Page 1
A,5,5,
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Why farm
Ranjit M
Sadat’s
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O MIXED ECONOMY e FC
 
 
 
 
 

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Page 3
Letters
National Press
The Agriculture Minister accuses the prcss when it paints the grim side of the picture, while the Finance Minister finds fault with sunshine stories. It is not difficult to understand the former. It is the latter that raises issues.
With the formation of this government the national press saw to it that their key posts were manned by pro-government journalists and they reported the saying and doings of ministers out of proportion. A sensitive minister appears to have begun to feel the ill-effects of such grand sylle reporting. It would be healthy for all concerned if the Dational press thiks less in ter IIIs of sensational head-lines and more in terms of nation building.
Pamadura. W. K. Wijeratna
Four substitutes
The recent increase in price of Wheat flour has once again dramatised the importance of producing our own substitutes for this commodity.
When there was a world scarecity of Wheat flour in 1973-74, the government of Prime Minister Mrs. S. W. R. D, Bandara naike embarked on a crash program of growing flour substitutes such as Sorghu II Corn, Manioc and Batala. A concerted effort was made to charge the eating habits of our people by demonstrating various recipes turned out of Sorghum and Corn flour. Our farmers took to the cultivation of Manioc, Batala, Sorghum, Corn, Kurakkan etc. in a big way. Sorghum "pittu' 'string hoppers" and 'roti” soon began to grace the tables of even the affluent. We were soon well on the way to making a real breakthTough in the effort to wean our people froIn their addiction to bread. Then the government suddenly yielded to the temptation of flooding the markct with PL-480. Wheat flour! This thought
(ரோய்ாசரி ரா நge 2)
LANKA
W. N.
CON
3 - 6 News
7 - IC Intërr
Press
| 2 Cheye. 3 Agrici |4 Disар | - | gršt
18 - ? Emer
20 - Debat
Pri Wat
Trends
The busines:
The ecording Ignored by th obsèrvers of ra ddvertisement ( invités nore tha It drinoLIntes th business organ. lopment Consult stated girl is t епtire Tri Slmh Sinhala kingdom yisible di rd *har entity".
ft pledges. Su sdtfons such as Mandalaya ang Development (anc Seeks "the total und wsded Srs Ld
Be5de5 Ehe lr In thë nate, : deserve dtterit lor Ten an ex-Arr deglers did Minister of F. Defence (SLFP) The group seen nd SLFP) Irld | Irks with the the security appd
Incidentally ti made a front p ond nid cated thi to the Logariat Development of

Octobcr | 978
TENTS
Background Lational News
opinion opment ulture pearing democracies ltutlon
A GUARDAN
Published by Lanka Guardian Publishers, South Asian Media Centre. ThiId Floor, YMBA. Building 126 328 Main Street, Color:bo - 1.
Tclephone: 290 28.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva
Printed by Alada Press
825, Wolfendhal Street, Colombo - 13. e YeW Teleph Cine : 3 5 975
-
ـ سعس–
s of race Rohana's style
: factor Is Osten Rohd.nd Wijeweerd who dues his is most thoughtful own superstar thing on the public tfal u politics. A large stage has , developed an oratorlica SUN229) therefore style which combines the fiery
In passing dittention. e establishment of d sation styled "Deveancy Lfmīted”. s. Its he development of the cala (i. e. the ancient as an economically moniously integrated
port to other organsthe Sinhala Wanja I the Sinha Putra I France Ltd. wlı iclı development of an Inka".
terestling idiom used the signatories also , Lawyers, businessry officer, property a former Deputy reign Asfafrs and
gre in the list, Is b-partisan (UNP has many traceable
upper echelons of rot, past drid présent,
E. SFP's N' age box of the news Jt ft was a response hidr Plan for the North grid Edst.
eloquence of a Fidel with the clever csowning of a Basa Tampolė. He has a superb eye, picks his targets and machine-guns them. In a threehour perioration.
But at his last rally in Colombo, Wijeweera who concentrates his fire Cum Mrs. Birndorra moke Trid the LeoT
ders of the J. L. F., showed that he could diso leap dcross the generation gap to grapple with
potental cho Wengers,
The SLIFP “re-organisation' he sajd was an artful dodge to place Mr. AuFC Barddrard ke Jr) the thir Öre. But the JWP would make certan that all family thrones' were thrown into the bin of history.
And then to the surprise of many in his audience he et Jose d barrage on the CP's Mr. Sarath Muttetuwegama on the grounds that the CP press was now engaged in o special publicity build-up for the former MP, who was currently enjoying a meteoric rise in the
þarty.

Page 4
less act ruined the entire campaign to achieve self-sufficiency in flour substitutes.
Cheaper flour offered by the present government in 1977 even turned many people away from eating rice. By early 1978 we were dangerously dependent on imported Wheat flour. The sudden increase in the World market price of Wheat flour and government's decision to cut back om subsidies has awakened us to the need of growing our own food,
It is hoped that our politicians would at least now have the foresight to embark on a vigorous campaign of growing our own substitutes for flour. Let us also hope that they would have the courage and the perseverence necessary to carry out such a program to it's successful conclusion.
Mahiyangana Ranjit Mulleriyawa
Coomaraswamy and caste
Mr. C. Rajasingham, seems to me to have joined Ananda Coomaraswamy in what I called "the cloudy realms of metaphysics", where I have no inclination to pursue him. I only wish to bring him down to earth in relation to the realities of the caste system. In Medieval Sinhaese AF Coomaras Wally , WTole: "Honour, pride, noblesse oblige, are of the caste idea." Mr. Rajasingham goes even further and says: "We see today the symptoms of disorder in the irresponsibility of the Sudra who has vanquished the Brahmin-the cause being that Brahmanical discipline is self - imposed whereas the Sudra has freedom to act irresponsibly.'
Against these metaphysical fantasies I wish to set some of the stark brutalities and inhumanities of the caste system, as recorded in a Tecent Reuter report from New Delhi (Ceylon Daily News, 1. 9, 78)፡
“More than 350 untouchables were killed throughout India in the year to the end of March in crimes directed against their low caste status, Parliament was told there,
2.
Minister of S Affairs. Dhanik giving the figures reply to a questi Sabha yesterday : Pradesh recordeč number of Cri Lines ables. 174 Harija State and 5, 75 were registered Eug
Self-imposed cipline and radh, deed
ԸնIցmbt: 5. Re:
97 and
M. Reggie S. Jeller lihan review of Dr. Col pamphlet on "A his responses it Dr. Costain de literary dexterity thought. Through dian of July 15 informed L13 ha he was o na of thi the illusions eng 1970 General Ele significant admis The illusions General Election mainly by the mandate that the country gave th of the SLFPvictory Was eng by what Mr. characterized as of the LSSP (E after 1964'. So the opportunism CP must hawe dema's approval before April 197 own submission illusioms engendę General Election Terefore åt pect, Mr. Siriwa condoned the : who-in his own “sought to Sl working class - Ilaike”, When s now talks of " of the LSSP a sense of unsulli purity, he sound than convincing. In a recent po Insurrection at 1 young men who

tate for Home
Lal Mandal, in a written om in the Lok kail that - Uttar the highest against un touchis died in that other crimes ainst their case.' Brahmanical dislesse oblige, in
gie Siriwardena all that'
iriwardena writes he thinks. His win R. De Silva's April 1971' and o correspondent Wos display more than clarity of I the Lanka GuarMr. Siriwardena until April 1971 33E: who “shared gendered by the cion". That's a зiоп.
of the 1970 Wеге епgendered massive electoral : people of this e United Front LSSP-CP. Til ineered precisely Siriwardetha has "the opportunism Lld CP) in and , by implication, of the LSSP and had Mr. Siriwar. at some stage because by his he "shared the 'ed by the 1970
least in retrosrdena must hawe trategy of those elicitous phrase - stitute for the Mrs. Bandaralch a gentleman the opportunism ld CP' with a d revolutionary ; more convinced
blication (April JWP,) some played important
roles in the April 1971 insu Trection hawe, with the bem: fit of hindsight, adduced no less than tem reasons why their 1971 politi
cal adventure was foredoomed. Mr. Wijeweera himsclf told the CJC tha: “In April 197l the
revolutionary precondition for the seizure of power by the proletariat and for an armed revolutioInary struggle were absent.
That this is precisely the thesis which Dr. de Silva maintains and is implicit in the very title of his pamphlet: "April 1971, A Foredoomed Ultra Leftist Adiwenture". Because the insurrection in fact failed disastrously, his thesis must be right - and that's that. Whethe Cor not Dr. det Silwa himself has the moral right to IIlaintain such a thesis should be a matter of trivial importance to a serious political scientist.
Colombo Carlo Fonseka
Lenin and Trotsky
Reader A. Waidyasckera has missed the point of the exchanges 1 have had with Mr. Shanmugathasan. It is not ko simplified as he seems to think, whether Lenin was wrong or Trotsky was right, all of which should be tossed into the limbo of history.
Let The Teiterate, it was as Ralph Miliband says in the issue of L. G. September 15th, the question of Ricform Wiersus Revolution. In the very same issue, Andre Gunder Frank, says of the Unidad Popular, “In a word, U. P. represented reformism and is it resor mism that failed?” Mr. Waidyasekera, should not forget that the Chilean C. P. mot only supported the U. P. but held office il reformist Allende Gowernment and was therefore partly responsible for the bloody coup by the Rightist Army Generals in the Government. That is why
(Carfried of page gy)
The article erfiled “Chile's Chicago School Ecorroffrics' Hhich appeaFed irt Frr last issue was written by Charles Aberysekera, forrier Clairrrrar of the National Instir use of ManageFerri, drid the article effirled "The Jurifa's Econforfirio Mosage" Was horlfer by Dr. Mificiel Chass Lidovsky, af the Lirri Per siry of Öffanya,

Page 5
| News background
JR wins "psy wa
he Americans have a word for
it: eyeballing. They also call it "playing chicken'. The two ÇOrı testalt s šta Te each other in the eye and the one who blinks first is the loser, the 'chicken. The Joint Council of Trade Unions Action Comluittee (JCTUAC blinked. In its first eyeball to eyeball confrontation with President Jayewardene, the organized working class movement lost, and JR emerged the clear winner in this exercise in brinkmanship. The victory, however, seems more in the real I of 'psy war' (psycho
logical warfare) than politics, since the Trade. Uni Ons håwe retreated with their forces intact
and live on to fight another day,
If the strike had taken place, om the other hand, the governTinents reprisals would haw dccimated the militant core of T. U activists at workplace level, and the loss of morale within the Working class Would have been wery much more than it is now,
after this hasty retreat. Thus, while a major psychological victory has indeed been scored by the UNP regime, the decisive defeat it would have hoped to
inflict on the Trade Unions in the course of this single head-on confrontation, has bcen averted, Weteran observers also wonder whether even in the psychological battle the government did not in fact engage in the error of a propaganda “o werkill”.
While the government's drastic escalation of the conflict and the effect of “Luppin Ing the ante” and forcing the TU's to back down unceremoniously, the question arises whether the government in fact overreacted to what was after all only a day long token work stoppage, and in doing so, un wittingly displayed a "seige Dentality," and underlined its on image of stability", both at home and abroad.
MęI Willil ScTi reciplination is within the wor IT1<, Willile Titledia monolith in built advantag gain da froit, LF: counter offensi For instance, t times as man advertising their lutinary sопgs." the JCTUAC proposed strike individual effor nasŠ lčaslctting also sadly lacki
At their man held last Week, made very spars strike, their argi they didn't wan for the gowt's concerning the tions of the WC SLFP. Tërlid far as public m Cered, while t was ambiguous II short there dynamic mass workplace level
 

ous Tethinking and also incYitable king class movethe government's had an obvious e () in the propaLe T. U's agit prop we was pathetic. hcre Were sew cral y J. W. P. postcris “Iccital of Teyr).-- as those put by concerning the ! Except for the its of the CMU, campaigns were E.
public meetings the ULF speakers it reference to the Lument being that it to provide grist prÕpå gällda mills political motivaırk Stoppage. The
largely silent Eas eetings Werc conhe JVP's attitudЕ to say the least.
was virtually no
Tobilization at
and no vigorous
agit prop campaign that Could counter the gow's media blitzkrieg. Instead the T. U bureaucracy tried to conduct the strike from above", by remote control as it were. However, the leaders credibility among the rank and file is so low, and the T. U. apparatuses are so rusty after decades of coalition politics, that the "machine" simply failed to move into top-gear and could hardly match the well oiled state apparatus so effectively deployed by the govt.
Now that the T. LJ. Thoveinent has gauged the true strength of
the regime, and glipscd its battleplan, the realization must surely have dawned that any
future confrontation needs a kind of organization, mobilization and broad unity which automatically implies a rupture with the old bureaucratic "campaign styles'
SCM on national question
t the Annual Conference of the
Student Christian Movement (SCM) a special session on the National Question was held, states a press release.
The SCM of Sri Lanka singe the early sixtiĉis ha 3 been concerned about the problems of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. Attempts have been made til understand and study this issue in its historical perspective as well as through dialogue with students and Warius sectors in the Sinhala and Tamil communities.
Mt the discussion con the National Question an important fact that emerged was that the steps taken by successive governments had failed to resolve this problem which requires a political solution. It was asserted that (as stated in our Tesolution) any political solution has to be based on the clear recognition of the right of the Ta Til people for national selfdetermination. A concensus was also TCElched that a final solution to the proble I can be arrived at only in a genuine socialist society.

