Page 1
The "punishm
Where are the
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Lankan poverty
colonialism
dinary O Sinhala films

Page 2
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Page 3
Trends
Abortion debate
The law it has been said is open to d'I, i ke the Ritz Hotel. Now Professor D. C. de Silva argues that lega fised (7 bortior is also open to a II, III ke the Walter Reed hospital, or Maxim's.
Some years ago Simore de Beauvoir drid a h Lindred Celebrities shocked French society by cheerfully admitting that all of thern had abortĪorl75. So The Severa.
|s abortson the last bastion of pri Willege and the exclusif we right of the rich Mr. Bala Tampoe made this political point with customary eloquence at a seminor in Colombo sometime ago. The Issue keeps surfacing, despite the efforts of “moralists' of all schools to sweep the question under the carpet.
d (te Í5 CETIT in to COIThe the Indie MR. N.
As the debate advances, known secret Out It bers
not the Monthly Review as some of
our readers may guess but Menstrual Regulation. It is used as a posite "cover' for legalised abortion by medical practitioners in the UK, Singapore etc, And it is done here. According to medical circles, among
LANKA GUARDAN Wol. I No. 22 March IS, I 1979
Published by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd., First Floor, 88, N. H. M. Abdul Cader Road, (Rcclimation Road) Colombo I1.
Editor: Mervyn da Silva Telephone: 1009.
CONTENTS
Letters News background
고, 23 3 - 5
7 - || International news
Cultural colonialism 13 - 6 Poverty |7 Religion
8-9 Sinhala films
20 Viewpoint
고|| D. B. Dhanapala
22. Turn about
Printed by Ananda Press
825, Wolfendhal Street, Cylch Tib o 13.
Telephone: 35975
the practitioners tors. Recently, was quietly ti 5L Urban Stto always be done now tit PP back.
The Camera
The CJ flere It does, Bt last Week rol 5e. has bothered in jun for dan. Is Wijeyeratле act; Higher Educatio yer5ftle5"?
Remember İt Industries Who
bout Tor1 ext marking. He ev parlamentary p. pres: сопfereлсе Higher Educatio even to da directi for an impartial
The Sun" pl. a top-level di Jayawardenebra saw the youthful Affairs, the W Kalpage, the Re the drea, and at the phone, b Fitt, Trille.
Modest pro
The EανεrΠπιει criticised for be producing resu accused of any chang Ing the
Tent:5 de tr 'debated to a f of a speed in modest proposal.
Why not ha ye deputy minister"? that Mг. Тугопе st 5 **d of... ''. Wou nt By the time the appeared the pe deputy minister Maputo or Man is acting deputy thing else. The seem to get is anno riced in 1 Deputy Miлister

are government docorie of the Wat R men Insferred out of d Of course it can in a private clinic, pri Walte practice) is
Eye
ever fe 5. 1 Sun' photograph a question which iny a professor and
Mr. (Dr) Nissanka tally the Minister of 1, meaning the un fl
was the Minister of
create tut furore miners and 'A' cye en followed up his flippics with an open The Minister of 1 had little to sayÈ oppositori request
public inquiry.
blished a picture of scussion after the
campus incident. We Minister of Youth Ice Chancellor Dr. gistrar, the MP of i bury policy officer ut not Dr. Wijeye
osal
it yhsch Widely Πg for τρα 5ιανν η Its coin hardy be lack of speed in Oristitution. Arendduced and always
s
nish" with wild fury
J na C. So here's a
1 "permanent acting Edch week wered Ferrando ha 5 taken :tling deputy, mırılster me it, he gets it. picture ar para has Tanerit min İster Or las returned from J, did Mr. Ferrardo minister of somenly Job he doesn'tו he one that was he official Pressof Foreign Affairs.
Of course
Letters
The Old School Tie
Several years ago one of the accused in the 1962 coup case, acquitted and released before the conclusion of the trial, having already spent a long time in incarceration, said on being interviewed by the Pross: "I am particularly glad to be out today because it's the day of the RoyalThomian match.' I thought then that for that remark he should have been promptly put back behind bars. Mr. Eimer de Haan"5 piece on the Battle of the Blues (Lanka Guardian, March 1) shows that the Old School Tie can survive not only years of incarceration in jail but even the ravages of canter. Alas, however, for Royalist snobbery of a certain vintage: the whirl gig of time brings in his revenges, and it is now Thomians who Sneer Snootify at the 'Madhya Maha Vidyalaya' in KurunduWatte.
Colombo 5. Reggie Siriwardena
Strange ally
So, Mr. Gumada sa Amarasa kara the scourge of 'new Marxist" Cri.
tics and populist ("Pappadam") playwrights, has actually twitted Lester Jaries in a recent Siu
mina article of "Aha sin Polowa ta' thus implicitly allying himself with his favourite whipping boys-the young critics, if anyone of the latter tribe is speculating as to whether GL nada sa has been Tadi
calized and whether a "rapprochement" is now possible, may take the liberty to remind
them of this saying of Frederick II, a saying of which Che Guevara was quite fond:- ''God save me from my friends, I can take care of my enemies myself.' I think that Minerva of the CDN, Gamini Dissanaike, H. A., Seneviračne etc can all handle outright opponents
like Lester James well enough without assistance, howewer oblique from those of Gunada sa Armarase kara's ilk, With friends
like that, who cods enemies?
A. D. Sena na yake סbוחסCol

Page 4
Letters , , .
(“Lank's Unpleå sing, Prospects" by Christopher Hitch cens which originally appeared in the *New States miano wis published in the L. G. Feb. 5th. It hr ( LIght an instant reply frio III Sri Lu nka’s High Collıı missioner in London, Mr. Noel Wilia la senil, LLLLS S LLLLLLLLLLLLS SS LLLLLS LLLLLCL S published in full in the "Ceyler Neis", Wepublish her letter frill il British reader).
Ceylon's raw capitalism
Christopher Hitchens (NS lo January) is right about some effects of the chea P-labour Free Trade Zone. But he's wrong-so far-about accompanying repressive labour legislation. The government hastily backed off from its antiworking class White Paper proposals: in the face of tra de Lun iom opposition it first declared that it was not committed to enacting the draft legislation as it stood, and then that in any case the proposals would only apply to workers in public corporationsi. e. mot to Zone companies. In this context it's curious that a socialist paper should say that one
of the main problems of the FTA is that it “distorts the lå bou" market": so do trade unions, of course. And what is it that a
"undistorted abour market would do for Sri Lanka's development? It's also a pretty right-wing view of unemployment to argue implicitly that, because cheap female industrial workers were formerly household Workers at even more miserable remuneration, they were not part of the labour force nor of the unemployment problem.
The most un for LLunate aspect of the article, however, is that Hitchens's criticisms, many of ther true and important, manage leyer the less to mis5 L Wo E55 el tial points.
Firstly, Sri Lanka isn't the Third World in Tiniature in Crcial respects. It has achieved standards of literacy, nutrition, health and longevity far higher than some nations many times as rich, it a GNP per capita of
around $200 (i.e. re5t nin tion 5 oni has Taintained a stitutional politica Iowerients still though as Hitchel position is increa part because the of the Talli II has repeatedly ti Sinhalese chäuWir allowed many. T towards a sterile
Secondly, the mates the İmp. change of regime new UNP goverr a major shift aw bourgeois nationa Mrs. Bandaranai ke and nominally What the new pting is full-scale through large in public and privat disciplining of t nomy to fuel ind the rapid devel forces of product it is dismantlin social benefits ( tions) which the had fought for. sented real gains Wםh חatteוח סון It is the enterp talist accumulat|o Lanka's current :
ist movements thodoxy about t development-ar for comparability of the Third W. things are under lenge needs care sensitive politica 55. I do" til Wild 2 daith cer.
9, Basset Street, London NW 5.
Critic, corr
The Critica e hides behind the W. Forwy|er" ha displaying what ded to - his ince
Says he in th of 1st March: syllables that to . . . . ". The TT to convey is cle

among the Pooearth). And it sufficiently Consystem for Left O operatens implies their singly fragile, in Left's treatment ational question rimmed to the ist wird, and ami 15 to drift.
See5Sion i Sri
article unde restirtance of the in 1977. The TE represents ay from the Petty |5. Jälition of with its etatise welfarist politics. regime is attemcapitalist growth lows of foreign e capital and the he agrarian ecoustrialisation and opment of the tion. To do this g many se of the such as food raCeylonese people and which reprefor the ma55es, partial or flawed ise of raw capiwhich is Siti :hallenge to Sociaand to Left corhe trap of under id the real Basis with other parts ord where similar way. That chalful research and l-econo Tic analy1k Hitchens pro
Geoff LarTE
ect thyself
tter Writer who : pseudonym "H. s succeeded in FC Twer i Titanimpetence.
Laikā Gārdi it was not poly
took objection eaning he wanted ar, but what he
ought to hawe said instead is this: "it was not polysyllables that I took exception to or 'it was not polysyllables that I objected to'.
If he wants us to cite authority in support of this, we would refer him to the Pocket Oxford Dictionary originally compiled by F. G. and H. W. Fowler and o'wy in its 5th edition. OLIr" bogus H. W. Fcwler wi Ifind there in (on p. 283) that the phrase "take exception Lo' means "object
to'. He will also find (on p. 857) that the phrase "take exception' means "raise objection'. Let him
remember that whenever he waПts to raise objection he should't say he takes it. We take exception to his phrasing.
Fowler — Lha fou | fe||cow we mean-preaches: "If Mr. Fernando looks up St. Luke 4,23 he will earn that the correct text is "physician healthyself". Now the worthy Amarada sa Fernando, in his letter which appeared in the Lanka Guardian of 15th February, simply said this: "I should like to say, Doctor heal thyself". He
did not say 'I should like to quote the Biblical text, Doctor heall thyself".
What rima kas FDL er think that "physician heal thyself is the correct text of the 23rd Werse
of the 4th chapter of the Gospel according to St. Luke? Apparently because it is the text found in the Authorised Wersion of the English Bible. Now the only correct Gospel text is that which appears in the original Greek in
the New Testament, All other renderings (called 'version' or turnings) are translations, each
of which is acceptable to some people but not to others. For iristance, the New Testa Thern t iiTl Basic English has this paraphrase: "Let the medical man lake hill53 If We ||",
It is noteworthy that the Bible in Today's English Version has *Doctor, heal yourself", the Moffatt Translation of the Bible has "Doctor, cure yourself!' and the New Testament in flodern Erlglish - J. B. Philipps version - has "Cure yourself, doctor!".
(23 ;ergeת ויום rue:H והזוול, C, )

Page 5
News background
983/84 and a
ready locked in other legal battles, Mr. An Lura Bandaranalike, 2nd MP for Nuwara Eliya took time off from Royal-Thomlan festivities to talk to his lawyers. To sue or not to sue? The "Daily
News', in a front page report had attributed to Mr. Gamini Dissanayake, Irrigation Minister and ||st MP for Nuwara Eliya a
remark which prompted the legal pow-wow. The Minister was reported as saying that "Anura Bandaranaike's thugs' were responsible for disturbing a meeting at Madawacchiya Presided over by
Mr Maitripala Senanayake, the
SLFP's deputy leader.
Speaking to the L. G. Mr.
Bandaranalike flatly denied that
any marauding muscle-men on his orders had invaded the Dry Zone.
The incident however focusses attention on an issue which suddenly surfaces in the press or enters tangentially any well-informed discussion of today's national politics. In fact, it was the theme of a long discussion among several highly-placed SLFP intellectuals, including some P. B. Members, last week.
These are some of the pieces in the jig-saw:
Premier Premadasa asked Mrs. Bandaranalike across the floor whether she would ever hand over the party leadership to her deputy.
* The PM and Anura hawe a slanging match in the House and Ordinary parliamentary patter quickly degenerates into questions of paternity.
* President JR, commenting on the incident publicly, says that Maitripala is a 'democrat", a "good friend' and a man who never uses bad language. (A remark about not consum ing liquor was
later amended newspaper)
* The Dinak Sinhala daily, lea about a new ni "national governm away SLFP factio Si Iwa's SLFSP of of Mr. Esmond who played a kt: is splashed bold page. His name mentioned in po mentary des patc Bandaramaike's di was offered the pc. Affairs in July 1: ders know that is known to Bandarana ike, An In dita Gandhi, n:
" Talking about JR says that PR no party will get rity to amend In any case, he be PM, Furthe president un til choose anybody. parliament.
* Mrs. B says loses civic rights, politics.
" JR says that ple this governmi
* Mrs. B. say member the Shah
* JR asks why keen on "family wants to hand o Anura without gi' pala or even to Sta
* An internatic big power polit glimpsed by a pu Maitripala is na the speakers at a but keeps away.

that . . .
y the offending
ira", the SLFP ls off With a Story owe to for a
ent", with a break a la C. P. de ם וחThe ma .64ל| Wickremasinghe, y role in 1964, ly on the front had already been itical and parliah25 aftet Mr5. closure that she rtfolio of Foreign
977. (SLFP Insimore about this Mr. Foix Dj5
Lura, and to Mrs.
less!)
elections in 1983, Will ensure that : a 2/3rds majothe constitution, will decide who'll more, he'll be 1984 and he can
... even dissolve
that even if she she'll not quit
nobody can topI.
in effect, re
Mrs. B is sti||
bandyism' and er the party to ing it to Mai triley Tilleke ratne.
hal aspect and is is suddenly led public when led as one of ro-Vietnam rally
* The LSSP-CP papers keep referring to Stanley as Mrs. B's current favourite as "interim leader' in case 'something" happens.
So on, and so forth. Whether this is shadow boxing or phoney war, the whole exchange leaves even the sharpest reader in a State of slightly enlightened mystification.
The Informal discussion of the SLFP 'think-tank" took this לוח חםf
(a) Why should a 20-month-old government with a 5/6ths majority start to speculate about 1983/42 Because, they agreed, the UNP knows the mass mood, is aware
of the di sillusionment in its own ranks, and has panicked after getting reports of huge SLFP
rallies." Is the UNP panicking?" is the title of an editorial in the SLFP's 'NATION". Therefore, it wants to split the SLFP or at least create a diversion.
(b) In the face of mounting difficulties, the UNP wants to project an image of "national consensus'. It has co-opted the
CWC, and some TULF members, and so all it needs is a few SLFP'ers, to call itself a truly 'national government'.
(c) JR wants to do a de Gaulle, a national leader above party politics, when the inevitable swing of the pendulum moves SLFP-wards. In effect, the grand strategist who moved from an offer of 'cooperation' (1971-2) to divisiwe tactics (1974-5) and successfully broke up the United Front when the balance of forces became favourable to the UNP, is already making his first moves for the great 1983 battle and aftet.

