be ob Seš5 as an end in itse
On the other was not like Dic or Hardy - lovel

2S
lwardena
artist
laevich Tolstoy was born 150 years ago last week, the
ded as 28th August 1828,
but that was by the
fan calendar, which in the 19th century was twelve the fnternational calendar.
Joyce, while senuter Lucia some by's stories, said ly opinion. How a Mari need? is that the literatd knows. One Joyce realised s acknowledging. ory has a bare telling, almost ble; yet it is the art, Just as the i, untouched by greed of his landoy's story, so tal maturalmCSs of elaborate artifices of Joycean
of Tolstoy amnovelists in the ss of his experiIeen recognised, as not yet b Ccm in the Englishto his mastery as nan. Of course, those writers in In between forIn very difficult to bert, Turgehew, oyce, one is althe skilful labour work of art has perfected: one f the chise. Of and Joyce very story is told of ng a whole day mns of two scnscarcely imagine at: he was too nd too great a ied by the word
牵
hand, Tolstoy kens, Dostolewsky ists in whom. the
largeness and profundity of the creative imagination are accompanied, even at their best, by lapses for a page or chapter –by faults of style, construction or taste. The immensity and diversity of the Tolstoyan imagination are supported, in his masterpieces, by a Taure discipline and finemess of touch in the details of his execution.
Reading Tolstoy, one is not at first conscious of his mastery of craftsmanship. One is only aware of an art, as natural as breathing (as Isaak Babel said, 'You feel that the world is writing, the world in all its variety). There is an impression even among some critics who place him highest among novelists that he managed without style: Dwight Macdonald once said that Tolstoy wrote "like an Olympian recording angel. This impression does not survive a reading of him in his own language.
Tolstoy is probably the greatest writer of creative prose. He achicved in his own medium what Pushkin had done in poetry-to bring to perfection the natural genius of the Russiam language for the bare purity, laconic power and wiry energy of spare and concentrated expression-something very different from the Shakespearean or Dickensian prodigality and rich exuberance of phrase.
At the end of The Death of vari Ilyich a man dying in an agony of pain has a sudden moral illuminat
"He searched for his former habitual fear of death but he didn't find it. Where was it? What fear? There was no fear,
because was no death either. MY--.--. Ariffhlf fðaf 酉”

Page 16
*It stead of death there
light.
The probing repetitive rhythms of the first paragraph are succeeded by the sudden discovery in the last sentence, whose brevity, stronger in the original because Russian takes_only four words (Kornes.fo s Přerti byl syet) to say it, comes like a lightning-flash. And the key-words (sneri and svet) by their likeness of sound create the unexpected transformation of death into light,
Tolstoy is as great a Tunaster of the form of prose fiction as he is of prose style. The structure of the 19th-century English novel was held together by the novelist's central interests-what an English critic has called 'manners, morals and money'-3 ind was designed usually to lead up to a marriage. This pattern reflected the outlook of a stable bourgeois society, where individual happiness through love and marriage seened ideally a realisable and desirable goal. None of the great 19thCentury Russian works of fiction shows a similar form, because Russia was a society moving towards revolution.
Tolstoy's predecessors in Russian fiction-Pushkim. LCTmontow, Gogol—had already i begun exploring freer, more open ended forms of fiction, whose characteristic Erk was the broken plot-structure ånd the inconclusive ending. In 1868, in a comment on Haar ard Peace, Tolstoy wrote: "The history of Russia ml literature frorm Pushkin's tirnic: Inc. only furnishes many examples of such a departure from European form, but does not even give one example of the opposite." Tolstoy's art was the consulinmation of this development. The
unfamiliarity of his forms to English readers at the time led Arnold
to call Arma Karenir7 a “a pięce of life" rather than a work of art, and Henry James to describe Tolstoy's novels as fluid pudding'.
But Tolstoy's form is the appropriate medium of his experience an experience of quest, illumination
(tragic as with Anna or redeeming:
as with Levin, and the continuing flow of life which trainsends the fortunes of the individual
1
character. - In t fected a society
moral roots. Th and Levin lives
hawe : il com II. Il of them can live within the establi: tionships and , wıllı justly proud of th of Arma Karer fra *The i structural li om the plot or On thic acquaintance ters, but om inter
What is true form of Arra . true of the small; Inaster pieces--The Ilyich, How Muc Man Need?, Af Hadji Murad. T ted towards a tr; rtwelation, and its instrument.
Affer the Ball, consider it one test Works), con than ten pages til of a whole socië
Cooma
the so
by C. Rajasin
would be in upon Ananda
preoccupation v manner conceive Siriwardena as
look of the modi (I refer to his art Guardian of July be to place him critic of model T no 'complete w about art that th mankind has acc 5 toric Lines 1 That quote from sufficiently expl; only be one and sal judgerment C relevant and app existing forms () architecture, Till conceived of the

