Page 1
Castro : stormy
petrel
SATRE
Diplomats a
Israel - Egypt :
Religion an
O THEATF
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

June 1, 1979 Price Rs. 2/50
Tito : the godfather
bo to Havan
Gamini Dissanai ke
nd patronage
W. W. Wiswa Warnapala
The peace process
Mervyn de Silva
d nationhood
N. M. M. , Hussein
OOK REVEW

Page 2
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Page 3
Trends
Letters
Buddha and Marx
Buddhism and Marxism, an aspect of the General theme of the current sympos iuri pri religion and p0litics Fm | this journal is the subject of this year's Martin Wick remasing he memorial ccture. The lect Lurer Is Professor Trevor Ling, an outstanding British
scholar who is now Professor of Comparative Religion, Manchester. He is the author of several books including "Buddha, Marx and God" and ''A History of Religion East & West'. His for thcoming books Include "'Buddhism Imperialism &
War'' and ''Buddhist Rewi was in Indid". The full title of his lecture is "Philosophy: Buddhist and Marxist, agreements and disagreements".
Doctor Ling sees the Buddhist dhamma as an entire way of life rather than o fears of furrent, for the specifically religious aspect of Buddhist Culture is but a small
part of Gotama 's world-embracing | yfsson".
Race prejudice
With a II respons ble Sir Lankans increasingly perturbed over communal trends it is interesting to find Bhakti Prabodhanaya, a monthly magazine and probably the only joint Catholic-Protestant publication In Sinhala, devoting serious attention to the problem of racial prejudice dnd dsscrsrffndton,
The most recent Issue hos an article
by Dr. Antony Ferпапdo cп this subject. The writer is the head of the Department of Cultural Studies
at the Kesariya University. Pointing cut a parallel between this effort its Editor Rey. Claude J. Perera stresses the need for all journals and Journalists to educate the public, particularly the Sinhala
Tnd Our Own,
redder, on these Lirgent and pro y :)- Cative questions.
Gouestion
Jayantha Som Guardian of Ma CoTe the Tami discovered the
9W Is it only then that th 3. LIĠ LI ' sis, che inablit 3rd doçent 5t;
ls Mr. S. awa regime started long before 19, this was happ
9WO as well. know that for a ese had be the Public St. ower Crowded wi was there wer
""MA,N 5HA,,L BREAD ALONE do well to go
years and stu history. Once national cader:
garland the sti: mpalam Aruna Ponnampalam R
W NI E
Published by Publishing Co. 88, N. H. M. A (Reclamation R
EditT: ME
Telepolhcr
CON
Α Lette. 3 - 6 News W - 9 liter | 0 - || || Diplo |2 - 3 Natio 14 - lé Religi 7 Book 8 Teat
20 - 22 Satir P여 As
Printed by 82Y5, Wol
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Telephir

of identity
as under an in the y asks "but how |- speaking people ir unique identity not because it was ley came alive to the f the economic criy to provide jobs andards of living".
re that the PrO2 wio Lus "standardisation'' 72. Many felt that ben ing before May Mr. S. should also de cadas the Simh2n protesting that rwices have been th Tamils. This cry
.1548 חi |ך
L NOT LIWE BY " .. Mr. S. would
back ac least fifty dy a little bit of urס חa year whe 5 climb ladders to 1 LUE25 of SiT Polachchalam and Sir amanathan, the Sri
June 1, 1979
LakE. GLIBrdian
Ltd. First Floor,
Abdul Cader Road,
load) Color inbo 11.
arwyn de Silva
c. 19.
TENTS
background natorial rew5
macy mhood
re wie W
tr :
i ke it
Ananda Press findhill Street, Jimbo 13.
Iլt: 3, 5 97 5
Lanka National press tries to make out that they are more national -minded than the present day Tamil politicians.
Permit me to quote the follo
wing passages from the book "Ramanathan of Ceylon', by M. Wyth Illingam:
"'Ramanathan contended that any scheme of Government the
foreigner would formulate should guarantee to the Tamils absolute freedom to work out their destiny as much as it did to the Singhalese to work out their 5. Any departure from this pattern of constitution making would mean the total utter extermination of Tam || S. "Dornough more means', he said "Tamils no more' - see Page 730.
In or about 1913 Sir Pon nampalarn Arunach chalam Said, "Warlous wants we have. A press that may not degenerate into a hireling is
a great want for the Country. Shall we not airn at a press for the Tamils, if only to combat
calumny and wille mi5 representation? For days, weeks, months and years, we have suffered at this hands of an unscrupulous press.'
The Tamil Problems started long ago. Jaffna N. Deva Rajan
identity (2)
It was with great interest that | read the articles on the Tamil problem in the "Lanka Guardian' of Ist May. But the article of Mr. Jayanthå Somas underm om "The only identity that matters' seeme di too simplistic, not taking into corsideration the dimensions of the problem.
(a) Though the economic crisis and problems of social mobility, employment and standardisation play an important role, the rise of Tamil national consciousness in Sri Lanka cannot be entirely understood in terms of the econof Ilic. It should be said that one of the main weaknesses of the Left II ovement in Sri Lanka was that it ignored questions of culture and national identity and looked at them merely as the superst

Page 4
Letters. . .
ructure of the economic base. It was for this reason that the left Parties hade no appeal to the mass of Sinhala speaking and Tamil speaking peoples. Though it is also true that the Middle class articulated political aspirations of the people, to say that the whole mowerinent is Middle class is far from the truth. The overwhelming support of the F. P. and the T.J. L. F. in the North in the recent years is proof of a tremendous popular base of Tamil politics.
(b) Ceylon Tamil nationalism has to be understood in the historiCal context of the Country, Unlike the Sinhala people, the Tamil people of the Country. did not have a powerful organization like Buddhist Sangha to articulate their national identity and destiny. The Tamil people belong more to the oral tradition and their clergy cornfined themselves only to ritual functions in the tem ples. But the Tam il People always express their distinctiveness through their language, religion and customs. History testifies that they had their distinctive political identity from the 12th century A.D. till the com ing of the Portuguese. The Portuguese and the Dutch recognized the ethnic differences between the Tamil and Sinhala people and had different adminiistrations. During the British period the whole Country was brought under a single administration. It was the aggressive missionary movement and the process of Westernization which challenged the leader of both CoTi Tulities to resist the British. It is of great significance that Tamil leaders such as Muthukuriaraswamy, Ramanathan, Arumachalam and Ananda Coопагаswamy not only inspired Tamil nationalism and identity but also were the pion eers and inspirers of Sinhala nationalism and culture at a tire of Western domination. The radicalization of Tamil må tionalism took place after the 1950's and the Sinhala Only bill was passed. It was the constitution of 97 which forced the Tamils to raise the cry. of Tami || Eelam. The ricots of 958 and '77 polarized the Tamils
교
still further. How One'5 native land one's identity, la ure at every turn question which fa Tam || 5.
(с). М.г. Somasuп. We are heirs to :
Te Yolution that towards one langu one identity.... I feel strongly th: cation revolution appreciate more unique in other and cultures and unity in diversity ( peoples which en riching cxperien
(d) Mr. Somas und that the way out is to push forward: The socialism We has been oppor with racial chauw of political expedic themsel wes to the i and Classical Mar: is time. We free this Weste ori socialism and so and build on Ea which will take and identities f ously.
Rev. D. J.
Pili Tata a wa.
Shoes of t
The printer's speak in Congruo Lus| of the poor in th in the open ing seq, sey's King Lear. was "bast shoes" - fibre, such as use by Russian peasant referred to in Russian literature.
Colombo 5. Regg

Wr CD St TWWEA: [l] which negates nguage and cultwas the biggest ced the Ceylon
deram says that 1 coil Tunication is hurtling Lus age, one culture,
ls this true at the Comuniis helping us to fully what is Tlate.g., Islatio, 15
E"ים וח of cultures is a far
C.
towards and
Iflt "է:
eram rightly says
of this impasse social revolution.
hawe had 5 Co far tunistic siding risin for reasons incy or confining Jurban proletariat Kist concerns. It
ourselves from
ented dogmatic
cial philosophy stern traditions
our pluralism at TOTe se Ti
Kanagaratпапп
:he poor
de will made Isle y (LG, May I5) eir best shoes" Jence of KosintWhat I wrote - shoes made of d to be worn s and are often 9th-century
ie Siriwardena
Code for Catholic clergy
The priest should be wed to his
candle and crook,
His rosary, missal and cross,
On life everlasting he must only
look,
Not on matters too earthy and
dross,
The poor and the hungry may
Crowd at his door,
The destitute, jobless and sick,
He may sympathise, but he must
rı't do more,
To have them with him is the trick.
"The poor ye have always with
yoli'', it is said, The reason to tell never tTy,
Just toss to the beggara norsel
of by T cid
And say that Salvation is nigh.
Preach of the kingdom in heaven
above,
Of losing one's soul for the world,
In prayer and in fasting, in
perla Il C: and Lowe
They must live, or to hellfire
be hurled.
To probe the dark secrets of
plenty and Want,
Of capital, labour and Wage,
Of rank exploitation, of housing
St St
Is nothing but plain sacrilege.
Forget the last Christian who
dicd on the Cross,
He seems a for crunner of Marx.
He spoke of things earthy and
1113 LičTS 50 drůSS
To save human souls is your task,
Lest you should stray from the
Straight, Ila Trow P31 th,
Remember the need of the hour
ls to speed development, forget
hole and hearth
And pull with the party in power.
Mervyn Casie Chetty.

