Page 1
Dons on V
97 and
Assessing
Tampoe on
Why Iran
CTB - what's
Teng's blow to
PRIVATE VIEW O TRADE
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

December 1978 Price Rs. 2/50
arsity Bill
all that
SWRD
the Left
lans riot
its future 2
Japan's Left
UNIONS O CROSSVVORD

Page 2
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Page 3
Letters
Dr. Kovoor
I Was delighted to read in the Guardian of the 15th October, Professor Carlo Fonseka’s splendid tribute to Dr. Abrahall Thomas Kowoor. How right Professor Fonseka is when he says that Dr. Kovoor was "such a gentie, kindly, humane and-in all except Orthodox religion-thoroughly orthodox person', and that "he asked more questions than even he could satisfactorily answer'.
I first met Dr. Kovoor during the war years, in the early for. ties, at a Freethinkers' meeting at a house in Kotte. I described that CICCOLI Inter i al article il the Messenger' under the caption *"Fisticuffs with Free linkers' I Went to that meeting by invitation and appointinent. I remember saying in the article that they probably didn't really expect that I would come. But I did arrive, A real, live Rollan Catholic priest complete with cassock sitling around their table...it took them a few minutes to get over the feeling of surprise and the sense of incongruity that must have thrust itself upon them.
Had I anything to say, they asked me when the report of their previous meeting had been r Caid, kind the discussion began. Of course I had. And I had a free platform for a good half an hour. There were questions and answers and cross-questions, We talked over glasses (of fruit-juice, please) and got along splendidly I did not know Dr. Ko voor's na lle at Lihat time, aIld referTed to him as "the Indian professor'. As I bowed my way out at the end of the meeting, the Indian professor' called out after me, "Father, we would like to have yOL on our side'. The words. “Galilean, Thou hast conquerred!“ rose unbidden to my lips, but I forebore from uttering them. It
ouldn't have been fair.
I can't help picturing to Inyself the amazing scenic that could Si Sibly have taken place on the let of dear old Dr. Kovoor.
(CTitud a page )
CON
3 News 4 = 6; Inter 6 - 7 Sy mק 8 - O Social - B Socia 4 - 5 A re 6 Press W - B Trade 19 - 2 Deba Priva B Cros: 24 Scien
Disturbing im
Few r1/rister had SLICh di di5 opsnion Con Cern Iri of higher educat Mathew's allegat, king of Tamil s
If 5.
We Tur In censed, there or upper-middle In which paren hopefuls do not cative charges, caught in two
Tee dons fee charged issue is left alone for f add to the Lund hostility which is certa in Sinha sese convinced that derndnds that tf examined frn part versity teachers' de Clgré their vie
Two things hd, note of puzzleme Stateriert FT17de ETTE FÈ ETTİF) seerns keen ori
fation with the why Mr. Mathe Industries tolak Li ke a pronouncem Licatior, Mr. who does not co

A GUARDAN
Desember I I778
TENTS
background lational News
о5ішпп
communication reasearchers ply
opinion a unions today (2)
Published by Lanka Guardian Publishers Ltd., Third Floor, YMBA. Building, 1263/28 Main Street, Colombo - I.
Telephone: 29028.
Editor: Merwyn de Si Iwa
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Wolfendhal Street,
te Wig W
Colombo - 13. Word
Telephone: 35975
расt ews on these sss Les but he is stil
| Statements ha ye turbing Impact on g the broad sphere ion than Mr. Cyril for13; (7bOLrt the r7i rCripts by Tam II ex
parents have been ls hardly a middle class Sih hala horne s and their young dlscu 55 these prowaAC dertific Circles tre тілds. Some SinhI that this highly hould be discreetly ear that It would ercurrernt of raciaj| now being felt in dreds. Others gre intellectual Integrity e 5.5L e Shal e a lly and that unOrganisations should ws publicly.
'e also introduced a int. Why was this Just when the govy the President - Sorme Sðrt of recorat
TULF. The other is w, the Minister of porn himself to maErit dari 17 ET3 edMT the W is da roman riced his strong wi
the Minister of Industries, in TULF circles he is known as a "Powellite", although he himself would no doubt argue that he is stating facts and It is for his critics to contradict them.
"Maybe the Minister of Industries
was the right choice, after all" suggested an academic with a wry sense of humour. "Didn't SIr Iwor
Jennings say that education and the public service were affna's only ind’Ust Ff85 ?"
File:Jr. w., ille, students of the Sinfinalu Press (non-mainistream) ha ve obserwed the emergence of so many new 'fronts" which hint at a resurgence
of Sinhala-Buddhist sentiment Incid. enta lly, these "" nationalist" fronts are more pro-SLFP than pro-UNP,
when they are not bi-partisan. Sup. porters of such fronts wis || doubtless "standardise' Mr. Mathew's statement and give him an A-plus.
Equally, advocates of racid accord on both sides of the ethnic fence Will probably give him minus marks
Another expose
Hot on the heels of the report that a top apportee of the previo Lus regime / Ils working om what the trusts will be a best selling expose of the "ruling clique' comes news from London that the book is being printed chapter by chapter in Brit
.

Page 4
And in the wake of that sensational story-to-be a Lanka Guardian exclusive) is yet another informed tip-off that a former Sri Lankan diplomat (also an SLFP appointee) is Working on a study on how a particular pressure group influenced Sri Lanka's foregn policy decisions.
The group operated, according to the author, right within the court circle.
Ranging from able intellectuals and genuine Bandararnai ke loyalists to mere careerists and hargers-on, the group followed a pro-Peking | KampLiched line. Says the author: "They were not only Saree-pota but Teng Sary-pota!".
In radical circles, it is noted, that this group (now a miniscule kaliya) is actively engaged in a smear campaign against Wietnam.
Money unlimited
Lond values and rents have skyrocketed so much in the Edst year in Colombo that get-rich-quick syndicates have sprung up which buy large blocks at fantastic prices, parcel them out at once, and make huge profits. Recently, a vacant block in Colombo went for nearly 5 million.
In Jawatte area, where residents "sometimes walk about knee-deep in rain water when the monsoon is particulalry heavy, a perch was for Rs. 35,000.
A II this is takrig place at di tirne when the la test trend Ir newspaper advertising highlights notices which redd "Foreign couple wants house in Colombo 7, 6 or 5. Rent Inmaterial" AI but the Beruwela boys are forced to beat a retreat into suburbia.
How is the government going to tackle a problem which is an obvious consequence of its broad "open door" posicy?
Prime Minister Prema dasa who Is also Minister of Housing is reportedly giving the matter top priority. One idea in the air is a DPL enclave outside Colombo for foreign personnel.
Letters . . .
For if, after all, after death, pot Wolld halwe got ing shock that he stunned into per heaven-which is no doubt, he wi because he was and a man who the courage of He lived accordi The thought fills dcrable, but TCWE I I believe in : find on my d isn't one, Well, ing to worry ab if KOWoor, who one, now discow will be hell (t think, in his cast
God rest hisin his case I 'gentle', so let
(F
Bou
During my : Sri Lanka In S able to read a journal Lanka was very impre: coverage of ciri critical analysis
national politic good.
Wishing you
Mahc, Seychelle:
A.
Pre-planned
Congratu latio Пёw геviewег М khya. She writ gence and the She obviously around in the statistics. How prevent suspicio who persistently from suspecting herself has bei samci brand C that she accus

there is, a life r old Kovoor such a shatter... would have been petual silen cc in where, I hawe ll ultimately go, so ut terly sincere had, supremely, his convictions. ng to his lights, ; ne with consi:rcnt, a musement! un after-life, but eath that there there'll be nothout, any Way. But didn't believe in ers there is, there hough really, I :, heaven) to payl
-I am afraid that cannot quite sity me just say-soul
r.) Justin Perera
uet
short holiday in eptember, I was few copies of your
Guardian' and ised with it. The ent issues and the of local and inters is particularly
SLICCCSS.
-. B. Lankatilleke.
performance
|s to you on yolu T Ms. Shoba Ima Sanes with wit, intellientlest of irony. knows her way murky field of 2ver, in order to is people (those refuse to see') that Ms. Sankyha quilty of the disingenousness is the Secretary,
Plal Implementation of, she should I submit, fill a few lacunac in her argument.
For example, was there any special reason for her to use the 1976 figures Only for yarn and cloth production while using 1974 figures for cement production? Could it be even remotely possible that there wete some facts i In connection with 1976 cement production which do not suit her argument? Secondly, while giving us the "production-as-percentage of-capacity" figures for 1978 for cement, yarn and cloth she refrains from giving us the corresponding percentages for the pre1978 years she has chosen for сопрагіѕоп.
Yet, if the rede were to take the trouble to work these out for himself it could appear to him that you T Tewiewer's a musing Temarks, for example, about the chairman of the Cement Corporation are less than generous. He has achieved a small (4%) increase in KKS, a 15% increase in Puttalam and a nearly 18% increase in Galle of production-asa-percentage-of-capacity on the 1974 figures. Whether this is a miracle or not depends on what the production conditions for ccment were im 1976 and 1977 which your reviewer does not tell us about.
Again, the rica son for the "Corporation Bosses' in 1978 setting low targets may possibly, be due to the fact that they were guided by the actual prevailing production figures e. g. the 1974 production figures for cement were: KKS 186,000 tons and Puttalam. 230,000 tons. So targets of 220,000 tons for KKS and 243,000 tons for Put talam were perhaps not a case of "aiming for the bush at all but only a realistic assessment of what was possible. (I cannot believe that the very down-to-earth sounding Ms. Sankhya herself takes much stock in her poetical line about 'aiming for the noonday sun' as a possible step for serious-minded managers.) At the same time, the 1974 production for Galle was 49,000 tons while the 1978 target
(СолІІлIIғї онpage *з)

Page 5
News background
Dons on Varsity Bill
he Teachers' Association of the
Peradeniya University has been in the forefront of the struggle since 1966 against the increasing infringement on the basic academic frecedonu and autor only of the universities and the burea critization of the system of higher education, Says a statement signed by the President of the UTA, Dr. P. W. J. Jaya sekara and the Secretary Dr. B. Gajameragedara.
We consider it our duty and Tesponsibility, the statement says, to raise the following specific obserwations and earnestly believe that the authorities will give their fullcs consideration to these views.
The Gralıts CODI II mission
The objectives and powers of this Colinission far exceed the normal functions of University Grants CoIII misions elsewhere. The normal functions of the Grants Commission should be the disburscillent of funds and the coordination of the higher education policy so as to keep in line with the legitimate demands of national policy. The Bill, however provides for a CoInnission cmpowered With not only these functions but even the control over all aspects of university life such as determinanation of courses, maintenance of academic standards, regulation of the administration, admission of students and formulation of scheIInes of Tecuitment and procedure for the appointinent of staff.
Powers of the Minister
Under a properly constituted systen of higher education, based on the fundamental principles mentioned above, the minister should not exercisc direct control over the university administration except through directing the U G.C. on matters of government policy. The Bill empowers the minister to intervene directly and through the U.G.C. in all academic and admimistrative matters and even to close down any institution of higher education at his will.
University struc
i. Ole of the II location and c education since into operation tralization of of the campus. university stru communities ri. tenly objected zation. The purportiпg Lo Inous universili ni Les and fu diTct Cort To education in: the U. G. C.
ii. The: constituti
Inaking bodic the Bill disreg principle and t funda llental and academic university comr hers of the . authority of ea invariably and Il Cominces of til the control of .
The University Appeals Board
In order to el dress of grievance employees this bo PO3 ed of pcrso CX pe Tience.
The new post of each universi the Bill, but the such a vital pos defig led. Student associati
The provision and dissolution c zations by the ex the university cli freedom of assen ion. It presuppo of communication Versity authoritic in a situation of 5 and is fraught x quences. It is hensible that de Court ruling tha