his form is TCin crisis at its Qugh Anna dies on, what they is that neither in the old Way, shed social relaues. Tolstoy was Le "architectonics" 1. As he says inks do mot Test the relationship: ) of the charac
al limking.”
of the large-scale Kareerina is also :r (but mot minor) : Death of yar f Tr E
er the Ea' ri hey are all direcnsfor IIning " moTal he plot is only
for instance (I of his very greacentrates in to less
Iwan Wasilyevich, goes out into the fields onc III orning, deliriously happy after dancing a whole night with the girl with whom he is in lowe. By chance hê sees i COIupany of soldiers flogging a Tartar, whose back is a bleeding Inass of flesh; and watching then in passiwely is the colonel, in whorl the narrator recognises the girl's father. This experience changes his whole life: he call never bring himself to enter thc army, as he had hoped; and it is the end also of his love, because when he meets his girl-friend and she smiles her cinchanting simile, he thinks of the expression with which her father had watched the flogging.
The irony of the story is that Ivan Wasilyevich tells it in order to prove that not environment but chance determines men's lives. And yet to the reader it is apparent that Ivan's discovery had nothing to do with chance-that it was the revelation of the social
le moral anatomy environment, of inhuman and ty. The narrator, arbitrary power.
raswamy
॥ cial worker
gham (A reply to Reggie Siriwardena)
based on Art and this calls for correct took raising our levels of reference Coomaraswamy's from the empirical to the ideal, th Aಳ್ಗ 黑 it from observation to vision, from
Egg any auditory sensation to sensa lacking the out- to'".
in social thinker. icle in the Lanka. 15) That would
as a second-rate titles, who has iew of the doctrine e greater part of :epted from prehiuntil yesterday.' 1 CúопагаšWarmy ins why there can
thcreforé univerif a work of art licable to the few f Indian Art - in sic: ånd då mee. He : whole of life as
The Ilodern World of art is based on a science of likcs and dislikes having time only for the outer world of sem se perception. Reggie Siriwardena can be forgiwell his pre-occupation with IIlaterial and historical roots whose beginnings are to be found roughly in India, with Alexander's conquests and in Europe from about the 6th century B. C. This modern outlook on history excludes a Tiluch more Ternote antiquity and contines itself exclusively to quantitative, mechanistic or materialistic conceptions. Our in OWI)

Page 17
experiments in many fields including education, for example, has led us into a blind alley-the futility of our present uniform types. What Coomaraswany regretied most was the loss of India's spiritual integrity. In his own words "A single generation of English education suffices to break threads of tradition and to create i non descript and superficial being depriwed cof all ruots". We in or OWn tiIns are beginning to feel the da Inger of the degrada tio II of Asia which has already taken place u Iller industrialis In Tid thc: counfer Tewolutionä. Ty impact of this post-industrial Europe already showing signs of revolt even in the new world of America.
Coolinaras Warny did not end “in the cloudy realms of metaphysics". That would be a most uukind reference to one of our greatest social thinkers Who knew the eternal value of Adpatra Vidpa of Science of the Self in its application to social life. A social life, if its intent is to elininate selfinterest or the profit Inotive, should be based on dharma and in the Tamil eqiwa lent “Arara" it mcas the only Way to liberation or "Peedu". Coomaraswamy was thic ablest exponent of this sociological basis of life which gave meaning and fulness to entire civilisations until the advent of commerce and industry along with their hand-IIlaid laissez-faire, We are victims of the hallucination that complete equality can be achieved through social theories lacking the ultimate religious and metaphysical basis expounded by Coomaraswamy, Such equality has led to universal irresponsibility. T. S. Eliot was in a way right when he said, "democracy in which everybody had an equal responsibility in everything would be oppressive for the conscientious and licentious for the rest'. We see today the Sympt-QIl75 of disorder in the irresponsibility of the Sudra who has vanquished
the Brahmin-the that Brahmanical imposed whereas freedom to act Was a warming by which we could w “If, either in igno tempt of Asia co рсап thought omi co-opera lion of E phers, there will when Europe will fight Industrialis IT cinemy will be Asia.
Those material roots which pre-d Warden:l have cert in line today wi busy assessing indi
abour and at assuming that W back the boundarie World. That would 10 isola. Le QIIrse! other order of re sing the world a: IElechanising ours process. TFue el Rene Guenon and witness to the “Newcr hawe ejt Or man been so si point of their be nero Corporeal en by hypothesis, c possibility of com any other order of
In the whole col araswamy's writing gress away from I on art, religion a William Morris yw: ence, if ever, on Swarmy's was a m he Oriental way principal unity i Confusion of thin uniformity. He hård out of thoughts a which seek equali down ignoring the essential aspect o every Ilan. What dena should find not the Truth that pointed the world' but the so-called thought' where, as self says, being 'th ession of a humanis We are at mercy o. and corresponding