Page 5
News background
Colombo Conference
Unity and continuity - West's counter - attac
*Sak Egypt issue at Colombo meeting." The front page story in the 'Sun' is a racy rem Inder how world events sometimes create surprising ironies and paradoxes. When the non-aligned foreign ministers who meet here next week conferred in Belgrade last year, the Egyptian Foreign Minister joined the anti-Cuba combo which produced some discor
dant noises. While a few members wanted to "boycott" the Hawa na summit or change the venue,
Egypt argued for a postponement,
His speech drew a cutting rejoinder from the Cuban spokesman, Those who pocketed their pride and went to Jerusalem now have the audacity to say that they cannot come to Hawana! The Egyptian Foreign Minister is reportèd to hawe bowed his head In shame, Certainly, the Egyptian
Divide and rule
“Two bits of intelligence coming out of Africa suggest the time may be at hand to consider whether We have not made considerable progress this year towards a basic foreign policy goal, that of breaking up the massive bloc of nations, which fot so long have been arrayed against us in the international forums and in diplomatic encounters generally, Obviously this was going to be difficult and it is by no Ilmeans fully accomplished. At Ilost We begin lo see signs of Success.'
-Prof Danie Mராரிசா, frier LUIS Ambigi signifaro Ido Iridia, qiūrėtado
N. F. Tries g8.I.s.)
Foreign Minister his President to hawe tetaired GC of self-respect b his post after til տlgned.
Today it is Ei "boycotted by fi for a Sadat's On the werdict Treaty with Isr; anti-Egyptian f beyond the Ar whole Islamic v has cut of relatic Egypt discreetly the Islamic confe
THis is mot i will be expelle aligned moveme such procedure, is Lunk rno Wn Co
True, Chile d Colombo Summit not dare to T; in Ha wa na. Bu was formally expi Junta is aware (
 

who accompanied Camp Dawid must Te residua tra C25 ecause he resigned he agreement was
gypt that has been slow Arabs. And windy outpourings of posterity, his ael has resulted in "eelings extending ab League to the orld. Even Iran ins. And recently kept away from rence in Morocco.
Io say that Egypt di froT1 the nonrt. There is no and the practice the organisation.
id mot att end the ... and will certainly a ke an appearance t not because it alled. The Chican f what the whole
world knows. It is the accomplice and beneficiary of the self-confessed US conspiracy to "de-stabilise" the go wernment of Salwador Allende. The junta also knows that its merciless repression and butchery are no longer well kept secrets.
Anti-Cuba.
The anti-Cuba campaign was launched by a handful of nonaligned The Ibers. (In Colombo, Color el Gaddafi threaterned to "expose" these "trojan horses' at a later and more propitious date). But the inspiration did not come from within the movement only. No great expertise in international politics is required to grasp that simple fact. Any reader of the world press would realise that the campaign had the active encouragement and patronage of the West and, in the apt phrase of James Schlesinger, America's new "quasi-ally" China.
American antipathy is wholly understandable. The Cuban revolution, on America's doorstep, was a direct ideological challenge to the World's mightiest and wealthiest nation. ArTerica has newer forgiven Cuba this act cf difiance just as it has not forgiven Wietnam for the humiliation it suffered at the hands of some backward pea sants in black pyjamas whom a famed US general wanted to bomb back "into the Stone Age".
It is again no secret that Cuba has been a top target for subversion. The exercise has taken many forms, from armed İnter yerı ti:1 to 35535sination attempts. Cuba has not only survived all this but gone from strength to Strength, Nether relaxing its ideological militancy nor retreating from its declared principles, Cuba has continued to defy her enemies. What is more, its influence in the community of til 5 considering its size and population, has grown steadily. Far, from being isolated, it has become an example to other Latin American countries of how a people can take command of their rational resources and exploit the se resaur. ces for genuine economic develop

Page 6
ment. All these a chievements have only intensified the hostility of those who see Cuba as a dangerous example to other poor nations. Foreign policy
However, it would be selfdefeating if the propaganda campaign against Cuba was grounded in such reasons. The ostensible reason for the attacks on Cuba from outside and from within the non-aligned movement are twofold. Firstly, Cuba's openly stated and close friendship with the Soviet Union and the socialist
states. Cuba argues that anti -imperialism and anti-neocolonialism is the pith and substance
of non-alignment and that in this struggle and on this fundamental issue, the socialist states are the atural ally' of the non-aligned. Non-alignment it says is neither Pa35 i Ye nor "neutra".
Of course there are other interpretations'. Tito may be a self-elected ideological 'godfa
ther of non- alignment but the movement is not a Third World Mafia. Yet, Yugoslavia is a dynamic pioneer of the movement and therefore it has the moral ight to speak authoritatively on these matters and have her Woice heard.
But the anti-Cuba campaign is really fuelled by outsiders. What is the moral right of the United States to deliver pious sermons on the subject when its Secretary of State, at the very birth of the no Wement, declared Поп-alignment "immoral"? More recently, another Secretary of State, Dr. Kissinger and his UN Ambassador, were denouncing the conduct of the whole Third World in the U. N. as an essay in "the tyranny of the majority"
China speaks of 'super-power hegemonism", brands the USSR "the main enemy' and maintains Shat Cuba is not "non-aligned". Yet only last month, Singapore espoused the cause of "US world leadership'. Neither Washington mor Peking nor the western press rose up in righteous indignation to denounce Singapore for this blatant deviation from "genuine non-alignment." Certainly nobody would ask that Singapore
亭
be "boycotted" or studious silences judgments and
ex Piose the holl homilies on n countries which respect for th also reveals the the self-interes appa Tent 5ólictut
The other osti Cuba's involvem so'er" 5|T1Ce the where it answer, appeal for direct : responded to th Cuban troops f the MPLA. Suppc Struggles is one Principles of til TO Welt. BU of the direct assi the US and the Other "fronts' s struggle for Pow Anti-Cuba critics and their suppor non-aligned grou ma intain a Cittful the West enginee inter Wertion of ra If the MPLA had tries would have Cuban help. The the "wrong" side y substantial resource the hands of Angic not controlled by COTS Tt.
Furthermore, Afr hostility to South, bastion, was en han
Counter-attack
In reality, the ; Paign is not an anti only. If it had bet not be so importal the non-aligned. In Cuba has proved :
断 20 years it is ook after itself.
The campaign is West's concerted on the whole Thir à Well-Conceived str its beginnings in of great importance, SLCCe55 of the C getting together for to dictate what the fair prices for their saw the Algiers sum

expelled'. These highly selective ouble standards wness of those 1-alignment by hawe no real movement. It true interests
behind the
si ble rea Eon is int in Africa
Angolan war d the MPLA" 5 isistance. Cuba at appeal and ught alongside rt for liberation
of the Than e non-aligned
nobody speaks tance given by West to the ngaged in the er in Angola. in the West
ters within the p, prefer to silence on how ed the military cist South Africa. lost, few counbothered about point is that von and Angola's YNye Te TČ) W in |lan people and War"|QuS Weste T
'ican nationalist Africa, a Western ced.
anti-Cuba cam-Cuba campaign in so it would it an issue for
any case, if lnything these
that it can
part of the counter-attack d World. As 'ategy it had 1973. A year 1973 saw the producers in the first time y regarded as product, it mit and the
Third World's demand for a New International Economic Order, it witnessed Egypt's military blow against Israel. It saw the poor nations using every forum and mobilising their collective strength to demand radical and structural changes in a post-war world system which had been completely dominated by the West and used by the West to safeguard the interests of the rich and powerful. The whole structure was under attack: the economic order, the monetary system, the international institutions, the information System etc.
if UNCTAD is the 'economic' forum, the non-aligned conference is the most active "political' forum of the Poor nations while the UN and all its agencies are other platforms. Everywhere the West felt the new, growing pressures. As usual, the most dan gerous and the least acceptable was the economic demands. It was seen as direct threat to the prosperity of the affluent nations and the living standards of these countries, standards sustained by the exploitation of the Third World's resources, reinforced most of all by an unjust trading system, and sanctioned by a value-system (cultural and ideological domination) which operated mainly through the transnational communications system.
The West saw it, and correctly, as a from tal and fundamental attack. In its counter-offensive (see box) the West has used, quite successfully, many familiar tactics: spreading discord and division, encouraging disagreements, co-optation and collaboration, isolating the more dynamic and demanding, disrupting collective action and any association or Working ailiance with the West's own "main enemy", the socialist states.
Unity
In a way, the success of the West (the continued failure or slow progress of UNCTAD) was partly founded on the weakness of the newly emerging collective. The very diversity of the movement (so many countries, with various types of regimes and so many specific, national problems) was the West's greatest asset,

Page 7
By the same logic, unity within such diversity, is therefore the great challenge facing the movement today. Unity of course must express
itself in a continuity of action, and the action itself, hopefully, Tust become more and more
effective, more and more radical. this is the thought that haunts the west as the road leads from Colombo to Hawana.
Despite diversions and disagreements, there has been continunity in idea and action from Algiers to Colombo. In Belgrade, there were 25 participants: in Colombo 85. Though the movement faced many threats, it is to Sri Lanka's credit, and of course to the Sri Lanka Prima minister, Mrs. Bandaranalke that movement su rwiwed many crises and preserved its broad unity. The decisions made in Colombo can only be changed in Hawana.
There are attempts, some perhaps well-intentioned, to dilute these decisions or to alter decisionmaking processes. Some are OW't attempts, s TE disguised as "procedural" or "oganisational" issues. Such efforts whether they are inspired by Yugoslavia or India or any other country, can only help those who want to disrupt or weaken the movement for their purposes.
Governments hawe changed since Sri Lanka became Chairman. While the UNP's new ecolonic strategy may change the content of the country's foreign policy, it is
to the credit of President Jayewardene and his Foreign Minister, Mr. Hameed, that in
performing the functions of chairman they have discharged their responsibilities in a manner worthy of the spirit of a movement that is now a formidable force in world affairs.
PR (within quotes)
A: you were" was the order of the day at last month's local government polls. The UNP in the south and the TULF in the north retained the positions they had won in the general election of 1977. The protest wote expected by some Opposi
tion ist5 did not 1
perhaps on a Colorbo. In th fighting under
of being an "Un was able to be fourth place b
away not only Left but also (some disillusion and youth).
Other feature:
The first e new clectoral sy "proportional rep m5nmer for to UNP Wi (55.4 3% of wote seats out of W,
with 749 (39.5 Again, in Hapu seats out of 7 (54.6 %), whi had 2 seats (45.4%).
S With its
for parties, the choosing the pe atives will tend
"three-party sys at the 1977 ger
Surgical misadven
bad carper tools afte Surgeons, at le: can justifiably bla theatre equipme
Recently Dr. S Neuro Surgeon, Coron, er thect th, year old youth tā ble Was dL il to di ather verdict was surgi
L. G. investigat that surgeons country are dol out-dated equip prone to sudder Without certain stard in the o awaiting repair.
Two other m absolutely essen is a Boyle's Mach and an electrica out secretions.

materialise, except small scale in e city the JWP, the disadvantage recognised' party, it tha ULF into y taking votes from the Old from the UNP ad Tami voters
5 of the election:
xperience of the "stem proved that resentation' was a it. In Ganpaha ith 2450 wotes s polled) won 5
While the SLFP 5 %) got only 2. K) te UNP 5 with 55B wotes are the SLFP had With 463 votes
high cut-off point : new method of }ople's represent
to prolong the tem' that emerged
teral electio 1.
ture
hter blames his r a shoddy job.
a5t in Sri Lanka, me the operating
t
ri La Gunasekera, told the City 10 death of a | 6 on the operat Ing to a malfunction y machine. The
cal misadventure.
ors hawe re yealed working in the ng their job using ment, machinery breakdown or equipment which perating theatre
achines which are tial in any O. T., 1 irme for armaesthesia sucker to take
Surgeons interviewed by L. G. especially those who hawe worked in hospitals around the country, te wealed that most of the machines and equipment they had to use are not 100 percent reliable. They have never been checked out regular y or serviced. Some that had broken down were awaiting repair for many months.
In the tragic case of Stanley Wijesekera who died in the NSU theatre, the dia ther my machine broke down in the middle of the operation. The stand-by machine on to which the patient was switched om did not work at all, There was no ElectroMedical Engineer on the premises of the leading medical institution to call for rush help. He had to be contacted in Maradana.
(The diathermy machine is cutting equipment, using an electric spark which severs and automatically coagulates the blood to prevent excessive bleeding.)
" You know what Dr. Se keta should
Gunahave done", explained a senior surgeon in an outstation hospital. "He should have kicked the blood thing. It might have worked. It is us. less calling tho E.M.E, in Maradana. By the time he comes, the patient, in some cases, would be dead. Or he may have gone to repair a Thachine which went out of order eight months ago".
When equipment is malfunctioning a report is run alde in the thearte log-book. That goes to
the M.S. of the hospital who will minute that the E.M.E. in Maradana be informed. The Chief
Clerk wiwi|| do this faithfully. As to when a very busy E.M.E, will turn up is anybody's guess,
"I have called the local electric baas to repair a machine about four months ago", an outstation surgeon told the L.G. "But that is highly irregular."
It is inconceivable that a technician is not available at all hospitals with operating theatres
"Most of us say a prayer before we start on the list', was the
(Слitted on page If