Page 6
Mass media mes!
WE the appointment of a new Information Minister, Mr. Anandatissa de Alwis, the government's hopes of geting to grips wi h the problems of credibility and competemce in the state-controlled can munications mcdia have risen high. While the mild-mını efed Mr. D. B. Wijetunge left the media to their own devices, his successor is an ex-journalist and a high-pressure Ad-man cast in the Madison Avelle Ilould,
A man with ideas of his owns the new Minister will probably try to bring all the media under his wing at least in the Tilatter of broad policy. As it is, the lines of authority, communication. and indirect control have got so snarled up that things have reached a sorry pass. Recently, the fledgling national Dews agency, "Larkapunwaith’ camic out with a real ten tion bull' when it released the story that the President will spend his birthday in Kandy. The SLBC which is extremely wary about “Lankapuwath' did not touch the item but the authoritative 'Daily Wys” did - tC its en Orm10LIS. ETTl barrassment the next day. The President obviously was not plea scd with a national news agency and the country's leading news paper that got his personal. iiinerary all wrong. In future, these matters will corme under the purview of the President's press secretary, Mr. David Karuna ratne. That of course is how things should hawe been in that first place but the local Joly Powell has been doing very little “briefing'.
* Larkapuwath” has fourteen Provincial correspondents, main y exLake House stå ffers, with a twohour daily transmission. Its teething troubles have not been Teceived with much tolerance by its principal paymasters. A move to cut the Editor's 2000- salary by half (the Editor who was Director of Publicity in the Bandaranaike government’s Planning Ministry is an old Esmond Wick remasinghe aide) met with a blocking move and a
本
compromise is lil at 1500- But W flush him out
But "Likapi H', gling organisatic serious trouble li blish cd media. " will make on th (if such an så reached) is still while the print the greatest pote cing opinion. Til state-controlled T "LRé? F] 5Ée' 8 I{
Such is the jo Iance Cf lles tle SUN is hellsiwe circulation di tions doubtless steady rise in cir **Tĩựals' are call.
Given the a linguistic Imediul * Virakeisari (pol. belong to the react to English ciam is sensiliwe and Colment) built up a fine extensive covera: political opinion. ral liveliness | initiative, the "S the constraints ( ideological View and internation theless, the "Sl new Teaders by stories and its often oblique, a aucracy and the certain economic
It is clear h "SW" is on the sionally and ch fuit Lure will de Gunascinals can what Wijeward British - Čwned *Tirfies'
Part of the the SLW' is i technique and rec young newspape and feature wril

S
kely to be reached is it a ll) We to
f is a fledin. The more es with the estaWhat impacL TW
e Ilass audience udience can be in doubt, Mean
d wUrd Carries ntial for influenhi.5 11e:LLIS tEle two newspaper groups,
i “Tirriès'. urnalistic perfortwo groups that
bent of an aggrèsIrive, its expectabuoyed up by culation. Where its ght in a rut.
dwa mtage of its m, Tallil, the icy-makers who ruling elite still while the politito Sinhala news has successfully reputation for its ge of news and For all its geneand professional 'LN' seems to feel if its own basic point on both local issues. NoneN is catching its "exposure" more spirited, if ticks in the bureconsequences of policics.
lowever that the offensive, profesommercially. The ide whether the do to Lake Hilse' em did to the and cWer-sinking
forward-policy of its talent-spotting ruitment of bright men froI reporter St Catal,
if it is to win the fight it must of course try to improve its literary standards which are sometimes emba Tassingly Luneven. The new generation reade Tship (tomorrow's market) is also very outward-looking and passional cy curious about world evens all d issues. This is a major area of weakness im Lhe SUN' group's otherwise more enterprising jourIlalis II1.
What ails the Lake House and the Times? The inevitable problet of policy strait-jackets and hypersensitivity to official reactions has been aggravated by day-to-day organisational shortcomings and lo w professional moTale.
At the weekly briefing session held by Mr. Esmond Wickreasinghe the government's top media expert, editors and editorial executives Were enjoined to resist all "divisive tendencies'. Evidently journalists now feel themselves "grouped' according to creed, race, and even cas it. There arc subterranean power-struggles and conflicts even between pure-bred Lake House staffers and ex-"Tirres' "gangs' Patronage is no longer determined by the Old School Tie, university fraternities and Old Boy Networks but by religious and tribal loyalties.
The contest for power over the unedia between top insiders and influential outsiders assume such quaint forms that a former Sinhala editor observed that not only the ghosts of the past hang over "Lake House' but even the spirits of the YMBA, the Waltical and the High Church,
All this accounts for the demoralisation of thc journalists and the Halaise which grips the media. Already more than a dozen trained journalists have applied for subeditors posts in Malaysia. There are reports also of a return to the field by the Wijewardenasalthough it is not known whether it is the ancient regime or the new Wijewardena 'stable'. Sunday papers in Sinhala and English, with brand new rotary presses to print them, are in the planning stage. Already however many old loyalists, especially in the Sinhala Inedium, are preparing their fare

Page 7
well speeches in verse as they say goodbye to the iL creasingly muddied Water5 of the Beira.
Wijesoma, the Lake House's best sharp-shoot Cr today, Surprised everybody by taking a pot-shot at the Finance Minister's 'schizophTemia”. It is significant that this cartoon which obviusly got a greenlight (a very greenlight) was a reply to Mr. de Mel's blast on 'newspaper lies'. (Trends 1519). But for Wijesoma it was just a flash in the pain.
More to t ble point were that frank comments of Dr, Wickrella Weerasooriya who addressed the 'Lake Horse' editors recently-a briefing which caused a flutter ill Certain circles, and an angry snarl from top insiders. “Superficial'' and 'scanty'WCre two of the colmments Illa de Corl editorial WritingAs for reporting stand Erds, Dr. Weetasooriya related how a Lake House staffer asked him “What's the latest', without any idea of what story he was after. Dr. WCerasooriya had replied: "The latest is that I am getting into the lift to get to my car to go home for lunch'. The story did not make the stop press, Not even the 'gyakapur war'.
As for the mass circulating Sillhålla press, the editČrs of the Athta' and the Janadira', and the journalists who are Inaking such a good show of the young *Dinakara” a Te no doubt delighted that he state-controlled Sinhala papers furnish the Ingst telling daily evidence to substantiate Mr. de Mel's recent asserlion that nobody belie wes the 11 any more.
Paddy production: fact or fantasy
in official press release (C.D.
N.Y 191778) gives the island's average per acre yield during the "Maha" 1977–78 a 558 bushe!s. Yet the San The communique says that the total Wield for the Eeäson Tras 61 million bushcls and the sea cultivated was 1,390,000 acres. When 61 million is divided by
1,390,000 you arr of 43.9 bushels Ófficial figure fic: is wide off the
Imathematical Silci the figure of 55
The 'Daily De reports the H Agriculture himse prediction of a 100 million Էլ15 next Maha Scas is this figure person that MI. D Priile Ministe administration authority of agt Who inoaled that fooled him with on the "green re
The present issut cultivation who have defaul known thi: it IllieB fa Trimers Who Wť last year have d eTing the fact t fetiliser hals al TT realistic to expel the yield per text Mahl
An overal in production canth only by an incr cultivated ASS acre to remain Maha's 44 bushi land that Ileëls to achieve the million bushells 2.3 Illillion acre: 0.9 Illilliol acre: cllltiy Elted last extent of new li; be brought Llr eyel after ço mighty Mahawc 0.9 million acres fore be iridiculo acreage under to increase by O

rive at the figure Jer acre. SLI the r per acre yield märk. By What ight of hand was .8 produced?
's' (23.8.78) also øn. Minister af lf making a happy record h"West of hels during the n. HOW rellistic It was in less a udley Senanayake, the IS UNP a Lld To II el 1 'içtı!tural maters, bureaucrats had inflated statistics volution'.
policy is not to loans to farmers led. It is widely
irly 75% of the Te issued lioms i.efaulted. Considhat the price of lost doublicd is it gt an incrrass in acre during the
crease in paddy агеfore be achieved rasc in the area lnning yield per static at last els, the cxtent of to be cultivated predicted 100 is a staggering 3 - an increase of over the extent *M:lla". Tha and estimated to der the plough mpletion of the i project is also ... It Would thereus to expect the rice ext Maha
9 Irhillicom å:Teš.
Striking parallels
O the "Old Left, New Left' o "refornistradical" dicho
tomy, so wery pronounced in the South, loše all meaning north of The Elephant Pas ? The rude reception accorded to Mr. Wijeweera in Jaffna indicated strongly that the reply is "Yes. Several months ago the LSSPYCP leaders pelted with slippets and stones, and their rally disrupted. Basically the same treatment was accorded to Messrs Wijeweera, Gamanayake et. al., if the news report on page one of the "SUN' (25.9,78) is correct,
WFETE:
As far as the militant Tamil youth are concerned, almost all the 'Sinhala' left groups sound alike - at least oil the issue of Tamil Eelam. The LSSP attempts to reduce the problem to a mere language issue, while the CP, albeit accepting the right of self -determination, stops at the slogan of Regional Autonomy, All the Maoist groups regard the cry for Eelam as part of a cum spiracy engendered by "Soviet Social Imperialism." The JWP says it Iccognises the right of self-determination but is firmly against 1h e slogan of an independent Tamil State. Instead it recommelds equal rights especially in the real of language. Most other "New Left' groups adopt a fairly similar St.
As far as the Tamil youth are concerned all prolininent sections of the Sinhala Left speak with a forked tongue, and that includes young Rohana.