Cause being discipline is selfthe Sudra has irresponsibly. it Coопагаswamy "ell take note of: "El CE CT in ÇOnT1Str. LLC Live Elrols to seek the astern philoso| colle a time not be able to I, because this entrenched in
and historical Iccupy Mr. Siriairly a duration hen y We are all stry on humilan the samle tirile Vе ате ршshing 3 of the known oertainly mean wes from every tality, mechamiround us and (elves in the was forcseen by we are already phепопспоп. ler. Lhe world runken, to the ing Teduced to tilies, deprived, if the smallest Imunication with
reality".
mpass Qof Coorng it is a pronodern thinking Tnd life so that 8 a. pOIT ii fluhim, Coomaraind tutored in to fusion in Si against the gs in modern long ago grown nd expressions ty by levelling qualitative and f the Man in Reggie Siriwarfault with is Cooma raswamy & attentil to IIIodern “Të the latter hirile natural exprtic philosophy, four thoughts dcsircs", -
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Page 18
Discussion
A marxist
omrade B T Rama diwe’s ČCultzC器 Revolt in a Colonial Society, is both a recognition of the imir portance of the subject for the development of a revolutionary mass movement in India, and an attempt to carry forward a Marxist understanding of the role of castes and anti-castic movements in Indian society.
While Comrade BTR accepts the main points of the substantive, historical chapters of the book, het levels a heavy Critical fire against its main theoretical framework. ACCording to him, my outlook was "do Illinated by antiMarxist concepts like plural society and elite competition' and by a “revisionis' undestanding ofimperialism. This criticism I would accept as largely valid. At the time Iwrole the dissertation, which was oily minimally revis cd for publication, I tended to accept the position that colonial relations of production were essentially "capitalist", that merchants and lilndlords were essentially a 'commercial bourgeoisic' and that poor peasant's as well as workers could be described as a "semi-proletariat. (However this docs not fall into a 'colonial Illode of production" Todel so much as the 'world capitalist systei' approach of theorists like A G Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein).
Now, I would fully agree with Rana diwe that this wiew is mistakcin, that imperialism essentially Ilaintained feudalism-though in a subjugated and modified forIII –as the dominant Inode of production in agriculture during the colonial period. Thus a revolt against caste is new cI simply a "cultural revolt", can never be an attack purely at the cultural level, and requires the transformation of the relations of production. Thus the Satyashodhak mOWĊ II ernt a Tid sirinilar movements Were essentially dcrocratic antifeudal movements, in their radical form crucially linked to peasant
16
appr
agrarian revolutic a full destructio domination.
Though I gras some level during writing of the b really sound gras cepts to give it theoretical appro: eçleçtic 01 e, bÖTT and Weber, Furt in a way that I but 'progressive" do. Though I W a class-based an E för nåtion of C: India, what cine only a kind of Categories, ån att “'economic”, “pol tural" levels and cTete twents, indi ctures in terms
class" and approach ends up two - categories a separately and ete or implicitly sees crude (å Tid non-Mɛ terring and “cast feature; and it ŠätETTE:Int:5 ŠI: "'Ca tant than class”.
crucia", "Caste i
class', and so on. tially bourgeoisthat rėmains dor in the absence C alternative, and : esserice of eifr Er in terms of the
duction) or caste
Source of the t Weakness
This theoretica perhaps inevitable Was Written Il University of Cali a university that some of the mo radicalized stude the US and inte in such lovely a -backed 1965 mass

Gail Comwedt
oach to caste
In and requiring 1 of imperialist
ped this point at g the research and ook, I had T10 p of MaTxist cona basis. My ach remained arl wing from Marx liwall and LeTin lost non-Marxist Schlars might waited to develop lysis of the transısté in Colonial ged instead - was combination of empt to aggregate itiC8]*ʼ a 1d “ʻcLultó define conIwiduals and stuof the mixing of Este." Such an by opposing the if they existed rnally; it explicitly i class' in very Irxist) “economic” :' ilig all * 'cultutitl''' Tesults in Such iste ismore impor'class is more is giving Way to This is aflessenliberal approach mirant today only if a real Marxist fails to grasp the class (unders {Cood relations of pro
heoretical
Weakness was My dissertation 1972-73 for the fornia, Berkeleylas produced both st militant and 1. Il ve II:lts jr. lectuals i 1 Wolved ffairs as the CIA i acre in Indonesia.
At the time, there were thousands, tens of thousands of us coming out of the student movement, the anti-war IIlowcment, the Black movement and the women's "movement who were moving in a Marxist direction. But there was no live Marxist tradition in scholarship; the American Working class movement had its traditions of militancy and wiolence but no living socialist ideology (so much so that May day is unknown to the vast majority of American workers and l had to first learn about its origins from celebrations in India); he purging of communists from unions and universities in the 1950s had still not been overcome; and the process by which activists in the democratic II novements of the 1960s were turning to real study of Marxist classics had just begun.
During the period of writing Iny dissertation and after, I was in the process of Inowing away from bourgeois sociological conceptualiZations and developing my theoretical understanding. But this takes Some title. For these reasons I fecil the major contribution of Cultural Revolt lies in its long substantive chapters, in the project of attempting to theorize the complex reality of Indian society, and in the further research and development of analysis it may stimulate from others-not in the sometimes eclectic theoretical formulations I came up with at that
Need for a concrete апalysis
Having said all this, I still feel that the development of a concrete analysis of the functioning of caste in the Indian social formation remains to be carried out. The fact is that Marxist and radical scholars have reacted against the overemphasis on caste and its idealistic interpretation by bourgeois scholars by tending to deny, in practice, its reality. Caste is scen simply as an element of the super