Page 8
JAFFNA REPORT
Exit Lionel, enter Du rai
he well-kept streets of Jaffna were unusually quiet. Few people waited for buses while some walked about on their business. There were som e crowds åt the pubs. The few banks that were open for business had armed police guard. An old lady standing outside the gate to her house was telling her friend that a piece of fish about the size of her palm
was fetching over Rs. 10 at the Tharket. The Kovils had their usual share of devotees in the
evening but the striking feature of the afternoon was the large number of schoolgirls riding their bicycles to their tuition classes.
As the election campaign was coming closer to its end, a couple of Sinhaia Ministers of the Cabinet were seen riding bicycles from the King's House to the city and to the Nallur Temple the following day in a hackery. The intention could have been an attempt at image-improving (or image-building) but the onlookers did not seem to be impressed at all. Many frowned when they saw that the duo was followed by a security car.
The new Jaffna SP Leo Perera was still demanding more powers to the police while the outgoing GA Lionel Fernando continued to sleep the nights at his sprawling residency with doors and windows open in his room and without a single policeman guarding the 27 acre block that belonged to the residency.
A Wesak card sent to Liono | by a veteran journalist was still lying on his table with the words
“PS: ' 'I see you in Colombo soon scribbled on the back. Smart fellow that journalist was,
but a local reporter told me that he predicted that the GA would not last long as early as the day when the Nallur bank was robbed. When the GA heard that the police were on a rampage that day he rushed there and warned the cops to behave, and averted an otherwise i nevitable crisis. On
6
G;a Iıhini Diss: “La Inka Gula Jaffna on th local polls : report.
the same evenir started assaulting the Jaffna bu5 st the GA was the spot. And ewe following day he Illing' the street: driver. "Why a shop keeper stand asked re. his job. Why? E great man who disinterestedly in of the greatest to Jaffna." The was not the only wept over the of GA Ferman million people heart-broken' s: Wadi velu-Secretar. turers Associatic a well-known cannot think of who stole our short span of til as our present "|r Wadivolu, 'A you that the lo going smoothly “1r Fgrnando." | not certainly e. wherever I went. or WWT everyопе wery sad ower Li exit. "If Sri Lan like him' said a 5. "Wit at Poir politicians could hell." Naturally, transfer was mai the opposition cam Jaffna but as far d
Whateve mi behind the GA" Complicited would "End of Jaffna
mer SP Jaffna local reporter whe broke the news of
ίζοηIίΙΙΙεει ο

iswamy
| laike of the rdia. El d e CWC if the and filed tulis ||
ig when the cops the people around and for no reason ire again on the at 4 a. II, the Was seen "Patro: With Khalid his did he do it?" Opposite the bus "That was not Because there was dedicated himself Serving us. One that ewer came Tam il businessman one who openly SLIdder transfor do. "Nearly a hete are now il d Mir - S. A. T. y of the Manufac2n of Jaffna and 3hilanthropist. 1 | any other person earts ir such a The as in a year GA' continued nd I can assuro :al elections are only because of 1r Wadiwelu was kaggerating for - Nainativu, KKS, seemed to be rel's impending &a had 20 GAS he senior public Pedro, “, “the oly well go to Mr Fernando's 'e an issue at Paign not only in own as Wavuniya.
y bê the reason 5
transfer how be its aftermath? was how a fores Profided to a h the latter first le GA's transfer.
Page )
WITH
THE
COMMPLI MENTS OF
DISTRIBUTORS
CITIZEN
WRIST WATCHES
& CLOCKS

Page 9
International news
After the Treaty (3)
The peace pro
by Mervyn de Silva
adat's present situation is. He received muc
laced with another irony, a expected, and w Tess merciful one than even the received Was als c so-called "linkage'. irreducible minim even the most 'accomo dating" fe King Hussein.
Mr. Sadat argued that the "peace process' that he started (and it does not really matter whether he started it or the Americans or Involved in a whether it was a parallel effort) which he had th has an internal logic and that as the or a dire once the process gathers momen- Sadat got badly tum its dynamics will soon draw and as he beca in the Jordanians, the Syrians and his chances of ex ideally, the PLO, but at least a gradually diminish sizable segment of the Palestinians not retrace his living in the West Bank and Gaza, disastrous conseq. Given his original and central caught in the dy assumption, it was a valid argu- tion in which he ment, and he pinned his full he could achieve faith in it. The US shares this and less and less f wicw, of course. But their's seem meant less and to be more a hopeful calculation satisfying his pi than an unshakable conviction. In supporters. Far any case, the Americans are much themselves involved better placed. If their hopes are each distanced hi fulfilled - and they will certai- until finally we se nly do their damn dest to see to to Baghdad whe it - excellent; if not the regre- receives collective table loss will be more than condemnation. compensated for by the nett gain of the Egyptian-Israeli treaty. So, instead of Briefly, the risks of incomplete the Arabs (let's success or partial failure are accep- a) into the table risks for the Americans. Erg the hard lin Not so for Mr. Sadat. He has finds that he has committed himself to the hilt: his wn ostracis prosperity at home, a compre o Presidentimo hensive peace in the area. Brezinski et all)
or Sheikh to sup Therein lies the irony. Sub- publicly and retr stantive negotiations started from ဖုံeer ဗုဒ္ဓုပ္ပဈo;
- ie5 5tret-lt. 1977 to Camp David last ' bound hand andf and the Treaty in March. During
Arabs, those self. that Period he moved from what whom he poured
he thought was a position of scorn.
Comparative strength to what How did it ha became a position of greater and leau, who has se greater weak ness. As a result, dle East for near he yielded more than he extra- in my opinion or cted from a stubborn Mr. Begin informed of wes

SSS
than he at he actually
less than the m acceptable to "moderate' or low Arab - say
|e
eace-process in ught of himself cting agent, Mr. er snared in it me its captive, tricating himself ed. He Could steps without |ences. But on te namics of a situa! was trapped, less and cis; rom the Israel is less chance of 'ospective Arab from getting in the process, misclf fron it, e them all go 'e the Treaty and complete
rawing some of ay the mode“oce 55 and isolair 5, Mr Sadat ach lewed only ' And not a
(Brown, Wance could get king, ort the treaty iwe Mr. Sadat or Poor (Gu||iwer the ground, 3t by his follow ame dwarfs on uch imperioLIs
en Eric Roued in the Mid20 years, is of the bestr correspon
dents. Late last year, after the Camp David Summit, Rouleau who is now middle east editor of « le Monde** was on a lecture tour sponsored by Princeton University's Foreign Relations Council. Mr. Rouleau who is preparing a book on the Palestinian problem was invited by the Middle East Magazine to analyse the "politics' of the Camp David Summit and the agreements signed there. In a long interview with Mark Bruzonsky, editor of the journal, he said:
"He's taking a big gamble. But probably felt he had no choice. His two guests, Begin and Sadat, were of unequal strength. Begin came to Camp David saying that it wasn't the last chance, and that it was still possible to wait, even though Israel wished to reach an agreement. It wasn't just propaganda, because he was negotiating from a position of strength Begin wasn't threatened if Camp Dawid failed. On the contrary, he could go back and say to the Israel is that they were trying to force him into settlement jeopardizing the security of the State of Israel. And few Israelis would have then turned against Begin.
The person who was really threatened by the collapse of Camp David was Sadat. He had promised his people that if his initiative failed he would resign" Failure would have put him in a
very difficult position. And if he did not want to resign he could have put up a show by
saying he was now going to try other means-in other words go back to the Arab fold, to Syria and the PLO and especially the allies of those people, the Soviet
Union, for which Sadat has an allergy.
"As a matter of fact, I think
one of the reasons which took Sadat to Jeruselem in November was that he wanted to break up the possibly appTsaghtig-Geneva ဖ္ရစ္သမွိုးနှီWfဇံf၆ the Soviets would
přešent,
(Continited on pag.3)

Page 10
Indonesian
by John Taylor
T IS NOW just over three
years since the Indonesian military
regime began its armed invasion of the former Portuguese colony of East Timor. In this period Indonesia has, by acepted international definition, corn initted genocide. Some 80,000 people, over 10 percent of the entire population, hawe been killed. The Indonesian govern Tent has purchased new western weapons to further its military aims.
East Tillor, twice the size of Cyprus, forms the eastern half of the Island of Timor (the western part is already in the Indonesian Republic). After a series of incursions into the territory, the Indonesian army launched a full-scale in was lor con December 7th, 1975, to prevent the mass-based Fretlin (Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor) movement consolidating the control it had effectively held since the withdrawal three months earlier of Portuguese, after 450 years of colonial rule.
The results of the invasion have been devastating: in Indonesian held areas, the population
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villages hawe b: their Contents crops destroyed
capital, for exam held in the fic: forrier hotel; rheither" widows system.
According t Warious sources the Catholia CF officials, refugee Freti in radio Erg
has been widely
un der Indonesia worst effects ol a frexation, how
experienced in Fr D3iTh i1tse r"i T r1 o'W 33-40, per cent Unable to pene and um successful engagements with te | Indonesian increasingly shift: emphasis to ai saturatiоп bombi to 5 trwc: Cha 5urrender thTol crops and Willage.
This policy successful thoug estimated 3-0, died as a result defoliants. Many 200.000 have en ā reas in the | the hope of fir medical supplies. these hopes h fulfilled; an aff delegation visiting in two villages in last year, coinine People in the ca desperate situatic starving in many
desperately ill: t. in terms of im food, clothing, care.
A TIIIlare se o to a r Austrialliar commerted that had rigt se en til
"At Sua i things al