jor causes of disLaos of university the 1972 Act came has beel Lhe cemhe administration s under the single turc. The academic campuses persisto this centraliIne w Bill, while establish autonoes, in fact, contirther strengthens over all higher titutions through
yn of the decision s as proposed by gards the elective hereby violates the detmocratic rights freedom of the munity. The memtouncil, the main ch u Iniwersity, will ultinately be the he officials under he government.
Services
sure impartial re:5 of the University dy should be comns With judicial
of a Chancellor ty is included in qualifications for have not been
is and assemblies
for the suspension if student organiecutive officer of early violates the mbly and expressSes a breakdown
bc tWeeI1 the unis and the students itudent discontent With grave conseparticularly represpite a Supreme t Clause ll 8 is an
infringement of the constitution, the government has thought it fit to adopt the bill with this obnoxious clause.
Special provisions
Clause 131 which empowers the governing authorities of the higher education institutions to prohibit the presence of persons whom til ey consider um desirable Creates an anti-democratic and repressive atmosphere within these institutions.
De-nationalising transport?
xperts who have closc links with coth the SLFP and ULF
are now making a study of whal they regard as a deliberate policy of dismantling and down-grading nationalised ventures and establishing a parallel private sector.
The argument for such a policy would be econo munic self-sufficiency through competition. It is taking place in the trade too. The 'Sun' reported recently that the right of illporting sugar, a government monopoly hither to, was being extended to the Pettah once Inore,
In the case of some state ventures, like textiles, the exercise is conducted by bringing these organisations under management' drawn from the private Sector.
The Opposition parties feel that the test case is the CTB, the first major nationalised venture of the 1956 MEP government.
The questions now being asked and examined by the experts are:
(a) How many buses, if any,
have been sold from the CTB's nearly 5,000 fleet?
(b) If buses are going to be
sold in the future is the justifi. cation the repayment of a luan from an international agency such as the IBRD
(c) Tinto whose hands will these buscs go? The familics of the old bus muda lalis ?
(b) Are new routes bcing drawn up and will private passenger transport become once again a common sight on our roads?

Page 6
| International
11ԹWS
Why
by Kendall Dudley
he current riots in Tehran T have been reported in the Western press as being the results of religious-and, to a lesser extcit, Marxist - extremists. I recently spent 24 weeks in Iran talking with dozens of people representing Illany different occupations, Teligions, and ideologies. In their wiew, it is not the Islamic-Marxists (a term the government uses to discredit both groups at once) hat are the cause but the conditions of life in II a.m.
In the last five years, with the coming of vast oil wealth to Iran, all the weaknesses in the society hawe hecome enormously I magnified. S. cial and economic pressures have become intense to the degree that poor people are no longer afraid to openly criticize the government (and the Shah himself). They arc saying the present system is corrupt, arbi:- rary, and fundamentally unjust, mide especially obvious because, in a time of riches, primarily the wealthy benefit.
" I found several grievances being consistently restated in one way Or allo the:
g Overwhelming concentration of the budget on military goods at the expense of social welfare programs:
S. Policies that encourage imports over selfsufficiency, especially in agriculture:
9 A kind of Westernization that has resulted in alienating Iranians from their own culture and an over-reliance on foreigners to solve problems;
Inflation that has Taised meat prices to Só a kilogram and rents 2 times what they were 5 y el T5 ago:
ranians
Corruption |goverпment;
The powe Shah’s Secret PC some even of 5 cinema fire W
people).
What is the these problems the riots. They pinnings of the stronger than they are more i by and large people; they WE perous home at are drawn to t because, aside f te Te Te 110 - 0 country where of any kind a T. have gravitated the only place legally permitted their actions are, by asso more to religic to genuine soci
The religious own agendas, ti awe been depr Tric life Lh TC) but they also : has drifted fro of Islan. Man
Hut, given til: real political le most people "
theocracy. (T monarchy, but democracy the but was not Irail is todo h middle-class in пnuch accustoпп of Islam (as authority) for Inisim to 0CCup that thic Shah

riOt
it all levels of
r of SAWAK, the lice (suspected by etting the Abadan rhich killed 377
significance of in the context of are the underriots- they Ill religion because immediate. Irania This are a pragmatic int a happy, proS
ove all else. They he religious leaders roll the Marxists, her leaders. In El political gatherings e forbidden, people to the mostle, large mu Tibers. El Te tu 55emble. Th 14s and motivations ciation, altributed Jus famatics tham al grievances.
leaders have their to be sure. They lived of their ccor ugh land reform, eie how far Iran m the simple life y loul Til thit lISS : opportunity for :aders to emerge. would not choose communism, or a form of social t respected Isla In dominated by it. heterogeneous, to
its aspirations, too ed to the c'estre opposed to its I5ITT -T (C Q 11 I 1 1 LlI thc same place blås.
As for the a sense of enabled them
Marxists, they have mission that has to speak out, risking SAWAK. Much of their appeal lies in their echoing of Islamic socialist values, not in the ideology of communism itself. The Illore established moderate leaders have lear led their own limits the hard way and have not been in a position to provide leadership.
Most in portant, the riots a sign of the opening up of society, al chance foT discussions to take place that hawe long becn needed. If the opposition is focu 5 scd and articulate, the Shah will have to offer compromises, But this will require Iranians to trust one another, something they are not used to doing.
TE
"Liberalization," the terrin the Shah uses, has not precipitated the riots. What liberalization there has been, aside from the opening of the press to some degree and pulling back on SAWAK, is what people hawe taken for themselves. Frustration has grown beyond Iranian's fear of punishITEIll.
Whil: cwr happens, there have already been benefits. People have begun to see their own country more critically. They are looking beyond their own family welfare to that of their neighbors, because they sec the two are intertwined. This is EL Tmajor step in a familycentred culture, a step that has led people to demand more justic.c. They may get it.
(Mr. L'Erdley, a for Frter Peace Corps areer in Iran, revised fr dri ring rhe pasi Porth.)

Page 7
China’s Teng gives
blow to
Japan's Left
by David Tharp
Tokyo C: feisty Deputy Premier Teng , Hsiaio- ping I ́has բլյt
Japanese leftists in turmoil.
Despite pleas of Japan's Socialist Party and the unions in advance of Mi. Teng's trip to Japan he nevertheless took at least three strong stands which contradict their position:
9. He came out firmly in favour of Japan's security Lreaty with the United States.
He called for a beefing Lup Cf J.1 pa T.’s se. fidefense.
e. He went out of his way to meet and be seen with Emperor Hirohito.
Mr. Teng's moves caught the Japanese Socialist Party (JSP). the largest opposition party, and its chief supporter the General Council of Trade Unions of Japan (Soyho) off guard. Both have suffered a massive loss of face as a result of Mr. Teng's public statements supporting the U.S. Japan Security pact, and Japanese TC: TIE DIË.
The apparent turn aboutin China's Policy toward Japan can be explained by Peking's det crn.ination to buy past differences for the sake of resisting what it regards as Soviet hegemony in Asia.
Despite decades of hostility between Japan and China, a militarily strong Japan now fits conveniently into Peking's anti
ԱՈ6
մար: Soviet strategy. Sohyo, both lon of normalization China before it the ruling Li Parly (LDP) to h El ve always foll lllar Ted neutrali They advocate of the U.S. JF to assure Japan'; Position toward and China. An Peking supportex Sohyo's antimilit
BLlt when JSP Asukata visited he was told by "your thinking is the times' Mr. surprised by the and tried to def position, but to
Sohyo, the large with 5. Inilliot Called Oil Mr. careful stand speci issues when he wa JSP and Sohso h hour neetings wi Embassy in Toky them that Mr. Teng any 'bombshell sta
the socialist-labour Chinese leader's v.
 

ri's Frrkircs fright) & rees Teng Hsico-ping
But the JSP inci g-time champions of relations with e ver occurred to beral - Den 11 ocratic give up Taiwan, owed the line of ty for Japan.
il the cancellation lan security treaty 5 absolute neutral both the U.S.S.R. d for 25 years the JSP and arization policy.
chairman Ichiro China this year, Chinese leaders ; 15 years behind Asukata was Chinese switch end his party's mo avail.
st union in Japan
nembers, had Teng to take a fically on military sin Japan. The eld secret, 11th th the Chinese () to convince
should not make tements" to rock
front during the isit,
Instead, Mr. Teng said clearly in his pubhc appearances that it was only natural that Japan should maintain the security treaty with the United States and try to boister the scl s- defense forces.
Mr. Teng even added that it was st range that people who talk of disa Imament and peace should object to Japan having reasonablic defeInsivc powers, an obvious rebuttal of JSP and Sohyo views.
These statements undercut the JSP-Sohyd stand on military issues, and Ilow both organizations feel that the LDP has been drawn deeper into Peking's anti-hegemony campaign against the Soviet Union, although the Japanese Governm cnt contends it pursues an "omnidirectional" (equal) policy to all nations.
The Japanesc public was generally jolted to Mr. Teng's insistence on meeting former Prime Minister Kakuci Tanaka, now under investigation for his alleged
role in the Lockheed payoff scandal.
Mr. Teng said “ʻone should not
forget the toils of those who sank the well from which one drimks'' im referencc to “" ol
friends' such as Mr. Tanaka who

Page 8
played a key role in establishing relations with Peking in 1972,
But the greatest surprise for leftists, liberals, and fellow lfawe]ers was Mr. Teng's Imeeting
with Emperor Hirohito,
The Communist Chinese once insisted that Emperor Hirohito was “one of the biggest war criminals' of the Sino-Japanese War (1937-45). Many Chinese, CIIIllunists and Nationalists, still cannot forget that it was Emperor Hirohito's uncle, Prince Asaka who was in command of Japanese troops who massacred the civilian population of Nanking in 1937.
Yet, Mr. Teng and his wife, Cho Lin, posed with the Emperor and the Empress at the Imperial Palacc for an official photograph later printed on the front pages of Peking newspapers. Mr. Teng said magnanimously that it was time to let bygones be by gones.
A Sohyo leader, Mitsuo Tomizuka, interpricted these events differently and predicted several days before Mr. Teng's arrival in Tokyo that China Inay even go to "the extent of applauding the Emperor system to draw Japan into an anti-Soviet encirclement.'
Mr. Teng was masterful in reading the Japanese psychology. He soothed the guilt-ridden Japale 5 col Science Ebout the WELT and frankly admitted that China
was backward und needed Japa
nese help. Japan responded with bigbrother col ccTn, a role the Chinese appear to be cultivating with great finess c.
In the meantine, the opponents are trying to pick up the ragged pieces of their shattered pride as the conservative camp gets the lion's share of Credit for the start of a historic new era between the two Asian giants.
LDP's |
| Sy
Symposiu:
Which
(3) Bala Ta
Bálá Tá away from t that Party M and the Rew
of the Unifi been a maj SLFP ed G TWENTE Y
C): Iru i'w haf CC). thε Lεί η ανεγιε today?
A: We layer hercl You can Ilowerment with And We hawe, Seventy-four, po of building a Li only the movem ing class that
eft-that is 1 tion. However, has bases in shifted rightward Self Will thę SI sing to be a “L thc JWP, when SLFP in 1970, w
2. Ha 11' exc characterise the .
PET é o
A: I don't ac a Working class it was a semi-p Tadical Ltd Til with the release Weera and the the JWP, a ch place in the att leadership. Furt has fragmented. Athula became SLFP. Uyangod Wijeweera while We hl. Wc -- thc: Among the le: Bopage Temains side.
The Jew JWP from the organis IWCII eit, Al

way for the Left?
impoе
mpoe and the Ceylon Mercantile Union broke
he Lanka Sarna Samaja Party in vent into coalition with the SLFP. olutionary Marxist Party,
| 964, wher Since then he the St Lank]. Se CťOr
ed Secretariat of the Fourth Internatona, haye or rallying point in opposition to both UNP
LefE
overnments; Balla
Топрое
discusses the
ith the Lanka Guardian'.
Fiditior: do Joao E I See
ir Sri Larks
Lo Left 10 WçTICIht not have a left Llt a Left på Tty.
since May Day scd the problem eft party. It is in of the work
call be de Ell cd ihe Marxist posithe LSSP which he Working class is by aligning itFP, thereby ceaeft" party. Ewen it supported the as being rightist.
4!טיrulid Jמיוו עשוי „Varia fra Vir 77 Zulkifli
cept the JWP as parly: in 1971 roletarian group, ral his cd. But of Rohana Wijethe Ile libers of lange has taken Ludic of the JWP her, the leadership People like Loku supporters of the a alst broke with in prison. Then Premapala group. ders only Lionel at Wijeweera's
has Indved away 3ed working class though they art
critical of the UNP and attack the S LFP Illid ULF, I would not say they are moving leftwards. Rather, they confine them selves to propaganda. Whilst calling for the setting up of a genuine communist party they do nothing to lead the working class against the UNP government,
They remain critical of the Joint Trade Union Action Committee, which we advocated and support, we regard it as a major wanguard organisation of the working class. Notwithstanding the leadership of the different organiSations in the JTUAC, it is opposed to the policies of the UNP. where such policies affect the working class and masses, both economically and politically with respect to democratic and trade union rights. At the Inoment we see this as the most fruitful means by which the Working class