Page 6
Return of bus
ike the "new class' of CRA
muda lalis who were identified as the financiers of the SLFP and the standard-bearers of a "creeping CRApitalisn' the Eus magnate was very much a patron of the 'old' UNP. After 1956, he was regarded as a dying species. Are we witnessing the return of the bus mu dalalis or a new group of entre Prengurs minowing in to the field of public transport?
This Fowey et is not the crucial issue for the government. It i5 a more basic question that confronts the UNP policy makers to Creat a kind of di cerrima that is increasingly characteristic. Politics versus economic policy would be an over-simplification but it does suggest the nature of the problem.
The UNP is not only ideolo
gically committed to private enterPrise, ils new economic thinking more coherent and thorough-going than any in the past, is founded on such ideas as "economic efficiency', profitability, no subsidies, free market forces, etc. In any case, this is the broad policy framework approved by the IMFIBRD, the financial backers of the new strategy. Their representatives, stationed in Colombo regullarly "monitor' the na tlonal economy while keeping a particularly watchful eye on the performance of state sector enterprises.
By these standards, the CTB is a 'lame" enterprise. It has been in the red most of the time. In 1977, it lost 42 million rupees. The CTB has continued to II we on grants and loans. Cf itig tota | fleet of about 7000, nearly a third is non-operational. The ratio of employees to a bus is about 12 to I.
The CTB "load" exceeds 4 million passenger's making the organisation one of the biggest
public transport services in the world. For obvious reasons, successive governments have been reluctant to jack-up fares too
high.
On the other hand, the government faces political pressurC2S. — the Unceasing demand for jobs
muda
"Experts who
with oth the 5 TOW making a . regard as a del dismdոtling Ind g 1JJ75ed Wentures pard Hel private Opposition parti, test case is the December 1st)
=======
ܒܒܡ¬ܡܡ¬¬ --
froI those who pressure from th including the UN (Incidentally why Sri Kotha bright Lurn fortu nate irinitia
UN P" er 5 claim In ent has alread new jobs in the
The mainstrear likes to call th Killer” ha; rece Strident campaign campaign has coir decision to de-na or carve up pub order to give pri a nice piece.
Whereas the b: a hate-symbol, th first Liga|ised MEP in 95. tot en of Sri L:
For the Oppositic made issue. The forgot their politi got their un ions ဂြို႕*"ါ; Campaign and the depot.
The average2 co is ofte n a mem Unions. He newer the "government protection racket the opposition car J שהם הוחLLIח בEוחם ווI self cornered. It Li po with the Presi
Meanwhile 60 p are Waiting eager Wi || the CTB be Will a new 1 + rout does not rob the it has, open the promise

alis.. ?
--
ave coge riks FP ard ULF are tudy of what they berate policy of Jwn - grading na tloand establising a
sector. .. The is fees that the CTB ... "" (L. G.
yote UNP and
2 trade unions, .J. S. S חwס 5"P doesn't some
spark get these 5 changed?).
that the governy given 4,000 (CTB.
Tedia which e CTB + Na2. || ntly mounted a
against it. The cided with the tionalise the CTB חrt iסlic transp terpriseחvate a:
u 5 mu dalai: Was CTB was the venture of the | bgcām te Linkan socialism."
in it was a readySLFP and ULF ical quarrels and to launch a proin the workshop
rporation worker
ber of several forgets to join union'. It is a
İT TE WETGE. A 5 mpaign gathered . S.S. found it
took the Tatter ident himself.
rivate operator5 ly for licences. cannibalised or : system', which CTP of what Way to a Com
Eid Lucation
The heavenly gates
here will be two "A" - Le’yel
examinations this year, the Education Ministry has announced.
Instead of the usual 50,000 we shall see double this number have a 'shy' as they say to
obtain a passport to the Univer
sity. But there's a catch. The same announcement admits that only 5000-to-6000 will probably find places. Going by the per
centages of previous years about 35—40,000 of tha lakh of aspirants will qualify for university education. In short, they are pronounced academically fit. Yet only 5 to 6,000 will actually pass the heavenly gates of our universities. This is 5% of the number which sits the 'A' level and a bare 2, of those who aspire for higher education by sitting the 'O' level.
Meanwhile the quarrel over the new quota system continues. The TULF insists that the 30%, on an aII—island baʼsis a n d , raʼw
marks, the 5% for 'backward areas' and the balance 55% on population ratios of the 24
administrative districts is blatantly discriminatory. It has proposed 25% for "backward areas' and the rast on academic marit. The Education Ministry, convinced that both wisdom and justice are on its side, will not change its mind.
What does the new generation think about it? The cadras of the WP which led the I97 | youth insurrection consisted mainly of school leavers, varsity dropouts, frustrated graduates etc.
Mr. Lionel Bapage of the JWP issued the following statement on this question and on other issues in the increasing troubled sphere of education:
Education and racism
It has been decided that the criteria to be used in admitting students who hawe been successful at the GCE 'A' Leye! Exam nation to the Universities will be: () 30% from all over the island

Page 7
on the basis of "raw" marks-i.e. success at examination; (2) 15%, from "underprivileged, Districts; and (3) 55%, on a "District' basis-uקסf pס "rtionסקסrם" n theס .i.e
|ation in - Admm5 trative Districts. This is a question that arose last year as well. Even
though the capitalist UNP government came to Power pledging to do away with the standardisation of marks, when this problem re-surfaced last year, they resorted Lo "Stardar disation"
опce again. Students in the Northern and Eastern a reas of the country from the primary grades right
up to the University launched a boycott of all classes as a mark of protest.
The socio-economic crisis grips the capitalist social at present does not permit the provision of equal educational CPC "tunities to all students; nor does it permit the admission of all students who obtain the necessary qualifications into the Universities. This is why different capitalist governments adopt different tactics to cut down those educational facilities. One of the main tactics thus used is racist.
that system
The recent campaign launched by certain racist groups among Sinhala-speaking students, against Tamil-speaking students, is one such incident. The diversion of rising student opposition to the capitalist state onto another path was the primary objective of this campaign. By acting in this manner, it becomes relatively easy for the capitalist state to evade demands such as that of admitting all students who hawe qualified for admission to the Universities or that of providing all students with equal educational
opportunities. The limiting of admissions to the Universities On the basis of the mediuri of
instruction is an injustice to the Tam il-5 peaking People. The doors EO University education are shut to Tamil-speaking students, who have obtained the necessary qualifications, to enter them, Purely because of the "crime' Committed by their parents in teing Tamil speaking persons This is a clear widlation of a
basic human righ that of receiwi Education in the
While We cond of i o'We r I (00 L.i charge of partii Current School-b and the arresto and student lead strongly against demand that the have been dismis and the studet:
Teachers
II hitherto g
came in to min en Lcd Wariou5 disation regard in of students for had been the last 10 years. Th done Carl district has cau5ed ser along the Tamil of this country Teaches Unio.
Hereby we den
* A success the GCE(AL) sh to the Univers
* HE of the circular dated 979.20 Ministry of Educa the teachers arc
* the immg, of the Wacation issued by the N
tion for" | 50) in Northern Pro
The Ceylon strongly protest of Wictimisation dents and teach Province.
ם וחוזir
The only solu !en is to adm GCE(AL) candid sities. W. Ca class and a
Tasses in this paign for a bowe Īārds. Racia ur safeguarded by : qualified AYL ca. Lisities,

it of a GLL dan tng his or her mother tongue.
11 the di5Ti55
eachers on the cipating in the oycott campaign f 5è Wèral| 5ILId3 n t5 ers, We Protest sich action and teachers who
sed be reinstated 5 released.
protest
OWII refits. With power hawe impleforms of standar
g the selection L'1i e Siti5. Ti5 process for the
e standardisation
and media wise ious dissension5 -speaking people says the Ceylon
mand says the TU:
ful candidates at ould be admitted ties.
diå te withdrawal No. JSA, H/7(6)
issued by the Cion on Punishing i Studen ts.
diate withdrawal of post order inistry of Eduschool teachers Vince,
Teachers Union against any type in curred or situIers of Nothern
-b סG this prם חסti hit all successful altes to Uniwerupon the working ther sections of Country to cam2-men tion 2 di delity can only be admitting all the ndidate5 in to the
The “torch' learning
of
eading UNP personalities are fond of saying "we do not want another Weerasu riya"". Sc2eing that the UNP was sin art enough to get T1 Luch Pro Paganda milleaga from the incident both at the May Day celebrations and at the 1977 general election 2 months later, this is not only a laudable resolution but a sensible one.
But have they seriously studied how that killing took place, and drawn the correct lessons. The proceedings of the Wimalarta tre commission and the report make certa in things quite clear:
(a) there was a slow build-up to that tragic happening.
(b) there was a steady deterioration in the relation 5 bew5 an the students, staff and employees on the one hand, and the top rungs of the administration.
(c) all of them had accumulated grievances, which had little to do with politics.
(d) the No. I would not have Won any popularity con test.
(e) After the shooting the police tried to do a 'Cover up' by accusing students of setting fire to A Police jagp.
(f) That the Bandara naiko government got "Commed' by this, and by various 'versions' put out by the authorities, supported by the SLFP's Kandy caucus.
(g) The press, with the exception of the "Daily Mirror' fell for these versions" and in turn misled the public.
When the trouble spread, the government propaganda machine came out with a theory that placed the blame on "powerhungry politicians' (at that time, a code-word for the UNP), ''disgruntled elements" (LSSP), "ultra leftists" (JWP sympathisers?
d " "o Luigi der G " " 5

Page 8
It is Indeed Ironic that the same phrases are now being used to describe the cause of any campus incident, however trivial. Of course, the "power-hungry politicians" are now SLFP and the 'outsiders' and "agitators' are. 5 ti|| there!
The duty of the Opposition is to oppose. That, according to Sir Ivor Jennings himself, is the name of the game. No Opposition party is so righteous that it resists the temptation not to embarrass a government whenever some includert occurs.
But a government can easily fall w ictim to a facile conspiracy theory if in every single incidentit sees the sinister hand of its rivals. The conspiracy theory leads inevitably to "crack down' as the only response to what is se en as strong, Insidious challenge.
No university in the World has seen such thinking in harsh practice as the Teheran campus. Yet two months ago it became the ba5tion of the anti-Shahi moWeriment.
Are the President, the Prime Milister ad Education Milister really aware of the actual conditions in the new campuses Why don't they senda team of investigators and get a dispassionate account of the conditions that prevail in these places?
Several weeks ago we wrote about the problems of accommodation in the Dumbara campus, about the deplorable medical and library facilities. A protest over these conditions led to the first batch of suspensions. Then a deLLLLLLLLLaHS LHHLLLLHO L S LLK S LLLL S LHHL newspaper has yet reported how 4 female students Were beaten up by "unidentified outsiders'
E.
and had to be Kandy hospital. T of suspensions no
Last week, 135 suspended at the campus. Nobody N senseless destruct property or the with abscene slog:
Has the govern how it all began? cellor took two '' Sures":
(a) that female Tot lewe the ha ("Sun") "I am I Will not tolerate he told the Sul (The Paris revolt ower Women's dof terre University!)
(b) that mÖ'vie:5.
:kחסוח
The papers haw, Wica Charcelor I: Krish mamurti. Pe inquire and me Story Current amor that "outsiders' gain admission 'Siripala and Ran of them were in undergraduates w the monks saw o cheerfully seated they friends and Sri Lankan stylı employees, includir According to th when a monk, de [၀:: he was e Crowned with report is correct rities must sure it) the trouble la proportion to the
The ministry sh A recent issue to weekly (Seven detailed report of food, the awaii sanitation, the roofing etc at is where the tro reacting to situat ing Cam PLUS officia students to use 5 to pay off priv grudges does | mc апy good.