Page 8
The JVP and til
by J. Uyangoda
firrier WP Poirirra Ferrier, he Prirer ferred sir years in jaili ser Free rigwr iI-Ferrigency)
returned from his III onth’s long Odyssey to Europe, is IĈ-o ported to have stated at a press conference, that the JWP "would newer give into The Call for Eelam because division of our country would only help to aggravate our problem". (CDN O2. O9. 8).
In the same vein, lional Bopage, a prominent leader of the JWP, in his long but confused Essay entitled, "A Marxist Analysis oil the National Question' states as follows:
Under a Socialist Republic the division of the country into two parts as well as the arbitrary centralization will equally be opposed. But equality and national
M. Rohana Wijewcera having
integrity, based on autonomy, will be preserved ånd maintaimed... ............"
At this recent press conference, R. W. is reported to have further stated that the policies of the JWP were not copied from any country but based on MarxismLeninism - so far so good
Now, one can raise the pertiment question; when R. W. stands for the nom - division of “his" country, does he not reject basic Marxist - Leninist principles on the national question
Marxist - Leninists accept in principle that every oppressed na, tiom has an in alieTnable right to self-determination. Accrding to Lenin, this 'right of nations to self - determination' means nothing other than political separation of the appressed nation and the formation of an indpendent national - state- let us quote Lenin:
"Victorious socialism must necessarily establish a ful denocracy and consequently, not only intro
duce full equa but also realise орpressed natiот mination. i, e. political separat
L-Emili - Socialist
Right of Nations t - Theses).
The socialist deland for st opp i essed Tlatio funda mcmtal pri the separatism democracy to nations. Leni) only uElder Soci question Carl be thus giving the full democratic Time their ell Tuling matico). nations, exercisi right of selfseparation social for a Filomet
decision.
| The right of
Sri Lanka, El nation, for p must mot be di
cause the TJ separate Tamil It is true that a socialist part : of the TULF the representati' bourgeoisie. M TULF leder Tamil State, M fail to undersli democratic ch demand for sep: stand any Soci lem in Sri Lar must take into that TIany task democratic rev beer completed Coisi: i94 DG) lo ahead with the tasks of the bo this C question is c гепna1п1пg us surprising that separation first bourgeois part people. Irresp;
 
 
 
 

he Tamils
lity of national the right of the is to self - deterthe right to free іоп.”
: Revolution end the
self - deterliniflåtið
support for the paratism by an is based on the
inciple that only would assure full the oppressed
believed that it is alisIn that national solved effectively, oppressed nations rights to detertionship with the If the oppressed ng its democratic determination for ists Lannot hesitate to support that
Tamil
S
people in oppressed olitical separation enied in erely bcLF fights, for a State of Eelam. te TULF is not y. The leadership :onsists mainly of wes of the Tamil erely because the ip fights for a arxists must not and the bourgeois aracter of that aration. To under- economic probIka concretely, We account the fact 's of the bourgeois olution hal We not yet. The bourgenger able to go fulfillent of these urgeois Tewolution. try the national ne among those
titled. It is not the slogan for comes from the y of the Tamil
ciye of the TULF
demand, Marxists must un conditionally defend the right of Tamil people to self- determination - including their right to
form a separa te state.
R. W. hås såled that divisions of the country only helps to aggrava Ie the problems. This se lement gives rise to two fundamental questions.
First, is it as accordance with Marxisti - Leninism does he speak about a “division" of lhe country? FoT , Marxist Golution to the national questions does not involve any question about "divisions'. What is most important iš to defend the right of an oppressed nation to decide its own political uLu Te. *Division” QI “L- division' of a country is entirely out of consideration.
Secondly, it is cntircly unprincipled and even chauvinistic to deпy the Tатпil people a separate state on the grounds that it would “only help to aggrawates our problems.” Does R. W. think that separation. Would result in the disintegration of thic country? In opposing political self -- determination of the Tamil people and in playing up the dangeT of "aggråwating Otir problems" (whose problems) Mr. Wijewccra is only defending the
Sinhala - nationalist prejudices
against the democratic rights of
an oppressed nation.
Last, but mot least, I Would
like to quote Lenin once again.
'Just as in bourgeois society the defenders of privilege and corruption, on which bourgeois marriage Tests, oppose freedom of divorce, S, in the capitalist state, repudiation of the right to self-determination i. e., the Tight of nation to secede means nothing more than đẹfence of thẽ privileges of the dominant nation and police methods of administTation, to the defilellent of democTatic methods."”

Page 9
| International news
Carter's coup, S
by Mervyn de Silva
was a proud President Carter
who addressed a joint sesssion of the Congress soon after the Camp David agreements were announced. Overwhelmed by domestic discontents and political controversies, his popularity rating to distressingly low, Carter's diplomatic coup in what was widely accepted as a high-risk operation was a much-needed wictory indeed.
Carter's campaign managers must hope that the public relations benefits would be high. It is reported that the announcerIdent was delayed in order to avoid a clash for TW prime time with the Ali-Spinks fisticuffs. The Opinion polls and mid-term election results will probably show how much Camp Dawid hus helped bolster Mr. Carter’s sagging image.
For all the evangelical overtones of his speech, Mr. Carter is a politician first and a missionary OElly later. So the happy tijdings of "peace at last' in a perennially troubled Middle East was shrewdly spelt out to Congress and to the American public as a necessary and seriously consider
ed exercise in Allerica's national interest.
Mr. Carter identified those
interests in a single paragraph:- the strategic location of the countries concerned, its great Tesources, the fear thảt thẹ area may be dominated by a hostile power, with the danger of a superpower confrontation,
US strategy
Ever since the October 1973 WaT and the “oil Crisis”. AITeTican perceptions of the Arab -Israeli issue have changed considerably. US policy-planners recognised that America had a vital stake in the Arab world, an area of 100 million people, who
along with II controlled the sustained the ec. ca's major allie and Japa.
In the hands walitive, pro-Wes oil money has in the West at monetary syster in particular pressure. Saudi invested 60 bili: US, mainly in
The Israeli
теппаіпеd a s! friction between staunchly anti. states like Saudi Teligious zeal m for IIidable foe the pro-US Pri: tive charge of affairs, Riyadh': TICT2 : CCOTTITIC) ton’s plans.
Finally, there ideological and TatioI. If thČ A was not de-fus such unres ow: to the inevitabli the Arab people tics, a develop threaten the sta pro-wester re. process could open invitation of Soviet influ
HTէ:1:
If electoral Presidency (tha wol ing block) strategic interes strong military Middle-East me
ton"s Commitm "security" must ever, the col1
of American ini world demanded for Is Tael could past, unequivoc.

adat’s
eighbouring Iran,
life-lines which nomies of Ameris, Western Europe
largely of consertern regimes the been re-invested a time when thc and the dollar are under heavy Arabia alone has om dolla TK in the JS treasury bonds.
issue however ubborn cause of the USA alid everli communist Arab Arabia. Certainly a de King Faisal a of Israel. With nce Fahd in effecSaudi Arabian s policy is today lating to Washing
was the larger, strategic considerab-Israeli conflict ed, the logic of i disputes pointed e radicalisation of 2 and ATáb polient which would bility of essentially gimes. Such a lso represent a T for the expansion ence in this vital
pressures on the Jewish lobby and
and America's t in running a bastion in the ant the Weshinga ent to Israel'
remain firm as ntervailing factor
terests in the Arab ... that US support
not be, as in the all or automatic,
sell - out
The two
interests had to be reconciled,
With the abrogation of SovietEgyptian treally and Sadat's decision to launch an 'open door policy", heavily dependent on foreign investment, as the way out of Egypt's mounting eco
nomic difficulties, America was able to return strongly into the Arab World.
By 1976-77 a Brookings Institution think tank' was already working om a blueprint for a new US Middle - Ea Et
strategy, and Mr. Carter who endorsed the plan placed the area as his No. 1, foreign policy priority.
The foundation of that policy was a new network of relationships linking Egypt, the main political-military Arab power and Saudi Arabia, the financial power, atnd then Egypt and Israel. Once this was achieved it could create another cluster of Telationships which brought into the emerging pattern of improving regional relations, Jordan, Labanon, even Syria and hopefully sections of the Palestinian movement that would give legitimacy to a "home'' for the Palestinian movement wal not only fragmented but seriously divided on ideologial and tactical grounds, influential Arab countries like Egypt and Saudi Arabia Inay cyen be able to woo and win over the “rightwing' of the PLO,
Israeli policy
To achieve at least initial objectives it was necessary to persuade Israel to make certain concession R, basically territorial, to Egypt. But did the US hawe sufficient leverage over Israel? Would the Egyptians agree to a separate agreement with Israel?
The election victory of Mr. Begin introduced a new obstacle.

Page 10
A one-time terrorist (the organiset of tıct Deir Yssim III:ss: Cre) and a religious fanatic Mr. Bagin's vision of 'eretz Israel' is derived from the Old Testament. But the US was finally capable of coping with Mr. Begin's in transigence.
As George Ball noted Tecently, the US is not only the Inilitary patron of Israel's "garrisori state' but spends 1000dollars a year on every is racli man, woman and child.
Besidics, Israel has recently got into serious economic difficulties herself. (see Israel: Another victim of Friedmania')
Further Mr. Begin fa Ces a strong opposition and leads a somewhat loose and shaky coalition. The US succeeded in putting at least a temporary halt to Jewish (military-pioneer) settlements and Mr. Begin's determined drive to colonise the occupied E.
Sadat's Sel-out
Only last month Mr. Sadat was insisting that the Palestinian problem was the 'crux” of the Arab-Israeli issue But the Israelis are only prepared to create a 'self-governing' political unit on the West Bank and call it a home for the Arab Israelis (Palestiniams). Imita ting the South African policy of "ba ntustanisation', Israel would pick some "manageable' Palestinians to run this area. In any case, it embraces only the I.2 million Palestinians On the West Bank and not the 2 millions outside,
The fratricidal strife Within the Palestinian resistance during recent Ionths showed how hard Mr. Sadat and others tried to force Arafat and the PLO's right wing to give even a tacit approval to the grand plan. The Palestine Left helped by states like Iraq and Libya, were equally determined to prevent and disrupt the emerging arrangement.
The UJS id Mr. Sadat St. The Palestinian radicals and the hårdline states ha we won, in as Inuch as PLO, retaining its unity, has condemned the Camp Dawid
8
Accords. That : two separati: a and Sadat falile essential linkag Egyptian-Israeli
pledge on the P self-determinatio
, Mr. Sadat la price-Egypt's p of the Arab Wi and his own the PLO has li "Froit of Stea sing Algerial, I So Luth Yemen. beetl tried as a and Central Sh the 1973 war, å cd:Lusers. Sadat’s has resigned. in the Arab W The hard-line st
Foreign
W
benefit no the affir Illa in the SIF,
Quotin Official aid rics was U was in fa developing El tid reç aid granter itself, on ends up ri flys. Est – 1965 ind account fr Canada Wa of capital Thus there poor to th
T. C. hardly surp aid, the g has not Ch of living i Third Wor no further In tilt in th primarily in &el Verg, and developed

is why We have ccords. The US ld to sustain the
B: but Wẹẹ11 am
agreement and 'alestinia II right to
l
is paid a heavy olitical leadership orld, AI ab unity, prestige. Already ned up with - the fastless'' complilibya, Syria, and
Mr. Sadat has traito in Iraq azli, the hero of was one of the
foreign Illinister
Sadat's isolation "orld has begun. ate have severed
diplomatic relations with Egypt. His position at home cannot be
DJ str(ing...
The US has kept the USSR out of this diplomatic exercise. It was at Camp David, mot Genevä, the accords Ware signed. A "pax Americana” for the MiddleEast has been established.
How real or secure will this peace prove? The PLO and the hardliners are already looking eagerly in the direction of Moscow. Far from bringing peace and stability, the Camp David Accords may paradoxically push the protracted struggle of the Arab people against Israel to a new, higher stage, and the Palestinian resistance, the wanguard of the Arab social Tewolution, Will be stiffened, not weakčnél.
investment and aid"; who benefits
a benefits Ilost from
the aid given by the
ich nations to the Third World? Does the domor Tẹ thăm the recepiẹnt 7 The answer is strongly in tive, according to C. W. Pickup, Writing Tecently Iday Tires (London).
g OECD, figures, he points out that in 1975,
from OECD Ilenbers to underdeveloped countS S 13,585 million, of which US $ 12,000 million ct returned in order to service debts. In 35 countries, debt repayment is Ilore than half of Bived annually. Approximately 2/3rds of J. K. to the Third World is re-spent in the U. K. goods and services. Likewise 90% of U. S. aid ght back in the U. S. What her of total capital innates of U. S. Dept of ColleIce for 1950 icate that the flow of capital on investmeat
om the USA to courtries outside Eu Tope and s 9,000 millio dolla T5, while: the Teverse flow profit ann Tiounted to 25,600 million dollars.
was a net flow of S 16,600 million, from the
rich
irres spondent goes on to state that it is therefore prising that "after 30 years of intensive doses of eneral condition of most Third World peoples anged.' Firmly linking the present high standards n the West to the low living standards of the ld, the correspondent concludes: "One need look
than thếsẽ figures to Tẹalist that did and investLe Third World from the developed countries are leån tČ benc fit thČ do nors und in WestCTs them
are in fact the major cause of poverty in undercountries.'