Page 9
can bet mobilised gowler Ilment.
Q. But the JVP has attacked the JTUAC as being constituted of traifors.
against the
A: We regard the leadership of the JTUAC, such as the SLFP, as being essentially reactionary. And we don't Lihink the leaderships of these parties have changed their political character.
But unlike the JWP, We think that to the extent they do have trade unions based in the Working class, they should be brought together to face up to the UNP government. The JWP seeks to stand apart from this struggle.
Q: What is your attitude to the United Left Front?
A: That is a fake front. Thcy sought to blame Mrs. Bandaranaike and the so-called right wing of the SLFP for all thic failures and downright crimes of the UF government. In these circumstances it is not surprising that the working class placed no faith in the ULF at the elections. The leaders were using the so-called left front to protect their seats in Parliament and to pursue their so-called parliamentary road to socialism.
Q: There was a shift among the rulers to the Right?
A: Yes. It was the right parties, the SLFP, the UNP and the TULF which scored heavily.
Q. In this situation what is the rask of the politically conscious elements in the working class?
A: We must establish our own independent Working class party. Whatever hopes there may have been in Lhe LSSP have been sha Litered. The CP has lewer been anything more than a minority party with a base in limited sections of the Trade Unions. Most of the other so called Left groups hawc mo following rcally.
Yet the consciousness of the Working class remains mainly at the trade union level in its quest for struggle against the capitalists or the capitalist state. The workers are in a situation where
Ilany of the Lil. In for the UNP.
We a Te in a s reactionary like J. pretends to be st
In the absence class party which the bourgeois par in disappointmen the UNP to the
Q: What steps wards creating a Party?
A: Just before March. Seventy-si and the CMU jo an anti-capitalist f to set going a p the working class oppressed section: for struggle agai |ist5. W c also draft platform ( which we conside on and around W lisation could tak
Q: Does Jour the cry for "Eel the other left நar
A: The WP's marxist and repr: Tacist attitude to Tallis in the no a distinct histor and have every the Ilselves as an They hold the towards self-dicter struggle towards form they deem :
Whic the T U L vances tilne Eelam propagal dist all Teasons, there is sentiment amũng separation. But of violence do struggle for sepal they could lead time.
We do not ad state for the Tami the struggle of th Sinha lese and M to be against the a whole. Such a be led by the o class which has to

LSL have voted
ituation where a R. Jayewardene cialist.
of Ek working , is distinct from ties, people are t II Willig from
SLFP.
Car Fhe faker faWorking Class
the elections, in : Weil Llle RMP intly called for ront. We sought rocess of uniting äis Well as the T 5 of the Imasses inst the capitaplt forward a f 28 demands Ted to be issues hich such mobie place.
PC) sifinn fór yard; fin' differ frain ffesio
position is un:SCmts a Siri hala the Tallis. The rith and east have y End territory right to regard ppressed nation. right not only minatio:Iu but to it in whatever IPргоргiate.
F leadership adslogan for purely | Copportunistic Widespread mass the Tamils for he isolated acts Illot co situ tic a ation. However O a Struggle in
'OCEite a séparti te 5. We had that Timi a Id the slim masses has existing state as truggle ca II only ganised working be multi-racial,
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Page 11
Monopoly on the sale of news
The struggle relentlessly fought by the press barons against thic Political powers always too Teady to use censorship is not only and always for thc simple sake of freedom of information; so much so that in the countries with a market economy, collective information Inedia deliver first of all a product-news-and servicespublicity-of mass consumption. It was therefore not surprising to see the colonial information media participate in the economic exploitation of the African countries within the framework of a civilizing mission. And information. Carrild out according to the condit Fons and economic necessities of a political pattern, naturally has its own hunting grounds to exploit; this is proved by the services of some agencies which, during the colonization period, had a monopoly on the sale of news in the French and British empires.
What has happened today to his colonialist exploitation of the information market in the Third World? Two objective facts: 65 percent of the information circulating in the World is produced by the United States, which does not usually offer its services free: and the big Western agencies (AFP, Reuters, UP, AP) are practically the exclusive sources of the collective information bodies in the Third World. including the national agencies. The later, having the monopoly of information distribution only, are acEllally branch offices. It is estimated that the national African agencies each have yearly contracts with international agencies for about 20 million CFA francs.
As a matter of fact, in the field of commercial exploitation of the Third World information market, the audio-visual information agen cies are taking, next to the large news agencies, the lion's share. In Africa, despite the success of the Panafrican Motion Picture Federation, which breaches the monopoly held by the big American companies through their European Stellities and African branch offices, for the ргоgramming, production and exploitation of the
films shown in A visual and inform tinue to appropri InfoTe than 92 per sactions carried rent. It is quite fore to see Africa ged to accept these companies productions. On the scarcity of sitt World forces ou Workers to depent dios to edit their
Politico-psycholo
It would be j. the other hand, exploitation of . information mark developed countr the Cooperation ir field with which ized Countries hon
It is too o
nation of
though considerec still burdens the Third World infor This cooperation, opportunity to : life of the indust: is above all the ing recording st plants, laborato Iïlaterial and kr vised soap operas World markets colour television su Telly than the Salesrincil would b
Regarding politi action, for examp Which the world is treated by wo is particularly si Western propagar already in action tirmid Arab — Africi because it is cl; Crisis is duc to Ll ducers, and it is r Africa should inst defence policy of ces inaugurated by tion of Petroleum tries (OPEC). It fore, a question c the criticisms that countries south c. lewy against their

frica, these audioation agenciec con ate for themselves Lent Of the LTänIt On the ContCSLContary the TeIn producers oblithe conditions of to distributc their the other hand, Idios in the Third Totion picture on foreign stuilms.
gical action
List as well on in analysing the he Third World et by the Western ties, to dennystify the information
the industriaOur LIS and which,
in this cooperation. Actually, there are many Ways in which the collective information bodies of the industrialized countries, and especially the Western ones, mobilize Third World public opinion for ends that have nothing to do either with information or with the interests of said Third World.
It is understanda ble that World information should be structured for the defence and explanation of the values of the societies that finance it, but why does it no Point out the differences? All the more, so that the slant of yellow Press' reporting with its parochial ideas and suburbanite Curiosi Ly imposes the Well-known approach to current news, and this deprives the public of developed countries of an objective knowledge of Thild World realitics; because therei no bila teral cooperation in the
ften structured for the defence and expla
the values of the societies that finance it.
di free of charge, budgets of the llä Lion IIninistries. besides being an scll' the way of rialized countrics, best Way of pushIdios, processing ries, electronic low-how. Tele0 pel the Third to the various SYSLICIIS Illo Te Tin Ost aggressive
able to.
co-psychological le the way ni in economic crisis orld information gnificant. The I da māchinę jis to sterilize the in cooperation timed that the The Arab oil prolot desirable that itutionalize the I lat 11 ra I TCsCLur" the OrganizExporting Counbecomes, thereb f i gloating o wer cCrtain African if the Sahara Arab partners
field of information alloW for broadcas ing to the European and American public the political, economic ald cultural information prepared by the Third World over the Wave-lengths of France-Inter, BBC, DeuL che Welle, CBS, NBC and ABC. M. alwhile, our own Waveleng-hs, our screens and our newsstands are cluttered with news from Europe and America.
that would
Relayers of slogans
Informalion, on the other hand, is totally un; im ly in Afica Աntimely because in this Africa mobilized around the total decolonization of the last vestiges of the Berlin conference, in formationissi colonized. And the smart ones. in cluding some Africans. see in the liter Press and thic confidenia information gleaned along the p:I this to power a chance to get rich Untinely also because at he Iloillen When the African cultries, even those most Wary about the political unification and economic integration of the Continert, take into account in their internal politics the principles and objectives of the Organization of Africal Unity (OAU), the African collective information media become

Page 12
national and vie with one another to cultivate the parochial spirit hastily amalgamated into an improvised nationalism. Untimely finally because it is simply inaccessible to the majority of African peoples, of whom less than 30 percent speak either English or French, the two languages in which about 90 percent of the information is broadcast in Africa.
Finally, to crown it all, informalion is now being proclaimed as an aid to development. This can become dangerous for infornation, whose only duty is apparently to mobilize national public opinion in an approviпg consensus about everything that the political people in power say or do. Thus, collective information bodies in Africa become simply relayers of slogans. They are then committed to the personality cult, which is all the more serious inasmuch as information follows the same trends as denocracy and is one of its fortunes.
Psychosociologists assert Lihat to live in a society is to communicate. As a result, social conmunication-information - conditions the existence of society and its coherence. In fact, it is obvious that for fragmentary and solitary consciences, the ties of participation that is social communication are indispensable when it is a estion of belonging and participating. And this gives rise to democratic temptation because information, which not only socializes the message, but also the transmitter and the receiver, is the ground on which everyone talks to everyone else, and where everyone is supposed to be able to speak.
on the other hand, information, because it relates the rhythmic points of the course of social life in the sense of participation, be it only through reading or listening, is also the temptation of coherence. The head of the state talks to his people, who should be able to question him. The anonymous voices of the rank and file should be able to make themselves heard, to express their acceptance or their denial. In any case, if a beggar bites a dog, this is front-page news. A temptation
lC)
of democratic cc mation is als J ti privilege of demo foTe, seems tUills to reduce inform: of a relayer of 5 In fact, infor II that enjoys the rulers of the Thi great ability, sin cult to appear t that Thea Ils dewel information is T the "developers' World to mobili of the nation, all a law on inform always delicat e t to apply, is a Lhercfore, COIl tën it on probation, store of colonial to date accordin
The discussion ever because the the rulers or th the rulers of th produce informa greatest consum chance. In any Words of the på of the state, wł esscntial part Iews, flow llt activism of SC down by the TC difference of ot profit for the r masses in fa VOL1 Surprising attitu
What should the impact of concerning twen allows the CXer to free expressi shakes the Tead relation to his and the talent It is obvious th describing and EWC11LS, de Wel 112 be una ble to C ghetto of Powe in a popula T al II and therefore a Ci
S.S.
Iпапy case, Trader of the the listeTËT E TI news broadcast television chai World, the s: lcss participate