Warded in the he total number w approach 50.
students were Jayawardene pura will condone the ion of public lefacing of walls ΕΠΣ
miért found out Tha Wice Chandisciplinary mea
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Page 9
International news
What Were the real
motives for China'
The “punishment' of
by Anthony Barnett
HEN Zbigniew Brzezinski
visited Peking last May and set in train the normalisation of Sino-American relations (which for the Chinese means a Wirtual alliance with the United States) Deng Xiaoping told him that he Saw Wietnia IT as "the Asiam CLuba" As an analogy drawn by the leader of a socialist Country, it ought to hawe been quite a Com
pliment. But what happened Cuba when its revolution di5pleased its inin mense northern
neighbour? If Vietnam Is the "Asian Cuba do e5 China Wish to beColle the Asia United State 5
There is little doubt that China regards Southeast Asia as its own sphere of influence. Were it in a position to do so, it would declare a "Monroe Doctrine' for the lands to its South. Wietnam'5 position astride the land bridge to Southeast Asia proper has precipitated what must be the most fantastic and may be the TiC5't it te concilā ble territoria||disPute on the globe today. The map shows China's claims on the sea area to its 50 Luth, regarded as its "territory' because of occasional reefs breaking through the Waters right down to Indonesia, At present both China and Vietnam lay claim to the two major groups of islands, the Paraces and the Spratlys. Peking occupies the first and Wietnam most of the second. But the dispute is not simply over islands. China's claims to the seabed extend over a vast area south of the Spratlys, where oil deposits hold out the prospect of economic independence for Wietnam.
Relations between the two countries began to deteriorate as long 2go as 1954, at the Genewa Conference. It was there that Vietnam was divided and Chou-En lai, as we have since learnt from
Oil fialde
Phi
Tha (ITă= lrl=|## th+ #" csin ned by Chiru u Et Cicc Lipiŭis - Eho Parml CICEu Fiumi Tlat of thig C
the Per fagor , decisive role y kife.
Chou (and Mmain objectives they wanted to China and rld ! American troop. hoped this woul break the milit of China by me national treaty, Would also allow Out of their di and forced de Russians. Finally achieve this by guarantor of net a 5 Sihanouk"5 dividing Wietnam Would be complet informed the Fr. cognised there Vietnamase gov: at tem ting to co misfired - with that his country tion was only War that follow,
 

s invasion 2
Vietnam
|cells
*
tra bratly ls / 怒
。影久。
S: .=" 莺 Z Հ*
Z*ة.ن
lippines (S) Shell
Ëdd in Gd duhet lu
"Hered territory".Chr.
Indidatin
Kiritral SpHTEtly luluide,
Pарғrs, played a with the carving
LO) sought three at Geneva, First, neutralise Indoof the threat of S. Second, they d enable them to ary em circlement
ians of an inter
Whic in turn " the Til to break lomatic isolation endence on the ", if they could acting as the tral states such Cambodia, while
, their suzerainity e. Chou secretly ench that he reality of the South rin ment they were instruct. His plans the ironic result S diplomatic isolaended when the Ed betweem Wiet
We republish this article from the “New Statesman' rேi's leading Left-rig leekly.
nam and the United States looked lika being won by a Wietnamese party no longer beholden to Peking.
Major breaking point
Nixon's visit to Peking in 1972 can be taken as the major breaking point. He sought then to return to the Geneva agreement as the Chinese had conceived it and found a willing response. Almost certainly, both Nixon and Mao wanted the Paris Peace Accords to last, and therefore Wietnam to Termain di wilded. The Wietnamese victory in 1975 was thus a defeat for Chinese foreign policy, as well as for Nixon's. And as the final liberation of South Wietnam took place, Mao Tse Tung sourly informed his entourage: "The Soviet Union has wild ambitions. It wants to lay hands on the whole of Europe, Asia and Africa'.
A year earlier, Mao had ordered that the Parace Islands be seized from a small garrison of Thieu's South Vietnamese troops. It was a highly significant move: for the first tine, the Chinese escalated their disagreements with Hanoi to
the Jewel of force. The two countries shared a common position on Cambodia, albeit for
different reasons - so there was no "provocation' on Vietnam's part,
no "regional hegemonism", no "expansionism' which needed to be "punished' (these being the
expressions used by China in the current conflict). The islands guard the Sea route to Hanoi: it was at once a brutal humiliation and an ominous warning. If China was Willing to exploit Wietnam's weakness, when it was still divided and in struggle against the Thieu
7

Page 10
Tegime, then China of anything.
was capable
After the liberation of Saigon, Le Duan, the General Secretary of the Wotamese Comunis Party visited Peking before going on to Moscow. Disagreement was so complete that no return banquet was held nor any communique issued. Obviously, the role of the Soviet Union W35 One mattcr that diwid cd Le Dan and Mao: it mL5L hawe see med ludicroL5 to the Wietnamese that the USSR should be regarded as the main enemy, when it had been their major source of support, But the te was another crucia issue at stake. As Hanoi's representative left China, Peking re
published in the most emphatic Le 15 5 a 15 o Le Sout China Sea.
The following year, just a few months after Mao died, his successors dealt a heavy blow to Wietnam's Communist Pride by boycotting the Fourth Party Congress in Hanoi. This was the Congress of victory, of unification and the Wietnamese hoped above all, of peace. Hindsight gives two other aspects of that Congress a special significance. First, the Cambodians also boycotted it, in what was evidently a co-ordinated action with Peking's. Second, the Soviet Union put overt pressure on the Wietnamese to join COMECON, and was rebuffed. Hario i Wa5 5 ti|| determined to pursue its policy of máximising Independence by conducting an even-handed approach to || Socialist Countrie 5 and cal|- ing for them to work together, For Peking, this was simply a nathema. Not only did it mean a flat rejection of its cherished anti-Sovietism, but it also challenged Peking's own Vanity as a World influence for Wietnam"; Wa; a policy far more attractive to developing nations.
Just over two years later, China caused Wietnam to abandon its olicy of multiple relations. As (ဇို့;mူ့် Foreign Minister put it when he yisited Tokyo last Decem - ber, we are sacrificing our independent policy somewhat, because of the "about face" of the courttry's northern neighbour. Having
B
forted Wietnam treaty with Mosc in Waded it.
In Thediate Casus
Cambodia was, immediate lists
ther analogy h even less apposit one: the Wiet:
Cambodia has b: the Soviet inwa slowakia, Almost agree that there lewe | frittior b and Cambodia af revolutions in March and April ting escalated, wi by the Khmer F These border will hundreds of th Did the Czechs Soviet Union?
In February la [...]"T12 CCLI"|T[T-315 $51 a three-point PE suggested that : drawn fiwo milles tier; that Wietra discu 55 and resol ces (including a the border); be international cease-fire. If Brezhnev making the Czechs, one beck would ha'w Pot declined to
The conflict E. and Cambodia W. wat" between tE 15 Brzezinski h the contrary, conflict was bet China, with all organised around Neither Peking wanted open : feared it would consequences (as now beginning Was against thei that developmen which Wr of tant-g to leath Cill a major confro the two countri
If WC2 are to this extraordinar came about, it put them into :

into a binding ow, China then
: ԷiIII
of course, the hef. Here anoas been drawn, i.e. than the Cuban lese ČDiCT i aen compared to sion of CzechoA|| Observers had been low ctwcan Wietnam Lar thei“ m LIE 3| 975, but that in of 1977 the fighith serticus attacks Rouge on Vietnaages, kiling some ei habitants. ever attack the
st year, after its Ult. Hanoi Issued ace proposal. It ill troops be withfrom the fronim and Cambodia |yg their diferendisagreement over
nd that therg inspection of the one can imagine
5 Luch ar offer to can be sure DL
e accepted. Pol
do so.
etWgen. Wietnam
was new er a Port Coxy ng USSR and China āś clãImẹ do Ch the determining wըen Vietnam and other conflicts that focal point. mor Harmo I gewer intagonism: both hawe incalculable indeed they are to discover). It better judgement its in Cambodia, secondary ImporF them, detonated Etif betwee
5.
understand how y set of conflicts is necessary to In order of causa
lity. When Pol Pot consolidated his position in Democratic Kampuchea by placing Sihanouk under "Palace arrest" at the beginning of April 1976, his action followed upon the death of Chou-En-lai, who had been Sihanouk's patron, and coincided with the (second) downfall of Deng Xiaoping-an event which Cambodia was almost alone in Welcoming.
The purge of the "Gang of Four" in October that year must have come as something of a shock, to Pol Pot, and the risg of Deng to his third life as an even more threatening development. The initial decision to reinstate Deng came in March 1977 (according to his semi-official biography). This coincided with a major purge in the Phnom Penih government, in which prominent leaders disappeared presumed shot, including Hu Nim, who was the first to greet Sihanouk when the Prince set foot on liberated soil in 1973 Could HLI Nim and the other 5 hawe favoured a domestic line closer to Deng's "four modernizations? If Pol Pot purged his colleagues to protect his own policies, he certainly consolidated a social regime that ran completely counter to the new Chinese approach. To compensate, Pol Pot seems to hawe escalated the conflict With Wietnam, in order to retan the wita aid of Cambodia"; only ally. As Hu Nim disappeared Wietnam Was denounced as an enemy and attacked. The Peking leadership was thereby trapped into supporting a government in Phnom Penh that becama intreasingly intolerable to Hanoi, Later China's Ambassador to Laos Predicted with approval a "long, long War" between Wietnam and Cambodia.
If the Peking leadership had been more secure they would Surely hawe done more to avoid such a risky course. But in early 1977 the Chinese Politbureau was deeply divided. Deng was onl In the first stage of a ိါးရှို့{{ that threatgned rimore Eha orie member of the ruling group' and none was willing to risk his position by contradicting Maoist policy on an issue such as this. This

Page 11
the two weak and divided governments of Phnom Penh and ceking became locked into their
Elstrous course.
On military footing
As the Cambodian leadership placed itself on a military footing In June 1377, General Giap
went to China, for a tour of two of three Weeks. A month later he gave the keynote speech to a Vietnamese Army conference on economic construction. His there was the need for rapid industrialisation, but his ending had a more ominous note: "Some Conradas believe that because we defeated the Americans no other enemy would dare touch Lus". Such thinkking was erroneous, he went om, and they should remain on their guard: "If an aggressive war occurs in the future, our enemy will very possibly have a larger number of troops and more modern weapons than before". This can hardly have been a reference to Democratic Kampuchea.
In September 1977, the forthcoming visit of Pol Pot to Peking was announced and it was made public for the first time that Cambodia was run by a Communist Party, with Pol Pot as its General Secretary. To celebrate the occasion another attack was apparently made against Wietnam. The Cambodia leader's lengthy visit to China was followed by a briefer one from Le Duan, ending on 25 November 1977. The next day the Hanoi government announced with reference to SinoWietnamese relations: "We will do our best to make this great friendship last forever“. In response, although without actually men Lion ing Wietnam by name, Peking defended its seizure of the Paracels, insisted that the Spratly
islands belonged to China (and were therefore the object of Vietnamese aggression) and Con
cluded. after having so defined itself as being attacked, with the threat: "China will never attack first, but when it is attacked it will certainly counter-attack.
By the end of December Wietnam had itself counter-attacked Cambodia. Receiving stiff resistance from the Khmer forces,
which evidently impressed them made their peac 1978. When E did the "moder had pursued sini Weeks the wita of the South w; Prevent further
conditions of , har wests (which
Tesult of latur This mawe rimai Chinese bourge Who controlled
Works of the St. are the 'boat p
The nationali signalled to Pekin Tination mot to :
Anothe
II HI
ИИ’няhїнgгол:
only great "punish' the in ER: Tie ligi - LT sil of their pig had 5 ter administra rittling talk belt that the
tly put int) rish theשwטק
"hät thị:
notably failer the WićLrllIllg. the Khmet R dibing it Çul arly of Chi - at leist """ TIL 3: il Chins SG had El military hi Of a foreign thari thiriy y Telictid yith Immediately fell, the State priority instr. Sites, Fild late Deng arrived A. Lis Lrllia Il Pr C)l1 T h; FT.listT, g ) y TI LITEIT t , lil L. Willi It tales utilught unit w: foreign minist iid, iեյլuէ 55 Illstly in the advice and
The Japar ושטחם:tims in L Depărtinent o Tigre Cautius aid, ilբproxim
gris, 'yi || year's promis.