bcide
od into camp5 in is widespread lics Scan. Entir: een eliminated, ooted and their , lm Dili, the ple, prisoners are od store of a
the store has
nor a veritilatları
reports from in East Timorurch, Indonesian accounts and adcasts - torture practised in areas in control. The the attempted eyer, hawe been e til in-held mouncomprising some of the country. trace this area, In its armed Frctii in troops, military has d its strategic rial and naval ng in an attempt population into ugh destroying
. was increasingly hout I978: an 200 people have pf the use of crop more, perhaps ered Indonesian st two years in
lding food and In most cas 25 ave not been
bassador on a 'relief centres' early September inted that the mps were "in a n .... they are cases; they are hay need help mediate reliefbasic medical
ficial, according ABC report, the ambassadors e Worst Camp5: re much worse'
and there are more people'. Despite these conditions, the Indonesian government has still
not permitted the entry of the
International Red Cross either into its own or Freti in held FFEE15
Indonesian Foreign Minister, Adam Malik then estimated the
number of dead as "50,000 people or perhaps 80,000'. And went on to tell the Canberra Times: "what does all this mean compared with 600,000 people who want to join Indonesia? Then what is the big fuss? It is possible that they may have been killed by Australians and not us. who knows? It was war'.
Heavy fighting has continued since the beginning of 1977, with Indonesian aerial and naval bombardment of Frctii in areas, notably the north-central region 5outh Dili, where Fretilin for co25 have suffered defeats. In an
attempt to re-enter this area in late December to re-organise the Fretilin administration, a group led by Lobato was ambushed, and Lobato himself killed.
Giwem the matu te of the terrain and the strength of the resistance, Indonesia's navai and aerial capacity is crucial. Un til recently, this was seriously inadequate; aircraft were archaic and pilots badly trained. Since the invasion, however a number of western goverments have stepped up military supplies. The USA has supplied Bronco OV-10 fighter planes, highly su i table for counter -insurgency; the Netherlands has agreed to provide high speed corvette frigates, important for reinforcing the naval blockade of East Timor. Most important, however, is the British government's approval for the sale of eight BAC Hawk ground attack
aircraft. These planes are particularly suitable for use in East Timor. They fly low and are
designed to saturate large areas
using cluster bombs, which according to the British Defence Equipment Catalogue, have "a high kill probabi itiy against a range of hard and soft targets'. The Hawk can also drop napalm cannisters and defoliants. The British

Page 11
government has, of course de nied that the planes will de used in East Timor. The Foreign Office view is that the war is a provincial skirmish, like Northern Ireland.
THE OFFICIAL BRITISH ATTTUDE to the war is echoedperhaps less absurdly-by other industrial governments. The Australian, Allerican, French, German, Japanese and Dutch have all turned a blind eye to Indonesia's actions. Through Australian and US intelligence services' they knew that Indonesia intended to invade at least three months before it did so, but made no attempts to prevent it, Kissinger commented on the day of the invasion "that the US understands Indonesian's position on the question (of East Timor)." The US State Department legal representative, George Aldrich later testified to the June-July 1977 hearings of a subcommittee of the Congressional Committee on International Relations that"a policy (opposing the Incorporation of East Timor) would not 5 erwe
our best interests in the light
of the importance cf our relations
with Indonesia'.
Press coverage has reflected
the lack of government concern Noam Chomsky pointed out to the UN |last year that: "In 1975, when the fate of the Portugese colonies was a matter of much concern in the West, Timor received 6 full columns in the New York Times). In 1976, when the Indonesian army was beginning the “an nihilation of the people", coverage dropped to half
a column. In 1977, when this massacre was reaching truely awesome proportions, coverage dropped to five lines.
In the case of East Timor,
an attempt is still being made to deny a nation its political independence. Indonesia is trying to remove za government which has an effective popular base, as a result of its literacy campaigns, health schemes, and agricultural cooperativisation before the іпva5іоп. Unlike Cambodia, it is possible to influence the Indonesian regime, since it heavily depends on the
industrial mations and military | : although there h rights violations relative scale an: more fully sut minimal press cow ment reaction f quiet and at ". even to the ext repressive Tili t
Nowertheless, t comic of the Wal And the COM ti suffering and of the East Tir still dependent a of military aid
The peace . .
{ CαπτίπHει
- So Sadat Wa3 position than Be get something ol Sadat Wä5 Com i support of the taking an In de Pe roduced his 5' strength lies not graphy and dem has traditionally of the Arab Wor support of at I Arab world in " word ha 5 ir tėrė to Camp David World supportin been reduced tic important, but 5
**NOW, to co question Carti people facing ea of thern was givi He could not thais Sadat. He in an awkward on one side sures of the dom are un condition: cles of Israel-a he had Arabs clse enough pre course, the AI a potential thr But that threat it Wasn't real at
These were ponents of the which led to accords.'

for loans, aid Assistance. Yet, ave been human
con a greater i these have been stantiated, tha erage and govern has been at best worst supportive, ent of supplying ary equipment.
the ewentual outr remain5 Open. nuation of the brutal treatment Thorese people is In the sanction ing from the West.
fra 77 page 7)
; in a far weaker gin. He had to ut of Camp David, ng without the Arab world and indent path. This trength. Egypt's only in its geography but Egypt been the leader |d and has had the last parts of the which the Western sts. Egypt coming without the Arab g it explicitly, had a minor powertil Timor.
me back to your Sr had these Lwo ch Other and Orlé ng in to the other. :e morte Inflexible himself was also position because he had the presestic groups-who ally for the poliind on the other who did mot exer355 ure on him. Of 1ericans perceiwcd at from the Arabs. was not there, ... the title.
the essential combalance of power the Camp Dawid
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Page 12
Diplomacy
Diplomats
by W. A. Wiswa Warna pala
SE Lanka, unlike some newly independent states, experienced no dearth of trained personnel for the management of affairs at independence. Though this was the position in relation to the Civil Service personnel, there was no trained cadre to manage foreign affairs. The original cadre of the Sri Lanka Owers eas Service, the refore, was drawn from the Ceylon Civil Service.
It was in this background that the Overseas Service Minute which contained the rules and regulations governing the for nation and function ing of the service, camc to be prepared. The draft Minute was prepared by Sir K. Waithianathan, the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and External Affairs and the te was a series of discussions between the latter and the Chairman of the Public Service Commission. These discussions were related to certain aspects of recruitment to the Owerseas Service. According to the Owerseas Minute of 1948, the service was to be composed of three classes: (A) Administrative
and Higher Officers, (B) Clerical and Executive Officers and (C) Minor employees. The Class A,
with which we are concerned in this essay, consisted of five grades, Grade I, II, and III being Heads, of Major Missions and Heads of Minor Missions respectively, in relation to these appointments the Public Service Commission negotiated with the Secretary of che Ministry of Defence and External Affairs, who took the view that in the case of appointments to Grade | to Grada | |
of Class A the wiews of the Prime Minister, conveyed by the Secretary, should generally be accepted by the Public Scrvice Commission. The Chairman of the Public Service Commission, seemingly willing to accomodate this point of view,
stated that the requirements of
O
and
the diplomatic sei from the essenti Service and more
to be paid to ". and ability to In
The arrangeme in the budgata 948-49 for the in Diplomatic M and these posts by 1st October, Waith in a than, in a of the Treasury emphasised that Si Twice will be similar to the c; 5 Cervices cof other () warsas Serwice follo y Ch’ee mod () by second me already in the including the Cey (2) by recruitme
the public, and selection in the Missio 15. D, S.
Prie Millier y th:5e in tial mela : necessary 52,5 Service. In four officers app. tioners before ti finalised to recru officers each year of a service.
PEC
The Hads of
Senana yake maint: appointed on the
selection and th in the form of p Was a Costitutio Support of this fo Hema Basnayake, General a dw i 5ed thi that the appoint of Missions abroad which in law falls w of the Public Ser
and that these should be made the Queam. Atta
45 of the Const

Foreign Service (2)
patronage
vice are different als for the Civil attention needs good presence
.
nts were rTna de y estimates of creation of posts issions OyeTsea5 were to be filled 1948, Sir K. 5king the approvial for the scheme, , the C}wer &gas for Ted on sir e5 are er diplomatic countries. The initially was to !s of appointinent: nt of personnel
Public Service lon Ciwil Sor w ice; nt from among
(3) by personal case of Hoads of Sena n ayake, the was in support of uses which wire stitute the Owor
|948, He Wanted inted as Proba1e rec†ULT1 ent is it a number of to form a nucleus
ոage
Missions, D. S. Li ne d, n 2 ed to be basis of personal is was adopted atronage, There nai argument in "m of pa tron ag2.
the Attorney 3 Fotoj 13. Mi j5t3" in ent of Halds is not a function ith In the purview Wice Corri III 155 io | appointments by Her Majesty rding to Section |t! Çjor of || 9:47,
it was a prerogative right, which, in the context of a Cabinet form of Government, could be exercised by the Governor General on the recommendation of the Prime Minister. The removal of the posts of Heads of Missions from the purview of the P. S. C affordod more opportunities for the Primo Minister to u se these posts as a Source of political patronage. The loyalty to the party in power and som c association with the Prime Minister became the criteria in the selection of Heads of Missions in the initial period, and this form of selection cane to be described as compensation for loss of political career. Tissa Wijeratine, communting on this, stated that "even the most superficial study will reveal that the Embassies were set up by the United National Party often enough to send out politicians who were considered to be alternatives to the then High Command of the UNP".
The appointment of Sir D. B. Jaya tilake as the first High Commi55ion er to India was mada in order to pave the way for D. S. Senanayake. S. W.R. D. Bandaranaike, justified this form of selection, by stating that it was difficult to find suitable people for diplomatic assignments. The appointment of four persons within a period of six years - Sir D. B. Jaya tilaka, Sir T. B. Pamabokke, 1. W. H. di Siwa ad Sir A. Yahadeva as High Commissioners to India - was quoted as an example of the failure to select proper persons. The charge was made that. certain palitical appointa es acted independent of the Govern. Thant, and the case of R. S. S. Gunawardene, the United Nations Representative and the Ambassador to the Unitad States Came to be quoted as an example. Such developments took place due to certa im deficiencies in the