Page 19
structure and so neglected; as an “appearance' that can be discarded to get at thc underlying class or national 'reality"; as a secondary (cultural) callegory that can be superimposed on an analysis after "class' has ben discussed; as a conspiratoria (hence ideological, polical, 1 hat is, sul perstr Luc! LlTal) weapon of capitalists, landlords and kulaks Used to divide 1he working class. This is inadequate,
id il fČt ČTTI ČOLIS.
Most Marxists today probably agree in seeing case as an aspect of India Ilı feudalis III, so that å struggle against caste is a crucial part of the democratic IIlowerment, a struggle that requires wiping out the material base of feudalism (particularly in agrariatinl reclations) as well as cultural 'survivals." This, I feel, is Walid but not adequate. In fact, the specificity of the feudal mode of production il lindia was largely related to "caste"; to the role of the jainari halledari system, to the relations between high caste landlords and low caste serfs and tenants.
Caste, in other words, existed Inot simply at the level of thc cultural superstructure-lot only in LcIIlls of "ideas' of purity and pollution cor "rules” about intermarriage and interdining-but as part of the relations of production themselves. And when feudalism was IIlaintain cd in a transformed form under colonial rule, Caste also was Tinaintained at the level of “economic" relations as well. But we need to know exactly how this was true, what the specific characteristics of India II feudalism were, how precisely these were transfor Ted in the process of being subjugated to and maintained under colonial Tule and more recently under post-colonial imperialism.
“Caste” continually and inexorably inserts itself as a problem in organizing class struggle. For example, the experience of organizing agricultural labourers seems to show that it is not only difficult to build unity between landless agricultural labourers and those with some land or those who are mainly poor peasants; it is also difficult to build such unity
between Elgricultu poor pea sants o The Illilital L (PI tural labour orgal jawur district, fu: to hawe had diff ing beyond H+ to aburrs of
ther sectiols of More receutly, t. struggle in Bhd. Bihar las Won a the rural por a it appears from reports that gain of better-off Ha e sier for the Will Illing Over 5 poor peasants of
In such cases Iactitol to sy dry a “Class W. letpen Our unde itself. For exam inaccurate to sa a fa Trily of Mar of Buddhists OW 11.Il g g. In Cri Working Ilainly ters that their thế: $81 mẹ Wh only in terlus Maratha family more recently d land thus with : clair to the la likely to have Tichı ald middle; ners and therefol in being hired mors likcly to skills from its ship that gail it labņurers; it īs access to the Il which means 34 by ånd ČSS Work f the family, and factors are Tot but part of this to the Ineaths o. is its a clašs pios provide the main base for the abili and landords t of Maratha and läburT5.
Or take the ul the Borbay tex in the weaving therę is no aut hold the yarn b when it breaks

Tal labourers and f diferent castes. (M)-led agriculInization in Thanr example, seems iculty in spreadarijan laburers ther castes or to the rural poor. ht: CPI (M4-)-ied jpur district of s(ılid base: ar11 (JI)g nd Harijans, but TFC:lt FTG FT Pfef* ing the support rijans has been IIIowerin crit than ha recroppers :: Imd
other castes,
it seems an OWerthat the reality is
ar' - unless W. rstanding of class ple, it would be
y that between a it has and El family (MEL hars) each 2 of laid and as wage labour'class' status is ile they differ of 'caste'" The is likely to be is possessed of its greater historical n.d.; it is more kinship ties with peasant landowre get preference as abourers, it is have cultivating TCcelt landOwlerhigher Yages as likely to have lain village well etter water supply or the women of so forth. These simply "cultural' family's relation f production. that ition; and they objective laterial ity of rich peasants o disrupt the unity Dalit agricultural
rban 5ituation. In til mills Workcris department, where omation, hawe to ...tween their teeth and because it is
COllsiderel pollu Ling if **Luntouchables' do this, by tacit agreement Dilis have not been employed in this department u ni il very recently, And yet Bolpay textile Workers have a 50 year history of Inilitant struggle under communist leadership which has made thc removal of such discrimination Colle of their dermand 5.
or communist leadership
Them the Te is the issue of communist leadership. It is here that Comrade BTR criticizes Inc In Ost St. Verely for Carryilg caste cal tegories “t farcial extremes"
in attempting to understand the difference between communist success in rural organizing in
Andhra and Kerala and their failure ir Maharashtra itn the 1930s, and 1940s in terms of the degree to which peasant-based non-Brahmins werC. Pl. rt of the carly Communist leadership. Herc again. I will admit the inadequacies of my then allalysis which treated the "economic' differences between the slates only in terms of the simplistic categories of Zagoria and failed to analyze the objective differences in land relations. The peasant novement in Maharashtra, in Lhe Context of a ryot wari settlcment and the rather different position of moneylenders and (often new) landlords as contrasted with Zainindars and ja n mandars, took very different forms, with its anti'sheri-Ethat if' stress and its link with the non-Brahmin II ovement. Nevertheless, the question of how the early Communist leaders understood and involved with the peasant and anticaste movements remains. As Ranadive puts it.
The Commurtists cverywhere rose out of the anti-imperialist struggle and where they were able to attract Or Combine with other democratic Currents-left democrats from the Congress the state people's moveLent and anti-caste agitations and easant Ilowe Ints-they were able to broader their base. The process of absorption of these currents was a process of mutual approach, a Correct approach om the part of the Cornmunists and a radical anti-inperialist approach on part of the anti-tasternovellent. In Kerala especially this took place on a big scale and the movement went ahead. In Andhra, the Communists took up these questions. In Maharashtra, as We have 5-cen, it was only Jawalkar who was developing on a radical