surprised and
the Wietnamese 2 offer of February hat failed so the te" policy Hanoi G | 975. Wthl rice trade of is nationalised to speculation under war and terrible were primarily a all catastrophes). nly affected the isie of Cholon, the merchant net'uth. Today, they eople'.
5a tion T18:15 UT25 gWietnam's deterubmit. Relations
attack launched on Vietnam
Wright 1yriffs front China is not the power resolved to 1 waders of Cambodia, pop5 Iulia de Elin inva
o Will, Deng Xiaoimpressed the Cartion with his sabre
against the Soviet
United States quieeffect a plan to im
Wietnamcie.
2 press here hawe: to report is that
it not only defeated .guge regime, but in through the large 12 se ni militFry advisers 0,000 stri - will
during 1978. The not expcrienced such ling at the hands adversary for more Hars. TIle AIIcriCans 1 vindictive: fuiry. üfler PhIIDII-Perılı Departill it issued |ctions to its eibasin the Week beso Te in Washington, the ime Minister, Malannounced that his was cutting of all 111. The Announce() suddenly that it res the Australian er in Geneva, The million in all, was for II of Lechnical gricultural projects.
hCSC g:0WICTIntiment... a C"t aւcording to State ficials, was a little
Its promised 1979 ately 520 million in utillinլIn, but next di al location of 550
between the two countries degenerated rapidly. As Hanoi's dispensitions for its full scale
move into Cambodia became evident China very nearly went to war, in the summar, to pre-empt the attack and thus preserve its un comfortable ally. A decision was taken instead not to intervene
directly, but to try to bog down
the Wietnamese forces in a "p33
ple's war" inside Cambodia.
Why Deng, having written off Democratic Kampus hea, should have decided upon the Vietnamese ad
venture is still somewhat mysterious. National pride is hardly the best reason for assaulting
( பொாசd or தாg பி)
million in soft loans is to be reconsidered, The US campaign also stretched to Europe, where Belgium, Denmark and thic Netherlands häwe all Tallied to 32 Wer aid at Carter's request, France has refused, while the UK is still reviewing its options,
The day after Deng arrived, ambassadors from non-aligned countries were briefed at the State Department by Richard Holbrooke, the assistant secretary for East Asian and Pacific affairs, who told one diplomat pointblank that a visit planned by his foreign minister to Hanoi in mid-February was ill advised. A Wietnam desk officer at the State Department described the policy as a concerted effort to sever aid programmes to Wietnim: "The Wietnamese government. has bem Lusing aid for aggression to carry out War against their micighbouTs. We can Seq tha: need for humanitarian aid to Wietnam for the starving and needy, but this aid allows them to develop resources for military advenLILI TICs."
World Bank officials reject the suggestion that the aid which the Wietnamese ure receiving Could be diverted to military purposes, The bank itself voted a 50 year credit of $60 million over the opposition of Allerican .epresentatives late last year. All of the bilateral aid, they say, is earmarked for particular projects: they don't get a blank check.
This orchestrated embargo is strongly reminiscent of the cutoff of world investment in Chile in 1970. As on that occasion, the decision was taken directly by the LUS Presid:lt.

Page 12
KAMPUCHEA (3)
Hanoi's role
by Amara Senanayake
Wo popular discontent grew at the disruption caused by the Kampuchean leadership's primitivist eagalitarianism, this discontent was reflected in and indeed reinforced the two-line struggle raging within the political leadership. True to their orientation, the Pol Pot-leng Sary E. retaliated with repression. Bloody purges were conducted inside the party while massive violence was un leashed and eyen har sher regi
mentation imposed upon the people. All this has been amply documented by sources ranging
across the ideological spectrum and therefore does not necessitate further exposition. Apart from this large scale coercion, the Kampuchean leadership employed a potent device in order to displace the accumulating Contradictions. This was nome other than the building up and unleashing
of nationalistic sentiment. In all fairness it must be mentioned that this perhaps was no coldly
calculated and deliberately executed move. After all, an inten 5e peasant nationalism was -- (a 5 stre 55ed earlier in this article) ----
a dominant component of the hegemonic ideology Within the Kampuchean revolutionary move
ment, and the refore was an option the exercise of which would doubtle55 hawe 5e e med most natural to the Pol Pot-leng Sary
Khieu Samphan leadership. In short, whipping Lup nationalism to divert Tass discontent was no Machiavellian ploy, but rather a politico-ideological reflex action as far as the erstwhile Kampuchem | eders wara concerned. This nationalism was utilized by Pol Pot and Co, not only to
displace popular anger, but also in the inner-party struggle. The opponents of the leadership were branded as agents of the Wietnamese and persecuted or physically liquidated.
In a certain respect, this charge wasn't entirely unfounded. Of
O
course the anti-F Weren't "Wietnam any means, but wery 5 trong ld! With the Wietnam Sole of them h; political and even in North Wietna had fought litera shoulder with Wii and troops in th against U. S. Imp puppet Lon NoI. sitional element: stated earlier, 5ocialist line Wit chea rewolutio The rith o 5 it natur this line was the possessed an Inte pective as op xenephobia of th The Täin Conten nationalism resid premium they pl standing ties of darity with Wiet for the conti LI of revolutionary C fested In the da Chinese Commun Comintern. Wh Went undergroun time to escape ched by Pol Pol sought refuge in ting grounds', bordering Vietn; werte most famili te " Talin and the engaged in Poli and military act during the timi Imperialist bei These were the country where W had been presen tingents for ye. protecting the li Minh Trail" as w S. W. N, which w NLF headquarte military actions It was in these that the Eon fraternity betw.

"ol Pot Clio monts nese agents' by hey did have a ological affinity e5. (CoTi Turi iSES, ld received their military tra in Ing while many , וך lly shoulder-totranese officers e | iberation wat rialist and its These "oppoarticulated, as the proletarian nin the Kamp Lulary movement. a corollary of it these sections rnationalist persposed to the g Pol Pot faction. L of their interad in the high aced on the long fraterra | soli1am. They stood y of the tradition -radeship maniוחס. ys of the Indoist Party and the in these militants d once again, this
the purges launt and Co; they their old 'I LI Ili.e. the areas am where they
1F with both Ehe : people, having tical organization ons in thgge areas 2 of the Inti"ation struggle. areas of the "ietnamese troops E in large Conirs, utilizing and egendary Ho Chi well as the C. C. as the clan destine rs co-ordinating in South Wietnam.
border regions ds of militant Een the Wietria
mese and Kampuchean peoples wete se led with blood if the common struggle against the U.S. aggressors. It was the in habitants of these regions who solidarized most deeply with the Vietnamese revolutionaries. Thus, it was inevitable that Heng Samrin, Ros Samay, So Phim and other militants should organise popular resistance to the Pol Pot regime in these regions and that these should eventually become liberated zones and base areas of the genuine Kampuchean revolutionaries.
The anti-Wetnamo 52 sentinent demogogically whipped up by the Pol Pot regime saw an escalation ii r the fornT1 of incessant border raids which soon developed into frequent and large scale clashes. These took a heavy toll of Wietnarnese civiliari 5.Te a Erociti e 5 perpetrated by the Pol Pot forces against unarmed and defenseless Wietnamese villagers are fresh in the minds of the world's people and needs no retelling here. These bloody incursions meant that the Wietnamasë had to dyert military personnel and precious material resources to guard these border villages, combat the armed aggressors and restore a semblance of Total Socio-econo Ti - life.
While the exacerbation of chauvinist and the intense friction
with Wietnam served the short ter ITI Interië5ts of the Po| Plot group by temporarily displacing
the conflicts accumulating with in Kampuchean society, this state of affairs also coincided with China's interests in the region. Despite certain differences that Axis Eed between the Hua Quo-Feng-Deng Xiao Peng line and the ultra Maoist/Lin Piao-Gang of Four type line pursued by the Pol Pot faction, China backed the Kampuchean regime fully, "მF"ჭ t hiri der Wietnarin's econcomic de Welopment and socialist reconstruction. Adopting a miniature version of the Dul lesian policy of "containment", China hoped that the instability on the Kampuchean bo" der Fid the dan of The and resources would cause suffcent dislocation to weaken Wietnam. In a previous issue of this journal there was an account of the earlier stages of the current

Page 13
Sino-Vietnamese dispute and Chima", effo TIL TO CONTI Wietnam (see L. G. Sept. 5th 1978 "Understanding Wietnam)
|1 a Sense, the Chiese Were correct. The low intensity war on the Kampuchean border as well as the growing tension on the Chinese border not to The to the Sud der exodus of the Hwa people, posed a grave threat and presented a problem of the utilost seriousness to Vetrā.
No one in Washington or Pnamh Peng however correctly assisessed one crucial factor, namely the quality of the Wietnamese leadership and the in domitable steellike will of the Vietnamese people. Wietnam Would not be pushed or pressurized, bribed or browbeaten, bullied, besieged or boxed in ''Communists, Leninists, are men of a special cut' said Stalin in his speech made in 1924 on the occasion of Lenin's death. The Vietnamcse Communists are men of a very special cut indeed. The leadership of the W. C. P., trained by the Comintern, is Perhaps the Tost expericenced Marxist-Leninist leadership in the World today, hawling been temperad in decades of protracted struggle against three of the most aggressive imperialist powers the World has ever seen. It is surely evidence of the superb quality of the present set of Wietnamese leaders that even after the death of Uncle Ho they succeeded in brilliantly waging the struggle on the political, military, diplomatic and psychological fronts right up to the final victory over the contemporary world's greatest predator, the U.S. No one who has read the Writing and speeches of Le Duan could fail to be struck by the relentlessly Leninist-Stalinist thrust of his reasoning. The profound subtlety of the military thought of Generals Glap and Wan Tien Dung equals and even surpasses that of Mao Ze Dong, in wiew of its modernity. Man-for-man the Wietnamese military machine has been described by some Western experts as being the finest fighting force the word has seen in the 20th century. It is this tenacity
determination, tivenes and Wicencese Col the Winames present Chine miscalculated in ression sgainst
The ability c leadership to decisive paliti
to the enemy the latter leas demostrated Bien Phu, in TIL OFF-il : the great Spril mDrg the Wie charatteri5 til fa Tā5 Ne Having пnadє LIn 5ELICCe55fLII ei a negotiated the Pol Pott which indepe Attest-to-, te military activit regions, launc CCLITEa atti.5 the positions a Kampuchean rew sectors. Then came the f-5 sive, which, military specia magazine, "mig classic textbook
Local Asia
Foreig
Cheque
ING URI The Circu Lanka GU; First Fo (Reclamat CՃlՃmbՃ
Telephon

discipline, combabrilliance of the mmunist Party and people, that the Se leadership has i EIS Current aggWietnam.
if the Wiatalese deal swift and co-military blows
When and where
expects it was if | 954 at Die
1968 during the
and in 1975 during ng Offensive. Once tā5 āted In shion in the Christar week 78-79". 2 repeated and forts at reaching settlement with eadership-a fact hident observers ly intensified their y in the border :hing de termined and strengthening f the 'oppositional" olution arties in thes on December 25th Cale lightning offenas one Western list told TIME ht Well become a : study'.
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When the Vietnamese forces, spearheaded by armoured columns and ably supported by round-theclock air strikes, punched through the border at six points on X'mas day, linked up with the KNUFNS fighters of Heng Samrin, and using the "blooming lotus' tactic which B. H. Lidd |--HTE youd have enwied crushed the Po Pot forces, they were achieving two aims. Firstly to smash through the strategy of encirclement adop
ted by the Washington-PekingPhomh Penh bloc and thereby relieve the Pressure on Wietnam. Secondly they were fulfilling their internationalist du ty by their Kampuchean comrades-in-arms and the fraternal Kampuchean people, by liberating them from the barbarous yoke of the Pol Pot regime. Of course these twin aims were intextricably linked, since a Strong, reunified Sociaist Wietnam is a powerful rearguard and source of inspiration for the revolutionaries in KampuHea and South East A5, ia a 5 a whole. Likewise a Kampuchea which is proceeding along correct lines under a genuinally revolutionary leadership, is of tremendou5 assistance to Wietnam in its tasks of Socialist reconstruction.