Page 13
crganisation of the Ministry and Fle initial difficulties in preparing criefs and instructions to the Heads of Missions.
The mistakes committed by the early political appointees did not scourage the retention of political appointees as Heads of Missions, and the political party competition in electoral politics made it a 3 luable source of political patro
age. All political parties now accept the need for political appointments, specially in the
category of Heads of Missions. Yet another character of this category was that a large proportion of
these appointments came from the class of retired Civil Servants and Judges of the Supreme Court.
Career officers
The initial method of recruitment to the regular cadre of the Overseas Service was to make use of the Civil Ser wice Examination. The candidates, who sat this examination, were asked to state whether they were willing to take up an appointment in the Overseas
Service. In 1948, 14 candidates who were chosen in order of merit for the Ceylon Civil Service and those who indicated the preference to join the Overseas Serwice wete given a second in LEr wie W. SI mcc most of the
successful candidatos preferred to join the prestigous Civil Service, only four were chosen as Probationers in the Overseas Service. Any candidate who proved unsuitable during the probationary period was given the option to join the Civil Service and the recruitment procedure was so flexible that a recruit to the Civil Service could be exchanged in place of the candidates who opted to get back to the Civil Service, This form of mobility was applicable only at the point of recruitment, and this, in other words, meant that reversion at a later stage - the Ciw || || Sert wiCC: Was Tot cwed. In 1949, 7 graduates were Fecruited as Probationers to the Over seas Service on the results c - competitive examination. The estination was a short qualifying with such subjects as (I) Essay == Precis, (2) General knowledge 3 World Affairs, and each of
these subjects ca. The proportion of for the Wiwa Wocs of the total examination. The wigw was condu-Té Scrwice Commiss was to i furri ish th Board with a com on each candidat l recommer dati_ or rejection and a the candidate's to other competi Had befo Te it reports from hi Professor, Refere the marked paper board consisted of the Public Sor the Wice Ch: University of SI Secretary to the fenee and Exter eight candidate University degre nation and the fi. in order of Iller as Probationers Service. This Ir ment through a C2xar1 irnati or1 W: | 950 and reye Ti of the Ceylo Examination. Til ation was calle. Cwers eas Serwic
1950, the cond and the syllabu change.
Po5
The Polit|cal as in the spher brought about middle of Tei Owerseas Satwic was that the F. inadequately cc developments al. the United N gstäblishment c tions with a ne demanded an Cadre of officers cin the basis of a : tio i ĝ o : LIGO ground that bot the Owersea as different service qualities, and made that a se needs to be
the Owers as :
 
 
 

rried 50 marks. marks allowed 2 was one third marks of the preliminary inter2d by the Public iom whose d Luty e Final Selection prehensive report le, together with п for acceptance ra ting Lo indicate alacing in relation tion. This Board the candidate's is Head Mäster, :as Reports and 5. The inter Wiew of the Chairman "WE CoIT1TssiQ 1, incellor of the ri Lanka and the Ministry of Denal Affairs. Forty s-graduates with e-sat the exathist six candidates, t, were appointed
in the Overseas ethod of recruitshort qualifying
as abandoned in led to the medium Ciyi Serwie hough the examinthe Civil and ExTiraid. ii. itions of eligibility 15 underwant no
t-95
change of 1956, a of foreign policy,
changes in the cruitment to the
The criticist oreign Office was uipped and such 5 membership of lations and the зf diplomatic ге||a- w set of countries expansion in the
The recruitment CII bad Exailinbe criticised on the h Civil Service and Séryi-Q WEré LwÖ 5 requiring different the delaid was parate examination ed to recruit for Service.
There was an immediate shortage of O officers, and the Prime Minister, therefore, wanted the normal method of recruitment by competitive examination to be temporarily suspended in order to recruit a few officers by open advertisement. They were to be selected from a Tong the persons of over 30 years of age. The Selection Board, which interwiewed the candidates from Whom 8 were Selected, considered general inceliigence, personal qualitias, experience abroad knowledge of Internationali Affairs, li terriational law and languages. In 1957 the conditions of eligibility were drastically changed 5 to prevent Advocates and Barristers from applying to sit for the examination. The Public Service Commission took the position that candidates with professional qualifications should not be made eligible to apply, and it further stated that a University degree like in the United Kingdom and India, should be accepted as the basic educational requirement to sit for the exartinacion. The recognition of 'experience abroad', it was pointed Ču C, gavo a special place for candidates with private
means and it, therefore, was abandoned.
Recruitment on the basis of a
competitive examination was again
adopted in 1960 and the Govern ment Gazette of May 27, |960 published the scheme of the
examination which included five subjects carrying different marks. The pattern was as follows: Essay (IOO) Precis (50) General Knowledge (150). Wiwa Voce (250) and Special Ënglish, Sinhalese and Tamil (100), and the total was Ğ50 må rik3. Guna sena de Zoysia, in his Capacity as Secretary, Ministry of Defence and External Affairs, Cook the position that he does not "consider it necessary to implement the recommendations of the Official Language Commisson in the use of the staff officers of the Owers cas Service, as they do not come in direct contact with the Public' of Ceylon. Though this was the attitude in 1954, the changes introduced in 1956 in regard te the implementation of the Official Languages Act demanded the
Cori fineral dari pere! rg)

Page 14
Polítics
Nationhood (2)
Myths and real
by Chintaka
Myth II. The demand for a separate state is a demand of the Tamil bourgeoisie. Therefore it is reactionary and has to be opposed.
Leninism draws a fundamental distinction between the bourgeois nationalism of an oppressor nation and the bourgeois nationalism of an oppressed nation. The former is reactionary, while the latter is, in the main, progressive" "Inso far as the bourgeoisie of the oppressed nation fights the oppressor, we are always, in every case and more strongly than anyone
else in favour, for we are the sta Lunch est and Test consistent enem les of oppression. . . . . . TE
bourgeois nationalism of any oppres5ed nation has a general democratic Content that we un COnditionally support...."
(Lenin - The Right of Nations to Self Determination) This was starkly counterposed to the views held by Rosa Luxemburg (and later Bukharin and Preobrazhensky) that support for self-determination implies "support for bourgeois nationalism" which Marxists should des ist from. since each class in a nation has conflicting interests. (Rosa Luxemburg - The National Question and Autonomy).
For Lenin however, the fact that the national novernents of Turkey, India, Persia, Chima, Ireland, Korea etc had bourgeois and Petty-bourgeois leaderships, in no way implied that Marxists should not support those struggles. Likewise the petty bourgeois nature of the leaderships of SWAPO, the patriotic Front, the ANC, the PLO, Frente Polisario (Spanish Sahara), Fretilin (East Timor), the Moro Liberation Front, RA etc. etc. doesnot prevent progressives in this Country from supporting their struggles. However these same leftists, some of whom consider
2.
ewen the SLFP 3 are un remittingly the TULF, on thi is un-Marxist and 'Tis strange, 'tis w
2. The strug essentially a con the Sinhala and sie and there should stay cle: class competitic
True, the com these two bourg a certain role im this competition of the national in the classical the national strug a struggle waged rising capitalist cli of the national North lies in th: by all the oppre! the cd Luca LC: d mic 5 the main fic: bourgeoisie of th hala) nation. In urbari based Tam i oisie is opposed seeks negotiated the U. N. P. Ti ir the TT || fire mobility has been its wacillatory Polit collusion with 5 g0’w t5.
3. The TI in Communal te in class terms, demands should
True, the fee precedes cla 55 con the national rnı o yem But this is quit objectively the In of the Tamil pec bourgeoisic of the nation and its Sta is a fact that for distinction betwcc

A marxist wiew
ities
is progressive (), hostic towards grounds that it non-proletarian! ond rous strange ...
gle for Eelam is tention between Tamil bourgeoore the Left Lr of this ifra
petition between 2cisies does play this issue, but is not the essence duestion. Unlike European context :Igle is not simply primarily by a iss. The essence TÓW T1 et i thig 2 struggle waged ised classes, with idle class youth "ce, against the Ը dominant (Sinany case, the "haute” bourgeIo separatism and solutions with ddle bourgeoisie as whose upward blocked Hence tics of contention inhala bourgeois
ls view problem
rin 5 rith thar
therefore their
be opposed.
ling "Tam il-mess" 5 CiOUS 255 WiFi 1 ent in Lhe Narthe natural sice airl contradiction ple is with the dominant(Sinhala te apparatus. It most Tamils the n the Sinhala state
and the Sinhala people is blurred. But it is the duty of Sinhala leftists to comprehend the total experience of the Tamil people and work from the mation a sist reality towards the class reality. Class solidarity becares cred|- ble only if the right of ng Ilona | self
determination is taken as the point of departure. It is impossible for Sinhala and indeed Torn || Marxists to skip-ower' the nationalist feelfings of the Tam II people. Class consciousness can arise though
their national consiousness, as the struggle goes on, but it cannot be imposed artificially or arrived at in a linear fashion.
Furthermore it is not surprising that sections of the Tamil Tasses hawe a Communally tinged consciousness and often resort to fantastic anachronistic arguments“ Lenin pointed out that such a "disparate, discordan, and heterogenous mass, Conta ining the petty bourgeoisle and backward Workers' will ineytably contain the "preconceptions, reactionary fantasies, weaknesses and errors' of these sections. Leftists must not stand against or apart from these forces but must lead them along the correct path. The strong religious flavour of the Irish struggle in no way prevented (Marx and Lenin from being its staunchest supporters.
See Lenin - The 1916 uprising in Ireland- The Discussion of Self. DeterTn ination s Lummed up)
Rosa Luxemburg however, saw only the anachronistic, petty bourgeois. reactionary aspects of national movements and not their complex,
dual nature and revolutionary
potential as allies for the prole
til rit.
| 4. The militant Tani i
nationalists are opposed to the Left movement and therefore arte reactionaries who should bo combatted.
The rio ||itant Tamils are not oppos 2d to socialis Tn. They hawe been heavily influenced by the
Marxist-Leninist position on the national question and acknowledge that it is only this approach that provides a coherent conceptual

Page 15
framework for the understanding of this vexed issue. Their charge is that almost the entire Left movement has taken positions counter to the Marxist one. Thus, it is not that the militant Tamils are hostile to Marxism, but rather that our Marxists have abandoned the fundamental Marxist principal of proletarian internationalism! Hewever Tamil militants do point to certain important instances in which warious sections of the Left took up internationalist positions"For instance, the C. P. recognised the Tamils right of self-determination in 1947 and proposed regional autonomy which was a relatively correct position at the time, The LSSP.s opposition to 'Sinhala only' in 1956 and the active defence of Tamils in 1958 by the Sinhala working class; the involvement of the Ceylon Communist party (Peking Wing) in the caste struggles of the 1960's, the position taken against standardization by various radical Left groups and the Ceylon Teachers Union in the recent past-all these are are seen and spoken of as instances of solidarity extended by the Left movement to the Tamil people,
The policies and practices of the LSSP-CP after 1964 the adoption of the "Masala wadai line'; the Jan Bith || 9é é Initident, Dr. Colvin R. de Silvas constitution of 1972, the LSSP-CP's complicity in the Keenikelle shooting of 1971; their role during the incarceration, torture and shooting of Tamil youth from 1972 onwards; the Left parties silence during the thuggery and police shooting on the estates in '76-77 - all those are se en by the Tamil militants as stark betrayals of internationalism by the Left movement.
They realize that the chauvinistic deviations on the part of the Left movement correspond to and paralel the pariamentaris devia
tion of the old Left. Even the new Left however, is not in nine from criticist, Rohana Wije
weera's racistic attitude towards the plantation workers has still not been forgotten or forgiven, while the persistant refusal of even the radical Left to solidarize fully with the Tamil cause and actively combat social-chauvinism
is the cause of
TIET t.
It is the socia the Tn ilitant Tam forced the TL champion the Cal dant so wereign, si Tamil Ealam, h its degree of co goal may pгоye has also had to ideology is th socialism," and a positions in t debates of the Ul policies. The T praise the intern and Wietnam, whi of the USSR's national questic far cry from Anglophile outle tiona | FP 3rd TULFS progres the field of f. ideology are a the influence socialist orientat youth, As the organisations Pol important role mo Wement of L} the path of parl rise Proves ster this movement extraparliamenta this process of radicalization wi sify, (See ''TUL the Boycott'. March is and are quict'-L. G
5. The Nor backward, its : on the basis therefore, polit ary апа сопse
It is not fe capitalist relati that predom in e Cor. Comic for North. Given differences bet and South, ther irrigation syste areas in the Owing to thi consequent diff and means of P relations of pri parts of the i While an Asiat