bherence, filiforle fortune and cracy, theTea scrious thing ation to the level logans. mation, a slogan favours of the rd World, shows e it is so diffirefuse anything
opment. And so equested by ill
of the Third
ze the living forces ind the passing of
ation, which is o formula te a Tnd rided. Ole 15,
t merely lo put drawing on the text a brought up g to current taste.
ends here hoWdccision Thakers, ose delegated by c state party who tion, are also its hers. Is it by case, the passrty, and therefore nich constitute the of the national amplified by the me or weighted fusal or the inhers, without any nobilization of the r of development.
des we say then about the information ts, the one that cisc of the right on and which only er or the listel CT in personal coefficient of the journalist? at this information commenting daily tional even LS, Will dome out fro Ell the r unless presented da uthletic Tailler cessible to the Illa E
we note that the written word and di televiewer of the
by the radio and ns of the Third IIc who ITOTC (or di in the event ele
wated to the rank of information, and who can afford to obtain access to information, glances abseInt mindedly at the columns of the local newspaper and lends an irattentive ear to the national radiotelevision programmes in order to verify first of all the shorth and account of thc actions that he himself has performed, then to be sure that his image has been fairly and duly enhanced before plunging with delight into the subtleties of a commentary of the world press on the results of a local clection in the old motherland. In fact, the Third World of the rulers has, in the field of information consumption, some rather surprising attitudes, and considers the local information media as hardly worthy of interest, even though decisive progress has been accomplished during the last few years in the field of editing presentation and techniçal accomplishment of the African newspapers.
An investigation carried out in 1969 in Dakar on the behaviour and reading habits of the daily press consumers reveals that 75 percent (up to 85 percent are high officials and therefore more or less participate in decision making, front-page news for the national papers) only dedicate froll five to ten minutes to Dakar -- Matir7, twenty to thirty Ininutes to Le Monde, read one to two French weeklies but read no daily or weekly African paper published outside Senegal, with the exception of course of Jeune Afrique. This attitude is all the less understan
dable since it is the governing Third World that decides the destiny of the collective infor
mation bodies in the developing countries. In fact, it is because the governing elite in the Third World is fascinated by the claimed cultural excellence of the industrialized countries that its inforimation media is still colonized.
But in the struggle for the necessary decolonization of information, those who practise it also have special responsibilities. The journalists of the Third World will have to stop relying exclusively on the services of the big international agencies in informing their public.

Page 13
Social researchers
Research as imperia
by Barbara Rogers
S'Š. researchers from industrialized countries come in a variety of guises, but they are Imainly recognizable as research students looking for good thesis matcrial as a means to a secure academic job, or as Consultants, often attached to a research institute that Imakes its living from contracts in developing countries.
The diciplines involved can be sociology, anthropology, political science, geography, economics or a combination of these and others. All the researchers have one thing in common: they are experts at extracting information fro IIl Third World countries to use in their theses, publications or reports.
Im itself, this need 1lot be an exploitative operation, provided the cid Tesulit is useful to the country from which the data arc taken, and provided the country receives copies of the final piece of work, But to what extent is this the case? I recently visited
some African countries to see, among other things, how their people wiewed researchers from
industrialized countries doing fieldWork therę.
The di TectoT of a World Bank project in Malawi made it clear that a visit from me would not be very welcome. They had already had a research student for a year and given him free housing, transport, and the run of the project area. He sent not a word about his findings, nor even a thank-you letter after his departu Te.
Barbara Rogers FMs Hyrir er exerTllTLT M TMLOLS LLTTLeLkS SCCCHCLLLS clary fue polítics of arrer ALkTS kk OkOHC ltGGGCMHGGL GLLLLkLS CTCa LSL LLLLa tGT LSLGELG LLLL
he work of starrier as food prailcery a'r rhe. Seshợợl of Jey'easparrierar Sir Edici, U'ri frer:Tity of East Argia, NorIPich, sandhas jusr returfred fra rII a field Trip revive frica carrerríes.
Working in tl University of illinos in thics Poite the façL LH of foreign rescal theгe through African Studies. Ille the promisc tllгпесd uр; ап eIlough staff to ers and ask foi
Enter
the
inStar
Tate and L. multimatioIial fii Consultant to the lent to advise new Su::T ust: іпсогроІate a 5 approached a lc advice who ask e Tıployed any Survey. They a none - except f researcher told have to pay he the belefit of Lihle area in que her hostility,' to their suite finish the job
Established guid
An Ethiopian desse, went to information job Lusaka, ELInd wa trying ". research. The it AIherican, a ddei indigenous. You S I III."" A. caine from New
As a Euгоре conduct Tcsearch issues in Third incidents such a many times wit — hawe made im of the problems

lism
he library of the Zambia, I found :s of Zambia, des1ät large numbers Tchers halwe worked thic Institutic of The librarian told d theses had mot there was not trace the researchI a :Ճբy:
" а пеw пnultinatioпаІ
own colleagues, both for the Countries where they hawe worked and for other researchers coming after them. In the next few years, it will become increasingly difficult for us to justify our demands on the time and resources of people. In Third World countries.
Many countries have already established guidelines for foreign research students proposing to do their field work there. It is a rare country these days which does not require that rcsearchers and their topics be officially approved,
industry:
proliferation of institutes offering
nt advice on Third World problems
yle, the Bitish Im, was hired as Zambian Goweroil establishing a Ltc. Wanting to ocial survey, they Cal Tesearcher for ed whether they Za Imbians on the dmitled they had or. Lhe diver. The them they would r if they wanted hcr cxpertise com !stion. Put off by they went back in the hotel to in their own.
elines
Woman, Zene Taask a bolt an
With UNICEF in is told they were indigenize' their terviewer, in white d, “But you're not I're just as foreign nother Arctical York for the job.
ап proposiпg to om de velopment World countries, s these - repeated slight variations le acutely aware
created by my
either by a government agency or by an acade Inic institution. However, this has Inore effect at present in delaying fieldwork than in ensuring that sueh work Incets thic priority needs of the country, OT – Wen more basic – thät a copy of the final thesis or publication is sent to the country concerned.
So often misinterpret
One of the problems cncountered by Third World intellectuals is the inflexibility of foreign research students: they arrive with their programme for fieldwork already cut and dried according to some formula Worked out thousands of kilometres from the ficlid itself. As one of the in pointed out to me, the academic debate about development is largely confined to Europe and North America. Third World countries do not hawe the Tesources to obtain ewen a fraction of the publications om the subject, and are outside the area of informal communication. The debate is therefore continued without reference to their in mcdia te and pressing needs.
"These Europeans come and ask me what I think about their little research projects. When I tell them, they get so upset they go a Way and never come back," said Katherine Mwanamwambwa, an
11

Page 14
outspoken critic of the money wasted by outside consultants and Tesearcher's Who Collect generous rcsearch grants and per dien for coming to analyse Africa, "You cant' stop them from doing their project, getting their degrees and high-paying jobs. But, they Imake no attempt to solve the probleIns they come across." As she says, Tesea Tchers Imake: little or Ilo attempt to combine action With their investigations, and even the most expensive and elaborate projects, often involving multiple PhDs and mountains of publica
tions, do not envisage any follo W-lup).
Foreign researchers have been
criticized on a variety of other grounds. They tend too much toward microstudies, for examplc, which are not very relevant to national development - planning. Some of the most popular research topics-caste in India, for example, or “tribes' in Africa - are seen as extremely biased interpretations of the culture as a whole, and sometimes divisive. They are also related only tenuously to the serious development issues. At the same time, local people are continually a stounded at the visitors' refusal to consider their own position and their impact on the society they a Te studying — often rejecting questions about this as "political' and therefore to be avoided at all costs.
Perhaps the most damning indictment of social Tesearchers is that they so often misinterpret what they find. Third World intellectuals arc becoming increasingly angry at the sight of foreigners pontificating about their societies on the basis of the most superficial understanding. It might be a joke if it were not for the virtual monopoly of debate by foreign
authoritics."
A not un typical instance of the bland insensitivity of a foreign researcher is the American anthropologist working in a Kenyan village, who had quickly grasped the fact that people would entertain him generously whenever he felt like dropping in - but not noticed that simple politeness required the visitor to reciprocate with a gift. He cheerfully lived off the villa
12
gers, despite the er irl wealth belWe them, Lula Ware Ilamed him " stomach.
It would be foreign researcher tified with all () or with authorit. assume that peo the 11. As expt
informant,' ''W the whitet Ima El our customs, I the custon of a as a matter of siders, especially We ask, "Why kilow Slch about us?' "
In his case, a pology, it real academic inte T. reports are act the relationship hawe serious ci an inquiry is inte:Twenti Ti il i being surveyed. looked at the style social Sur the Lilongwe L: Programme in is in Imany Sut. tictiol5 ar gressive" and ti which have se: for their access cites the case () was labelled b " "modern or pI con the basis of the survey ques later disco vered, can assistant, til given the ans W. researchers wall concluded that please the whit idated many Africa."
Whirlwild tours
Research crs li advised to expl ception of the task in launchi with one's subj Frank Sala irmol IDE pression mana presenting one: With whorl C. more benefits

1ormous disparity eil hillself and
that they had "the botton less
naive also for
's, obviously idellid colonial regi IIle y in gener Eil, i ple would trust essed by a Tiv "hen I read Will at has written of laugh, for it is ur people to lie Cll Tsiect t) = 0) Lltthc white - IIIma lin. loes he want tu personal things
s in much anthroly is of purely st whether the curate. However, of mistrust can yn sequences when inked with specific the lives of people B.A. Plieps has use of Western 'eys as applied to and Development Malawi, where - h projects - disde between “proraditional farmers, rious implications to services. He f one fa Titler who ly researchers as og Tessiv c-minded” his answers to tions. It was only through an Afriat the Than had Ts hic thought the ed to hear. Phie ps ''this desire to :: Imlı has i 1 vallan inquiry in
ave in fact been bit villagers' perm. The pгіппагу g a relationship :cts, according to , is that of “imer Intent,” meaning elf as som cbody operation offers
than
drawbacks.
The researcher, after all, "as incpt. as he may be, is usually regarded as possessing some power...'
Sometimes, cooperation can only be scCured by offering shall gifts. This approach was adopted by a call from the University of Nottingham in a labour-productivity study in Zambia. A very popular gift, it was discovered, was pills or tablets. A popular brand of multiwita Illins was recommended, although care was Ieeded nut to give enough to
have any effect on health: this would hawe in walidated the findings.
The Third World is witnessing the rapid growth of a new multinational industry, the proliferation of research institutes offering instant advice on anything from the population explosion to pension schemes. One of the main features of their expertise is the facility for doing the Inaximum collection of da tal - someone else’s - in the shortest possible time, taking in high-ranking government officials in their whirlwind tours. They then jet back home to write a "report,' often to their own government cor an international agency, and Teceive generous fees and expenses in return. Perhaps the greatest exponents of the art a Te working for the World Bank, which provides a shining cxample to all imitators. Great pTestige and authority can be attached to these reports, often completely eclipsing the local people who have been working for years to change government policies through the provision of relevant research. A classic case is the visit to Libya of an ILO consulting team, invited by the Government to advise on the best way of employing Libyan women in order to reduce dependicince on in Inmigrant workers. The consultants had no time, it seems, to meet with the women who had been working for years, to get Women equal access to all jobs. Instead, they produced a stereotyped Western formula for training women only as nurses, teachers and secretaries. This effectively undercut all progress toward an imaginative solution