Page 11
Line - up on the Briti
ri Lanka leftists who are
perhaps as Anglophile as this country's Establishment, will doubtless be interested by the relative strengths of Warious factions within the British Left. Latest repurts in the British press indi
cate that the Communist Party (CPGB) is being outflanked - on its left, by more radical
groupings. Mr. George Mathews, head of the press and publicity section of the CPGB, and also a Politburo member, admitted that membership of the Communist Party has dropped to its lowest level for more than 25 years. He said that the number of meinbership cards issued so far this year was about 22,000 which contrasted with the 28.59 in 1975 arci 25,293 in 1977. This sugge:s tęd a 5-10% drop per yČåT.
The other two main leftwing parties in Britain are the Sociaist Workers Party (SWP) with a membership of between 4,500 -5,000 and the International Marxist Group (TMG) with a membership of about 1,400 plus 1000 sympathisers. At the expense of the Communist Party, SWP has gathered a high degree of publicity due to their predominant role within the “Anii Nazi League - a broad front which organiz2d a 70,000 strong Ina Tch against racism in London recently. The IMG is a Trotskyist group led by Tariq Ali and affiliated to Ernest Mandell's Unified SecretaTriat of the Fourth International. It's strength is due to the high journalistic standards of its publications in particular the newspaper 'Socialist Challenge' which is edited by the well known young radical journalist Paul Foot, former Secretary of Britain's National Union of Journalists (NUJ) and former editor of Private Eye' magazine. "Sociallist challenge" however also publishes articles frČIm äl ends of the left spectrum ranging from the CPGB to the Labour Left. The exact strength of Mr. Ted Gant's Militant" group which represents the radical left of the
Labour Party's Organization.
Meanwhile, 50 bers of the C last year from t nist Party in p “reformist” and nature of its British Road These IIembers "NEW Communi
lsrael: ar
he Israeli
come Yet al Milton Fried economics, alleg Kelhmetlı Galbr; tion is corrobo Tiris correspoi reporting from writes: "'The ec of last Octob Applying the tex Friedman, the
Prie Willer prophet, Israeli Simcha Erlich
generously liber ency Controls, local pound. immediate deval another 20% is Israeli pound's dropping steadil of that policy that the stead. chasing power currency has income of all earners who at While at the sa the fat cats in SiOS and COIm
According to pondent, the climbed to 54% to drop below Úf the CLITreft Finance Minist budgeted only mL11 Tai: ) there is unrest trade unions g opposition Labs entire teaching

ish Left
youth and student
0 hard li ne memPGB broke away he ImiT GÖTTI Imillrotest against the Euro-communist programı me "The t Sucialism“. hawe for Ined the st Party under
the leadership of Sid French, and is strongly pro-Sowiet in OrientaLion.
Mr. Wasudeva Nanayakkara's LSSP (New leadership) is linked to the Militant group in Britain. while Mr. TaII poe's RMP and Mr. Wijeweera's JWP are said to II EL intain contacts with Tariq Ali's IMG.
nother victim of 'Friedmania'
iconomy has be: lother casualty of at's Inone Lawist es Professor John lith, His accusarated by Londot delt Ruth1 (CES, Jerusalem, She onomic revolution :r has flopped. i boks of Militům American Noble and laissez faire Finance Minister and his team lizad foeign cuTIand floated the This brought ari ulation of 50% and inct th:Il Eas the vlet h5 EDĖem ly..... The Iesult so far has been ily dropping purof the Israeli reduced the real Wage Eld salary e taxed at SQLITçe, me timę bęćfitęd the free profesmerce.”"
the sale corresil flation Tai te hås aid is not likely 40% before the end fiscal year. The er however had for a 25%. Tlaxif islatio 1. NW in the powerful rouped around the bur Party, and the profession from
high school principals downwards Struck Work om September 11th. They are demanding a 40% wage rise, but the go Wer IIII2ıt has sternly warned the II that 15% is the limit. If they win their demands, the money presses will have to produce banknotes faster and the inflationally spiral will be fuelled.
Economic obscTwers predict that the next step in the Israeli gowt's economic strategy Will be to increase electricity, water and fuel prices while raising WAT (Walue added tax) - which is levied on Every item except fresh fruit and vegetables - from 12% to 15%, "*Theri, h10 Wewer, the Lu Inims will derland full cost of living index adjustments and the mcTry-go -round will go on as before' says a leading economist, who predicts that the Israeli economy will nuove from its present “hopcless mess' into a state of “total collapse'. This economist, told Ruth Cale that the only solution was long term planning, controls, taxing of stock market profits and other measures "which hurt the fat cats."
Meanwhile, just as the Labour Opposition and the Trade Unions were demanding Finance Minister Simcha Erlich's resignation, the Minister was of E tour of Latin America, the USA and WesterI Europe, telling prospective investoTs about “the: tÓtal success" of his cconomic policy, adds Ruth Cale,

Page 12
Race in British
by Jayantha Somasunderam In af irrifervew with A. Siwa Ya PradarT
Sivanandan, Secretary of the A. Institute of Race Relations in U. K. and Editor of the prestigious journal RACE & CLASS, sees the race issue as being crucial at the next British General Elections. The Conservative Party is increasingly moving to wards a racialist position, "What the National Front says today, th Tories say to Ilorrow,' he said.
The National Front is an antiin Dnigratit group that has grown up amidst Britain's severe recession. They are convincing white workers in Britain that they don't have jobs and they don't have housing because the Blacks have them. So get the blacks out and you solve the economic problems of the Whites.
"But the truth of the matter,' says Sivanandan, "is that if you take the blacks out, the British economy will collapse.'
The growth of the National Front has pushed all British politics to the Right. They appeal to the frustration and false nationalist of the Whites, to the still lingering concepts of a Greater
Britin
"After the the war,' continued Siwananda, "it was We who had the manpower. And we provided abour for Britain's labour-intensive industry. Thus the Blacks are concentrated in the old industrial cities where they became a sub-proletariat.” Continuing he said, "The crude economics of the strategy would indicate that Britail. To longer needs that workforce it was once desperate for and would like to lay the III off-preferably in their countries of origin, All the Irulligration Acts from 1962 onwards had pointed to this end-culminating in the Act of 1971 which finally established a system of importing Workers when they were needed and sending them back when they were not. And all the Immig
O
politics
ration Acts be aimed at "coloL and therefore tic: preceded by an cation in the fewer blacks II: Telations, But applied to fut there was alway what to do with settled here bes even when prin was Wirtually end tihed – tC) time to the dep who had settled side that, anot springing from recession-still premise that fes for better race to emerge:
wellully provid for repatriation.
“For a long Workers were TE and a political. came fron ba and did not rc.: lism of the Wh the Conservative: Right, as Mrs. talks about Brit by an alien cul are responding. ding not merely mournceIments, bLu Cal Wilt:InCe as forming Commit lism and Fai: committees that in Black neighl
In response to oil race, the L sought to portr; friend of the in terms of cle Tory tactics wo no more than exercise, cynical racialism of the class," explained the philosophy tactics Cimalate the philosophy enterpriser càpita.

today
cause they were redi immigTants”
to Tag-WC i sought justifi
philosophy thält ällt - botts IdCH
the 1971 Act nire immigration; s the question of those who had Te thell. So that nary immigration led, the philosophy be applied this endents of those
here. But alongher philosophy, the economics of
based (In the wer blacks make relations- begins ime that would e the justification
til the Black -garded as docile Because they Lckward societies ct to the raciailes. But now as Party itself moves Margcret Thatcher aim being swamped ture, the Blacks They are responto political prot to makcd physiwell. They are ees agaist Racia3cism, Wigilance hawe sprung up Jollihoods.
the Tory policy abour Party has ly itself as the Bliks. “"Wie:Wii :Loral politics, the uld appear to be a wote catching ly exploiting the 2 white working Siwalardan. "But froin which the is ingrained in of archaic, freeLismi whiclı Mar
geret Thatcher and her cohorts
SpoụISė.
For enlightened capital, the appeal to narrow nationalism and raciallism is not only un necess a l'y but, in terms of social cost, counterproductive. Hence the Race Relations Act of 1976 was aimed at dismantling institutional Iacism while still allowing racialisII) to divide the working class. Since them, however, thẹ. LabøụT gövềfIlment in its role as agent of the ruling class, has persuaded the unions, the alleged representatives of the working class, to adopt is interests as their own in a contract social. And to leave the black werking class out of such a contract would be to invito a militancy which could infect the Test of the class.
At the same ting the rise of the National Front has shown that the continuing division of the working class on Tacialist lines not only weakens Labour's electoral base but gives also a fillip to fascism - which is not in the interests of corpo Tate capital: you don't need to defeat the working class when you can coopt it. Hence Labour has disa3sociated itself from the recominendations of the Select Committee, in weighed against Tory immigration proposals as unnecessary, "inhumane" and pointing to a "pass law society', and been visibly active in on - going antiracist, anti-fascist campaigns".
LANKA GUARDAN
Revised Subscriff for Rafes (or six Illunhs)
Local Rs, 30Asla Rs. 90
or US$ 7.50 or £3.50 Europe US & Africa Rs. 50
or USS 10.00 or 5.00 Chicques and money order 5 to be made out in favour of Morwyn de SilWä The Circulation. Manager, Lanka Guardian Publishers Ltd. South Asiam Media Centre
3rd Floor, YMBA building, 1263/28, Main Street, Colombo 1.

Page 13
t
Press opinion
The President's bombast
t is on record that all UNP ਸੰhei have characterised
strike action as politically motiwated. Accordingly, it is not surprising to see that the Jaywardene-Thondaman government's efforts to condemn the token strike scheduled for the 28th as being politically motivated. However, up to now UNP governments have secretly supported the employers during trade union disputes. That was done not in fear but in conformity to the ethics" of the capitalist class. The first time a government has openly called upon the private sector to follow its example of sacking striking empoyeesis the gov ernment of the Jayewardene-Thon daman coalition. It is clear from this that this government is neither democratic II of CWCT
dharmista' just).
Why this fear?
Why these lies?
hy fear so much? This is the question that both the
people of this country and the foreign masters of Mr. Jayewar
dene are asking struggle to overthri ent. With the 1 striking Workers an forces and the p by, against whom In ent preparing to Let us for a lil that Mr. Jayeward cd in breaking wielding the big look upon it as a a single dream doe the night. Even that the toke Il broken, call it put struggle of the pl knows no laws. H up of a single st meum final victo ignites more strug
Threats are n
new thing
lthough the 1 the 28th is t
launched against
since it was a only the beginning What the working achieve from this wukell the Teçli) from the sleep of: working class der ly, the workers
there Would be til their demands WO åt through gTEen cles. Hence the puffing of the
lothing new to the
 
 

Is this E. ow the go wernthreat to sack d ordering the bliçe to stad is the go wernwage war? at SSLITTLE anc has succedthe strike by Stick, Wiil hê: victory? Yet s nol complete if you assume strike can be ail end to the tople? Hunger ence the break rike des not ry. It merely glcs.
oft a
token strike in he first struggle the government ppointed, it is g of a struggle. : class hopes to struggle is to nary government inaction towards mands. Certainanticipated that hreats and that uld be looked tinted spectahuffing and government is working class.
Tuneinto
BRSTOL SPORTS NEWS
every evening at 730 ower SLBCchannel2