Page 14
| Perspectives
Cultura
by "Aryadeva'
hr: journal in the last few־ך months has published articles or a new and insidious form of colonialism namely academic colomialism. In the context of deweloping countries who have to buy technology and other knowledge systems developed elsewhere, correct and equal relationships are essential for a bargaining posture to get the best. This is true of China which is now attempting a massive buying of Western know-how and it was true of the Soviet Union in the 1930's (and also now). The necessity to strike a good bargain is more important in Third World countries which do not hawe some of the advantages in negotiations which size and power (potential or implied) brings in the cases of the Soviet Union and China.
It is in this context, I wish to highlight the news report expressing concern by local scientists about the increased in flow of foreign 'experts". A large number of foreign experts, discussions indicated, do not possess the required expertise. There are of course many isolated exceptions to this rule. Dedicated experts do exist,
Apart from the influx of those designated as experts there seem to be a growing increase in the influence in technical matters of heads of various foreign agencies who do not possess any special expertise. An illustration of this
is a workshop to discuss problens of rural settlement and industries in the Maha well, spon
scred by the Ministry of Irrigation and Lands. In this workshop, three of the important sessions have as active speakers and panel ment. Ebers the three local heads of the West German Foundations operating in Sri Lanka and which are appen dages of the three
colonia
leading political Germany. Anot participant is the Presentative.
This workshop very vital matter: future of the may add by impl success of the party. Therefore or otherwise of of wi tal important of foreign "exper reality representa political parties v be a mockery c discussion let alon : It is of course, that no 'experts' even that of th are participants in
Cultural depend the subject of re. last five years or Third World and years ago these v also in the Sri Li most blatant of the Sem to be the | Stiftung which op through the Sri La Though governed local personnel Ebert Stiftung is financier, The har rich Ebert Stiftun strong. A Friedric попn in ee (and of of the SDP) has b of the SLF for a is 5 ti || the o-d most of the day-t AcadoniCS and ot attempted to us facilities which Foundation is sup have always come obstacle that the facilities means of the respective Sri Lanka Found and the delivery address by the fo

lism
rties of West er important US AD re
opes to discuss
that effect the untry and we cation even the present ruling he correctness Es decision 5 are ... The inclusion s' who are in lives of foreign sould appear to f any serious
of sovereignty.
worth noting of local parties, e ruling UNP, this workshop
enco has been 5earch ower the so all over the in fact a few were highlighted inka press. The se organisations Friedrich Ebert : rates in effect inka Foundation, by a body of the Friedrich its predominant of the Friedis thus very 1 Ebert Stiftung tourse member en the director long time and rector making -day decisions. ers who hawe the "free" he Sri Lanka »Sed to provide fo5g a 5 e TIO LJ 5 use of the co-sponsorship
went by the tion Institute f an o Pening : ign director.
Leading Sri Lankan acadernics and professionals have had to swallow
their pride and have had to accept the indignity of being lectured to by the German
director on a variety of specia
lities ranging from health care to plant systems and Women's affairs. The added indignity is
that these foreign directors hold in their own lands positions very much lower than their positions here. (For example an ex-director of one of these institutes who used to be photographed with Ministers and Prime Ministers has gone back to Germany and is now a teacher in a junior school.)
My criticism would not be construed as politically partisan. In fact these slavish habits flourished most under the regime
of the 'progressive" "non-aligned
SLFP, when certain SLFP WP's had strong personal ties with West German personnel. Once
the same Institute sponsored a seminar on "Crime' which brought all the top brass from our police force. And one of the papers read was on "security'' by the head of Sri Lanka's Special Branch or intelligence division. The 3-day discussion took place under the avuncular eye of the West German director. Wonder whether such things happen even in the most educationally backward Third World country. It happened here a few months before we hosted the 5th non-aligned summit
One of the major reasons for Iran's bursting into flames recently was the antagonism against foreigners (sometimes adept ones) controlling key decisions in the country. Sri Lanka is a much more politically sophisticated and an aware country than Iran and it is hardly necessary to draw attention to the obvious I m pli
cations of a repressive cultural colonialism.

Page 15
Роverty
Profiles of Sri
based itself on prices
our analysis of poverty based on the data of the Con SL Tier Finance Survey, we tentatively arrived at a poverty line defined by the per capita income of households which is in the region of Rs. 37 per month at 1973 prices. The study also indicated that the incidence of poverty was high in Zone IV and from the data available, this poverty seemed to be concentrated in the rural sector of the Kandyan area. The profiles of poverty which have been presented in the micro-studies do not attempt to provide very accurate measurements of poverty which can be used for comparative analysis of the incidence of poverty in all these situations that have been studied. What they attempt to do is to provide insights of a qualitative kind which enable one to define some of the essential characteristics of poverty as they are manifested in typical situations in the rural sector and the plantation sector. Within these limits the profiles of poverty support some of the broad conclusions in the macro-analysis in Part II of the study. Walgampaya which is in the central region in Zona l'W appears to have the largest proportion of households which are close to or below the absolute poverty line. The village study estimates that approximately 30% of the households in the community in Walgampaya fall into the category which could be described as being desperately oor. The estimate of the poorest ouseholds in Henegama which hawe per capita incomes around the absolute poverty line, is estimated at around 20% of the
(The Marga Institute has published ፬ 9ሀ poverty in this country. This analytical desc six micro-studies, five based on information concrete situations in the rural sector, one fi sector. In trying to draw a "poverty used the data given in the Consumer Finance
prevailing excerpts are taken from the final chapter of th
|illւ " tl
in 1973.
total community to the commun urban belt-Mir the comparable
for Horape and For Paranagam would be appro in the plantati would be about
If we measure of in conne, til reveal a somewh: The relative pov to be different ations. In Hora among the hot as the Worst community, only have per capita Rs. 40. The per in the other between Rs. 50 a We|| ä bo'we What W as the absolute the estate Secto out of the B S the Rs. 40 per ri ne rī 12 out of a households. In F the 15 that hav, only 2 househol incomes slightly month and in of the 20 that ted, 15 fall| |b| other 5 ranging and Rs. 50. The large mass of poverty is evide äition 5 5 Luch ä5 Henegama. A m Picture comes C of Horape, Miri La til COTT TIL 1 it nities fall into the economy w

Lankan poverty
age study of ption includes gathered from in the estate investigators Survey which The following Marga Study.)
When We Conna ties closer to the sa and Horapefiguras are 5.3% 9.3% for Mirissa. the estil mate tirrimately 20% and on community it
| 19.
poverty in terms le micro-studie5 it varying pattern. 'erty level appears in different sitube for example, seholds selected affected in the
two households
incomes below capita incomes ouseholds range
d Rs. 70 and are "ould be regarded poverty line. In
", households lected fall below capita level. In
arable figure is proximately 500 2 negama, out of ! been selected 5 have per capita bove Rs. 40 per Walgam paya out awe been selecow Rs. 40, the between Rs. 40 presence of a un differantiated : in rural SituWalgam paya and Tę differentatod of the profiles and the planThese commuhe segrinent of :h hawe either
more regular or more diversified income-earn ing opportunities, We saw this situation in our analysis of the in come data in the Consumer Finance Survey where both Zone and the estate sector are least affected by absolute powerty,
The impressions that have been gathered regarding the food habits of the poorest households in these communities that hawe been studied confirm that the conditions arte least satisfactory in rural situations that are represented by Walgampaya and Henegama. It is the algam paya village which probably would have the highest protein and nutritional deficiencies. This is probably related to the in corne situation as well as the food economy of the village itself. Walgampaya has comparatively little land devoted to the cultivation of the staple food, rice. This combined with an ower all resource situation which is very poor would inevitably work against the poorest households who would have to buy the major share of their food requirement while at the same time being unable to earn suffi. cient cash income. We saw that the poorest households in Walgam paya very rarely had any animal protein in their diet whereas all the other comm Inties which have been studied do hawe either moat or figh for a few meals during the week The
studies howevert do not te weal any acute insufficiency of food among the poorest households that have been investigated in the various poverty situations. In certain situations such as Henegama and Paranagama, the
morning meal does not appear to be substantial. In Walgam paya the households have only one rice meal a day with yanins, roti or bread for the other meals,
The instances where households were reported to be doing without a main meal owing to
3

Page 16
absolute poverty were very rare. This is mentioned in the Mirissa study and the Walgampaya study.
The information gathered in the micro-studies however cari Only provide a general Impression regarding the availability of food
for the poorest households. Normally an in nate sense of pride prevents most households
from revealing to an outsider that they are unable to provide the Tiselwe5 with the Ti I nimi Lum food. In these studies however the information has been collected by participant-observers who have identified the living conditions in the village over a long period. The obserwations that hawe been recorded although they may not be axact when they deal with quantitative estimates, are fairly reliable when they present the general level of living in the household. It is evident from the data that in villages such as Walgampaya and Henegama, the poorest households who constitute as much as 20–30% of the rural community suffer from an insufficiency of food. This comes
out from the revealing details regarding the pattern of the daily food intake. In cortnin situations the households are
compelled to give preference to the food requirements of children particularly in regard to the morning meal. In several situations of absolute poverty observed in these six studies, the adult members of the households managed with little for the morning meal. Altogether the condition of these households is a precarious one. With no assured supply of food and dependence on casual income, illness or any personal disability of the income-earners could easily
push them into a condition of semi-starvation. The situation is slightly different in the estate sector where the wage-earners obtain credit for their food requirements from the estate management, and for this reason
are able to enjoy better conditions of food security than the poorest
households in the other sectors of the economy.
While insufficiency of food
would obviously be the hardcore of poverty; it would be necessary
14
to see this m absolute poverty with its other
Hard core poverty in the poor cond and inadequacy of if the Ick of a factory health faci environmental sani in Lu nisatisfactory : king water, in: facilities and So C lack of skills in numeracy for . minimum relation. outside world. housing was m in the estate sect both poor environn and 5e wete o We housing conditions Sector hawe bee solle detail in Par The problems wi out there hawe |ustrated in t. of the plantati In the other mi observe a somewha in regard to appears to be col
tion in the lew among the poo that have been
appreciable num households 5e e Ti conditions which absolute powerty live are fairly sati: of the materials structure and t available Per per! for example, a ni in this poverty tructed with brit had cerTented cases living spac Square feet per ation is similat Paranagama. The E to ba Henegan While these will; number of house With tiled roof, selled to suff qшасy of space. houses are eit or one-roomed.
The quality of a citica | indicat ning the quality oʻ income leyels the point at W Is aige them.gelves

anifestation of in a 55ociation character 15tic5 , is manifested tions of shelter
Ilviпg space; cess to satisities; in poor
tation reflected ources of drinde quate toilet ni, and if the literacy and onducting the ships with the he poverty in st pronounced or. There Was 1ental sanitation crowding. The in the estate I discussed In of the study. i Wye" 3:2
been clearly he micro-study in community. cto-studies We t Lu'Lusual feature housing. There 15 i derable ya Tiels of housing rest households surveyed. An er of these to enjoy housing at the level of in which they factory in terms used for the ne liv ing s PaCe on. In Mirissa, umber of houses ה5חסup Were Cכיr: cks and tiles and "לחaוח ח1 - r5סטH :e exceeded 50 head, The sitLIin Hora pe and :xceptions appear and Walgam paya. ges too had a is built of bricks they generally for inadeMost of the her two-roomed
housing becomes when examiFife at different and de termining hich households above the Con
dition of absolute poverty and begin to possess the capacity to satisfy basic needs and bring about a qualitative change in their living. Households in absolute poverty lived in housing conditions in which the specialised use of living space is not possible,
They often lived in one large room or at best two in which all activities have to be under
taken-sleeping, eating, storage of goods, entertainment of relatives and friends, study and so on. Housing facilities in which there is some capacity for specialised use of living space and interior arrangement of activities denotes a certain quality of life which is
above stark poverty. It is true to say that in a large number of households which have been
selected from the poverty group in the micro-studies, the level of deprivation in regard to housing was not absolute. In many is a rices the per capita Space Wai adequate. There was some specialisation in the use of space. Household assets however in the nature of
furiture and other equipment were very few. But even house holds in this poorest segment have a use of living space which could generate a demand for consumer durables of Warious kinds. In this sense households
are likely to have a higher |a wel of expectations and respond with a corresponding sense of deprivation Lo their present conditions.
Net: The Pattern of Poverty
Absol ute poverty
Most countrics have not yet completed the transition to noվern nic and societies, and their growth is lindered by variety of domestic and international factors. Moreover, about 800 million PC ple still live il absolute powerly. ese are people living El he voy margin tյք existence-- with in Eldequae sciold, Sheller", education, and thcare For many of thëfill, the Te His been little improve illen in the | standard of Eiwilig. EL Tid fCT SETT
incremy have been a deterioration | Added to the sense al frustration at
the site of the task ahead is in it creasing awareness of ho" difficult is to alter traditions artid StJcial rigidities, which often impede efforts
celeri te growth and to riS the living standards of the Poor
- por FIII repr?" - FIFllo
1ಿಳಿ,

Page 17
The tragedy of the W
by Jayantha Somasunderam
M of us are relatively poor. The competitive ethic of our
society will always keep us conscious of the living standards that we can aspire to. Development should be able to provide such improving living standards. But what does it mean to be absolutely poor?
Absolute powerty is the lot of
800,000 million people. It characterises those who are on the Very margin of existence, without adequate food, shelter, education and health care. They are victims of malnutrition, illiteracy, disease, squalid surroundings, a high infant mortality and a low life expectancy. Ori an average they w III die in their thirties because of this situation.
Absolute poverty is our neighbour. South Asia is desperately poor. And South East Asia is only marginally botter. Gunner Myrdal has described the se countries as being 'soft'. Thay are soft in enforcing public discipline. They are soft towards inertia, inefficiency, maladministration and corruption. They are soft in tolera ting nepotism, ob5-urantist, Irredentist and anáchronistic ideas and concepts.
Illusion
The poor are rural citizens. Most of them have Very small plots of land to cultivate or are land less altogether. Sewenty per cent of the farmers in Bangladesh landless or hawe Tess than on hectare per household. Further and is poorly utilised. A World Bank report points out that in
invariably the
India and Pakistan only IO to 5 percent of the land is used in in China
multiple :°:: hig 90 percent of the land is subject to multiple cropping.
ls Progress then only an ilusion. To 40 percent of the World's Population, that is 1,500 milion people, who have no effective medical services, it must seem
so. Did you million people : water and 750,( each month du: diseases? What Carl One talk Ei mill||om || || iterate and their 250 children who do to attend
Shocking as t the exէEր է քք է: in to focus wher the global milita Ing intחחw ruסח millions. This the combined G. and Japan or f the Third Wor|| sוחar חס Eח5DE World is itself 6 וחe up froחסg
 

'orld's poor
Know that 3,000 !ck access to safe 000 of them dia 3 to Williterborn
kind of progress Jut Lo the 80) in this world million pre-teen not hava a School
hese figures are le tragedy Comes
one learns that Ty expenditure is 6,000,000 ,R5 כי: is equivalent to DP of the USSR orcy percent of
d. The amount by the Third, ncreasing. It has
to 15 percent
of the World expenditure, in the last decade. The Middle East region in particular has invested heavily in arms during the seen. ties.
A neglected aspect of the debate on the link between disarmament and development, is the economic and social impact of the military in the under de veloped COLIT trie:S them Se|We5.
Heavy expenditure on arms, reduces the amount of trade and gives rise to inflation. It is a major factor contributing to the massive recession that is going to hit the market economies the next decade. More Unfortunate than the financial Was Cage is the was te of human tale, Sir Ce half of the word's gciantists are at work on military Projects.