Page 15
that would adequately meet Libya's need for skilled personnel in all fields.
Controlling the purse strings
Even when individual researchers have un usual in Legrity and brilliance, their role is often determined by the less idealistic motives of thosc who control the purse strings. An outstanding example of this, in my experience, was the device uscd by the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID) when faced with overwhelming public interest in the Sahel drought, and the appTopriation by Congress of emergency funds to construct smallscale projects, such as rural roads and grain stores. AD, however, had other plans for the Sahel, being much minore interested in promoting cotton growing in a country like Upper Wolta while simultaneously using it as a dumping ground for surplus American grain.
The solution was simple: before a cent of the money could be spent, there was to be a completic and highly sophisticated analysis by the University of Michigan. It so happened that Michigan had no prior interest or information on the Sahel - for that, thic contract would hawe been given to one of the southern black colleges with an interest in Africa, such as Tuskegee. By the time Michigan had hired the various "experts' and set up the research framework, public interest in the Sahel had died down, and Al D could work out at leisure how to dispose of the millions of dollars available for the area.
From the Sahel end, one of the results of the financial and other resources available to Michigan researchers and their frequent trips to the area is that there is now far inore detailed information and analysis on the Sahel in the United States than in the countries concerned. The Socict: il ricaine d'etudes et de developpement of Upper Wolta (SAED) does not have copies of the AITherican studies, Inori does it coven know what has been donc so that it can start searching for them. In several cases where researchers
do know of a tence, they are it is Lima walilä b|| the resent World of Upper Wolta.
There is a rea foreign researcher arc really useful countries. I sho perhaps, that a ca. In bbc tiåde foi CEL 1 be. As co , more nearly impal of the country, in a particular of society. In cost nothing con ccTned : I nd II thing for nothing is Televail to It We also hawe Tesearch funds outlets - itself a Iihany Third W who find it very published.
The lost useful c
The best Sol suggest, is the partnerships, wh assets offered by chers can be u Ilment thic local skills of a country In addition, nei loping countries i Very useful peopl project. Locally should make imp planning as well joint project, and direct thic fieldw,
We night haw the assumption rescatch cris” majo" development is Third World court Africans I met f useful contributio bic: to work “il bcast,' i.e., stu tuticiis based in E Anmerica that ch" their lives; and for the research funds and rele IThaterial, as wel (liticts for Illate: of the team proj
Individual rese course, continue World countries

la Climent’s exisble to find that I to the 11, like Bank "cwal walion”
question whether -- like myselfto developing lld add, hastily rcas Collable case saying that we tsiders, we a Te tiall thal imatico Ills who have a stake arca or faction Inally cases. We the county ay pro vide someif our Tescărcih tional concerns. Hasier access to and publication sore point with orld Tegea Tchers difficult to get
ontribution
Lition, I would developin crit of ere the various foreign researised to compleknowledge and 's own lationals. ghbouring dewecan often supply e for a tea II
based peoplc ortant inputs in as executing a should normally yrk itself.
: to recinsider that foreign contribution to field work in a try. Many of the :ll that ouT 1110 st 1 could in fact hic belly of thic
wing the instiurope and North rol su luch of als o als âge Ilts eam in Sceki rig "ant puhlised
as publishing al arising out Ct.
cers will of orking in Third bг шпапу уеат5
to come, and here it is up to the local governments, universities and it stitutes involvcd to make sure that their Tescarch is a contribution to the country itself. Instead of waiting for complete Tesearch propusa is to be made, they might well draw up a list of the topics or arcas that most urgently need work and cncourage would-be researchers to discuss possible approaches with them before starting on the fic dwork. Perhaps a few weeks should be se aside after arrival in the country for discussion and in dification of the research ou Line itself in consultaticorn with local research cris, who should of course be paid by the sending institution for their services out of the fees already paid by the student.
The problem of obtaining the results of research still remains. Perhaps a Third World institution could reque5 : substantial attachillent fee from visiting research students, part of which could be refundable on receipt of the thesis or publication arising out of the fieldwork. Alternatively, a formal agreement could be made with the sending institution that, as part of the degree requirements for a thesis involving fieldwork in a developing country, an extra bound copy of the work should bc. provided for submission to the appropriate institution there. One could even conceive of an internatio in al convention along these lines, promoted by some internatioila body with the necessary prestige for the job,
Sillilar considerations apply to the phenomenon of foreign consultants or rescarch institutes getting lucraLliwic contracts to report om die w cloping countries. Mo Te effort is needed from both bilateral and Inultilat cral development agencies to identify local research institutes of individual researchers who could be taken on at much less cost and with it finitely better local knowledge than the jet setters. Outsiders cold well he of value is used in association with local consultants, and joint ventures with forcign institutes might well provide the best of both worlds.
Or do I just want to keep a foot in the dor?
13

Page 16
Assessing SWRD
by 'Chintaka’
lass should have been the point of departu Te. It was Lenin who once said somewhere
that people will always be the victims of deceit and hypocricy in politics unless and until they
discerm the interests of this cor that
social class or stratu III behind every political program IIlc, party and personality. Rev. Fr. Tissa Balasuriya has either been the
victim of such deceit and hypocricy or is trying to perpetrate the same on his audience. I for one, would prefer to assume the former, and altogether more charitable explanation. “Let us now praise famous men" seems to be his motto, or rathcr the one he has adopted in his surprisingly superficial comment on SWRD Bandaranalike (Lanka Guardian No. 12 Oct 15th page 9). Fr. Balasuriya has IIlade no attempt whatsoever to raise, let alone grapple with or answer, what are surely the central questions concerning "the Bandaranalike pheno
Imenon" wiz What was its social conteft Which social group's interests did SWRD atticul
late in which given stage of the historical evolution of that social group? What was the nature of the social bloc that crystallized in 1956 and what was the hegemonic social layer within that bloc )
Fr. Balasuriya's refusal to locate Bandaranalike in such an objective socio-historical context has resulted in an appreciation which is both superficial and sadly enough slightly sychophantic. His opening paragraphs fall squately within the Siddhartha-esque "White House to Log Cabin" version of SWRD's political life - a version so avidly peddled by the SLFP's
own puerile propagandists. Fr. Tissa next states that SWRD "had no hesitation ill identifying
Ein Gelf with the nationalist aspi
rations of the people of this country". How then docs he account for Banda Tanaike's stand
against the granting of Universal
14
Suffrage? Wasn' profound Inistrus pcople whom he lo hive been su of Then again that SWR) fou Miha Sabla ** to interests of Ele Thc bourgeoisie to equate and special interest: interests of the but this is a tr; analysts must in Therefore it COTECT y Stilto Mla Sabha i the interests of Clic latio Tlal b) time a potential iTı ala ki ild of co compradore boʻlu T turn was the layer within the Congress,
A major par s ııriyaʼs article i: SWRD's suppose the problems of language a Lld Cul. in "the revival language', his fi ural religious : of the mass of Fr. Tissa portra! western and antiHic ails to 5:e off effect was pilgrill-punct Llat has resulted in being transform c. ressed nation. H gcil: thilt Llle bli:lt: hilla Only" raise anglicized charla! Could Lheit het T Sinhall, functic as a symbol tha the fractions of petty-bourgeoisie contestation with 1:rnmentטאים ?! חסwם This explains wi decades of “Si ancient regime, with thic nouvea til LES : W55 EETI

t it due to a L of 'thesc wery a was supposed intensely fold Fr. Tissa says nded the Siin hala foster the special Sinhala people.' always attempts present its own IL ES COTIT TOT
whole people, 1 p that the serico Luis ot fall prey to. would be more tlığıt the Silahlalla nfact represented the then embryurgeoisie (at the class) which was a lition with the geoisie, which in hegemonic social Ceylon National
it of Fr. Bala$ taken up with d "insights into
race, religions, lture', his Tole of the Sinhala lith in “the Llll
nd special values thic people" etc. is these as anticolonial impulses. that the spinto initiatic a ed process which the Talni people d into am opple further fails t0 Lle cry of “Simd by a thoroughly a II who il fact čad nor write ned objectively t Welded toge her the rura Sinhala in the latter's the compradors and state power. hy after over two inhala Only the having coalesced LlX riche, con Stiized elite which
A reply to Fr. Tissa Balasuriya
still weilds a dominant position wis-a-vis the mass of the people, while the cutting edge of the language policy has fallen on the Tamil populace. Surely, the cry
for Tamil Eclarll is in part a kind of echo of Bandara naikt's slogan of 'Sinhala Only'. Fr. Balasuriya commends SWRD's
recognition of the place to be given to Buddhism as the religion
of the majority and his acceptance in general of the recoilIn endations of the Buddhist
Commission. In practice however, this led to a McArthy like witchhunt within various institutions and amounted to a policy of discriminations agains L | all nonSinhala Buddhist cthnic and religious minority communities in the country. A gelui Incly democratic sulu tion to thc problcmn of dormination exercised by the English speaking Christian compradore elite would have been a secularization of the state severing it from church, temple, kovil and mosque alike. A truly anti-Western popular nationalism would have displaced English while according co-equal status to both Sinhala and Tamil together, with genuine devolution of power. Bandaranaike and '56 accomplished none of this. Majority chauvinism took the place of popular nationalis In and the Westernized elite Temains essentially intact, while minorities hawe beem. Tmarginalised. Tr Lle enough, the problem of domination by the compradore elite needed to be thrashed out, but as Professor Ludowy ke Once eTaked, "it was the Tamils that got the thrashing' in 56.
the final analysis is the concentrated expression of economics and Fr. Balas. Li riwa’s incapacity to comprehend SWR D's politics is linked with his patent weakness in understanding thic true character of Bandaranaike's ccolonic progra III.The and platform. “His option in favour of the common people expressed itself also in terms of a more socialist economic policy' writes Fr. Bala
Politics, in

Page 17
suriya. Now if I donc is being scientific rather that sliga Ilistic, there really is no such thing as a "more socialistic' economic policy, just as there’s no such thing asi a little bit of pregnancy - if the Reverend Fr. will pardoll the secular simile. The expansion of the public sector, economic planning, nationalisation of the bus services, Paddy Lands Act etc by no means deserve thic socialistic Jabel and pink camouflage that Fr. Tissa attempts to providc then with. The Paddy Lands Act merely legitimated the harshly exploitative and backward terminal form of sharecropping. If the nationalization of bus services was a socialistic measure, then the London Transport Board, specially
LS L S SSLLLLaaL S LLLL SS LLLLLSSS LLLLCLLL surely be the most socialistic such enterprise in the world
Elements of planning prevail in varying degrees in many capitalist cconomies, Tanging from the French to the Indian Indeed, Nehru once acknowledged that the first Indian economic plan was drawn up with the advice and consent not to mention the il dwocacy, of the Tata's and Birla's. As far as the “socialistic’ natu Te of nationalization and the exparlsion of the public sector is Concerined. I can do no better tha. Il to let Engels Teply to Fr. Balasu riya:-
But of late...... a kind of spurious socialism has a risen, degenerating, now and again, into soil ething of flunkeyism, that without more a do declares all state ownership, even of the Bismarkian sort, to be socialistic. Certainly, if the taking over by the state of the tobacco industry is socialistic, then Napoleon and McLterInich must be Illu beTCd al II no Ing
the founders of socialism. If the Belgian state, for quite ordinary political and financial reasons,
itself constructed its chief Tailway lines; if Bismark, not under any economic compulsion, took over for the state the chief Prussian lines, simply to be the better able to have then in hand in case of war, Lo bring up the railway employees as voting cattle for the government, and especially to create for hiInself a lew Source
of income im de pe mentary votes
sense a socialistic or in directly, Cor. consiously. Other Maritime Compa porclain manufa the regimental ta would also be st tions, T - ewen, 3 proposed by a sly
Willis II || LTS Te ower by the state
So, the ccorn and policy all Wic by SWRD was
state capitalist p Tent which his traversed by so bourgeoisies in This domestic had its corollary economic orienta the post "56 SIL main colltel gradualistic shift tain the old to wa Tids the Il centre headed b this sense it ei diffusion of de pe the Te was El cha and Llechanisms a shift from 1 semi-colonial m. ones. Thirdly, a "the support of to begin state er cerned, any hou Teady and Willi socialist lil for of capitalism FT. Balasuri ya fi retreat beaten b
question of fo 1947, Barıdır ami wide ranging
IlationalizatioT) capital ent Tenche tation and indus Sri Lankam CCC) I were incorporate platform of '56 - to the militar of 1953. After office in '56, h Inaike repea 1 cdly issue while si Tı cing the scope nationalization in the plantatio Bandaramaike ar this nimeäsuirc ha indefinitely,