Page 14
Development (2)
The 'mixed ecor
In the development strategies
followed in the countries with "mixed economies' such as Sri Lanka and India, one of the main areas of controversy, or at least one major preoccupation, has been the choice between the centrally planned, socialistic, state-monopolised strategies and the competitive, private-sector, market-based capitalistic strategies. Although the economic policies in Sri Lanka have generally accepted the need for a “mixed economy", the ideology and the economic philosophy behind the "mixed economy' has been cxtremely ambiguous. The “mixed economy' has been generally regarded as “transitional' by almost all leading political groups in Sri Lanka.
For the socialist part of the political spectrum, particularly the Marxist parties, the mixed economy was a transitional phase which should rapidly lead to an expansion of the socialist sectors of the economy and eventually create a centrally planned socially owned system of production and distribution. Within the Marxist framework, the "mixed economy" was placed within the logic of the unfolding class struggle, and what the Marxists perceived as the inevitable and essential transfer of power from the propertied and capital-owning class to the working class. But within the ideological framework what was not clear was the Marxist strategy of "transition' within the specific configuration of power and balance of class forces in Sri Lanka.
On the one hand, the Trotskyist allegiance to the concept of permanent revolution saw this transition as a continuous and rapid process. The shifts had to be managed through a coalition of progressive forces in which the Marxist vanguard would soon take the lead. On the other hand, the Marxist coalition with the S. L. F.P. and the balance of power it repre
12
scuted dictated the “transition' be a longer inte which the incent framework of ci had to create co the public and function effectiv rable period. adaptation of K the "intern ediat class configurati particularly its
night have prow retical premise f Marxist strategy
The S. L. F. haps been the the politics of my as initially Was drawn fron economics of seemed best suit But even so it give clear defin framework which support an effic mixed economy. struggle to bri changes in th structure while maintaining an піпg есопопу. TCd to support : the state and were in some this seemed to 1 conceptual fram than in a clearly logy or politica fact, there was to demarcate th tion for the p sectors with the parts of the pul increasingly ine wate sector, with a few pockets st and gem trades, for growth and
The U. N. F tionally regarde the propertied to accept the mixed economy

Godfrey Gunatiileke
nomy”
a strategy where had necessarily to mediate phase in we systems and thic onomic prospects ruditions for both private sectors to ely over a consideHere a sensitive a leeki's concept of regime' to the om in Sri Lanka, rural structures, ided a better theoor a more Tealistic
of transition.
P. could have perarty best suited to the mixed econoits class support all strata. The the middle path' ld to its ideology. was Illot able tO ition to the policy was necessary to tiently functioning It waged a losing ing about major c socio-economic at thc saTTe time Efficiently functioAlthough it appeasystem in which ..he private sector st Elle of balance. side more in the e of the planners defined social ideocommitment. In a manifest failure e areas of operanublic and private result that large blic sector became fficient and the prithe exception of Luch as the tourist lost its incentive investment.
1. which was trädd as the party of :lasses also seemed framework of a froll the time it
formed the first government after Independence. lt did in fact establish a significant component of state-owпed industrial enterprise and laid the foundations of the welfare state. But the underlying bias was in favour of a dynamic private sector in production and commerce, supported by a strong slate sector Illainly confined to activities concerning the economic infrastructure and social Welfare. The encroachinent of the state into production and commerce did not seem to find ready acceptance within the U. N. P. policy fratework. Nevertheless, where left oriented governments had transferred important branches of Economic activity to the state, the J. N. P. governments did not seek to reverse the process in any significant way. In this sense the U. N. P. ideology seemed more willing to adapt itself to the mixed economy as a permament feature of L he socio-economic Hystem tham the other political idenlogies which approached the 'mixed economy' as essentially a transitional phenomenon.
Giver the different stances in the approach to the "mixed economy" by different political groups, the пmixed economу гепаіпеd a tгоublesome concept to both politician and planners. At best, they were apt to regard it as a necessary in perfection, dictated by political conditions. At worst, it was considered a state of confusion in which the economy received the worst of two worlds-the socialist and the capitalist. In public debate and discussion one frequently encountered the exhortation that Sri Lanka must lake a definite choice between the socialist path or the free enterprise capitalistic path. It was argued that in either one, there was a consistent system of in centives which would yield positive results if systematically adopted. According to the conventional view, the attempt to mix these systerTs generated serious inconsistencies which worked against the efficiency of both.
In this critique of the “mixed economy" there was the assump
(Corfirilled or page 2s)

Page 15
Agriculture
Why farmers
uring "Maha” 1977-78 thc
People's Bank and the Bank of Ceylon are reported to have doled out as much as Rs 475 million by way of cultivation loans to our farmers, but only a small fraction of this sum (lcss than 25 per cent) is said to have been recovered. This latter is causing such grave concern to the government that it has decided to seek the assistance of an advertising agency in a bid to motivate farmers to repay their cultivation loans.
It is regrettable that the govenment should have embarked on taking corrective measures before making a complete study of the problem. Thorough investigation and proper diagnosis are essential pre-requisites for the effective treatment of any disease, Likewise the problem of why farmers don't repay bank loans deserves in depth study before any meaningful corrective action can be taken.
Investigations conducted by this writer during "Maha” 1977-78 indicate that there are at least four factors responsible for the high percentage of loan default among our farmers. They are: 1. Low crop yields 2. Reduced income resulting from a fall in the matket price of subsidiary food crops following the government's decision to import chillies, onions, Mas oor dhal etc. 3. Lack of government concern in ensuring loan recovery in the past 4. Liberal issue of cultivation loan.
Low Yields: Despite an 'excepticmally good" rice harvest during "Maha" 1977-78, the averagerice yield in Sri Lanka was only 55 bush els per ace. An average peasant farmer owning three acres of paddy land in a dry zone colonization scheme would therefore obtain a total yield of 165 bushels of paddy. (55x3) This farmer would retain about 40 bushels for home consumption over the next six months (until his next harvest). He therefore sells only 125 bushels of paddy ( 165 - 40)
don't
At the prevailir of Rs 40- per E gross in Çome foi be Rs 5,000/- (l the farIIner's lia Rs 2,350- to re He has to ma contribution of meeting the cult next crop (this if he wetc. to loan for the ne loan Inects only production per a Rs 1,500). This with only Rs 4. to support him of six over the Since it is imp mer to exist oT compellcd not t wation loan.
Reduced inco government's de previously banir such as dried ch ably lowered th locally grown ch which never fet than Rs 8 - pe past seve Tı ye Rs 5/- per pound mer) today. Far bank loans for last year hoping Rs 8-10 per poun are law unable than 50 per cent income. It is nic that such farme difficult to repa.
Government F governments for try during the shown little co recovery of cul S.L.F.P. glowerinn to ignore previ and issued fresl virtually all a UNP governme cisely the same Inters have now to the belief tib is not really se: outstanding loa

repay bank loans
g gua Tanticed price shel, the farmer's r the 5Eason would 25 x 40). What are bilities? He needs *pay his bank loan. ke AT1 additional Rs 2250- towards ivation costs of the
would apply even btain a fresh bank :KL CrÖp - balık half the cost of cre, which is about leaves the farmer 0)- 5,000 - 4,600) self and his family
next six IIIonths!
ossible for the far
Rs 400/-, he is o repay his culti
me: The present -cision to іпрогt led coil moditties
illies has considere price paid to illies. Thus chillies ched a price lower ' pound during the ars, hardly fetch (price paid to farmers Who obtaincd chilli culiya Lio to receive at least di for their produce, to realize tore of their targeted it at all surprising rs should find it their bank loans.
olicy: Succeeding med in this counpast decade have cern in ensuring iwation lichans. The ient of 1970 choose u8. Ioan defaulters bank loans to id sundry. The t of 1977 did prething Many far
g0t accustonled at the government ious in Tecovering
Ranjit Mulleriyawa
Inadequate Safeguards: Granting of cultivation loans during Maha' 1977-78 was unusually liberal. Banks were besieged by numerous applications for cultivation loans. Understaffed and hopelessly pressed for time, bankers could not ensure their normal safeguards. As a result, even many non-farmers availed themselves of sizeable chunks of agricultural credit. In some instances, t W0 Ör Incore individuals are said to have obtained loans for the same land!
The irony is that even the bankers knew that they were doing the wrong thing. Yet, they dared not question government policy - Lhe expeditious granting of loans. The only way to grant loans expeditiously, With the limited Staff ånd time at their disposal, was to grant loans to virtually all who applied.
An unbiased analysis of the facts presented above leads one to the inescapable conclusion that the major responsibility for non-repayment of agricultural loans granted during "Maha” 1977-78 rests with the government and not the Sri Lankal farmer. The government's new import policy is directly responsible for the low income earned by chilli, onion and Cowpea farmers. The government is to be blamed for failing to take the normal safeguards preparatory to the approval of bank loans. Even the low yields obtained by many farmers are a direct result of the failure of many government institutions to adequately service the farruer.
3.

Page 16
Disappearing democracies
The internal fac
hic determinent factor in any
given process being in the last instance the internal one, it is necessary to focus on the internal dynamics of the Third World. These dynamics are localled fundam.cntally in the cconomic plane though they operate at each and every level of the society and polity. The peripheral nature of the 3rd world within the global capitalist system, the relationship of dependence between these peripheral economies and the developed (metropolitan), ones ensure that the acute economic crisis low gripping the entire non-socialist world, falls heaviest on those least capable of bearing the burden-the underdeveloped countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Only option
In the context of such a crisis, there is only one option open to the ruling elites of the periphery, whom it must be en phasized, are
in a relationship of symbiotic dependence with their counterparts in the metropoles. This
sole option for the maintenance of maximul profit for themselves and
their metropolitan Inasters is to .
increase the rate of expropriation of surplus value,
Stated baldly this means the increasing exploitation of the working class and pea Santry in these countries. The masses resist of course-in various ways and varying degrees, and this means that the ruling elite must resort to increasing repression. This cannot be achieved within the framework of the bourgeois-democratic wellfare state. The old superstructure no longer corresponds to the objective situation at the economic base and therefore, cannot be tolerated any further. The dynamics of the development of capitEllis II in the 3rd world (or more correctly the development of capitalist undcrdevelopment, as Gunder
14
Frank puts it) situation of inter nal crisis, requir "she" which col situation. Thus concessions gra. In the masses in "b. to be withdrawn rights won by removed. In sh( democratic fram severely altered Inantled.
New Odel
This is the v has taken pl: ce Indonesia and majority of 3rd Democratic frce totally squashed, slaughtered, imp tured and ha installed, prior national Corpora the country's ec tion with local new model of : Brazil is being 3rd world colun phemistically as tional Security. complecte centrali zation of the sti main organs of are the Armed intelligence unii Security Counc in his study sa tus is dominai national – milita! ing caste,' whi "politics withol In their thin development ol second place
security'. The logy is that any is i tTcaso II; and from civilians. not on Tepresent ticipation, but r: techniques and of Imanagement The state's so

ΟΥ
within an overall ational and intera new political esponds to this
the economic d to or won by 3m periods have and the political ne working class rt, the bourgeois work has to bè dr altogether dis
ery process that in Uruguay, Chile. he overwhelling world countries. dons have biči
tens of thousands risoned and tor" -sh dictato Tships to inviting Illultitions Lo domilntie onomy, in conjucbig business. A ștate, pione cred in fashined in Tlost trics. Known euthe 'State of Nait involves the zation and militariate apparatus. The le The W. St TLICllIC Forces, Policẽ, thể is and the National il. (G. I. Mirsky ys that the appar Elsd by “an antiry-bureaucraticrulse ta cit slogan is ut political life.”) king, the genuine f the people takes to "stability" and dominant psychoform of opposition tTF50 m ellanåtes The emphasis iš ation or popula Tiparather on 'modern| *scientific” ferrorTTT : and administralian. :ial base bEcomts
Chintaka
steadily narrower and soon a strategy of total war” is enbarked Ĉolin, aimed at the complete climination of all oppositional social and Poli: tical forces-left wing political parties, trade unions, student groups pea santi organizations, national minorities and even religious associations. Before long, political elimination becomes in effect physical elimination.
Thus, all existing and potential counter-structures are dissolvcd and the static's monolithic, coporativist structure is imposed As the ideological apparatuses of its control (i.e. the ma$5 media} becomes increasingly bankrupt in the eyes and ears of the masses, the ruling class relies almost exclusively on its repressive apparatus to maintain its hegemony. Some 3rd world radicals term this neocolonial phenomenon-neo-Fascism', due to the specific features it posscses vis-a-vis classical European fascism. These specificities they say, are the political ref |cctions of the economic specificities of 3rd world capitalism wis-a-vis that of the metropolis. Capitalism in the periphery is characterized by the features of dependence, underdevelopment and co-existence with pre-capitalist residues.
The massive expansion of the armaments industry and the huge public works programme Teduced inflation and soaked up Thost of the unenumployed in Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy, while no cven Nobel prize winner Milton Friedman and his Chicago Mafia can control Chile's tripledigit inflation. Indeed, average unemployment in the entire nonsocialist 3rd world Tuns at over 30% So, even in a narrow Economistic sense, fascism in neocolonial context just doesn't worknot even in the short run. It is however, highly profitable for the multinationals and their domestic (junior) partners.
Neo - fascist
Some 3rd world Marxists even go so far as to assert that this neo-fascist model of state, the
( Cred or நாரா 43)