Page 20
basis and his activities Would hawe led to a proper amalgamation of the this II till TEIlt5.
But doesn't this raise a major question?-Why, in the state that was the centre of the earliest and strongest Communist organization of the working class, by leaders often from the same districts and speaking the same language as the surrounding peasantry, why was it that the peasant movement lagged and only one man-developing independently and in part in antagonis II to this Communist leadership-was moving towards a correct approach? This is the kind of question I was trying to answer,
The "petty bourgeois' character of Communist leaders is often mentioned as the class basis of various errors in line and practice (that is failuric to adopt it "correct approach"). Again, 'pctity bourgeois" is too abstract a category in the Indian context. As in almost all colonial societies, mcmbers of the urban petty bourgeoisie, including its educated intelligen Esia sections, have had some kind of connection with land... But theTe is a difference between those who hawe kinship and social relations with peasant cultivators (including rich peasants) and those who have Tclations with people who are predominantly non-cultivating andlords, professionals, Leachers, lower bureaucrats and the like. If the latter go to willages or communicate with people in the villages, their channels of communication and contact “naturally" tend to be through their kin and social relations. And these were, in Maharashtra in particular, the groups threatened by a rising, often crude challenge from the peasant (including rich peasants with the support of their educated kind ) cultivators. It was relatively easy for their urban petty bourgeois kinfolk to absorb the view of these more **feudål" classes, relatively difficult (difficult: not impossible) to throw off years of socialization, family connections, training, style of speech and ways of thinking to communicate with an aggressive peasantгу.
To put it another way, it was easy and "natural" to see Tilak, with all his social faults, as a
1S
great anti-in perial difficult to seet P antagonism to the gress, as a revolutic much less Ambedk2
Race and caste
One final point an American soci growing Black, C American and movements, I have ion that “caste' feature of social as “race' is in t It appears to be topic of discussio occurs (perhaps i form) among Mã non-Marxists. It invented such ler communists"; ratl by many radicali low caste groups who are not si munist') who areg about the issue. çultics, if not w Whitc-Black Telat The difference is t both Icspectable American Marxis" ConnI LILI mist group with the issue C admit its cent Fal. dipęs It Seċm ti in the case of Indi whereas the CPI sider it apрторгіі collect and publi the class backgri delegates but no position, in thc U: organizations Wð racial compositio cularly if they h in that Tegardizations, would аррггаргiate poin they do nʼt). BLu' орсn dealiпg—th theoretical analy: practice by a re' ment-can lead problems.

ist; it was more hule, With his
National Conmary democrat
. Coming from ety shaken by Chicano, Native Asiam— Аппcricaп had the impressis as crucial a reality in India hic United States. as prevalent a m ad ås 51ch in simply a joking Ixists as Wei as w:Ls lot. I who ms as "Brahmin her they are used zed mcmbers of that is thSC imply "anticomgenuinely tToubled The same diffiJrse, go on with ions in the US. hat it has become and necessary for t intellectuals and is to deal openly if race and to ity, whereas this o hawc happelled a. (For example, (M) would cona te and homest to sh. iB1fortmatioIı Oh Junds of congress on their caste S. Marxist-Leninist uld publicize their
In as wcll—partiave a good record and riwal organ
consider it am of criticism if t. Only such an e development of sis and consistent volutionary IInovcto the solution of
(Social Scief fist)
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Page 21
| Press opinion
The twenty five rupees system
Viiii of this country hawe always tried to consolidate their social service gains at electir1 til Te, The rice subsidy, health and free education are some of these gains. The Uniled National Party which has always promised to safeguard the5:e gå i Ils at election LirDC:s hus 0m ČYčry QCČassion it has Coime to power tried to withdraw the facilities given. Mr. J. R. Jayewardene's present government, too, is merely toeing the same line. Wher DI. N. M. Percra who was the Finance Minister in the United Front Government introduced the system of a 25 cents stal Imp it was derided by thc UNP as a severe blow against thc poor. For whose bencfit, it should be asked now. did the UNP abolish the 25 cents stamp and introduce the payment of Rs 25. If no change is made in this unjust payment soon, even the government hospitals will be opeh only for the Tich.
A dangerous game with people's lives
he reasons given by the gowernments for the increasin prices are unacceptable. The world market is lot a thing that Was bor with thc: JNP coming in to power. It was there during the time of he last govern Ilent just as it was there even before that. Everybody knows that prices went up in this world market. The UNP
may forget the public. The how well ther wheat productio Terit hıåd i little and how it for that. Th Tascally enough to say that the thing as a W, the UNP has of flout twice sudden increase
prices. There a for this, (DIE decisioT to di
A party that economic Illora ing recklessly out of it by it
Devil's logi
Li us for thi
arguDilent
паепt increase flour to get m ment purposes. it spend its Inor jWę Lllings. Wellet's OW server," publish caption exposir ganda and the sidedi attiiude picture showed play of im toys. The cap lure said that : that was less wlığ5e Comfort money spent a Exchang that While nation the gadgetry and advertised pTess shows h exchange is be Surely there is Lus crime than a self-indulgen irl the Ilamı: 0 the Doney whole nation poor man's br
 
 
 