Page 18
Superpowers
In the past the balance of
terror was maintained between the superpowers, neither of whom could initiate a nuclear war without being ravaged in a retaliatory attack. But the sophistication of nuclear weapon guidance systems has led to a new era when the possibility of successfully destroying ones enemy in a first strike becomes feasible.
The new land-based mobile US missile, the MX, has awesome accuracy and firepower. Its circular-error-probability is down to a few tens of yards and it can de||Wor ten 200 kilo ton manoeurable re-entry vehicles, that is a set of weapons with their own navigation and control system capable of adjusting trajectory during re-entry into the atmosphere. The Soviet-Union has for its part developed the SS-X-6.
In addition, the introduction of enhanced radiation and reduced blast nuclear weapons-the neutron bomb as it is popularly called and its use in tank battles of tomorrow, helps erase the gap bet: ween nuclear and conventional Warfare. Another deadly conventional weapon is the fuel air explosive. The FAE is equivalent weight for weight, to the explosiwe effect of se yeral times i als
much TNT. Impudently violated
In some of the latest Weapons it would appear that the Soviet Union has the numerical edge, But the US continues to develop new systems.
Although they have only 496 sea launched ballistic missiles to the USSR's 849, they are about to put into operation the third generations of nuclear submarines known as the Trident. Each Trident can carry 24 SLBMs.
In the midst of all of this inWestment in weapons, the quest for disarmament continues. The last two decades hawe seen the proliferation of arms control agree
ments. The best known treaty of our generation is the 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty, which
| É
banned nuclear We the atmosphere, and lIn der Wäter. impudently wicolate
ובטapp 1968 ח| Proliferation Treaty the transfer of
non-possessors. ABM Treaty Imp
on US and Sow missile systems. lopment of soph
that increase the nuclear war launc
The punish
(Couririffer frøfor Perg
other countries a be that internal also a contributir Tung-hasing. Den ment in Peking
nost senior Ch
wisit Cambodia. fire in the wall Deng organised su Premacy last t Purgסוhe was f hawe feared that suffered by Ch would be used future. Further : of place.
Recently, Peki Wietnam of "bul nam has an I më i of Chinese hara of which 1,355 patrols (and we ;War th וחaחViet W el Lum Tit:2 accurate). Since Chinese aid, it likely that it neighbour than ing' the United Cn tho CCTIt Täl itself beseiged regime. It Wen bodiam border impose an Indobut rather to Obviously, Wietn: withdraw from when the attac

apon tests in
in outer space The treaty is
of course.
e Le Non= which prohibits nuclear Weapons The 1972 SALT O5 e 5 i Tita iOS et anti-balistic It is the develisticated ABMs likelihood of a erאיכhed by a P
that has a ABM
system.
The 1972 SALT Interim Agree
ment has frozen the missile aunchers of the two superpowers, But it is powerless in curbing the qualitative improvement of such offensive weapons.
comprehensive
The present round of limitation talks, the SALT II, is concerned mainly with quantitatively equal US-Soviet limitations of nuclear delivery vehicles.
let . . .
) ind it could well | politics were ng factor. Wang -כPקס g's major was the last and linese leader to He came under -poster campaign to strengthen his Nowember". Bu E. ed, and Deng mly the humiliation ina in Cambodia against him in the ipeculation is out
rig Review accused lying" China. Viet
lated 258 cases ssment since 1974 were by armed
know from the at Hanoi's claims: ld, are relatively Hanoi wanted its
ES I O TOT was 'bullying its that it was "bully
States in 1955. ty. Wietnam feels by the Chinese it across the Cammot in order to Chinese Federation defend its flank. a mese tröOP5 Should Khmer territory
ks mounted from
Thailand cease. But those who, like the US President, wish to demand such a retreat now should look also to the South China Sea. This is the site of China's real wat claims.
Peking continues to in sist that
it will "brook no incursion on China's sacred territory'-which implies all too clearly that it may seize the Spratly islands and destroy any oil rigs sunk by the Wietnamese. The Harrier jump jets, which our own Industry Minister is busy selling in Peking this week, are ideally suited to island warfare and will no doubt be "defending" China's claims in the near futura, While China main tains this position, it is obw lotus that Wietnam will new er allow hostile MiGs to be based in Cambodia.
Who can look at the map of Chinese claims and regard Wietnam as the "expansionist' power of Southeast Asia, and China's invasion as a response to this? Apparently the United States and
British governments are able to do so. The verbal attack on Wietnam as an 'Asian Cuba" Was
launched with the acquiescence of Brzezinski, Now, an invasion has been mounted after Dang's return from the USA, According to the TV7,5 li ir Igor Post, he was reassu red: any "punish ment' he inflic
ted Upon Wietnam would not disrupt the new alliance. China is not responding to events in
Cambodia nor to Wietnamese "bullying'. In effect, China is Pun Ishing Wietnam for Its victory over the United States in 1975.

Page 19
Religion
Where are the rac
by Reggie Siriwardena
T. Jayantha Soma sunderam" 5 M article on the Asian Theological Conference (Lanka Guardian, March II) and his comment:5 con contemporary Christian movements of a socially radical character Prompt me to raise in print a question I have often pondered: Why is there no parallel manifestation in Sri Lankan Buddhism? Before attempt to provide пу own suggestions for an answer, I should, I suppose, make it clear Lihat while | hawe been a nonbeliever in religion for at least forty years, my background of family and childhood upbringing W35 BLI Hist.
The fact I am pointing tothe absence of a radical Buddhist movement-will not, I hope, be questioned by anybody, in the last decade it is from within sections of the Christian Churches
in Sri Lanka-once the centras of entrenched privilege - that voices have been raised in the
name of religion against oppression, exploitation or injustice.
Anybody who has been active during this period on issues affecting civil rights and human rights will be aware that it has been easy enough Eo en list the support of some Bishops and other highly placed members of the Christian Churches. Even during and immediately after the 97 Insurrection, although the great majority of the victims of the repression came from Buddhist families and included some Buddhist monks, the initiative in the at tempts at interceding With the State on hurname groinds came from certain Christian dignitaries. No such response on his and similar guestions has been forth. com ing from comparable sections of the Buddhist
hierarchy; nor is there any organised group, whether of monks or of laymen,
that has tried to evolve a Buddhist philosophy of radical social action, although several such groups exist
Within the Chri. in Sri Lanka.
The most ob for this phenom 1956 institution has been virtual Church – as the Wa.5 in the C dependence of t tutions of Bud Patronage goes a explain ing the re m2mbers to coi With the State than tho5e affecti interests. But th to me an adeq for the abseng TO W CITÉ It -- | lar - based on history of Chris Organı ised Church Predominantly on status quo; yet World over has duced dissident, he retical moveme critical, sometim lutionary, charact this happened wi
I am deeply c. lack of scholarshi to Produce closely Well-substantiated since this is a has been ignored have the neces: | may as weII rus; make may at Inerit of evoking . the better qualific
Of Marx's be F10UT) Ce T1 2 L 0] People remember described religion of the people", total context y РГec15е пneапіпg t "Religious suffering the Sarne time t real suffering and : real Suffering. Reli of the oppressed heart of a heart the Soul of sou|| It is the opium o It is clear that M
 
 

lical Buddhists
5tian Carl Lities
"iOLIS expandio
nor is that since alised Buddhist
ly an Established Anglican Church
polonial era. The :Fhe official instidhism on State
i long way towards sluctance of their The into conflict Con i SSL e5 other ng their sectarian is does not seem Late explanation e of a radical lettual or popuBuddhism. In the tianity, too, the les Were always the side of the Christianity the repetedly Prounorthodox and ints of a socially 호 E Em WOer. Why hasn't th. Buddhism?
onscious of my in this field "-researched and ans wers, bit question which by those who sary equipment, h in. Any errors least have the discussion among 2d.
5-krown
religion, most only that he as "the opium forgetting the which gives its o this phrase: is at one and e expression of 1 Protest against gion is the sigh creature, the 2.55 World and eSS Conditions. f the people." larx recognised
Pro
both the consolatory aspects of religion, Inducing submission to the social order, as well as is elements of protest which can make religion, in certain historical situations, a force for active social change. In the history of Christianity these dual aspects of religion are well exemplified.
Christianity was a religion originally preached by a Carpenter's Son to the poor סוחםT18 aח
2PPressed nation in the Roman Empire. Within a few centuries it was taken up by the ruling
classes and has beer utilised by them ever since as a buttress of the established order, and in the spread of Western קוחוeria= lism it played a powerful role as an ideological weapon of colonial is. Nevertheless, the original radical content of the Gospels and of the central symbols of the founder's life-the birth in the manger and the death on the Cross between two thieves
emis.
It has been possible, therefore, for Christian rebels in ewery age - from John Ball who the English peasants' revolt inspired by a millenial dream of equality, John of Leyden who set up the Anabaptist Commune in Munster, Gerrard Winstanley, who reinterpreted the Christian doctrine of the Fall so as to relate it to the institution of Private Pro Perty, down to Camilo Tortes, the Catholic priest in Latin America who died fighting with the guerrillas - to rediscover the original social content of Christ's message and to reinterpret it in t3 Tm15 that had mean ing for their own time. It is 5ignificant also that the three great EuroPon revolutions – the English. the French and the Russianeach gawe birth to a literary aste TPiece in which the radici Christian tradition found enduring expression-Bunyan's The Pij. grim's Progress, Blake's Songs of Experience, and Aleksan Blok'5 The Twelve.
(Coffited dr Page Ig)

Page 20
Cinema
Sinhala films (2)
Cinematic
by Ananda Jayaweera
in hala films hawe newer dealt
with the working women of this country in a realistic fashion with the problems they face as workers and housewives, with the inferior status tradicionally accorded to them. with the pressures that society exerts on them to preserve the stereotypes of Woman merely as mother/wife or beautiful plaything. Even in Duhulu Malak, which attempted to give a sympathetic portrayal of a middle-class housewife, there is no criticism or analysis of the boredom of her existence and her main complaint was that her husband did mot Hawer time to take her to Galle Face.
What is morte, Siri hala, fill T5 have become a dangerous propagator of false values in Women, Wulgarity and ostentation in dress, middle-Class attitude5 on Status and class, cruelty and rude behawiour to servants and poor people but yet an un equal ER with regard to husbands are commonly portrayed by women characters in the Sinhala cinema. While the commercial Sinhala pot-boilers carry on in this fashion, what is regrettable is that films with cultural and artistic Pretension 5 also keep on echoing the same attitudes.
For example, Gehenu Lamai (an anti-women film to beat them àII) glorifies the traditional, SUPposedly Sinhala Buddhist virtues of obedience and docility to parental authority and feudal values. In spite of her education, freedom of choice in marriage is not for this heroine who is lauded for her renunciation and subserwience to the dictates of traditional society. Again, in Weera Puran , APPlu, the hero's wife looks passive and winsome, sings a lullaby, is seen doing her religious duties and goes through the compulsory Crying
8
images
of
sgere for Women cinea, but newe line that would port for the poli Puran Appu, one of the people's r In Bambaru AWi man's daughter stony-faced, not glimmering of a ment at being Se abandoned by th The Tost retërit court5e : A hasin Pi sitively produced sentinentality in ctor-instead of ideolcy of bourge the audience to : the hic Toine's so
Many of the Hawe terded to the sexual and pects of a woma אםf Bם ubtס# סח паппеly coming o (Ey a dan Loku
carriage (Ahasin abortion (Paradi not yet been r
hawe how a yer fail single female ch consciousness of and חסpressiקס
standing of the s
 