Page 17
Constitution
The making and unn
hic Leaders of the Opposition
curleided in the Asselbly that the making of a constitution is not "ın iso lated event, but a step in the process by which a people assert their identity, articulate their basic values and aspirations and define the instruments of government through which the sovereignity of the people can be exercised.' There are two approaches to this process which need to be distinguised and classified.
The first approach is directed towards the elaboration of an institutional framework which more effectively corresponds to the political style of the regimc in power. Such an El pproach is Tēgurd cd as the 'instrumental approach to constitution making, and does not envisage the constitution to be an eternal instrument embodying the highest values and aspirations of the people, There is a measure of impermanency in such instruments as their life span is often limited to the duration of the political regime in power. They provide the means by which those who had captured power can more effectively organize and exercisé power.
The second approach to constitution making envisages the Constitution to be the fundamental law enshrining for all times the basic values, aspirations and ideal of the different components of the body politic Such Constitutions are somewhat permit neill instruments, and even the process of amendment gathers inspiration all direction from the underlying philosophy of the Constitution itself. The second is the "consensual approachi."
The instrumental approach recognises a somewhat authoritarian process of constitution making which disregards the aspirations of groups in opposition to the regime in power. The consensual approah on the other hand views the Cons
titution as a le compact capturi 1hat have been Weel different political groups framework with епt groups may and gain access of a society,
Is the const that has been of the instrume type?
The Iesort to a procedu Te mean partics uпгерге 5е ly could по епj pation in the dr non-participatio) United Liberatic Select Committee exercise of its co The conceptual F's moninvolem: has becen summal thalingam:
"The Republica slight to SCWC tiunal link with is such a break the sovercignity
the Island until (during a period tion or exteriha! tional rule) re sovereignity of t was ethnically, linguistically scp distinct, Tevived Party had clear to assert the si hala mation arit titution. ThË TI of the Tamil different duty,
The Select Co ted il Novemb; its report of Ju pite these majo was refmarkable ween the wiew: National Party Freedom Party some of the su of the Select C. as of agreement mental rights, ju

Neelan Tiruchelwam
naking of Constitutions
'gal and political
ng the conpromises Worked out betcommunities and ; it defines the which the differcolpete for power to the resources
it Lilional exercise "ecently completed Inlal or consensual
. Select Committee that the political InteliTl the Assembİcroy" direct partici'afting process, The
of the Tani til FTot in the : further eroded the Ilsens Lat' e le Th:Ints. basis for the TUL :nt in this process rised by Mr. A.IIInir
in Constitution of 1972 * legal Eırı d constitul- theast, Qnce ther: in legal continuity, if the inhabitants ef
then under eclipse,
raf foreign dearninialy designed constitusurfaced. Hence the | Tamil Natian which
geographically and rately identifiable and - The Unitiċit Naima
LITñéquivocal mundate W:rignity of the Sin
Il Bt 8 8 5 Il date the Ilhajority lation pointed to a
nmittee constitu
3 Td 1977 abi le 22nd, 78. Deshandicaps there congruence betof the United nd the Sri Lanka 5 they related to stantive concerns Ililiitte. The Teincluded fundaiicial review, lang
(Tre a? frithor Hovha ha s' a daerarérfé fri L1 frgr? Harpare is a research director at the Marga Frts frture)
uage, citizenship, principles of state policy and the creation of an Ombudsman. Although the SLFP has been consistent in its opposition to the Executive Presidency, and some aspects of proportional representation its principal concern appears more procedural thān subs, tantive. It protested against the total repeal of the Republican Constitution of 1972, and favoured the introduction of a Third AmendIment containing substantive alterations to the existing instrument. This position appears to have been further hardened by the addition of controversial provisions in the general and transitional chapters after the Committee Report had been tabled. The SLFP dissent accordingly warned ominously,
Thč 53anctity and continuation of a Constitution depends on public acceptance of its provisions, If at the next elections the pcople grant us a mandate to do so, we shall introduce a Constitution consistent with the Yiews.cxpressed (in our disscnt and the Reptiblican Constitution of 1972
The problem still remains whether the constitutional exercise which appears instrumental, can nevertheless aquire the formal attributes of a consensual instrument. The system of proportional representa. tion provides the clue to this problen, and we must now briefly examine its main elements and their implications for the process of constitution Inaking.
The rationale of proportional representation is clearly articulated in the Report of the Select Comm. itti which states that the present System. Ils inadequate in that it is no fairly representative of the political opinion within the country. It points out that in 1970, the Sri La Inka Freedom Party was able to secure 60.3% of the total
5

Page 18
number of seats in Parliament although it received only 36.9% of the total vote. On the other hand the United National Party with 37. 9% of the total wote was Only abilið to secure 11.3% of the total numer of seats. In 1977 the United National Party with 50,9% 0f thề total vales segured 83.3% of the seats, while the Sri Lanka Freedom Party with 29.7% of the total votes secured only 4.8% of the so ts. It should be noted that 13% swing for the United National Parly resulted in a 72% gain in represen ation while the negative swing of 7.2% for tha i Sri Lanku Freedom Party resulted in 55.5%, loss in representation. The Report reiterates that this is not mercly unfair but leads to political instability
We must then dlgress to cxamine the main elements of proportional representation which are found in Article 135 to 139 of the Constitution.
Firstly, the identification of the district as the basic electoral unit. A Delimitation Commission Will divide the country into several electoral districts. These electoral districts shall be OC: CJT ITIÖT administrative districts. They shall remain unchanged thereafter.
Secondly, the principle of allocation of seats. The total number of seats will be frozen at l96; each province would be allocated 4 seats to be distibuted a longst the districts contained within the Province. The remaining 160 seats would be distributed a longst the several electoral districts according to the number of registered voters, As the population incret ses the number of registered electors will correspondingly increase
Thirdly, the voting would be for political parties and not for individuals. Recognized political parties present a list of candidates and voting could be based on such lists. There will be no Independents unless they form a group and present a common list of Candidates,
Fourthly, the concept of a cut off vote. This means in effect that if a political party or a group of individuals TecCive les 8 th3T1 118ths of the total number of
Wotes cast, these cancelled and the concerned Would return a candidat Assembly.
I have elsewher. impact of each C on the growth of It would be suf purpose to Sun major criticis Dis TeprotserlitatioTh.
Firstly, one of of the district be the electoral L (lit eliminate the pa orate and erode that has evolvi McInbart of Parl Constituency. Til electorate his EW tinct political soci torial entity. Wit thTE has e Wolwe social relations t bers of PTlia TT tituents. This inti of reciprocity by assert the rights upon their repres for governmental correspondinig dul to these derlan of Parliament infl tion of resource: ated inter perso difficult to sech reciprocity and social relations yas contained Co with a District. district as the E would sever tht bility between the the electorato.
The second cr that of area of issue of represet orie of immensst political relation rious communitie that the form. representation A II Ceyları Tamil accepted by the sion. The Conn reprezentatior sł principles, wiz, every 75,000 inh additional Tinent square mile rad area weightage

woes would be
political på 1 ty no be able to e to the National
e examined the if these eleiçES the parly system. ficient for this arise some of the
of proportional
the consequences ing recognized as would be to Ilia ilmentary electhe relationship ld between the iament and the he parliarietary owed into a disongical and terrihin i15 framework :d a system of between the Memnt and his consrludes the syslen which constituents o make del mands entatives for jobs, benefits and the ty to be responsive ig. The Melber Ienced the allica5 and everu" medi1st conflict. It is ow this system of the lëtij ark of within which it uld replicate itself The choice of a :siç ectoral Ilmit lies of accountarepresentative and
iticist relates to
Weigh tage. The titi 135 bČČT1 rontrowersy in the ships between vaS. We Te All WTË 1: for balla Tilced resented by the Congress was not Soulbury Commisissil held that
1ւիլյld be thm two one member for abitants 11 di T1
1er for every 1,000 ius The object of was to give addi
tiarial weightage to the minority continuinities; so that thc Northern and Easter Lu Provinces were given eight additional seats and the remaining provinces were given 7 scats. Article 136 (4) has reyersed this process of weightage by prowiding that each province will be entitled to 4 seats which in effect means that the ratio of 817 has now been escalated to one of 8:28 The additional bonus of Il seats by increasing the representation of he in Ejority community will undermine the very purpose for which area weightage was introduced.
The third problem relates to electoral lists. Onc of the implications of a list system is that the power of returning individual representatives effectively shifts from that of the electorate to that of the political party. The nomination of candidates and the ranking of candidates become issues of immcise importance over which the political party would have control. Under the system of election for Local Government the party lists of the candidates would not even appear on the b:tillot paper. No doubt there are other means by which these lists can be disseinitiated among the electorate. The systell of lists we have adopted places a greater distance between the indiwidual wC) ter and the indiwidual candidatot which would ultimately be returned to Parliament.
It is therefore submited that system of proportional representation must be preceded by a democratisation process within the political party itself. The enormous power that the party leadership enjoys in the nomination of calldidates, must he Entodulated to ensure greater accountability to and consultation with the rank und file of the party. Most political parties have an organizational structure in which decision making is delegated by the Party Convention to a hierarchy of Committees. But the formal organization often conceals that the real decision making is concentrated in the higher reaches of the leadership, Deinocratization should find expression both in form and spirit,
Finally we may now took at the issue of the threshold vote. Both

Page 19
the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the Ceylon Worke's Congress in their dissents llave complained that the fixing of the threshold vote at 12% would discriminate against snailer political parties. The figure 1/8 of the total vote has been fixed because this is the point at which the candidates in a singlemember constituency would forfeit his deposit. The C.W.C. mcmorandu in however argues that there is no rational relationship between the formula for the loss of deposit in a single-member constituency and the threshold vote in a system of proportional representation. These are two distinct concepts and it will be arbitrary to determine the former by reference to the latter.
Let me revert to the general theme of this article. Does proportional representation provide the answer to whether the new constitution would evolve into the instrumental" or "consensual" type? Article 82 (5) provides that a Bill
for the amendm Constitution wol
(a) a special thirds of 1 National
(b) a majorit
of the plus the Peoplc at
Given the pa Woting that we past three decai that any of th: Cal partiF3 WYou tuTe the legislati EL Ty to eo: 12 lect a instrumental ty presenta Lion W instrumentEl Cih it with the pe consensual typi further implied ations of the that the Iew r the U.N.P. Eld abandom the poli aid eWolve the conseth sus. He
Cryptic Crossword No. 7
by Stripex
Across CLUES
8. Traincrs of nag and mares (8)
9, ... threw -away, Richer than all his tribe (Othello) (15) 10. British constitutionalist confuses Magog's ally (3) 11. Wife to contribute to thc success of the assembly (E)
12. A Trange pit mac fof effect (G)
13. Soldier gets training for what our doctors like (7,8) 15. The choice and master - of this age (Mark Autony) (7)
18. Dug for potatoes (7) 21. A firm pushcr you might say (7,8)
24. Absurd country visited by Gulliver (6)
25. Stop whät you do with the curd (5,2) 26. King in Francic (3) 27. Hang from deep-end pointlessly (6) 28. The very limits of scx-meter (8)
OW
1. Run rapidly as a way of making a living (6) 2. Chess champion moves: King takes Rook Pawn (WOA
3. Forcr flags as models for imitation (5.9) 4. Nuclear scientists' jargon is nothing to confused poet (7) 5. Occult quality of enchanting theatrical set? (7,8) 6. Repriewed Sid Pctcr (8) T. 150 follow youth leader in a trice for machine (8) 14. Here where 26 is king (3) 1. Fan gets D-Iopc- is treated with contempt (8) 17. Transports pure star (8) 19, What a man has to face at the end of a sentence (3) 20. Group5 coin to some to some point (7) 22. Dispossession is othing to us three times (6) 23. Thou Paradisc of -, Italyl (Shellcy) (5)

lent or repeal of a Jld require.
II Ejority of two hic members of the Assembly.
y of the members
National Assembly approval of the al Referéndum.
ittern of electoral hawe seel over the des, it is unlikely 3 recogniziCd politild be able to capwe majority necessColstitution of the č. Priportional TeJuid entrench an stilution and clothe irmanency of the 2. Th: President during the deliberSelect Committee 2ality could compel the S. L. F.P. to itics of partisanship political style of Ståed.
"Are you not always thinking in trs of the Old British System - that the two party system or the three patty sy5em will surviv:? Can wye not go ahead of that? Can we not think of a national way?"
On this reasoning proportional representation could foreshadow a transformation in the style of electoral politics and the cmergence of new configurations of power,
On the other hand, there are mEly who are sceptical of this theory. They contend that no formula for representation could per se lead to such transformations, Consensual politics can only emerge out of a clinate of political accommodation. And unless a conscious effort is made to create such a climate, it would require litt lè legal ingenuity to work around the entre Elched procedures of constitutional change to create another "legal revolution'. We would then be thrown back into the cyclic of making and un making of instrumental Constitutions – from which proportional representations can provide mð CSC:pe.
Solution to Cryptic Crossword No. 6
ACROSS - 9. Nasty part 10. Loose 12, Agnates 13. Astra 14. Noble Lady 16. Burning question
18. Emmobiling 19. Satan 20. Deolali 3. L-alter pilla.
DOWN- 1. Unscramble 2. A smattering of it
22. Alibi
1. Lease to
21. Dubarry
3. Hyaena
4. Halo 5. Strasbourg is. Blå rikets 7. ContTydictorily
8. Cess 14. Negligible 19. Suboril 20, Deal
15. Yinnan dyang 17. In Brazil 21. Dale
17