Inuch disappoint
ist orientation of il youth that has LF leadership to se of an indepencular and socialist owever superficial Timitment to this
to be. The TULF proclaim that its of "scientific:
lopt anti-Capitalist he parllarmentary P govt's economic ULF leaders also ationalism of Cuba le speaking Warmly solution of the I. A this is a the conservative ok of the tradiTC |leader:5! The siwe position 5 in reign policy and
manifestation of of the scientific ions of the militant student and youth ay an increasingly in the national he North, and as lamentary compro"İla, thus impelling to adopt forms of try direct action, politico-ideological I doubtless intenF. Die T Tä ; After - Lanka Guardian affna: The 5teets April 1st Page 7).
th is feudal and iociety is stratified of Caste (and tics are reaction3rvative).
3udal, but rather, ons of Production ate in the Socio lät ICTIS of the the geographic ween the North
e was no complex in the former recolonial Ceylon. s reason and the rences in the forces roduction, the social oduction in the two sand also differed. ic mode of produ
ction based on the T1 a 55 iwe irrigation complexes predominated in the Sin hala artea 5, the Tarnil a reas Were dominated by a feudal system with
a rigid caste structure. The "Asiatic' social relations in the Sinhala area possessed a more
collective character than those in the North. The North displayed a marked tendency towards capital accumulation while the Sinhala a reas displayed a propensity to - words consumption and the Tamil areas showed signs of a private property system E T1 prior the colonial period, Those tendencies were accentuated by the relationship established with Arab merchant capital. The early phase of colonization which was of mercantilist character accelerated this trend while the later phase of Colonialism, capitalism, has resulted in capitalist private property relations establishing their hegemony over feudal and senifeudal
relations, The high degree of monetization of the Northern economy, the high degree of utilization of credit Per capita,
che reTarkable responsive ness of the Northern farmer to capitalist incentives and his intensive usage of agrochemical inputs demonstrates the fallacy of the thesis that the North suffers from feudal backwardness. The caste system exists in the realm of consciousness and ideology (ie. in the superstructure), but not in the substructure except in residual from. The existence of caste prejudices is hardly surprising since pre-capita
ist ideas Persist. In the superstructural realm in almost all capitalist societics including the most advanced i. e., loyalty to
the monarchy in Britain,
Just as many African trancended tribalist loyalties and prejudices in the process of a protracted liberation stragglo, the barrier 5 of Thale chau'yin İsrîı Yere overcorne in Algeria and Wietnam in this very same process. (See Fanon and Cabral) Likewise, Casteism and male chauvinism can be eradicated from the consciousness of the Tamil people only in the course of a struggle against national oppression. The fact that of the Tamil youth Inilitants many are from the ga-talled "lower' tagtes. I nditilte
K (u ľirTre:ľ Jr. Page Tč)
peoples

Page 16
Religion
Islamic fundamentalism (2)
Religion and nationa
by N. M. M. I. Hussein
T problem about making a
just appraisal of fundamentalism is that it has, as noted earlier, an ambivalent character it wishes Lo build for the future by going back into the past. The commonsense wiew about this should be that it is simply not realistic to go back to the golden age in which religion was practised in its pristine purity. This might have been possible for the Wahabis in an isolated part of the world in the eighteenth century, but it is scarcely conceivable in the modern world of Islam. The fundamentaist has inevitably to cope with the present and the future. Anthony D. Smith in his "Theories of Nationalism' argues that the need to cope with the present problems leads to a gradual, often unperceived and un intended, secularization of fundamentalisin.
The question arises whether the idea of going back to the past has nevertheless a revolutionary signsficance as argued by Mircea Eliade in his theories about "the return to the source" for renewal. In his 'Aspects of Myth", he cites rewolutionary and nationalist movements which cultivated the myth about a 'return to the source." He says, for instance, that the leaders of the French Revolution sought inspiration from ancient Rome and Sparta and regarded themselves as restoring the virtues exalted by Livy and Plutarch. He also analyses the idea of a return to source in the millenarian mowe2 - ments of Europe. It could be that what seems to many of us the most retrogate aspect of funda Tenta |- ism, the reversion to the past, really arises out of a revolutionary impulse, howewer idealistic and un realistic it may be.
It should be useful at this point to make Some obserwations on the significance of the attempt to
4.
reWi We Shrialt ||Y, Some light on character of fund elaboration of jurists and thi second century a has been regar Scholars - Gibb being, 'from thi logical perfection brilliant essays of "It would seem behind the atter Shariat law is a ancient glories. unrealistic to exp requirements of in the last quarte century can be m of Shariat law, or tition. There di desire for a pL behind the idea c law, but this aga istic for most is the present day salutary to recall 'We "82r1 t rermar"k5; i Wines of Shiraz h; phed over the law
The idea ofrey could also arise to control gover
lf if the wiew to the wielders of p tempt for the rul the Constitution, on a personal art lutist basis, if po by principle or
People are reduce of being "losser
the law,' then t of Sacred Law. not the law of Constrain power.
ists may be mist Pheed for Shariat may be mistaken tations about the law, but their in progre55 iwe, if no for ro progress i

| ism
as it could throw the ambivalent amentalism. The Shariat law by tologians in the fter the Prophet led by Western for instance - as : point of view of one of the most human reason ing. , therefore that mpt to return to desire to rew iw c2 But it seems quite Cect that the legal Islamic societies of the twentieth et by the revival even by its adapio seems to be a Iritanical society if rewiwing Shariat in seems un realam fic: Societies of It should be one of the irreof Gibbon, The awe always trium5 of Mohammed."
iving Shariat law out of a desire "nmental power. f fundamentalists Cwer show Cone of law, sub wert exercise power itrary, and absower is unlimited ideology, and is d to the status breeds without the introduction he Law of God, man might helD The fundamental:aken about the law, and they În their expecbenefits of that tention could be t revolutionary, 5 ever possible
anywhere unless power is control|ed, if not rough democratic Processes and law, through respect for religions or other principles, through Ideology. The idea of reviving Sariat law thus seems to show up the ambivalent character of fundamentalism: nostalgia for a golden age, a retrogressive Puritanism, and at the same time a desire to set the pre-condition for progress through law.
The aspect of reversion to the past in fundamentalism could be relevant also for the problem of the recovery of national identity, a problem which could arise out of the excessiwe westernisation of elitc groups. This could lead to a revulsion against the West, a rejection of gross materialism, a quest for cultural and national identity. Some sort of reaction against modernization is evidently involved in fundamentalism.
It seems curious that the reformist movements which sought to adopt religion to the needs of modernizing societies should have virtually becomic defunct, considering the extraordinary vigour displayed by such movements in the |atter Part of the nimeteenth century and the early part of the twentieth century. The Islamic World produced two extraordinary reformists during the last century in Jamaldin Afghani and Mohamed Abduh. and in this century the Islamic world produced some figures who subjected religion and traditional culture to a rigorous critique. An outstanding example of daring was provided by the case of the Egyptian Taha Hus scin who in westigated the sources of the language of the Koran in pre-Islamic Arabic poetry. Reformism in the Hindu world of India appears to have followed a similar course of vigour in the last century and decrepitude in the present. Perhaps the reformist movement accomplished its Purpose after giving momen turn to anti-colonial nationalism. and lost its purpose after that nationalism became vigorous. It could be that one aspect of the significance of fundamentalism is that it tries to cope with some of the problems of post-colonial nationalism.

Page 17
The importance of trying to understand Islamic fundamentalism is shown by the reports appearing nowadays about the resurgence of the Moslem Brotherhood in parts of the Arab World. This is the most important of the fundarmen talist movement, which has shown remarkable staying power for decades against great odds. If the reports about a notable resurgence of this mo Woment are correct, it should mean that there is considerable disillusion ment in Parts of the Islamic world with the secular ideologies of nationalism and socialism which have been dominant for some time. Most Islamic societies appear to have relegated religion to the background while trying to transform themselves through secular ideologies. Perhaps a disillusicr ment with what has been achieved could explain the resort to religion as the dynamic to transform society effectively.
It is questionable, of course, whether fundamentalism can morte effectively transform societies than the secular ideologies. The | imitations implied by the attempt to return to the past, the limitations implied by the analogy suggested earlier with the millenarian mowements, are important even if it is recognised that fundamentalism cannot be written off as nothing but reaction of the Worst sort.
The positive role that fundametalism might play is suggested by Some obserwations about religiom if Wortheim's Evolution and Rewoution. After obser wing that it does not seem that religion can always perform its traditional function of a diverslon, stemming the tide of "red rewolution", he say 5 "Cn the contrary, it might be swallowed by the revolutionary ups urge and act as a cataly5t, in CCImbination with non-religious ideologies,'
The purpose of this article has
been descriptive and analytical, Iot cwaluative, and not critical of any societies, governments, or
political movements in the Islamic world. The idea has been to promote an understanding of an important religious and political movement in the Islamic world, since it seems to provoke misunderstanding and antipathy.
Priests and p
Asian
by Yohan D
sia ha 5 produci
Christian
gians and leaders, den and M. M. Christian Instituce of Religion and S lore, India, were M. M. Thomas W the Central Cor World Council . the time the fam combat racism We who may be men fessor C. T. Kurei S. J. Sebastian Ki dia ), Cardira || Kir Tji, Kim Ch | Ha (S koyama (Japan), Bi yen, Edico de la pines), Joachim P Pieris S. J. (Sri these hawe 5 erwė ( terns of imprisor
An A5ia TH go
tion was held ir January this ye: about 90 delegat all Aslan Countrie sored by the cation of Third W. and was backed ård Prota 5 tät W presentatives of WF as observers T were Bishops La ma singhe and Le Sri Lanka. The Consultation Wals Asian Christians for full humanity ples.
Sri Lanka
it is in the co word mowerient of Christian grot. should be conside then be wiewed spective. Grou E Christian Worke Student Christian Centre foro Socie and the Satyod for many years the attempt to wance of the Ch