past but not the public renember 2 was a fall in in the then goverup the price a the UNP cursed 1e UNP Was weil to go so far as :Ic was no such rld market. But raised the price not because of a in World market re Tany reasons is thic government value the rupee. is suck in the ss and is spendis trying to get increasing prices.
e moment accept the that the Gover Ild the price of ;oney for developWhy then does ley on un productesterday the go1 paper, the **Obed a picture With 1g its own propagovernlicht's lopto things. That a pawcment disyırted meçhanical tion to that picthere wasn't a toy tham R8
is this? Isn't the in this the foreign belongs to the Not only toys, that is imported so widely in the ow the country's ing frittered away. п’t a moге ћеіпоthe comforting of it greedy minority f development with
35. Fg
belonging to the by Tibbing the Kead.
Educational changes
by E. H. de Alwis
M Wittachis calculated Thisa prehension of plain statements and the twists he gives them appear to be his main strategy in
ControWesy. I do not believe that any of my readers would have got the impression from
what I wrote that I faulted the Ministers for not appointing a Comillission or committee to advise I1 whether the educational Tot LITIS ET ÇOIT CISLITät With educational outlay. "I left no on in doubt as to the difference betwecn, On the Ole hand, a ninister who raises the very pertinent question of Cost in relation to the quality of education ann then sets out to scek remedial The3SLTe5 in Ot to Cut d'O W1 C05ts but to ensure that the money spent On education is well-spent and, on the other hand, thc present minister who raised the question and then proceeded to curtail drastically, he existing facilitiesthe gradual closing down of training colleges, the reduction of the training period from 2 years to ó months, the aboli Licin of hostels for teacher-trainees and the Tesidential halls in universities, the dissipation of university Tesolices. This devastation in the area of higher education was the buTdcn of Tmıy ithdictrmen t.
It is in order to indicate the significance of these actions and how they fit into the pattern of government's economic thinking ("The re-allocation of resources' that Teference was made to "welfaris II' subsidies etc. Isolated
froll the main charges, these secondary issues can oly lead to discussion of an academic
nature. In any case, I have yet to unravel the tangle of sentences to discover what precisely is the “contradiction' in Iny views on 'Welfaris II". In the Incantitle We
(Cort failed of page 3)
19

Page 22
Satire
NM's opening f
he news that Dr. N. M. Pete Ti
(76 and guing strong), leader of the oldest political movement in the country and probably the largest Marxist (?) - Trotskyist (?) party ilihe world has been elected ('Jayawewa...) President (the first clected executive Marxist President) of the Board....., of Midhar Eiji has? (Banga wewa!)... ... ... ... of LeWęTS (“Newer of Control of Cricket (“well played, sir............') has r:Irised a stoirm in bourgtois spiristing circles "if we don't sleil the rot, it’ll be Wijewcera, Ilıęxt...”), a few suspicious eyebrows an ong life members of the M. C. C. ("alother bloody red under the flating, what? ') a Small stir in Whitehall ("don't we have a filt on that fellow front the 30's, Morleypenny . . "), an uproar in the C.I.A. ("does Jack Andersoll really know '... the K.G.B., ("hurlin., just after Kucrng Pia's wisi, tovarish...'), the French contre-espionage (Cricket, isn't that a cigarette lighter, non ami ) and at least one one-word cof In Timent from thc last British plantic at the Radell: Club ("Balls...' ).
For a Marxist interpretation we consulted Comrade Rathu. Wipla. Vadasa who Tecenly returned from an internation mal symposium held in Ponyang on the highly controversial question of "The resPolendemË Contributions of Clı Ali II nån Kiln II Sung to the historical developilent of Marxist-Leninist Thought'.
Comrade Wiplavadasa, it should be noted by students who are mot to Q well acqua inted with al II esoteric local schools, follows the tactical line of Gerry Nulang, the Irish lunatic, when he is not following the county crickct results in England and the "tips' generously circulated by the Adana Sports News apropos Messrs Pigott, Mercer and Cook. But toll-holed in a Hospital Street bistro, he
30
gay Lus this CX interwiew :
"What With id fra Till Albathi Kira Wiia leading if the Si L. (Marxist-Leninist ätig; the milim group by a lar 4 votes or 5 less Dr. Per: Fa's elei deadly blow by in I]: Lit-b)(-LI rge (this hıcgenlı monis 17ı. ] no | Tnowe with էիr the hDլInce f Lillee. Rather i deceptive flight oro Bedi The re be ''' () in on the Lhe SSC . I
Lhe 1genda "".
Having shared with lls and Cn.
I}oray a CCom III). hic prcdicted tha W:LS Tould the before Listic T hell that after 1. Park.
"I see Doric El CJ It , ' sid Nor Well known cric in what could b bald-by-bald cont here: a L he: LS where a Central his just started, thc toss and pu|
ilers X ti blt. the garlie going, B
"N. M.'s strat be to go in and adventurist... just
front of his in batting...as you
batting has bcen the addition of AD

r the Left
clusive, if brief,
hina cutting off a and Comrade
the majority wing Lnka ComminiSL ) party after defeority deviationist "ow Imajority of
tha. Lhe quorum, :till is allot Eller ode' rcvisiCarlism), rapportulis Trı and But history does either the speed If a ThT SCII Or t. In Loves With the of : Ram: din Wol Ltion will (t playing fields of 'c voluit to El is. Il
this confidence gineered a temdation of 10 chips t the revolution co Trier but lot iggott took the Til at SandowIn
nd Hector coniug tQ, de ZQysa, thc ket commentator e loosely called a mentary. "'Owct SSP headquart crs Committee latch (Colvit las Won E M . ." HördHow do you see ertie. ?'.
egy, I think, will dig in... nothing a solid united
hiddle-of-the-road know his middle
strengthened by il who has bec
The Onlooker
given three days leave from
Maharajah s..."
"Yes, that Was a grand gesture apprecited by El ll Cricket fans, sceing that Maharajahs have their W Şara Trophy game this weekCIl ..."
"As for Colvin's line of attack, Norton, my own feeling is that it will be basically Leninist ... l anu thinking of Leini's “Two Tactics" of course which Jardine used sa Cleverly in the contro versia. La TwoCod body-line series, Incarly causing a sprcad of splittismı in thę British Commonwealth, weakening the anti-fascist forces which were Lher T1 Cobilising them scives alter the first great capitalist crisis...,'
"Ah, Bertie I see N. M. is not too happy about being put to bat... Doric was inspecting the wicket very carefully carlier in thic noning... perhaps the pitch is not suitable for... ?"
"Yes, I don't think the objective Condition5 åre the best for N.M.'s type of brighter cricket but if the crowd response and the Tlass lood generally is conduciwe te) a lightning in Surrectionary attack I believe N. M. will...,'
"You Were talking about Colwin's two actics...'
"What I meant was that he'll probably rely on his dialectical pacellen for an early breakthrough, keeping the prCSS u Te on the Copentrs a di N. M.’s recognise bat STL:n and the bring or Leslie with his Eur-communist clutters and Bethard with his China Ilail..."
"A
'It'll be an excellent opening for the series, if not for the Left..."
if it succcds--. 7 ***
“Yes, it's really going to be an exciting gam: today What With all these topflight Marxists concentrating at least for the next three days on the permanent revolution of a red leather ball..."'