Tindent of parlialıthis was, im e no measure, directly
sciously or LllWisc, the Royal lly, the Royal
1urer, and Even ilor of the arily acialistic instituis was seriously dog in Frederick ign, the taking of the brothels."
omic programme tcd and initiated nothing but a ath of CW clipnecessarily been Imany "national՝ the periph:Ty. economic policy in the external tion pursued by FP regime. The if this was thic away frorTn Brimother country ew metropolitan y the USA. In tailed a partial indence. Secondly, nge in the modes of dependency ie. hic colorial ald des LG Ile Lolonial s far as accepting socialist countries terprises” iscongeoisie is always lg to a CClepti eWe) the building up Marc Concretely, orgets the steady y his hero on the reign capital. In aik advocated a programme foT of the foreign :d in the pola I1trial sectors of the lomy. These views ld in his callpaign – in due deference ISS I'W'112T t the assumption of owe weT, Bandal Talside stepped this ultaneously reduof the proposed io British capital In sector. By 1958 10Luced that CWC El d been postponed
Indeed, the Kurunegala sessions of that salme year, and the StarCE that he took at these sessions, clearly represented the consolidation of the hegemony of Right (within the SLFP). Running parallel Lic Bildara Italikte" s Tercat on the question of nationalization, was the SLFP's growing advocacy of
foreign investment, articulated mainly by the Finance Minister of the tiInc. The fuck that thle
1950. Ecclio Manifestico II la de 10 mention of lationalization, while it dici ol the other hand III e Illico 1 the Ileed for attracting "controlled' foreign investment taken together with the fact that Felix Dias vigourously advocated this policy during his first tenure of office as, Fice Minister, Ieval thlt this reld eWolved logically after Bandarai Eike's death. That however is beyond the scope of this article. The main point to be stresssed is that the trænd to Wards Tiencolonial dependency via for cign aid and investinent was very much part and parcel of "Bandaranaike policies. How such dependency ““helped a Trest the groWing Westerization of the country' is a mystery that I for one will need divine inspiration to cоппprehend...
As for Mr. Bandaranaike's deep co T1 Imitt Ilment to "“the gual range of fundamental rights of the people' and his “innate concern for the weak and the oppressed' (an almost Christlike concern, if we are to belie we Fr. Balasuriya) none of these laudable liberal wirtues were very much in evidence when he opposed universal suffrage or raised the demogogic chauwinistic cry of 'Sinhala Only' or when he wated for and subscquently wielded the Public Security Ordinance to crush strikers. Bandaranaike's personality was certainly one that tried to "harmoniously reconcile conflicting issues" as Fr. Balas Luriya puts it. Any and all attempts to conciliate the oppressor and oppressed inevitably work in favour of the former and must irreconcilably be opposed by the latter which is an universääl - tr Luth that the Rew. Flther would do well to bear in mind. Banda Tanaike's intellectualphilosophical approach must then be recognized for what it wasan electic amalgal of bourgeois
15

Page 18
liberalis II and the kind of "Bourgeois Socialism', that Marx and Engels mercilessly excoriated 130 years ago in the closing pages of the Communist Manifesto.
So, in direct contradistinction to Fr. Balasuriyas final assesment of SW RD Bandaranalike all scientific socialists will have to Concur that it is not Sri Lanka that is 'fortunate in having had Bi per5onality like Blında Tanaike"", who could provide a democratic alternative,' but rather it is the bourgeoisie of this country which is fortunate in having had the benefit of his sple did services in providing a bourgeois alternative, an alternative located and oparating firmly within the parameters of the capitalist system. As the
Епегgency "71preSCilt trend5 ç the process initi паike aпd 56 through several ir In List in its pre: lopment necessa culminatic in on a rial ext:Termes t in thic word "" ti su riya's felicitou Rightist totalita is rendcred in. intrim sic dynamic "national bourge d:ura, nahike thereet fortulat: in hawi without having te cipate in the his of the social mak: hegemonic.
Press opinion
The budget
e are glad about the Finance
Minister's promise yesterday to reduce the price of infant milk foods to the level it was. This is the result of the furore raised by all the non-governmental newspapers including the Dina kara, in the face of the front put up by the President and other government leaders. However, the reduction effected appears to be a tempora I y political decision in view of the forthcoming local government elections. We shall, therefore, ConLinue lo protest against the traitorous policies made by this government. This budget confirms the fact that this government belives that the strategy to develop a less developed country like Sri Lanka is to abandon the socio-economic welfare measures and to provide the maximum concessions to the greater development of capitalism. The statements made by the UNP during the election campaign which said
that its chief air for the needy ar ownership of the duction for the we a socialist econo now fallen by th of this reactional in lediate effect the falling standi the average perso depths.
Stabbing the
N only has
Ilot given ; to the faTIIer bu budget has imp
burdens on him. By removing the
granted to farme their sale of pad. Marketing Board
Minister hopes to farmer and dishea reasons given by act is the restruct ration scheme at har west. To remov
 
 

77 and indeed the onclusively prove, ated by Bandara
having passed termediate stages, ent phase of deverily and logically e of "the to a lithat prevail today o use Fr, Billais phrase. This rian culmination 2vitable by the is of the so-called oisie'. It is Bano Te, who was ng being martyred o personally partiitorical trajectory class he helped
in Was to provide ld to secure the means of proJrking class under mic system have Le: Way as a res Lilit ry budget. The of this is to force irds of living of In to the lowest
3)
farmer
this gover rent any concessions it through this Josed additional This is unjust. IX ConcesSil :5 hither to on ly to the Paddy the Finance discourage the rten lıirm1. The him for this uric of the rice ld the current "t the tax con
cessions on these grounds only helps the blackmarket eers. If the govern Ilent expects to tax the farmer on his sale of paddy to the PMB what would happen is that he would stop his sale of paddy to the PMB and instead sell it to the blackmarketeer. Even on the last occassion the PMB did not go all out to gather the bumpcr har vest through lack of storage space. The result was that he fell into the clutches of the black marketeer. The Illove to tax him time on his harvest is yet another blow against the farmer.
Budget boasts
The Finance Minister Mr. Ronnic de Mel boasted that no prices were increased this time. But 24 hours later the price of Lakspray and other milk foods distributed by the Milk Board went up. If the courts decided that the Presidential Commission was illegal then he was prepared to accept that decision, the President said." But when the decision went against the government now they are planning to amend the legislation
and create a new Presidential Commission. The government swears that it will do nothing
against the constitution. But when some bill the government plans. to introduce is found unconstitutional then it uses its two thirds majority and legalises its action. What is evident from all this is that ministerial pronouncements, government promises, the respect for parliament, the independence of the judiciary, the supremacy
of the constitution are alik the Presidential Award losing in Value. It is true that the follndation for these acts was
lid by the Bandaranalike familyMuda la li junta. But the action of the government of Mr. J. R. Jayewardene which promised to take the country on the dharmishta path is unforgivable.

Page 19
Looking towards
leadership
by H. A. Seneviratne
he coonomic transformation
that took place in Ceylon between 1830 and 1900 with the opening of thc British owned plantations is said to be equivalent to a change that would normally require a 1000 years. Capitalism in Ceylon really developed with the establish ment of these estates followed by a whole series of subsidiary and ancillary industries as well as banking and commercial enterprises connected with it.
The bourgeoisie as well as the proletariat i first camme here from abroad. The former were British and the later, south Indian. Precisely because the estate workers were from South India, they were late in organising themselves as a class. There were also other reasons for this, such as the fact that they were living in these estates and dependant on them for their rations. They were also brought under the firm control of estate kanganies. In short they were more like the serfs in Czarist Russia than proletarians of any country.
Therefore, the industrial workers were the first to organise themselves and to launch struggles to armeliorate their conditions. The first ever strike in Ceylon was launched in 1893, by the printing workers of the British owned H. W. Cave and Company. These form cd the first trade union in Ceylon soon afterwards.
With the formation of trade unions, there appeared a professional "class' of trade union officials who carine from the pettybourgeoisic. The printing Workers union was led by the Cambridge educated liberal, Bultjens (secretary) and a physician by the maine of Dr. Pinto (President). However, it was A. E. Goo nasinghe who was the first full-time professional
H
Trade Unions Today (2)
2.
trade union iead the two leaders
Workcts union, came in the SCC burst of a Wi namely the first
Ceylon which to and in which Ins workcrs in both
as well as the p Colombo particip
The Lanka Sai which was for nine 1935, gave an in II lation of Trade political and trad of the L. S. S. though the psych militating against kers from organ had been broken. successful in fornir lo Estate Worke ther estate worke the Ceylon India also formed duri A large number in various other transport sector by tle LSSE increase in the in unions the numb; trade union bos ti neTs also increa mostly from the and they had bee an English educ essential for offic the capitalist clas ing that period. mal trade unionist: political counterp; Taith er made the T cratically entrenc structure of this
The pro-imperia ders who were gi tåke over froIII) t with their blessin rule this country anti- working clas!

63eW
Cr of Ceylon. Like of the Printing G00 na singhe also The With the outorkers' struggle, general Strike in ok place in 1923 Dre than 20,000 the government rivate sector in ated.
ma Samaja Party d in December Petilisi to the folinions. With the le union activities ... it appears as Iological barricrs the Cistate worising themselves The LSSP was Ling thc AII Ceyrs Union, Anois union called 1 Congress was 1g this period. of trade unions Sectors like the 'èTe also formed With Lhe Imber of trade r of professional 23 and fulled. They came city-bourgeoisie able to acquire tion that was ly dealing with and state, durthese professioalong with their ls became, or selves, bureaud in the union' }ll Intry.
st political lealing ready to : British, (and the power to Wete naturally By 1947, the
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Page 20
granting of 'self-rule to this clique was in minent. At the same time the class struggle was reaching its peak. The prospective TLlers, Llerefore, had Lo SlippTeSS the working class from asserting itself as a forcc. It was best to do so whilst British Tule still remained. It was in this context that the general strike of May-June 1947 was brutally suppressed. It was in this context too that the it famous Public Security Act was hurriedly passed.
Meanwhile, the Working class was becoming politicalised. The political activities of the L. S. S. P as well as lhe repressive measures of the government greatly helped this politicalisation. The hartal of August 1953 was its high water mark. But the L. S. S. P. and the Communist Party leaders vacillated like the typical petty-bourgoisie, once the hartal took off and went beyond the limits of a mere one day token protest. The hartal was so successfully utilised to the benefit of the newly formed. Sri Lanka Freedom Party, by its leader, S. W. R. D. Bandara naike, that the L. S. S. P. leaders the Tiselves ag Teed to El no Colles I pact with Bandaranalike in 1955. But un fortunately for the L. S. S. P leaders, Bandaranaike swept the pols in 1956 with his Mahajana Eksath Peram uma which he had formed with Philip Gunawardena (W. L. S. S. P.) W.D. hanayake "Basha, Periamuna) and Several ildCpendents. Collabora ting with the bourgeoisie was of course, nothing new for the C. P. It had even joined the National Congress of D. S. Semana yake in 1942, just one year after the leading Inembers of the C.P. formed the party after being expelled from the LSSP.
From 1956 onwards it was a case of the so-called left leaders exploiting the class struggle to achieve their parliaппепtary ** ends”. The petty-bourgeoisie professional trade union bosses had almost become irremovable leaders for life. The general confusion in the politicalisation of the proletariat continued to develop since 1956. There were no leaders
trained by the old petty-bourgeois
IS
uniоп bureaucrats. enlightened Worker als. The trade unio heading lo'wards
so was left i politic
“Trade Unions Luxumburg, մtle theoretians and German revolution "are nothing II ore nised defence of against the attac They express the I by the Working c pression of capit No doubt it is ir Illic interests that together in a Ll question is whethi capitalist econom class could eWei immediat e ecolor avert suffering. situation that til an integrated doc' gramme for thei Will be realised class.
In the next : evolving struggle it is to Dey generation of le YCrkers Will turil
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Page 21
Fallacy of transcendental inferen Ce
Hitherto I have regarded Dr. Costain de Wos as a literate, erudite, straight-thinking, sairmind cd person. When, however, in the Larka Giaradicr; cof October 15 he alleges that 'Dr. de Silva and his LSSP while all the while knowing (as We all did) that the JWP was a party of ultra leftists, tried to deceive thic country into believing that it was ultra rightist' he is making a charge which is demonstrably un true and Palpably unfair.
It is simply not true to say that we all knew all the While that the JWP was a party of ultra leftists. From its inception up to date there has certainly becil no unanimily of opinion about the political character of the JVP. Dr. I de Wos, for one, evid: ntly believed, that it was a party of ultra leftists. For my part, I have looked upon the JWP as a party of dedicated young people, many of them innocent children, who were used in i971 for a foolishly conceived and predictably disastrous experiment in Tevolution. But the fact is, that there: a Te people both within and without the LSSP who do not share Dr. de Wos's opinion or mine about the political character of thc JWP.
For example, Mr. G. I. D. Dharmasekara, an crstwhile enthusiastic collaborator of Mr. Wijeweera left him in 1969 alleging that he had strong grounds for believing that Mr. Wijeweera was doing the Work of the CIA, Iril 1970 he published a remarkable pamphlet entitled: “The Guevara gang is, nothing but all American evilspirit boosted by the capitalist press' in which he firmly predicted the impending massacre of young revolutionaries in the counLy.
On the other hand, in 1971,
within a few Weel surgency, Mr. Le delle of the LSSP, and The Ceylon cribed the JWP, no but as a lowerine young геђе!s.
Then agairh, Tec connected with 1 made some people "The Nation' spok []m:Mã Tch 16, 197 of the JWP: 'Bell UNP ready with and personnel'. think this probab prudence enjoins all possible hypo improbable they be at first sight. the point I wish when Dr. de Wos all knew all the JWP was a party he is Surely guilt of transcendental he des Illot hawe logical right to on other people, they hold opinion his own or bec: changed their ol matter in questio
There is surely he sible about opinion on the e videlice or Telli the spirit of sci Iness de Inlands no | all, Mr. Reggie : self, hawing ʻʻsha I engendered by thi Electic Il' went o opinion about the of the United Even the Prophet have said that if the Koran appear the latter text Wa als authoritative!
For II his 5 AT my best, as Dr. lied, to approach politics botlı Seri tifically. I try judgements becaus