olitics (3)
theology
ewananda
ad distinguished
radical theoloPaul Dewa13ımhomas of the
for the Study ociety at Bangaearly pioneers. as President of mittee of the if (CHLITche5 at nous grants to !re made... CD the T5 tioned are Proin, Samuel Rayen Ippen S. J. (Inn, Bishop Daniel . Korea), Kosuke shop Julio LebaTorre (Philipillai and Aloysius Lanka). Some of d or are ser wing
ogical Consulta| Sri Lanka in ir. There were 25 from almost :5. It was sponEcumenial Assoorld Theologians by both Catholic ord bodies, reich Were present he Co-Chairman kish Than Wickrao Nama yakkara of
there of the the role of in the struggle
of Asian peo
in text of such a :hat the activities Jps in Sri Lanka red fo, they may in historical per5 such läs the is Fellowship, the
Movement, the ty and Religion aya Centre hawe been involved in
show the releristian Gospel to
social and political action in Sri Lanka. The writer of this papar has also been involved for se weral years in such action-reflection at Dewasarana in Ibb agam Lwa. Incidentally, Dewasarana has also been discovering the roots of Buddhist radicalism in politics - this is a
subject of immense importance and will need a separate paper for itself. Incidentally, it must
be emphasized that various Christian group S AS Well as indiwidual 5 involved in progressive political action hawe their warlou s standpoints and not all of them, of course, would accept the standpoint of this paper.
The 'Daily News' asks:
"If there a section of the Catholic hierarchy actively campaigning again st the United National Party and the Government of President J. R. Jayewardene which came into office in July 1977 with an un precedented mandate swooping out the Freedom Party and
annihilating its one-time leftist allies'
It must be remembered that the main reason why the UNP got such an un precedented mandate was because a large part of the people of this country was sick and tired of the previous gover nment and wanted a change at any cost and the UNP was the only practical alternative, Navartheless, the SLFP got 29% of the votes to the UNP's 51%, which was a fairly considerable minority. The leftist parties got only 5%, Tn is was a Serlous set-back for the T. It was because they were serious|y divided and bundered In certain important respects. But this does not mean that the Left has been wiped out. There still remains a fairly considerable un countabile number of people in this country that realise that neither the U. N. P mor the SLFPboth of which are essentially bourgeois parties - hold the key to the solution of this country's

Page 18
problems. A move to the Left will occur sooner or later. As to when this will be cannot be predicted. Meanwhile, those who are committed to the socialist cause will ne yer cea se to hope and Work for a radical alternative for Sri Lanka. They hawe ewery right to do so. Attempts to wield the big stick whether by newspaper Editors or any others will certainly not deter them.
The people recognize that Pre
sident J. R. Jayewardena received a clear man date to rule. He has achieved his life's ambition to
wear the President's Crown. The people will be quite prepared to allow him to enjoy the bliss of this state for some time longer, provided the price to pay will not be too high. If the price of the UNP's bliss is constant rising of prices, constant sacking of workers, constant neglect of peaSants, constant repression of a Cademic freedom (more university students hawe been suspended in the last two years than in the whole history of university education in this country), constant repression of democratic and human rights, and constant talk of a spurious development that benefits mainly, if not only the rich, then i will be time to te || the U. N. P. it has forfeited the right to rulc and an alternative must be found.
The future
The present ruling elite has failed again and again to solve
the people's problems. They are entrenched in positions of power and privilege which cut them off from the realities of the people's struggle for justice. They are insensitive and unresponsive to the real-feeds of the people. So the people must develop an alternative
leadership with an alternative programme. There is no easy way to this, and irresponsible
short-cuts must be guarded against It will need much creative thinking and action as well as a hard struggle. In these difficult tasks, Christian radicals will join with radicals of other religions as well as with secular radicals in the common struggle for a new society.
Surgical . . . (ρητίνιι εί
cominent of : mused. "At any machine can pac checked regular |left to the animae to keep the co
ir..!!
Another con Health Depart about iocal post for doctors.
"The only w İs that olur yol not be aware
the equipment i checked by a
arly and durin the surgeon or does not hawe to There is a t the premises.
A Colortinbio surgeon told t there is no re theatre technicia
there are half repairers alway two air-conditi
Myths and . .
( μητηρεί ν'
that this process underway,
Спe of Leni essays on the was captioned '' Advanced Asia", the face of Marxi tradition-bound ward as opposed highly politicized pointed out tha Asia, where the Werg in 3nticolof politically more Europe. Lankan li been accus torned ti ngly that the peop North will hawe t Caste-ism by the prolatariat after the South, mus Lenin's essay as m.

'(???? :gé 5)
In other. He then time the Boyle's k up if it is not ly. Then it is sthetist's ingenuity rect gas flowing
mented that the Tent is talking -graduate training
ay to justify this Ing doctors will that in England, n the theatre is technician regulg an emergency
the anaesthetist be an electrician. rained mam om
General Hospital he L. G. althouh sident operating n on the spot, a dozem |ift s on duty with ning repa immen.
r Page )
is already well
n's best known Colonial question Backward Europe, which flew in st Orthodxy that Asia was backto capitalist and Europe. Lenin the awakened broad masses ial ferment, was a dwa nced than ftists, who hawe speak patronisie of conservative O ble feed from ictorious Sinhala he TC wolutior in now regard ldatory reading.
ИVHEN IN NEGOM BO
RELAY AT THE
PRESTIGNOUS
BLUE OCEANC
BEACH HOTEL
60 DOUBE ROOMS
A LA CARTE MEALS
SWIMMING Pool
Phone: 03 || 237 7
FOR RESERVATIONS

Page 19
Book review
Buddhist sociali:
he general interest that this T蠶 of barely 72 pages his evoked among the Sinhala re=ders is in deed as to un ding. Even the Sinhala Bauddaya, the cithodox Buddhist bi-monthly did mot hes||tale to give it a favouble rewiew, Yet the content of the book and the general htust of the discussions Contained the rein do not seem to cally with the ideological blue print of the 'new' society and conventional opinion.
Content
If this symposium of articles were to be translated into English, the title I would suggest for it, is "Buddhist Socialism." This word, grant, has been restricted by political observers of the past to indicato the non-marxist Political thinking and praxis of S. W. R. D. Banda Taalke of Sri Lanka, U Nu of Burrna and the earlier Sihanouk of Cambodia. It could also stand for the clearly anti-marxist socialism which J. R. Jayewardene has recommended to the Buddhists in his well-known article "Buddhism and Marxism." But the Socia||5T a d'WOcated in Budu- daha па ћa Janatawa cannot comme under either of these categories.
If we may work back from the last article of the symposium we may hawe a clearer wiew of what Buddhist Socialism is about. Senarath Wijegun dara, the last contr|- butor to the symposium identifies Socialism as the "political vision that accords with what Marx and Engels have described as scientific socialism," in contrast with feudalism and capitalism (pp. 64-65).
Is Buddhism compatible with such 3 species of socialism? The question is re-formulated: Can a Buddhist progress in the spiritual pursuits enunciated in the Buddha-dhamma while living and shaping his secular Fe within a Marxist-Socialist syst=m? The author Thain talns that it Es within an acquisitive, selfish sys
"Budu-dahan Buddirls ancl ir rrrrrrry li f'W' fire. In these hear sa e Fiblic platfor? rary articles hartritory and is failing, it is ficance tag. Í join publicario, and highly repr hisr a'r gan yr isaf fod R& (Iilg! Elle CFFF Workers' Federi y ffig 14wer is Aloy
tem that a Bud adopt the selfle: modus Yiwer dit The author then mu Tertus teach i of Buddhism to Buddhisi T ärnd S only compatible mantary (p. WI) that the spiritu a his and the S Marxism complet
The two prec. are working ba |last article) are a same thesis. It to the anti-Marx religion is prot cased i frë e mitir ted in Socialist ci G 1ānābhi war så point that religic harm as in a capi Capitalisill that well-being the human growth. t portunism, explo tiveness. It i: countries that colonialist1 haw discriminatory nism. Does thi basics of any rel
B. Y. Tuda'ya t prong of the in free dormi iri Socia

S
na ha Janntava” ΙήΕ με αμε, ί. α μπιτ με νEηdays when 'e' pias talk oli i 7 ved read o a ho Liť riaťforzaľ religio [45 Iri deroaf special sig - Treg hook is da ri of а доилег/t:! ester Triye Bidd7I, fhi e Sri Ltarika 1 Sαrηrη εί η αμα the Chris in "aI filar7. TWr&: ré25 iul5 Pieris S.W.
dhist cannot easily is non-acquisitive aught in Buddhis II goes on to explain mgs and prattices demonstrate that ocialism are not but even cornpleimplying, thereby, | praxis of Buddocialist praxis of e each other.
ding articles (we ckwards from the windication of the is an indirect reply ist argument that scLeod im the sQons" and persecua un tries. The Rey, There makes the in nowhere suffers talist society. It is
rāks eni in easuring-rod of hus Inculcating opitation and acquisi5 in the capitalist class hatred and e coincided with *eligious expansioi 5 mot wic late the
gion?
hen takes the other rgument; religious list countries. Did
Russia really persecute the Christians? If one were to go by statistics of and distribution at the time of the October Revolution, the Church owned a dispropotionately large section of the available and compared to what belonged to the peasantry. It is such abusive practices that the Marxists ruthle 55 ly gliminated. Ewen the separation of the Church and State was possible for the first time in history only with the October
Rewolution. It is tot only "religion' that is allowed to be practised there but als co "non
religion", particularly a theism.
These two articles are preceded by two positive and dispassionate expositions of the Buddha's social teaching. The Wen A. In darata na Thera presents the Buddhist ethics of socialism, substantiating his statements by allusions to, rather than by direct quotations from, the Buddhist scriptures. He resorts to a socialist re-reading of the Buddhist teach ing 5 on "Right Livelihood" {ူး"၃၇န္ဒူll;}; In a similar strain the Wen Rahula Thera expatiates on the concept of "equality' in
Buddhism.
The remaining two articles with which the symposium begins can be regarded as the prelude to the The5is of Buddh Ist 5--ialism. Ray Ma palagama, Wipulasara Thera indicates the Tain lines along which the Buddha liberated his followers from subservience to superstition and religious authoritarianism and how this new concept of freedom is at the basis of a new concept of man. The implication is that the Buddha's injunction to question tradition should inspire Buddhists of today to free themselves from traditio ra | Todels and thirik afresh on contemporary situations. Chandima Wije bandara then takes up the thorny question of Karina which Cän bei Tiscons EFL 2 as implying fatalism. Far from being a do time of absolute determinis T1 it || 5 il fact a y indication of man's in nate potentiality to Produce any desired fruit here on earth. Hence it is far from be
7