Page 20
Cinema
“Weera Puran Appu” and
OE does not usually insist that historical" films should be factually accurate down to the last detail, but when historical accuracy is emphatically claimed by a film producer, then it is only fair that distortions and errors of interpretation should be challenged.
In the recent film "Weera Puran Appu', claims were made in the opening sequences that the film was based on research dones at the National Archives and that it was guided by historians and that the film-makes resorted to invention only to fill in the “empty spaces" of Puran. Appu's life, However such inventions should be in the spirit of historical truth. One knows for instance that there newer was a massacIc on the Odessa s tcps, but Eisenstein, basing himself on the fact that there were innumerable such massacres in various places, crystallised the truth of all of them in One magnificent, cinematically - conceived episode. This is the kind of truth against which this film continually Offeillds.
Take, for example the episode with which the films begins. The supposed abduction of the British government agent's niece is a fabrication. What is this meant to achiewe? Is it to titilla Le the crowds (bandit abducts white woman)? This very un typical incident is used for two purposes, both of which run counter to historical truth: first it gives Puran Appu Em almos personal motivation for his subsequent actions against the British; second, it is used to show Puran Appu as the "gentlmen hero' who saves the girl from being molested by Gongalego da Banda, who in contrast, is depicted as a clown of sorts as well Els al wČak and low character.
Another distortion is the portrayal of Dr. Christopher Eliott
who is seen as E the Kandyans, naiw: retimilarks film (il referer) Ell White: II el : film producer's historical perspe wice to the rea Elliott... Fo'o it that Eliottt was who lcd an imp liberal, den 10 Cr. 1840's against colonial regime was in the fore agi lation im Co Iep Tessive taxes film makes no importaint agitati working class a tats of Colomb: which took pla with the resistan pas antry in Ju The fillim also influence of p in Europe in 1: colony like Sri yeET there W: France sparking Autocratic ger ve Europe, along Working-class ağı (the Chartist M revolt in Irela I had an impact 1848 i Sri LF1 reWol t5; aTcd T£" white man’s o y publicised by ra and discussed it people of Sri 1 urged to emulat Tefuse to pay o
However, the the film is its i El Cate the backgro exploitation whic lion of 1848. The sion in the capital Curred in 1846 a f which by thic tim capitalist world m fee exports; this c diate cause of the tion that the Brit

Ananda Jayawira
the distortion of history
spy who betrayed Although rather arc made in the ice to Elliott) that are "bad guys', the lack of correct ctive does a disser| contribution Úf is will tablished a radical Irish mån ortat struggle for atic rights in the the authoritarian in Sri Lanka, ånd front of the urban lombo against thė of 1848. The reference to this on of the incipient ind other inhabito End its environs ce simultaneously ce of the Kanydan ly 1848.
få ils to show the
Iolitical upheavals B48 on a remote Lanka. In that
is Tewolutio irn
off the fall of :rillent all over With a wave of itation in England OWeinent) and a ld, all of which On the events of ika. Tile news of Wolutions in the WIl region1s were dicas like: El1ijtt 1 Sri Lanka - the Lanka even being e: the Firef|chlı qıld ppressive taxes.
major failure of bility to communiund Lf unrestand h led to the rebeleconomic depres| list world that ocfected Sri Lanka, was linked to the Iarkęt through cofrisis was the immeoppressive taxaish government in
Sri Lanka resorted to, namely the taxes on guns, dogs, shop and boats and the notorious poll tax on the people. To the Kandyans, who had secn he disruption of their traditional Society, their pasture and ehema lands sold for coffice plantations, the decline of their religion and culture and the increase of social evils such as drunkenness and Crime, he oppressive taxes were thic final provocation. The incident in the fill whcre Pural Appu, in true cowboy style, tosses the coffee planter's gun from his hand is used to show Puran Appu in a heroic light to his prospective bride ånd her father, rither thar to illuminate a facet of the foreign aggression and exploitation the Kandyans were subjected t
Puran Appu, whose Teal nama was Francisco Fernando, and who callic from Moratuwa, was connected by birth to the new capitalist class of renters and traders of the maritime provinces who had pect ratcd the Kandyan regions: most of this class were loyal to the British but some of them had contradictions with them. Again, the film portrays Alexander Fernando, the Wealthy a Track renter of Moratu Wa (suid to be the cousin of Pural Appu), but no at tcmpt is made te elucidate the Tela Lionships between the Tenters of the low country, thc Kandyans and the British. It was the fact that they belonged to a different mode of production, together with the social disintegration of Kandyan feudalism following upom British rule, that permitted socially conscious adventurers like Puran Appu and Gongalego da Banda to assume the leadership of the Kandyan peasantry when conditions for rebellion arose.
The failure of the films Takers to correctly understand and conmunicate this background has led to the portrayal of Puran Appil

Page 21
as an individual hero whose personality (and horoscope) had an impact on historical developments. Their lack of a broad historic perspective has also led the film makers to highlight religious and casts factors in an un necessary manner. The sight of “our Dan” Puran Appu, going to War leading the Kandyan peasantry with his caste flag billowing behind him, Enay warm the hearts of the caste group to which he belonged, but it seems highly unlikely if not ludicrous to others.
The attempt to highlight the
religious factor has served to thrust Kuda pola Unaise into a central position; indeed, if the
film is to be believed, Kuda pola Was the main organiser of the rebellion whose notive was really the protection of the Buddhist religion. Puran Appu, Gonga legoda Balda and the Other ver: Inerely puppets in his hand. The fear of religious persecution did play a part in the rebellion but to make it the main motive force
is to reduce the scope of the
Welt.
In the face of these various
omissions and distortions, the film cannot be called historically accurate, in the depiction of Puran Appu and the rebellion of 1848. Rather it does a disserwice to the national heroes of 1848, by reducing thern to individualistic fighters, brave but stupid, who were no match for a mere
handful of British soldiers. All it does, really, is to justify the position taken by those who
speak of the 'so-called rebellion of 1848' and describe it as a mere skirmish of a few brigands, rapidly and cffectively put-down by the British, whereas in fact, 1848 was a part of the continuing resistance to imperialism that began in 1818. Morcover the Kandyan armed peasantry are shown as fighting in open combat, indulging in positional warfare against the British forces, whereas the Kandyanıs have å lway resortel to guerilla warfare, ambushes and sudden attacks when pitted against forces with superior weaponry.
Neither is Weera Puran Appu a good film in the cinematic sense.
Reduced to indi: it. GeèIIns to sha cliches of crud. down to the tol Puran Appu to 1 stolen) horse. As pedesti iam and i for Tissa Abeys portrayal of the Kuda hapola Un fails to evoke a p: ment in the desp popular struggle
CIlẽ wữnders thẹ film has been de scclarian politica Wä, has two di Ole is the trä Capitalist and ei likę the filmous å TM5S ed in mense arrack Tening, c and graphite supporting Britis! dituly Te W7åTded lists. The othe been of dissent working people gentsia of this long history of . imperialist and ra Is this filmu nr attempt by the represented by use the dissiden represented by P its own narrow pi purposes?
Is there also a film an attcmp British Tule il are told that Tor WatSČIl Id oth by the British London, thus sh( sive taxes and th sion of the aberration of a Whol the British
It is also Teg film indulges in mis T and th åt 5 Sinhala' type E the time has coi to portray our fighters as real who belong to t and over who religion or cthni have proprietory

vidualistic heroes, rė III ly of the: Western film, lching farewell by his faithful (albeit i a film it is rather dull, and except ekera's powerful militant bhikkhu, 8. Tse, the film assionate involve'etate, but heroic of 1843.
*Iefore whether 1het liberately used for lds. Mora tustic traditious. ition of pioneer trepreneurs who De Soysa family, : wealth through toffee cultivation mining, loyally rule and being by the imperiar tradition has Hind Tebellion, the
and the intelli
toWI having a Slipp It for antidical Fuovciments. mercly a cynnical irst tradition as its producers, to t tradition as LIran Appiu, foT litical and castic
the end of the t to whitewash Sri LaПka ? We ington, Tennent, IT WEI Tallid Gð verTiment irl wing the represe brutal suppresTe Wit as the
few individuals Raj duly punished.
ettable that the Sinhala chauviThgs of the "We tre sung. Surely e When wat hawe atti-imperialist national heroes, he whole people L to one caste, c group should
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19

Page 22
| Debate
Implications of educational
omewhere it was said that all S: arose by man trying to explain the reality in which he is living through words. since this is an impossible task, always controversies remain. Mr. E. H. de Alwis's and Mr. W. P. Wittachi's debate on present educational changes in the pages of 'Lanka guardian seem to be facing difficulties arising from this basic fact, Therefore the debate is coming to a point where each says to tht other, “You did not understand what I said." Let us try to take this discussion out of this rut if possible.
Welfarisri
Welfarism as I understand it comes into being when in a profit motivated economy investments are made without a covering of the costs or a generation of profits. Therefore it is really a 'dirty Word" in a profit motivated or a free enterprise economy as stated by Mr. Vitachi in his first response to Mr. de Alwis. But I Wonder from where he gathered that it has the amic status in “ćommunist states“ (I am ignoring the assumption of Mr. Wittachi about the existence of "communists lates', If we substitute the term "socialist states“ illstead I think We can carry on the dialogue without deviating. In some of the present day countries with socialist economies IIot only Cducation but health, transport and even housing arc provided for the people on a welfare basis', as it is interpreted in capitalist systems (subsidized food cal be added to this list in the case of some countries.) But the 'dirty word' welfare we do not find in describing these investments within these countries. In contrast to the capitalist economies, the pları ned socialist economies do mot expect to run its service couponents in any other way. They are services and are not expected to generate profits. Having efficient
20
service componen will get their ba: almost freč, is tit a Socia list Etc2010 wards, while the ism Tınakes Welfa T to economic gTÇp"ı umic growth beil capitalism.
Mr. Wittachi da distinguish these and hence fails that the type of I. M. F. is advo based om certain and aims of dev in CapitalisTll. to response from ment by Mr. dc A i8 m 'which Eıl-T1e sustain it (welfari effective summari a aird above.
Socialis III Can the airm of their lopment not by first and then b afterwards, as M to Liliik is the het says, “wealth created befor: W. it," (therefore down on subsi measures so tha' the capital to c. classical II., M. F. by having cert structures along the creation of cation if a titles of this distributio distribution stru while wealth is not get ac Clum in!" sections of the
M CII C: to support a pr Lic developme equitable distrib' since this on a Imeån a Tedistrit between the de thic tırı derdövela' is against the i