Sicere fra FF Fester. I'll FFT f
in the Sinhala " Il Cee: L I tt ITS al п dicate any suptical activity of of the leaders esistance of 1848 th, the fisheris passive and even showing a nger 5tduced and finally e city slicker. offander is of plovata, a Seriess ay in Cras 5 which the direexposing the los life-expects sympathise with :alled problems.
bette directors concentrace Ol reproductive as"5 |if which ar office interestf age and rape La may ek), misPolowata), and ge, which has eleased). They ed to Crete a aracter with a her personal with an underocial forces and
political Structures that perpetua te this oppression.
It is interesting to speculate why such stereotypes are embedded not only in films, but also in other cultural forms and why such images and concepts are accepted by the very groups that are maligned. The key to understanding this situation possibly lies in the concept of ideological hegemony. Antonio Gramsci, who elaborated this concept, claimed that a dominant group exercises its control over society in twin ways: 'First, the spontaneous consent giwen by the great masSes of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group and second, the apparatus of state coercive powers which legally enforces discipline".
Hegemony is thus the per Tneation throughout society of an en
tire system of values, attitudes, beliefs, morality etc., which is supportive of the established order. III i 5 the world-view
that is propagated by all the agencies of ideological controlreligions, culture, mass-media etc. -into every area of social life. To the excent that this wallue Syster T1

Page 21
is internalised in the minds of the broad masses, and accepted by them, it becomes part of what can be called "conventional wisdom", a part of the natural order or things and therefore unchallengeable.
In Sri Lanka today, ideological domination is exercised through religion and culture, which is one of the primary instruments of bourgeois rule. And films, being one of the most potent instruments of mass persuasion, play an important role in this process of ideological domination. This fact will become clear when we look åt the audier ce for Sinhala films in Sri Lanka which is cornposed of urban and rural workers and the petty-bourgeoisie. This audience swallows the lies and the half-truths that the films propagate about themselves; this is because through a long process of in doctrination and brain-washing
they have come to see themselves through the eyes of the dominant bourgeoisie. If the au
dience were class-Conscio LS, Awar of its own position in the Production process and conscious of the reality of the oppression it is subjected to, films conveying basically false ideas and values would not be the box-office winners they are. If, for example
Women were conscious of the role that is played by a film like Gehenu Lamai In perpe
tuating their oppression and their feudal semi-slavery, then they would not be streaming into the cinemas and leaving with tearstained, eyes: they would laugh out of existence the notion that the film maker tries to convey that the girl who blights her own life though a blind obedience to a set of archaic social walues is the ideal of womanhood.
This examination of some aspects of the value-system inhe. rent in Sinhala films is offered in the hope that it will encourage further examination of the
hegemonic rolle of culture in Sri Lanka, For while weiling Power relations, issues and events, it
breeds and encourages not only a SC:n SC of fatalism, but also pas5ivity towards political action. It induces the oppressed classes, in
a multiplicity of or "conset to tatlon and miniser"
It is in this c gressive film-mak T2-Viewers 15 WB
Where are
Črrrrr.lees' Asrufu gy
Il find no evid E parable tradition Although Buddh the su premacy of this opposition reflected a com filii different sections classes, since from the religion recei
nage of kings Even in Sri Lanka, with the direc
encouragement of In modern times
it beta T1 e the jd ion of aspiring
middle classes, b never went beyon of bourgeois in
alone criticising tals of the soc revival did not
frontally the ca spite of the oft nounce Tents of this subject,
lt seems to The tE Social origins of t hawe left their i two other cont of them in spite with in Christianic SES (a de wel: accompanied the ri the må instrea T1 i has allways been li therefore the r. could find with Justification for his life here on earth dental and other–y

ways, to accept heir own explol
ntext that Prors, critics and as films-goers
have an important task to perform. They must always be conscious of the ideological constructs that films seek to impress on the minds of the masses and the means used to make them subscribe to their own degradation.
he . . .
(לge rי
nce of a cornin Buddhism. ST challenged the Brahmins, seems to hawe it between two of the privileged its inception wed the patroarn d mercha n tS. L was introduced support and the monarchy. in this country. !ological expresslayers of the ut this revival d the framework ational is T1. Let the fundamenial order, the even challenge is to system, in en--quoted prothe Buddha on
1 at the divergent : he two religions mprint also on rasting aspects of the existence y of puritanical pment which se of capitalism), if its tradition fe-affirming, and adical Christian in his faith a quest to rede em 1. The transcenworldly character
of Buddhism, turning away from this life as Inaya, provides no comparable equivalent.
offer these suggestions - of whose limitations I am only too conscious - as a basis for discussion. My excuse for their lack of depth, apart from my own inadequacies in knowledge, is that I have found no help in the published literature in Sri Lankanot even in the one quarter where intellectual guidance might
hawe been looked fort — that Is, the body of Marxist writing in this country. In spite of the
immense political and social role
of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, no informed discussion has taken place on this subject in forty
years of supposed Marxist thinking. In fact, the topic has been - shield away from as dangerous and embarrassing- another in inifestation, I suppose, of the myth of "Sri Lankan exceptionalism': people everywhere else can Lake critical discussion of religion, but not in Sri Lanka.
This timorousness is in marked contrast with the boldness and incisiveness of Marxist scholars like D. D. Kosambi and Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya in examining the religious traditions and institutions of neighbouring India, where the weight of orthodoxy might have been supposed to be even stronger. Chattopadhyaya's chapter on Buddhism in his book Lokayata is indeed the best analysis of the social origins of Buddhism that I hawe corn 2 across anywhere. Somebody might make a start here at least by translating it into Sinhala.
9

Page 22
Viewpoint
Are Tamils a n
by J. Uya ngoda
r. A. Jayaweera, in his pole
mic against Drs. S. C. Fernando and Carlo Fonseka states, in parenthesis, that the Tamil
people in Sri Lanka are not an oppressed national minority. but an oppressed nation. (Lanka Guardian-January 15th) entirely agree with him on this point. It is a matter of regret that almost all the leftist political parties and groups in this country have been ccmmitting the fundamental error of considering the Tamil people in Sri Lanka only as a national minority. This failure betrays not only their residual traces of social chauvinism, as Mr. Jayawe era says, but also their inability to grasp the Marxist-Leninist fundamentals on the national question.
On what grounds can one describe the Tamil people in Sri Lanka a national minority? In this country the term "minority" had been used in relation to the Tamil people first by the British rulers and then by so-called patriots in the time of colonial rule. Since then the Word Come to the official jargon to be used as an adjective to the word "Tamils". Even our leftists began to use the term 'Tamil minority' indiscriminately without giving thought to its dangerous implications. Dangerous because when one regards an oppressed nation merely as a national minority, then one eas i lytends to mis understand, minimize and underestimate the oppressed Status of that particular people. This ultimately serves to justify and even to defend the nationalist prejudices of the oppressor nation.
It is true that in terrills of num crical Strength Tamils are secondary to the Sinhalese. But this population criteria must not be applied to determine the superiority or otherwise of a partic. Luar Tition, Moreowe Marxists newer subscribe to the medic wal
O
notion of 'super rity of any in which, in actual position in ter must not be der mate place and
Tamils though t major ethnic gr are essentially
minority. They Contiguous tradi Common languag their own, and
mic life though Certain exter]t, F gled with and in of the Sil||hales his Eortical candi Nation. They prived of the fi cratic rights of which is the r independence, th political existenc pressed nation.
Only if and and locate the this way that
perceive the e meaning of the Tamil people fo They strive fo because they : some foreign pc they need for right to deter destiny. The di tiom is only to F festation of the sity, political c oppressed natio
Most of thi groups, let alor Parties, seem te fundamental cha “Tami Questic Tamils älte di 5
by the Sinhala list ruling class misunderstand in sentation of th nal oppression. problem of th Lanka, Concret cally, as Lenin Come to the

minority ?
ority' or "inferiotion ... Any nation
fact is in a le 55er ms of population rived of its legitirights. Thus, the hey are not the cup in Sri Lanka,
mot a national
possess a fairly :ional territory, a e and culture of
#1 fCITT1 TT1[]. T] [:[[TCI=
the latter, to a as been interminterrelated to that a due to specific tion 5. Herce a were faire being deIndamental delloa nation, first of ight of political at is of a separate е. Непce ап ор
when we identify main problem in we are a Ele to 5Sentia historica
demand of the a Separa IO State. It separation not ire instigated by wer, but because themselves the "Tire their own amand for se paraLe COT1CITete Tarlihistorical necesIemocracy for an
= left ist political le the right Wing think that the racteristic of the In" is thät H5. criminated against dominated capita... This is both a g, and a misrepre2 problem of natioIf we present the C T1; il Si ely and historiPLI E it, We may ing witable conclu
sion that the national question is one of the unresolved tasks of the bourgeois democratic revolution. In the classical bourgeois revolutions or during the process of those revolutions in Western Europe the oppressed nations formed their co WIl National States. The slogan of the right of nations to self-determination care into beling in the 7th and 8th centuries only as a petty-bourgeois slogan with the characteristic of a democratic demand of the rising bourgeoisie against feudalism and feudal state structure. The rai50m d'être of the demand to self-determination in the context of the present day historical situation in this country is that the local bourgeoisie, un like Inost of the classical European counterparts, is incapable of carrying out the tasks of the bourgeois revolution through to the end. This of course is tre of all the neocolonial bourgeoisies. The present agitation and struggle of the Tamil people in the North is nothing but a nationalist Towerment of an oppressed nation for political democracy. Those who consider the Tamil people merely as a national minority inevitably fail to understand this essential democratic context of the demand for political independence. It is this very failure which has led most of our leftist group5 to be content with merely believing that the “Tamil problem" can be solved by ending "all sorts of disLLLLLLLLSS S H S S S LLLLLa S LLLLLL society.
It is not disputed that only in a socialist society that all sorts of discrimination, racial or otherwise, can be brought to an end effectively and fore ever. But 'The Socialist revolution is not a single act, it is not one battle on one front, but a whole epoch of acute class conflicts, a long series of battles on all fronts ie. on all questions of
(Cyfriffer för Ffage :

Page 23
Appreciation
Newspaperman extrac
man carrying a bundle of CoPy Pa Per Was Waikling towards me in the corridor of our newsroom in Colombo peering
anxiously into one cubicle and then another. He was looking for a desk and chair at which
to work. This man was the editor of the Silurring, the Sunday newsPaper with the largest circulation (145,000) in Southeast Asia in | 948. He - had no room to Work
in, nor had he any staff. His was a one-man newspaper. He translated the news from the Reuters tikt or for tha
English-language Ceylon Daily News or Observer, wrote half the feature articles and got his friends outside to do the rest at rates which wouldn't buy a meal. He was not only a provocative writer but an influential editor as we|| since his readers were the ayurwedic physicians who dispensed traditional herbal medicines used by most of the rural people, the village school teachers who helped shape the minds of 70 percent of the school-going population, the Buddhist monks who had spiritual influence over 80 percent of the people of Ceylon and the Sinhalese-speaking rural middle class. But his social standing was low and, professionally, he didn't rate even a desk and chair of his own, far less his own cubicle.
"In those days, these were the statu 5 symbols, the Prerogatives of the English-language journalists. They were gentlemen-and he was just a man. His salary was one-fifth that of his colleague, the editor of the English-language Daily News. That was the timejust 20 years ago when the vernacular was, just the language of people without literary attainments, social cachet of economie Power."--Tarze Wittach-January 1959 issue of Horizon.
This
Was how a veteran Ceylonese journalist who had worked in a English language newspaper saw his counterpart
in the Sinhalese newspaper thirty
years ago. This || true picture of b lese journalist an The WS paper at t Sinhalese newspap less a translation day's English da i no Sinhalese jou of. Sinhalese n not by y translators.
The honour o situation goes to who himself star in a English re. you are reading CSS the W EADATURUGE D. just skip them, E to read D. B. Dh; 5u Te lo pauste a that you know is Qn= of Ásj1'; Be; nalists and the se in Sri Lanka at death, just 8 modern Sinhalese the Present Sin journalist owe a this genius of : the prestigeous p today enjoy in si
Dhanapala was b. in Tis5a ma hara ma his primary ed
local willage sch became a brigh Mahinda College
budding journalist Writing in print
Z12 *"Budd||5 C by Dr. Gunapala Dr. P. de S. K. he was a student
D. B. Dhanapala doubtedly the mc of Mr. F. G. Pe Mahinda College, F of accompanying When the latter Dhanapala obtai B. A. ard M. A. the Allahabad U the tutelage of N
Dhanapala's mai a journalist wa