Page 23
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Page 24
China (3)
China stands all
by Chintaka
he anti-Soviet chorus reached
is crescendo around 1971 and remain at that shrill pitch until today. The crucial difference between the first phase of the SinoSoviet split (56-64) and the second (64-'69) was the shift in China's indentification of the USSR as capitulating to a Irld Cullaboraling with U. S. imperialism to the position that the USSR was ir self an imperialist power. During the second phase, which Toughly coincided with the Cultural Revolution, China persucd a "dual adversary strategy, regarding both the US and the USSR as enemies, albeit with the latter coming a very close second. In this period, Peking tried to counter Soviet influence from a left, Cor. In orc accurately an ultraleft position. by sponsoring a host of pro-Chinese commumist parties which sported the suffix M-L in parathesis. The third phase coincided with the fall from power of Lin-Piao and the military, simultaneously coupled with the rise in influence of Chou En-lai and his group, which Western collmentators prefer to characterize as "pragmatic and technocratic' in orientation,
The dual adversay strategy was then abandoned in favour of a strategy of defusing one front. Thus it was decided to use the classic Maoist tactic of identifying and isolating the main enemy, uniting all the forces that can be united, and Iltutralizing the Wacillating Imiddlc eller I1 crats. The main encm y was identific di as, ... “Sowjet Social imperialism', which was seen as more dangerous tham thẽ declining U. S. imperialism. (The Vietnanesc and Korcans, not to mention the Cubans, having many years of bitter experience combatting less hypothetical imperialists, totally reject this Chinese thesis.) This identification of the Soviet Union not merely as imperialist or even as a co-equal eThemy to gethe with the U. S. but rather
Ε
as the rialairt time of this third p pos-revolutionary phase which stil this ir phase, Chin the lestist po5tur the ultra-left po tural Revolution3 of an essentially which seeks to
Soviet gains by States to maint status quo. Th.L. which castigated ceful - co-existic Enc. now pursues a
with the sclf-sar the Soviet Uniol
In this lengtl carı disccrin a di China's Own sta: during the yea Krushchev poler before, China ca. fot insufficinL national liberatic the Third World, committeilt on USSR as coloni: joins the U. S. activities of Cut in Africa. WE criticized the CI ting the thesis a to socialism in line, when such wed by a pro-S Portugal in "75, party "social fas to Mario Soal majority—-in - 5h Wietnam's Ständ China's policy : coup of 73 we the USSR's pol Indonesian coup stance on the c desh, Sudan am the year 1971 c. mark the begin have termed the phase.
The residue militant postu rc

O
-my, is the Crux. hase is China's foreign policy a | continued. In a has abanded e of 50-64 and sition of the Culry period in favour " rightist strategy prevent possible lclping the United lain the global s, the same CCP Krushchew's peac with the J. S. separte det ente re U. S. aimed at
l
hy Evolution OIle irect negation of nce a s articulated rs of the alltiics. When yCars stigated the CPSU commitment to In movements in it now terms such the part of the all expansion and in dcnouncing the b; III *“Imerceraries” 1 ile Čhina Once SU for propagaif a peaceful road place of a hard a lille is follochwiet CP as in China calls that cist" århl points res" parliamentary arp contrast to on that question. fler. Lhe Chilean ilt (TC better than icy following the of '64. The PRC' vents in Bangadi Sri Lanka in ould be said to ning of what we third (and present)
!ኗ of China's in World affairs
can be seen today only in relation to the armed struggles being waged by the CP's of Burn: and Thailand. This too, is largely attributed by observers to the PRC's fear of being outflanked in Tillis area by Socialist Wiel Inam, which would supplan China as the main external source of support fct these (P's, il the: e Welt of the PRC abandoning its espousal of their causes.
In fairness it must also be added that twen after its rightward shift con most issues, China remained highly critical of Indira Gandhi's autocratic rule at a title when the U. S. S. R wis praising the harshly repressive Isidian Emergency als 'progressive'. China has also Icillained hostile to the dictatorship in Indonesia and severely condemned that country's annexa tion of East Ti Tor. However these last flickering er Inbers of Chilla's Illilitancy are but isolated cxceptions to the general Tule, and the general rulc is the PRC's attermp to build ån al l-inclusive united front ol a globali scale aimed at the Soviet Union. This front is conceptualized by the PRC's ideologists as being along the lines of the broad antiFascist Alliance entered into during the 2nd World Wa,
With the adoption of this strategy, China became a “quasially' of the U. S. A. and Western Europe-in the words of former U. S. Secretary of Defence James Schlesinger. It also lost its last friend within the socialist camp-Albania-which had been its oldest and closest Elly since 1956. In the couse of Several authorita Live articles the Albanian Labour Party (Communist Party) has polemicized against China's “Theory of the Three Worlds', in a tone ironically reminiscent of China's own polemics against Krushchevism. China utilized this theory to ideologically justify het policy of seeking unity, on the sole basis of anti-Sovietism. with the USA; NATO, ASEAN and the most rightwing 3rd World leaders ranging from the Shah of ITam to Zaire’s Mobutul and President Marcos of the Philippincs. Albania totally rejects this theory and, while continuing to cate