changes
ts so that people sic requirements he aim to which 11y is driving tlogic of capitalism äl hindETälČè t. Pure ECIIng the aim Of
5 Iot SETT 1 0 basic differences to unders land development the cating to us, is b: sic: Concepts elopment upheld herefore there is hiII. tc. the St:ltelwis that “socialcan contin Le ts) SI), which is a T. sing of what was
make “welfaris II.'
economic deve
creating Wealth y distributing it r. Witchi seems proper way, when ho Weyer must be ou can distribute le necd to Cut dies or welfare you can have cate wealth - a
argument!) but lain distribution with the steps for wealth. Free Eduest, fu Timis a pel Tt ill structure. These 2:tures e surt that : Teated that it daes ulated in certain Society.
pect the I. M. F. ogramme of econIt aimed at more ution of wealth. global scale would ution of wealth reloped world and ped world, which interests of T. M. F.
Sri Ba5tia
mmmmmmmm
(Sunil Basiliari is a graduate of Lertingrad Stare L'rfversi' a Fried is currerry Frages : ré FérrLr Lf Higher Errication Erf ridě Čerre fyr Society and Religford.)
On the eontrary they Want any structures that are bringing about even a slighest redistribution of wealth to be curtailed, so that 'growth' can take place, which is their idea of economic developmeni. But 'growth' for the benefit of whom? The I. M. F. right from 1965, when their direct influence onour economy began, had boen demanding cut back on welf. Te measures in education and health. But the basic question that we have to ask is weather such deve lopment will really go to benefit the nasses?
Cost of education
coming to the question of 'cost of education Mr. Wittachiseeins to be making a bigger blunder than in the case of "welsarism'. He raises the question, on behalf of those in charge of education, “What dots the country get in Ieturn for the vast expenditure in education?' But the next question that he should have al sked is, On the basis of what criteria can we mea su Te that this return is adequate or not? If the closing down of the residenttal campuses is a measure taken to cut down the costs, Mr. Wittachi seems to be implying that the lack of so called discipline" un ruliness and student protest in campuses are indications that investment there is not worth while and dices not bring enough returns to the country. I may be wrong in interpreting what Mr. Wttachi said on this point, but since such arguments are currently being put forward in our society it is well worth considering.
To my mind the only criterion that can justify any investinent in cducation, is the degree to which such an cxpenditure is moving our educational system towards more democratization, i. e. moving it towards giving cqual access to education to all and an education

Page 23
of equal quality for all. The foreign exchange that the country is spending by introducing London A. L. cxams, the statements by the Ministry about giving aid lo the private schools, the rule that 50% of first grade Çntratıls will be from the offspring of old boys und old girls, and foundation stones laid here ald here in hic Colombo Sou: h eductional district, are measures which can he criticized because they go to increase the gap between the haves and have-nots in the educational sphere. If the closing down of thic resid-ntial facilitics is going to increase th: economic bu Tiden of students coming from poor rural background, then again We have a step taking us ilway from our goal of democratisation in the educational sphere.
According to the country report that Sri Lanka presented in the Education Minister's Coference of Asia and Oceania which was held in Colombo in July this year, Sri Lanka in 1976 had spent 3.6% of our G. N. P. in education. (st was 4,6% in 1971, when Dudley Seer's report said that we have a high percentage conpared with other developing countries) 91.4% of this money goes for General Education, and 86% of that is for the payment of teaclher’s sala ries. Hence wat can understand why the government is trying to cut down on teachers training programmes, teachers being the costliest component of the system. In 1972 We were spending roughly 18 times more for the running of the systell compared to the amount spent as capital expenditure.
The vast a lount of that we pump in today into education gets distributed in an unequal way. Statistics are not needed to prove this but a visit to the schools in the Colonnbo South Educational district, where elite schools coexist with slum schools will suffice. A sociological analysis of the pupils in these two types of schools will complete the pic: ure and prove to us how our education is structured in such a way that "haves' get still more. If we add to this that in our country
TEOLITICER
around 10-15%
age children do
at all and är dropped oul b reach the sixth gr se wen percent c the grade one and of this 1-2% sity, we see the unjust structure
Mr. de Alwis the cutting dow on education see for more money the system hopi lead to more di education. But happen with the tij) In Structurës : education systle extra money get who already resources Can distribution witho' basic Conceps col particular and ed rall that we hawi these concepts imported to us acolonic systern' simple quantitati cducation solve without qualitativ cation itself, in in the ideas abo.
What is said a not an argument the expenditure Since such a s te distribution stri existing today wil We have a crisis cation today wh that can be thou present framewc lead to the widt betwee hawes which to my m of the crisis of at large,
Student un rest
This is a cannot ignore to kiıng about edI with a new Hi bill routind the image about the cultivated by til ignoring antist ud outside interferE puses. Many se

of School going Plot go to Schul und 45% had the time they 'ade, only around If those entering "each the levels, elter the Univer.
results of this of our education,
Whell, he criticize:S 1 of expendilure 'rns to be calling to be pumped into ng that it will Tocratistion Ulf will this really unequal distribuOf the existing m? Won't this diverted to those com Imla Tindi some We aim at beiter Lut looking at the the school in Lication in genee today? Aren't Tought to us or With a certain In short will a We expansion in Our probles changes in eduits concepts and Lt School Eodels
bowe is of course for culting down on Education. ) with the unjust Ictu Tas that re | hawe less. Thus situation in eduthe 1st casures ght of within the rk are going to ining of the gaps and have-nots, nd is a reflection our entire society
lestion that we day when speacation. Specially gher Educational re d ba
campuses being e media, while Snt thuggery and тce in the caппIl to be making
use of the so called "unruliness" in the campuses to justify cutting down of expenses, which might come in a big way in the future.
If one is really keen on understanding the protests in the campuses W. T. List look into their historical development. One could clearly trace the changing characteristics both qualitatively and quantitatively. As years went by when education began to spread, more and more students began to
enter the campuses from a poor rural background. Most of them were concentrated in the Arts
faculties, since the schools where they studied could give them an education only in that stream. As the social background of the campus population changed we observe the rise in the frequency of the protests. And they were concentrated in the Arts faculties due to objective and obvious reasons. Basically the proble Is in the society were brought into the campuses. Student un Test is mot in any way indica Lion of the failure or the waste of money spent on higher education, but it is an indication of the problems that our society itself had failed to solve.
Educational changes
If Mr. de Alwis now thinks that welfarism is a 'secondary issue' leading only to 'discussion of an academic nature' it is OK by me. If he implies that the student’s knuckleduster was intended for use against a posse of 300 policemen I am willing to let readers judge for themselves. if Mr. de Alwis claims that the official report which revealed sexual (and other) violence at the campuses a piece of sensation-mongering I will leave this too for the readers to judge. But he really cannot accuse me of 'applauding from the sidelines the emasculation of the university and the disruption of its communal life thus reducing it to the level of a day-school" when in his own opinion university learning has already degenerated into taking down notes.' You cannot emasculats the emåsculated.
Colombo. W. P. Wittahi
2

Page 24
Private view
Burning Spear
he death of Jomo Kenyatta
comes soon after the publication of Charles Douglas-Home's mainly adulatory biography of Sir Evelyn Baring who was Governor of Kenya during the Malu-Mau Tebecillion, I Té mèmber about 13 years ago when Kenya was about to become independent a sincere and ea Tmest young Englishman wlığımı II İrmet at sonrı Ee party Ür other who told me that he had served in Kenya for many years and that he thought it was a big mistake for Britain to give Kenya independence. It was this young man's considered view that the Kenyans were “unfit to govern themselves'. There were Englishmen as recently as 15 years ago who actually spoke like that.
Being less restrained in my language then than I have since learned to be I asked him: "And what makes you baskets so damn Sure that you are fit to govern yourselves let alone other peoples about whose cultures you know nothing and care less" But he was not fazed. He smiled patiently and said: "KCInyatta is a cold-blooded In urdicter. Clearly he believed what he was saying.
Now Douglas-Home's book re
weals that if there was a coldblooded nurderer in Kcnya at the title it was one other than the British governor Evelyn Baring who paid "rewards' to prosecution witnesses before the trial and bribed the High Court judge Thacker E20,000 to ensure a conviction of Kenyatta. Douglas — Home now foreign editor of the Times', London was ADC to Baring.
Yes, there wasn't
A commission cr: "In fact there was no proper application made to Court
Witness: 'Yes'.
(Reported procedings of a commission. of iпqшігу.)
22
It is clear fr that the witness *Yes, there Was' Was not and Wa When he said confirmed that W sicoller Said Wa: usage is no wi have, I suppose, an established C. can certainly mis are not acquainte which brings to Pan Alley song: bålmanas."
How's that agai
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Swim in the you drink it all
Kçı Safely filtered
Mr. So-and-so
(With apologie:
When Dilloutair
And the sun W
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Then So-and-s
Twas long bef So they had A copy of Jel Was scheduled
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The horoscope This boy has
It's destined thi A top-flight c:

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to accept it a eylonis II. But it lead people who d with the usage Ilind an old Tin Yes, We have no
in
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a heart attack ld поt cope y sent for a quack scope.
had this to say: a fate sinister; at he'll be one day abinet minister.
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Page 25
The mixed . . .
(rேt_frorpge 2)
tion that there were certain politico-economic models which had proved their internal consistency for the development of Third World countrie. These weTe the ILodels which had first been evolved in the empirical context of economic growth in the West and which had been conceptualised in Western historical conditions. Those who derived the conceptual tools from these two schools of European politico-economic thought which had sought to direct the industrial economies - the Adam Smith-Mit-Ricardo school and its inheritors or the Marx-EngelsLenin school—saw the mixed eccnomy somewhat in the way in which Samuel Johnson saw the metaphysical conceit-mutually contradictory elements yoked together by violence'.
It is natural therefore that on one side, at least, until very recent ly, the IMF and World Bank were
impatient of what a queer medley c th: other side Mi dicted the inevil and the inescapab capitalist dictator transformation.
The internal
(Carredf
so-called State c rity is the lates development of
state since the
tion. One may c but thę central qu the faint outlines lithic monstrosity
discČrned in ou
letters . . .
(Col. rinued f
the lessons of th lution are of suç us in the Thir whether the bour national bourgeoi partners in the
Home ܘf
SERVICE KYIT FWTERNAT
YESTERDAYS
l. The first
2. ኵ1arx‛5 3. Frankfurt
4. The o 5. Stanley 6. The first
7
the GALI
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appeared to them policies, and on rxist critics preble polarisation c choice between hip and socialist
элт page г)
f National Secuform in the the bourgeois French Revoluг пау поlt agree, estion is whether of such a monocan already be own Colltry.
"онн раge g) Ie October RewOsh importance to d World. geoisie or even sie are reliable anti-imperialist
Spacemen
H A SMILE FOR OVER I YEARS "IONAL, BUT STILL NATIONAL
CHARM, TOMORROW'S COMFORT
TODAY
In 1864 before . . . .
i. e.
مجمخريجي
לדE. מם י-ם".
struggle - Recall how Stalin supported KCrcnsky in an editorial in the Pravda and Trotsky alone opposing it, with Lenin concurring with him after, his return from exile on hearing the truth of the revolutionary situation in Russia.
What we hawet to le Tin from the October Revolution is whether we should support our local Kerenskys. The working class parties have had a painful and soul sea ring experience in support
ing Mrs. Banda Tanaike. That is what people like Mr. Waidyasckera would like the working
class to forget.
This is not just a useless exercise in am esoteric discussion om Lenin and Trotsky - but whether the working class stands for Refor nil or Revolution as Ralph Miliband puts it - That is what is on the cards for the Working Class of the Third World.
Amaradasa Fernando This carrespondence is na W closed - Editor
Note:
and other VIPs,
: direct telegraphic message from
America was received in Sri Lanka 1866
DAS KAPITAL was Publlshed BE
er Hof & Oriental Bangkok B
In Perial Tokyo 1890
Tajmahal Bombay 1903
Raffles Singapore 90
Mar illa Hotel 92
Peninsula Hongkong 98
pening of the Suez Canal 889
found Livingstone in Africa. 87 . Australian Cricket Team visited
England 88.
Conrad Hilton was born 1887
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