ΗAT
ks of the filslie Goole warin Lhe "Jarafra" Observer") destas CIA agents, it of misguided
ent public events
JWP hay WUnder Whether e prophictic:lly l which it suid ild it stalırıds the funds, transport I do mot II lyself le, but scientific consideration of theses, lowever Taly appear to At Elity rate, to lake is this: claims that We while that the of ultra leftists, y of the fallacy inference, and t the epistelloCäst aspersions just because is different from ause they have inions on the
1.
nothing changing
basis of fresh nking. Indeed, entific truthfullElling less. Aftet Siri war die hirmEd the illusions 1970 General Il to change his class character FToInt il 1971. is supposed to two texts of ed inconsistent, is to be taken
гертеCIC’s
casm, I do try de Wos has imp
the subject of Lsly and ScienIo avoid moral ge to me there
H
appears to be nothing in political ethics which is not, in the ultimate analysis, subjective. In a scientific argument, the implicit assumption is that there is a standard of impersonal tuth to which we can appeal, whereas in Inoral arguments these is no such standard. Nevertheless, in practice I do agree with Dr. de Wos that We should like our leaders to be credible and to conform to what at least our community considers to be decent standards of public conduct,
But, a las, in the end we Illust perforce choose from among the available political leaders. Nobody is all of a piece and compariS05 ble Colle both ievitable. Ild necessary. When the hurlyburly's done, when the battle' lost ald w CT, I still fild TDT. Collwimi R. de Silva more acceptable than say Mr. J. R. Jayewardane or Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike. You pays your money and you takes your choice. It would be interesting and instructive to know Dr. de Wos's own precious choice.
Carlo Fonseka
Opportunism and the Left?
I hope my friend Dr. Carlo Fonseka will forgive ille for the lo 1g delayo il replying to his letter (Lartika Guardiari, Oct. 1) beCause, as he kilows, I a III just rcco wering fra III al long i LIness.
| Wonder - whether Dr. Fonseka means by the Word opportunism' the same thing that I did. Many people use it in the Vulgar sense, of “sacrifice of principle for personal galin o advantage, -as Wille I somebody says "the left leaders were opportunists-they gavc up their principles for a few portfolios.” That wasn’t What III canL at all.
I used "opportunism" in its precise and Strict Imeaning as a political term: the sacrifice of ultimate goals aInd einds for ITIIIllediate or short-terill political adwantage.' The fact that the coalition
19

Page 22
stral Legy of the left in 1970 carried With it broad Tlass support (a point l 'cadily concede) does not contradict the fact that it was opportunist. On the contra Ty, its mass popularity at the time was ont of the cssemitial facilors that made it opportunist. In entering illo the coalition, the LSSP was responding to and encouraging tille illusions of the Ilhasses instead of choosing to swim against the streal II in the conviction that the historic current would ultiITiately carry them to the further shore (I paraphrase the words of Trotsky, whom the LSSP claimed to follow).
Dr. Fonseka hardly maintains in his letter the clarity of thought he insists on. For at o Te and the same time he holds that (1) I have no right to criticist the LSSP because I have confessed that up to April 1971 I shared the illusions of the 1970 General Election (2) the fact that Dr. Colwin R. de Silva was Wrong about the character of the insurrection in 1971 does not detract from the correctness of his criticism of it today. ln other words, l must foiewer hold my peace because I was wrong in 1970 (in passing, may add that I claimed no "unsullied revolutionary purity' and Inothing in II y review shows that I did), but Dr. de Silva is
entitled, whatever his previous errors, to continue to pose as the oracle or revolution. No, Carlo, that isn't what I would call 'clear thinking'.
The Teai question, however,
isn't merely one of correct intcllectual analysis. When the coalition sirat egy had its out.come, in repression, torture and murder, the use of these brutal instruInents by the United Front government was for me sufficient proof that, contrary to the illusions of 1970, the Te was no change in the character of the state. I therefore did what I could to join and support those who protested against the CJC Act, against the repressive use of Emergency powers, and against the other unde Inocratic laws and actions of those years. (I seem to remember that Dr. Carlo Fonseka was with us too thcin).
2.
Dr. Colvirı R. on the other hail those of wrong 1971 ailıd after, political complici sion: hic Walls ( thoroughgoing def Act; he was (as strated) even Elga mentary huillan wives and child of 1971-72, and assert the "prog of the United F up to the time party were LincCre from it. Moreo with his party, cognised the illu: what they were, defend the coalit
WWilheler ).., . tled, in the ligh to offer his ef revolutionary wis (as Dr. Folseka of social science, (and hcrc I agre tain de Wos) a morality. For In In IT ore i5te Il co TTcct. Te w|| 1 titor anybody who be political respons ITassacres and tnam I would lis on humanity pre cutioneer's or har
Reg
Moral right
Prof. Carlo F ply to Reggie Si ses the attention social scientists tant question—th a writer-Dr. C. Prof. C. Fi Lo s Weste the ht| of blood, tries politically immor RAL from the the proletariat, and social progri a complete disto cal event and lity. This thesis at slandering a genuine Marxist tionaries of this view to justify

de Silvil's errors l, weren't merely heory. In Aprili he shared full y in the represne of the Inost enders of the CJC I have demonnst showing ele= :oncern for the I of the deterules he con liIllied to essive' claracter 'ont govern Irneral llat hic and his Toniously ciected cr, he in common as still not TejoIls of 1970 for but continues to ion policies.
e Silwall is entiof this record as the fout of dom i Ilay not bic says) a matter but it is certainly with Dr. Cosmatter of political y part, I would to lectures on tary strategy by
are a share of ibility for the tortures of 1971
te II 0 2 - SCT0T inched by an exeig II lain’s assistant
gie Siriwardene
of a writer
inseka in his Teriwardana focusof all serious ип a very impore Iloral right of hlwin o R. S. de Silwa. is futile attempt ands still selling to moralise a il thesis (IMMOoint of view of its class struggle ss) which is also tion of a historiEs objective reasprimarily aimed 1d insullt ing the Leninist Tevolucountry, with a and camouflage
the reactionary role of the U. L. F leadership (N. M. Colvin, Pieter, Siia iid Co.) which unlased El reign of terror and a bloody repression, starting in August 1970, against the growing revolutionary movement. This was a well calculated, planned out straLegy adopted by the U. L. F. leadership to destroy the revolutionary movement which they saw as a direct threat to their class rule-the rule of bourgeois deception which has brought over a period of twenty years, complete ruination of the country's economy Tesulting in heaping the pTeletariat With i lunbeaTable bu Tdens.
In this process a very special role was played by the L. S. S. P. and C. P. leadership, which, in the maine of Marxism-Leninism perpetroited the worst crimes against the working class of this country. This leadership which really represented the rising bourgeoisie deceived the urban proletariat : Il Li is cd their clergies to achieve their own class aims. They completaly ignored the Tural proletariat in Which they never had a base. The new left with its strong base amb Ing the rural proletarial was gathering mollen turn when the repression was initiated. It was just beginning to win over the urban proletariat, oppressed national minorities, plantation proletariat, intelligent sia and the Cather opp Tessed classes a round it. The bourgeois repression posed im Tense obstacles to the fun tic
ning of the rewolutionery movement. The 71 uprisi Ing was a reaction to this counter revolu
tionary repression.
The bourgeois mass media thic bourgeous ideologists and the hired agents of the bourgeoisie-the L. S. S. P. and C. P. leadershiptook great pains to hide from the oppressed people of this country the most heineous crimes committed by the state apparatus led by the N. M., Colvin, Pieter, Sirima clique by painting a picture of terror and violence of the most humanist revolutionaries of this country. This they did for seven long years. The things they did ranged from physical annihilation, rape, incarceration of revolutio

Page 23
Ilaries to the most malicious sail
ders against the revolutionary leadership
Who came to their aid-th:
traitors of the revolutionary movement itself, namely the clique that has written the book that Prof. C. F. so fondly refers to. Here is another book written by a set of traitors Who Worked hand ill glove with Felix and the bourgeois state apparatus to destroy the revolutij Ilary mov :ment. It is not st range that Prof. C. F. always derives his facts from the counterTeVolutionary regime and the traitors of the revolutionary movement, to justify the actions of the C. P. and L. S. S. P. leadership.
Having given a very brief outlite of the historic events let us come back to our original question of Morality. For Marxists there are only two types of Inoraisnamely the Marxist morality and
the Bourgeois III. Orālity. These: two moralitics are antagonistic to each other. Marxist Inorality
is in the interest of the proctariat its class struggle El Id for social progress. The bourgeois morality 1s in the interest of the property o wning classes to preserve, protect and mintain the exploitative social system based on bourgrois private prop rity. What really P cf. C. F. is trying to justify i; bourgeois morality, How can Prof. C. F. Succeed - in doing what his own bourgeois state machinery failed to do for a period of seven years? How can a hand dretched il blocl a Tid smalling of blood of the oppressed have a moral right to write a thesis in support of the cause of the oppressed? Basically what it really does is in support of the oppres5.
Yes we understand this very clearly. Yes of course, he has a Moral Right-a Bourgeois Moral Right-to protect and perserve the bourgeois social system. Therefore in the interest of this he has made brilliant theses which will in the final analysis be thrown into the bin of history by the victorious proletariat, by condemning it as absolutely immoral.
Let Prof. C. F. answer to himself the following simple questions.
1. Did any one scientists namely Lenin join hands clill:55ës to al Illi classes
2. Did any ot Tay the Cause personal gain?
3. Did any ol double lives
4. Did any or dulce theses in t орpressive геgim cessful social up
5. Did any ol hands with the sabotaging Worl prived workers Work and live, of their pension
6. Did any ol about sinister a El gainst the Copp
7. Did any ol duce sinister ac like the Public the constitution
8. Did any ol armies which pr n:Ach incry of th ruling classics?
9. Did any or credit from the oppressing the
A Te all these Tm Tm Ta I fr I In L of social progre: is :lga im Wery si infantile Student exemplary behavi cation (up to tE ing the su prcmine Te Willtiolaries o Wed to tle wat tions to be bg Marxist Morality of the Capitali Sče. Yes Prof. of pseudo-marxi LT3'''TilIS III: Tes, Luscitat this old left' cade h3s Lunde Tigonc dannage resulting dentenic shock subjected to by of this country.
Dr.