Page 25
gorize the USSR a s Šocial imperialist, argucs in effect for a return to the "dual-adversary" foreign policy of the Cultural Revolution years, which would outflank the USSR from the left, simultaneously strike at U. S. interests, and upset the global status quo—all by means of actively promoting revolutions in the 3rd World. Alba Iulia no w seeks ro repeat, the world over, lhe tactic which China adopted against the CPSU in thic 1960's by encouraging splits within the pro-China CP's and sponsoring splinter groups which lean owards Tirana.
All China-watchers in the West as well as the Soviet block anxiously awaited any signs of a possible lessening in China's hustility towards the U. S. S. R. following the death of Mao Tse: i 1 Ing.
But, what of the long term? Whatever the extent and depth of the Sino-Soviet clea wage, it is Iimited to subject factors i. e.-mutual misperceptions due to theoretical errors, 1 misinformation, plain ignorance and prejudice. The objective fact however, is that both countries possess economic systems and social situctures which are c5sentially the same, albeit at different levels and pattern of development. They also sharc a common ideology. This apart, tremendous politicul and economic benefits would accrue to both parties as a result of a Tapproach ment. Some Western commentators like Wictor Zorza (who was one of the first to predict the Sino-Soviet schism), atgue that these factors virtually guarantee the inevitability of atl ewertual TecOrı ciliation. Of course no one seeks to predict the time schedule or transitional steps involved, though most agree that composing of state-to-state differences on the basis of "peaceful coexistence' will most probably precede a reunification at the higher party-to-this "Last Testament' in 1969, would be realized and “fraternal parties... (would terminate), , , a conflict which is in accord neither with reason mor sentiment and Teunite on the basis of Maerxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism." Until then within the world communist movement and the socialist bloc, China stands alone.
Educational. (Gil:Ed rm ந; had better age this question,
I am also pre that the discove duster is really the raid-episode anti-climax, nic been enlightened Um doubtedly the policer Cn Tan a ing the premise: where the stude sion of so leth dreaded knuckle
The ills that suffer fron, I ones and added curable with ei Now it appears point that Mr. Inaking all alon have forgul ten i along been appl side-lines, the e university and its communal lil it to the level ( for higher studi Incidentally, ca us how many st convicted of h hurt, sexual wi “Audi alteram p known principle (although limita! placed, in recent application) but students before of all the crime Code'? I am aw: mongering repor cond cInnation of ral has been Ima specific charges
herin. This is th trotted out rec wide publicity order to prepa the public for t that was bei against the univ

இது ஓர் : to disagree on
pared to conced ry of the knuckle
' the climax" of : Täthẽr tham its W that I have
con its real nature. : posse of 300 gave risk in enters of the university, Ints Were in possesall a weapon as the -duster!
the university called economic that they were conomic renedies. that this is the Witt Eichi has been g! He seems to hit he has, a II auding from the In sculation of the he disruption of le, thus reducing of a day-school
In Mr. Wittachi tell tudents have been IIlicide, grievous lence etc etc? atten' is a wellof natural justice ions have been II"In this on its Why deny it to hey are accused 3 in the picna II re of a sem sation
, Where wholesale Students in gene
de, without any against any of rt Teport that was :ntly, and given 1 the pтess, iп e the mind of le drastic action E Contemplated
Sities.
Kapilawastu . . . (Carrirred frøff page F I )
Buddha's mortal remains are said to have been cremated.
Vogel's cogent remarks äpply with equal relevance to the Seilgs and the inscribed pot found at Piprahwa, and his doubts about the identity of Kasia were confirmed by the discovery at Kasia a little later of a bakcd clay seal die (mot a sealing) in the older of the two monasteries excavated at Kasia. It contains the Sanskrit legend "SriYisrudvipa-vihare bhiksu-sanghasya" “of thẽ Community of mờnks at “Sri- Vis Trudvipra-vihara”. This seal is conclusive proof that the monastic establishment at Kasia was known as Sri-Visnudvipa-yihara. Furthermore this discovery com. pletely nega tes any possibility of using the evidence of the earlier mentioned clay sealings to identif Kasia as Kusinara.
Thus it is equally futile to attempt to identify the present-day Piprahwa with the ancient city of Kapilavasu om the tẽnuous cvidence of the sealings and the inscribed pot folklrıd at Pipirahwa.
Solution to Cryptic
Crossword No. 4 orosso - 1, Rhyming couplets 9 Pouttices 10 Tulsat 1. Eager 12. Art fossil
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Page 26
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