The eighth death anniversary of D. B. Dhang pala falls or March 18
ordinary
Il fact wis the oth the Sinhad the Siri Halėse he time. Thë
2: 'W5 TOTE: 0;" of the previous ly. There were Inalists to speak ew5Papers Were
journalists but
f changing this one journalist Cel his cargar wspaper. Whilst g if yoLI come ords DIYCGU AWD you may 3ut if you were inapala you are While because the name of it known jour:rilor T105 E editor the time of his "ears ago. The newspaper and halese language great deal to journalist for osition that they ociety.
5.1.1505 יחס חיום and received Luca Ciol in the ool. Later he it student of
Galle. This
saw his raide
in the magahronic' edited Malalase kara and Kula ratna, while
who was unst loved pupil rs, Principal of had the privilege him to India left for India. ned boh i5 degrees from niversity Linder fir. Pears.
den altempt as s the English
magazine "Thought' that he edited
while in India. He also became a regular contributor to the "Leader", a leading newspaper
of India at that time.
Writing was not the only thing that Dhanapala was interested in, in the field of newspaper production. He chose to be torne a proof-reader of an Indian newspaper called "The Statesman'. It is at this time that he began to write to the Ceylon Daily News. Dhanapala began writing to the Daily News under the pen-name "" JA NUS” which soon became a household word among the English newspaper reading public of this country, Mr. H. A. J. Hulu galla a distinguish 2 cl Jourtnalist hii T. Gelf and one-time diplomat had the following to say of
D. B. Dhanapala, "He was a Ilaster of the art of writing biographical sketches and was
very knowledgeable on all matters relating to Eastern art and culture. He was also a first-rate journalist."
One of the greatest butions of Dhanapala ta contemporary Society Wals the cause that he championed through his Sinhala daily "Lanka dipu' founded in 1947. He, with a band of dedicated Sinhala journalists were in fact responsible for the cultural renaissance that followed.
When Dhanapala left "Ları kad "pa"
Corti
in 1950 every one thought that all acrobatics in the field of Sinhalese journalism was over.
But in |95| Dhanapala gawe birth to another group of newspapers through the Independent Newspapers Ltd. which today has proved to be the most fearless press in this country. Dhanapala's 'DJ wisd' became a household word in every town and hamlet throughout the length and breadth of this Country, Dhanapala's dem i 53 carne in 1974, ten years after he founded the 'Dawa sa' group of newspapers, which gawe birth to many journalistic innovations in this country.
- W. K. W.
고 |

Page 24
Turnabout
Taking my brother
by Sparine
F, one sense of Course, I'd done it before. || meam | had taken
my sister to the hairdresser. But this was the first time I Was called upon to take my brother
to the Hairdresser. Until then I was burdened by the oldfashioned wiew that all a man
needs by way of hairdressing is a good ten minutes with scissors and comb. Upto now the only improvement I had seen, was on the streets of Karachi, where the barbert sits un der a tree and you sit cross legged opposite him and
he goes to work on your hair and beard. But times are changing.
The saloon is in the midst of a posh hotel's shopping centre. Not the kind of locality where the hoi polloi wil drop in for a cup of plain tea. It's equipped with Impressive gadgetry. You know the kind of elaborate helmet that astronauts would wear on their way to Mars.
| began having misgivings even before I entered the place. You see I had just seen a young chap
with an earing. Now I won't swear to this but I think only one ear was adorned, despite
the fact that he had two normal healthy earlobes. I had grown accus to med to seeing Thales with long hair, handbags, chains, frilly shirts, but an ear-ring-really
Poor, innocent, me. I assumed the ear-rings that boys wear would be the clip-on variety. Wrong again. A friend wised me up later that her boy-cousin was in
2.
wolweld in a se wel - he wanted to g
What next! Pe nose rings.
What was inc the recollection : tle | hawe been friend - a girlher wear ea r-ring she is allergic LI Lira sensitive C b05.
Back to the operation begins Tril 5e. The w|ti into a Wash b 5-TLIEBed. I ki this can Eo. I'y Lo mc2. After a played somebody obliging friend the tap and a
Are Tami
(Caririe! :
economics and that can only propriation of It would be a to think that it democracy was Ietta rialt frOrTim t "WolLutio I1, Or" ! shadowing it, contrary, in th there can be no lism that does democracy, so Cannot Dreparte ower the Bour ап аІІ гошпd, revolutionary st cracy." (Lenin Wolution and The to self-determing
Lenin's Words and una mbiguou

to the hairdresser
re ha 55 e a E homic et his ear borod.
rhaps toe rings or
15t confusing Was if a running bat
having with a in order to make 5. She claims that
to the IT. Poor rrogenous Carlo
1:1|e 5aloor1. The with a head
gasps she soaped out the white.m Itסfr פחlח
The washing and scrubbing over
the frying begins. A hair-dryer gun is held to the head; and hair, scap and brains are deli
berately roasted. Once the steam has stopped rising from the head, the cutting begins. Really its just timid snipping away at the edges of the h:1 r. Softle of the Cliel telare already balding and I guess it wouldn't do to cut and chop in the hearty way they used to in the good old days.
Finally the hair gets set; un
m's head is poked fortunately little imagination as in and Soundly seems to be forthcoming. There aw what torture is a sameness that makes one te had it done bored. All of them look like play, in which eastern versions of the Crazy 's grandfather, an Boys. Having had my education held me under and knowledge enhanced stepped midst sobs and out of the saloon.
Ís . . .
fia II page : ()
politics, battles end in the exthe bourgeoisie. radical mistake the struggle for Capable of prohe socialist reif hiding, overetc. On the e saппе way as Wictorio LI 5 Socianot practice full the proletariat for its victory geoisie without consistent and ruggle for demothe Socialist Re- Right of Nations Ltion-Theses-)
are categorical 15, The proleta
riat, in its Series of struggles for
socialism, must fight for democracy
too. The proletariat fights for
democracy not to confine itself within the limits of a capitalist system, but with the sole purpose of transcending those limits with the wiew of cx Lending and intensifying the struggle for every fundamental democratic right up to the socialist revolution that
expropriates the bourgeoisie.
The time has corne for most of our leftist political groups who claim to be Marxist-Leninists to re-Consider their a Eti Eude S a rid strategies towards the struggle of the oppressed Tamil people. The failure to adopt a correct revolutionary strategy on this key political issue would definitely have its gravest implications.

Page 25
Letters
Сілеттігіп шығd frсалт даруғ g) Critic . . .
In the face of all this evidence ich Fouler is probably seeing the first time, would he less in preaching that the correct text in Luke 4,23 is "Physian heal thyself"? But whether Mr. Fernando was correctly citing scripture or not is beside the cit. What really matters is that he was conveying his meaning in un objectionable English. SLS S H L S H L HHH L S HLL LLLLK S LLLL SLLS CC2TP ing Critic. Lur Preacharneeds to te To Thindeld of the Lext in Matthew 7.3: "Why do you look at the speck of sawdust in your brother's eye, with never a thought for the great plank in your own?" In case he "takes objection' on the ground that it is not the text "correct he should be told that this is What is found in the New English Bible,
This fellow, who has the effrontery to call himself H. W. Fowler, has pounced upon what is obviously a trivial printing error. Near the end of the print of FMT. Han's classic lette which reappeared in the Lanka Guardian of 15th January, the Latin word "Patientia" (which means "patience") was printed as "patential". The compositor and proof-reader can both be forgiven for not being familiar with a dead language, but Fouler chooses to imply that the error was Haan's. Any discriminating reader of Mr. Haan's farious letter would newer think of accusing the worthy wriEier of ignorance of the Latin spelling. The style bespeaks the
T.
From the contrasting prose styles of Mr. Haan and the fou one, readers can judge for themselves who has made a fool of himself. A fool is bad enough, but an odious fool is Worse, Why doesn't the pseudonymous E-tribe take of his mask! We can hardly wait to see his face. It will be sufficient if he makes himself seen and not heard.
4. יםBחחםםC
Dr. Wall be off Janz
Fowler
Cur | oc | Foy and descends to tion. There are his letter which c
I. In the quo Tårn dem Abutere (How long will ye tience). The firs ieti" has through a or This should be ; yeriest ninny, bu er has flot th grasp this point.
2. The crear i in the second Sutor Ultra Cr the cobbler go E does not apply Engineer, in who, irrelevant, ELIt to
This subtle exar caustic Wit and has been comple
the il | iterate Fowy baffled him, just
his colonia | maste War-Ciwi I Sawan years ago. The
letter i5 Eoo Conte Serious considerat
Colombo. 5.
Amar
Sensi
Mr. Reggie Siri willing to allow 562 kia a measure The Tarket in been cornered by last so many yea John D. Rock American oil, an has a look in. R. apparent in the Fonseka's a pologia of 1971 . . . . remin Critics who used EO PO TO Les L 5 aga ling
TCCities. In Wiet
Wietcong also coi
ties'.
""Circa doesn't |
опе ћas any preti called a socialist)
of the oppressors lence of the oppr sensitive bit of p

fouls up
wler is ou traged Crude Witu peratwo points in all for a reply:-
tation Quousque Patientia Nostra lu abuse our pa
t " 'i' in "Patbeen dropped printing error.
apparent to the t our local Fowe intelligence to
of the joke lics qLIota tior1 — Ne tסח Let) וEpidan
beyond his last) to the Dirtrict 52 T5 t:11. Ce lit | 5 | Haar himself. Tiple of Haan's in ordant humour
2 tely missed by 'ler and it has
as it did baff ars, the British ts, nearly fifty rest of Fowler's 2mptible to merit לוחםi
a das a Fernando
tivity
Wardena is not Dr. Carlo Fon
of sensitivity. sensitivity has Mr. S. these is in the way feller cornered di nobody else .'s sensitivity is following: "Dr. for the horrors ds me of those to Say, in am 5 wyer it American atT1ãTT1, "But th= Timited atroci
单
at least not if 2nsions to being equate violence
With the wice55ed etc.' Thi restidigitation is
so smoothly done that the human eye cannot follow it, While the audience is spell bound by the conjuror's patter "atrocities' has changed into "violence'.
To the insensitive it would seem that the atrocities the Arnericans Committed against the Wietnamese, the atrocities that Thieu and his gang committed against the Wietnamese and the atrocities the Vietcong committed against the Wietnamese were all atrocities and that from the point of view of the victim of atrocity the information that his bourreau was himself an oppres5ed party would hawe been insufficient to persuade him that the atrocity inflicted on him was merely justifiable violence.
It takes sensitivity (and not being oneself at the receiving end of atrocities) to be able to make these distinctions.
Costain de Wos .3 כוbוחםCol
The mirage of tourism
he high patronage the tourist T; of this country received from successive ggwernments, from both the public and private Sectors and from tha media during the past 12 years speaks eloquently for its stupendous success. The statistics relating to this success story hawe often been reproduced in the press.
Apparently enamoured by this success the new Minister in charge of Tourism, Mr. Anandatissa da Alwis, has made up his mind to work for a target of approximately 500,000 tourist arrivals by 1984. He disclosed this at a seminar on tourism held recently at the BMICH. The number of tourist arrivals for 1977 has been only 53,665 and the increase envisaged is more than threefold. It would also be relevant to note here that a sum of Rs. 34.25 million has been allocated to the Tourist Board for the next financial year, whereas what has been allocated this year is only Rs. 20.2 million. The increased allocation is an indication of the future plans.
( Corffries of Irge of
23

Page 26
Personally as one who has been greatly interested in the academic aspects of the tourist industry for nearly 20 years, I am committed to the belief that international tourism is a great fillip towards the development of our economy. It would only be a Prophet of gloom who would denounce the advantages of tourism to a developing country like o Lur S.
Nevertheless, looking at the ambitious projections for 1984 one could only be contended if the planners are mindful of the Warious destructive aspects of tourism. In this short sketch I am only trying to pinpoint one such aspect,
Lanka that independence
Countries like Sri hawe wor their after centuries of servitude to imperialist powers need to inculcate in their peoples a spirit of independence, a feeling of equality in relation to other peoples.
Successful tou|| Service mentalit array of bell bo) and chauffeurs til to keep the ir
tHi5, mot bound class
Thero a To Tna Ind Other ||15|t. country that ha to discriminate clien L5 of such
r" i 15 til 1 CE5 Y that operates fo me say at the Stand or Rail, not operate for lot the LOL rij: the fict of the Sri Lankam of a second-clas cwym Tatiwe land issues that sh attention of a to have āti: its own
Let The Wind with a few Wor
USA - a
tO The2SU e precision by
Union Platform W
Counter Scales an
are manufactured
international standi guarantee of absol
sale.so
37, Old Moor Street, Colo
4.

rj5m dSmånd5 1 y in the wast 5, waiters, guides hat are required idustry, going. Ils o create a servile
ny hotels, shops itu tio [15 in thi5 we openly begun against the local institutions. There when the queue } r both you and Post Office, Bus way Station does
the tourist. Does ;t exercise hawe
quietly reducing to the position 5 citizen in his |? Are the 5e tot ould engage the nation that reeds onal identity of
up this sketch “ds that hawe been
said by Mr. J. R. Jayewardene, the President, When he Was the Minister in charge of Tourism in this country.
"...... I am not one who thinks that we should have IO million tourists, or only 5 million tourists, or even one million tourists. I do not want Ceylon to be a second Greece, or Italy, or Spain. I think we must limit
the number of tourists. Otherwise they will spoil our Culture and our civilization, and We will just become hangers on tourists, | ar not in favo Lur of tour ISIT 1 to that extent, Tourism can be ma de a money-spinner Lo So The extent. I would set a limit on the number of tourists. I do not
want to go beyond that. Another Gowarm ment might do so. Personally I would freeze the number of tourists who core to this country to 150,000 or 200,000.
Anyway that is a long way ahead......" (Column 50 of Hansard of 2.9.1965)
Paladura W. K. Wijerat na
standard
eighing Machines,
í SPrins Balances to the highest
ards - your
Ite quIality.
S& C0bWFANYCLIMITED)
3 고 3: 4 || - 4.
Ibo 2. Te|

Page 27
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