cofo Lur great social Marx, Englé5 arld with the ruling late the oppressed
le of them betf the people for
le of the III lead
1C of them prohe interest of the es in any LunsucIrisings?
ne of thern join ruling classes in kers' strikes, deof their right to
deprive workers s
le of them bring its like the C.J. C. essed
he of the III in tro
its of legislation
Security Act into
of a country?
he of then train otected the stilt e properly o Willing
le of them obtain ruling classes for Joetajat
things Moral or he point of view is ? Yes the answer nt0 aטייס imple of Marxism. The ılır, sincerity, dedile poi i QFmaksacrifice) of the f71 u!prising shold and the generaII, the value of which the agents st Class cannot C. F. no amount st professorial inIl infusions can dying patient-the rship-because it irreversible brain from the caro which they were the poor people
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Page 24
Private view
That's logic
weedledee stated it very clearly: “Tဝှိ{{{ူး if it was so, it light be; and if it were so, it would be: but as it isn't, it ain't. That's logic.'-
"The leader of a delegation from the All Central Council of Trade Unions of the USSR, in a press conference at the Soviet Embassy in for IIlation department, came out willh some equally interesting I easoning: "There can be no cause for strikes in the Soviet Union, for, both the trade unions and the government Work towards the same goals.
"According to this reasoning since a trade union demand cannot but be coincidental with the government's own programmes, it has only to be for Illulated to be immediately granted. Or, more precisely, it need not be formulated at all for the government has already granted it or is about to. In fact the logical next step would be to argue that trade union leaders are superererogatory and that their functions could with advantage be taken over by government agents who would be better placed to be familiar with the government's goals.
In the outrageous event of a trade union actually Inaking a demand which cuts across its programmes the government would naturally act on the assumption that its own goals were more worthwhile than those of any single trade union which sought to oppose them, and could even argue that the union's leadership which formulated such an antisocial demand did not have the union's best interests at heart and therefore should be got rid of.
The other clear implication of the Soviet trade unionist's reasoning is that in countries outside the Soviet Union (such as Sri Lanka) trade unions are Working towards goals which are opposed to those of the government. If this were actually the case then
22
the TC could be fication for su to crush trade be argued that more (not less) of a governme. multi-party de than in a singlethe popular will Imanifested.
The Soviet reasoning is a ganda weapon f which would lil bothersone tra kind of logic W il the Stalim Te con actiwe ser wic sad story of lit five black carg at Noon. As GE itself is a matt
How's That A
"This is not cutive perk. Go pre-requisite of remember that p. the Word perk
Berry Ritchic ir
And, let us ] neration is the three farthings: of this inkle?" I'll give you are
A Wise Old
I have по р: folk
Who praise t spoke
And the less he hea Id
And for this wise old bird

Arden
no better justiin a govern Illent inionism. It could
this, should be so in the Cas it elected in a Illo CT altic Collit TY party state where cannot be readily
tradic unionist's ai lor-måde propalor any government e to be rid of c unions, This 'as invented early gime and is still it. One recalls the Lle Loelwy and the ships in Darkness C claimed, reason
er of faith.
gain?
just another exeOd clothes are a
the job. Let us rerequisite is where originates anyway."
the Sirday Tries (London).
Obt forge L, TC L l LuLa Lin word for "What's the price "One penny". "No, muneration. (LLL)
WO
tience with these
hic owl who seldom
he said, the more
they hail him a
If all it takes to be rated wise
Is a silent tongue and an owllike guise
Full many a by-gone half-baked potato
Could've passed himself off as a Solon or Pl:110.
A Cup of Tea
The teacher Nan-in had a visitor who came to inquire about Zen. But instead of listening the visitor kept talking of his own ideas. After a while, Nath - in served tea. He poured tea into his visitor's cup until it was full, then kept on pouring.
Finally the visitor could restrain himself no longer. "Don't you see it is full?" hG cried. "You CaII 10 t get any more in.'
That's true, Nan - in replied, stopping his pouring at last. And, like this cup, you arc full of your own ideas. How can y Oll expect me to give you Zen unless you offer me an empty cup?'
Lette TS . . .
( Carrir Ed fra 177 Page ?) was set as low as 36,000 tons. This also needs explailing and perhaps the 1976-77 production conditions Would pro vide a cluc.
Corning now to the productionas-percentage-of-capacity figures for cloth and yarn. We have in Weyangoda a small (2%) increase for yarn and a 12% increase for cloth; in Thul hiriya there is a 13% decrease for yarn and a 2% decrease for cloth; Pugoda has a 5% decrease for yarn and an 18% decrease for cloth over the 1976 figures. As for the targets for yarn and cloth, here too, we find that they have bec) fixed higher than the actual production figures for 1976 in every case except Pugoda cloth (which is 18% less), The figures are:
(ராஜி ரா தge 23 )

Page 25
(பொங்: ரீr PA:)
1976 production
Weyangoda:
Yarm 1.Il 3 m n. kg. l. Cloth 4,97 Jilt1. m. 5. Thulhiriya:
YaIIn 2.60 mm. kg. 4 Cloth 3.47 пп. п1. Pugoda:
YaTI 1.ll Inn. kg. 1. Cloth 7.38 Inn. kg. 6.
Again, in this situation too, tion figure (a
it is not un reasonable to suppose that targets were fixed bearing in mind actual achieved produc
But these intert commented on She says: Resi
Lion figures. For some reason for the facts t( (aiming for the moonday sun?) selves an essent the Thul hiriya target for cloth that all the fac
was almost double the 1976 production figure (achievement 49%. If they had targeted for the 1976 production figure the achievement
|lable. So in Cor. those nasty pe tently refuse to that Ms. Sankh
would have coinc out While was 18% below the 1976 produc
as 93% cloth target
on the well-est that ill the artf statistics one st
the Pugoda
Cryptic Crossword No. 11 by Stripex
ACTOSS
CLUES Throw players (4)
3. Watches the Le Carre characters (5) á. To disturb the prison (4) 11. ... study how to cause a blackout mix-up (7) 12. Wrongly Iliadc stra what, no point (7) 13. Fib society is prepared to go along with but not the kind writers produce these days (6.7) 16. Increased thrcc-fold, Bert returning led (7) 17. Iner in East obstruction to water perhaps (7) 18. In crt artist became a teacher (7) " . changed bus than get a tin (7)
23. Be truthful if you wish to 5, 3, 5) 26. Stronghold forcign one colles to for wealth (7) 27. Medusa gets two fifties for a shilling; that's the pith of it (7) 28. Look back to the dance (4) 29. Dicn could be dusty (5) 30. What concerns the narctics squad, President and parliamentarian (4) Down
1. Erect bird (4) 2. Possibly spy, conce? Neer! (7) 4. Profess to aspire (7) 5. Test Big Daddy in the river (7) 7. A bloomer in the accoLInts of thc eštate arosc due
to ... 7 8. ... Imad Reti in cereTrial get-up (1) (7) 9. Mean-spirited pulss, ill, inco miau (13) 10. ... the ends with a confused indication of his meaning 4, 2, 7) 14. The condition of the body politic? - (5) (, 2, 15. Somc challel perhaps or is it chy pre? It's teasing (5) 19. But cinders do not grow on it (3, 4) 20. Signal refuge 7) 21. Stalked änd checked (7) 22. Hollows make Alex 3ail (7) 24. How travellers journey is safari without beginning orcnd (4) 25. Find something wrong with the fish (4)

978 target
l m n. kg. .Il. mנון 7ו
45 III 1. kg 50 Illil. Im.
23 IT In. kg. Inn. m.
chievement 90%). sting facts are not py youг геviewсг. psa loquitur, but
speak for themial requirementis is must be avaier to ensure that pple who persis
see do not claim ya Lolo has worked ablished principle ul display of vital hould not reveal
Luj much, she slould, i tlink, answer these questions.
How to turn debacles into
miracles makes an amusing headline but if there is no evidcnce of a IIniracie in the Wital statistics which Ms. Sankhya artfully chooses to reveal to us there is no evidence of a debacle either in the cement production figures (22% above the 1974 achievement). As for the yarn and cloth figuTes there has been a considerable decrease in the overal production (20% in yarn and 16% in cloth), a debacle if you like. But no one ever claimed a miracle in the textile industry.
But let Ms. Sankhya do more of this stuff-she's good, this Wa,
Costain de Wos
Solution to Cryptic Crossword No. 10
ACROSS - 6. Somehindy
elses 8. Favour 9. Extra dry
l(). Zenan El 11, Specific 12. Severed I, Avcstan 17. Bit of
fun 20 SpCech 21. Diadochi
least.
DOWN- 1.
Iminolate 2. 5. Askari 6. Static religion 7. Sordid account
22. Avenue 23. Not in the
Aberrate 3. Adverse 4. Selit
14. Wisually
15. Skeletal 16. Insight 18. Oddity 19. Facing.
23

Page 26
Science
When
t is claimed that in 1966, 90 percent of all night soil in China (some 300 million tons), was processed with simple Tıcthods and used as fertilizer. This represented about one third of all fertilizers applied in the country, Without it, China would not ha We been able to expand its agricultural production a s rapidly, and faпine would have struckin ican years. In many tropical countries, night soil is dangerous waste, responsible for the spread of disease, notably schistosoniasis, which affects more than half of some rural populations. The main concern is to get rid of it in a harmless way. In other Words, the same by-product of human life can be positive or negative,
The modern (or, Tather, Wictorian) approach - waste is dirty - has led to the hugely un economical method used in most developed countries; diluting wastic in large amounts of Water to
is vaste, Wast
transport it so II is believed to d This is, by and roach of In technology. Cult the lack of preclude other pite the fact th in high nitrog percent), the sa I more than pig as much as p it is effective i rients to soil ar there are II 134 TW it harmless.
This is not labour-intensiwc are applicable but they shoul a priori becal generally acce reputed to be
The existence mitting “bugs' and it took tւյլIntless "ba
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lewhere where it o the least harm. large, the apppdcrn sa nitation ural patterns or motivation often appToaches, desat night soil has em content (0,6 Il C AS COW IT-18 TL1 TE manure, and twice lant residue, that in returning nutld plants, and that ways of rendcring
to say that the Chinese methods everywhere clse: i not be rejected ise they are not !ptable and are dangerous.
of disease transwas not known Tiany years, and Iefoot educators,'
scouring the countryside with microscopes and demonstration slides, to promote awareness in the rural population. (It should not be forgotte that the concept of bacterial diseases is barely a century old, and that even in England, its acceptance was debated in parliament.) Now we know simple III ethods to cope with thic problem of disease transmission. During aerobic fermentation, high temperature destroys Imany pathogenic organisms; ammonia is toxic to schistosomc eggs, so that storage of faeces mixed with urine can destroy them in a few days; anaerobic digestion of night scoil a Tid manlure destroys hookworm and schistosome eggs in a few weeks,
None of this demands highly sophisticated or expensive modern technology.
On-the-spot research is also required.
Alexander Dorozynski
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