Page 20
ing an obstacle to Social construction of a Just Society.
-
Political Convictions
Rev. D. Yassassi Thera, the dуnamic Secretary of the Sri Lanka Bauddha Maha Sammel anaya (SLBM)
the introduction hat this beginning directed Population also acknow thց Workers
Workerof our Country. edges that Re ECEiidea from the Christian fellowship (CWF). This first time that
the double Context of the
s' struggles and the Buddhist Culture. Se one could sense Confluence of Christian Radicialism, Marxist Socialism and the aspirations of the Sinhala Buddhis masses. It is for this reason that one must keep in mind that SLBMS which made up "nostly of Sinha Peaking monks, differs in outlook rom the A Ceylon Buddhis, Congress (ACBC) which could not 'Ye subscribed to Some of the pinions expressed in this booklet. snalogically, the mainline chuirhes, both Catholic and Protes
YWICIT'.--
t 2t this
clear to the Te Wie Wer
joint publication again prowed that even er-religious dialogue and/or religious confi reed to be der staod in terms of a soi Promic class structure. Le
explain.
Both Budd hists
and Christians o five at a
'orker-peasant may find it easy to com. ficate on the harsh demand Socialism in as much as the dhists and Christians who |wa in economically higher seve d agree Easily On the adva. S of a "free Society'.
Theatr
The E
he overwh
of Present-d; attempt to cory *F, much to elder generation However, a play focuses LIPסm a issue is stil a f urance. Ran B. Di Ho. Ma Ho (Gus such a play. It is effort to grapple w help demas iš Hith of S. W. R.D.E.
The Plot is simo domineerihg mari. tician, (a Mayoress together with
oterie of officials, 05 statue of Santiago Mama at a
The last century Were between the ciousness of Sri L culated by Sinha and the Colonia of Sri Lanka by
identified
Wer
° 50Cio-econor have radically ch
antinomies of today between two Clą: eros 5 Buddhist-Ch daries. That is
Buddhists and CF the same class
seem to speak of th derstanding Ճf th lity within thể 53'TE
One final T-2 Tärk. Seu of Marxist-socials hison might fing the style of these article and evem naively so. Thera in his in trod Stalls this objection. is addressed to reader from the WOkg
*Pictly intende 部岛 Introduction thց ե .gs of socialism in th Buddhism. We h ope fore profound aspects his in and Marxism ar QLL dialectically In the numbers of this 52 res.

indaranaike cult
ing majority Sinhala plays political messire of the dra Tha critics, ch consciously irrent political ly rare ocanayake's Raja in 33 g) is hinly disguised h, and indeed, hersonality cult daranalke,
le enough. A rch of a poli
to be exact), r sycophantic Tt T, ETC T= local hero, entral spot in
's antinomies
a Buddhism exploitation Western pois Christian. ThiC, contours anged. The are basically Ses
to say, the
ristians of 5 tandpoints
wavelength.
eir religious e social rea
A con moi 5
m and Budd
content and i too simple, Rey Yasassi uction fore
The b၀၀: | op histicated "-class. It is
a simple asic teachc light of
that the
of Budd | E brought subsequent
national con 5anka as arti
cutting ristian boun
the town. The sheer size and location of the statue proves an impediment, not to mention an eyesore, to the Community. After much debate, the populace mobilizes itself, and in the teeth of opposition from the powers-thatbe, topple the edifice. The playwright thus tries to convey the id ca that tha Bandaramai ke cult has become an obstacle to the forward march of the people, and should be demolished forthwith. But playwright P. G. G. Silva seema to hawe got himself caught in something of a contradiction, since Santiago Mama as he appears in the piay, was an authentic popular hero, an impowerished fisherman who warns his people, of an imminent imperialist invasion and dies by the enemy’s bullet. Bandaranalike of course was no such hero, and therefore the parallel doesn't hold, or rather is severely weekened as is the play itself. The audience is confused as to what the playwright's evaluation of Bandaranaike really is. Does he object to the myth itself or merely the magnitude of the myth? Does he criticize only the roportions of the statue or does e question the legitimacy of its very presenee in the pantheon of popular heroes? This ambiguity is the central flaw from which the play suffers.
Ran. B. Dissanayake and P. G. G. Silva must be congratu lated for attempting a critique, however incomplete and fitful of the myth.
lt is hearten ing to note that the new crop of dramatists like Dissanayake and Silva have begun to realise the urgency of this need to debunk legends. In conclusion it must be mentioned that in this particular dramatic effort, they have been ably assisted by a group of youthful actors and actresses (such as Wiyon be Mel, Hema siri Ferdinando, Lyn FernanNilendra Desha priya et al).
Susi George Seneviratne Traflares frờrr Sirhaliu)
do,

Page 21
Lionel . . .
(Corred fruit Faரச பி)
Exit
The feeling of Security plus the profound belief that the GA was a man whom anyone could approach anytime and hawe their
problems solved as quickly as human ingenuity would go would naturally ebb away with his departure.
Mr. S. M. Gopalaratnam, the editor of the prestigious independent provincial daily "“EELA, -NADU' feit that the GA's sudden transfer could be attributed to the fact that the Government did not really want harmony in Jaffna. "As in the past, anything could happen now' he toid me on the 19th morning "Look at the front-page news item of yesterday's incident at PP in the National newspapers. Even this incident may lead to some unforseen developments in the South."
Asked his opinion on the newly appointed District Secretary-Mr. Yogendra Dural swamy. Mr Gopalafathan told me that though Mr Dura iSwamy was an experienced diplomat now resident in Jaffna the present situation was different. -- It would hawe been better if he had not been in politics earlier. However, if a similar situation ccurs like the'77 riots I doubt if
he will be able to control it. We must remember that in '77 the Tamil Additional GA. In the
=bsence of the GA tried his best to contain the developments that arcse at the carin, wall but failed and had to contact the Defence Ministry in Colombo."
"The people here feel that the local elections will do more harm Han good", continued Mr. Gopalanam. "For one thing, the TULF is sure to win at least 17 ===ts in Jaffna. They will, I think, to cooperate with Mr Dura l- my but how far, I don't know, - District Minister Worked extremely well with Mr Fernando. The cither big question mark is whether Mr. Sivagnanam the Special
ComThis iomgr Wyl fine job of work pelled to follow of exit as those a and Fernando. if the Police are W to avenge the once Mr. Fernan
Whate'ye r" de
are in Storë
months one thi Yogendra Durais appointed DS
(while GAS are DS in other E Jaffna that an out in as the DS) thբ et S Though many P. ations about
they were prepar of any alternati' a chance to p. Can he cope W. Si Lua tibi like tł
which the G.A. so skilfully? ' work towards
presence of t (a real irritant In the North all the Banks opened withot (o wer | | banks, W. the people Wor with their closur
tr"Cat all thE irrespective of Caste? How fair Wit LF1 TULF
tr:19iction?
ot. Durais too Eагly to answ "I can only say
LITT I DO ha'ye diyor cad T
- the Tai P. of which I was and that I wo:
development of saged by Presi As for my view

to has done a would be comthe same path if Mr. Egodapitiya And who knows waiting for a chance Nallur incident do leaves'
velopments that in the Coming ing is clear. Mr. wamy the newly by the President to Operace a5 L reas it is only in sider is brought will be pushed to Tage in Jaffna. 2 ople had reser Whis appointment ed in che absenco ve, to give him rowe his worth. rith an emergency le Nallur incident Fernando handled Will he actively minimising the he Armed Forces among the people)
Will he see that in the area are it further delay? wara still closed ard to really suffering te.) Will be really people equally their politics or will he cooperate - his main Con
my thought it was wer my question5. " that | hawe issued
the effect that lyself from politics aople's Movement the President - ld serye towards the area as erwident Jayewardene. s about the Armed
Forces etc; they are already published as evidence given by me be foro the San 5 oni Commission.”
Some of the Teasures suggeited by Mr. Duraiswany on behalf of the Progressive Tamils before the Sangoni Commission Were : — (a) A knowledge of Sinhala and Tamil should be made, inter alla, com Pulsory for recruitment to public, local government and public corparation services, (b) It is essentia I that al|| communities should be adequately represented in the Security Services. (C) The polica should hawe good Public relå tions. (d) It is necessary to appoint an ombuds Tan for each province to inquire into complaints against the misuse or abuse of power by Govt; officials and Security personnel. (e) No political interference should be allowed in the Security Services. (f) Legislation should be brought to punish those who incite communal hatred, (g) News of communal conflicts should not be published un necessarily. (h) The Armed Forces-Army, Navy and Air Force should be reroyed from the North and the East.
(To be continued)
Diplomats and . . .
(Cuлгілек! froрлі радуст I г.)
recognition of Special Sinhala and Tamil for the purposes of the competitive examination.
In 1961 the candidates educated in the Official Languages were allowed to sit for the Civil Service Examination. Yet no candidate ente sed in the Siri hala Tmedium. The 1950 examination was held om the basis of "the co Tbied recruitment forula' and 83 candidate5 sat whiis 13 of them were interviewed. The first 5 candidates were appointed as recruits for the Ceylon Civil Service and the next four candidates were appointed to the Overseas Service. The abolition of the Ceylon Civil Service and the creation of the Ceylon Administrative Service on 1st May 1963 altered the nature and organisation of the elite cadre of the administrative service of the Island.
9

Page 22
Satire
Share and
by Nicodemus
is hearten ing to
Sri Lankans now resident in Canada are getting along like a pine forest cn fire. Scribe Kirthie Abeyesekera, reporting the get --together of these em migrants on Sinhala and Tamil New Year (CDN) painted a picture of a Rotarian, one-for-all and all-for
-one spirit, a rare commodity back home even among Rotarians.
Cur oan in Canada“ Corea, spoke about his "waliant countrymen who are keeping alive the light of their own culture' and pointed out that the Jolly get to-gether of the Canada-Sri Lanka Association was a manifestation of "shared hopes, shared achievements and shared disappointments." Before sharing these earnest sentinents High Commissioner Corea had kissed the cheek of eight-year old Dilhani Jaya manne who garlanded him. A newcomer to diplomacy Corea did not Surreptitiously use his handkerchief om his lips like many others who lie abroad for their country.
read that
Ernest
This bonhomle among self-exiled countrymen in Canada is certainly not evident south of the border. Last week there were reports that fisticuffs broke loose when a similar group met in New York. Such lack of cana radarie is confir. med by another story sent us by a L. G. subscriber passing through Idaho (to see his ex-wife) on a U. S. l. S. travel gran C. He was an invited to the Aluth Awurudhu reception organised in Pocatello, Idaho.
He writes. . . . . . . .
three Sri Lankams mustered in the Salvation Army Hall in downtown Pocated for an even ing program of traditional Aluth Awurudhu celebrations. The Chief Guest was Mr. Cornelius "Corpse" Graveman, the leading city undertaker.
Twenty
20
share a
The proceedin short address b, the Association, M formerly crack Racket and Pips -Bibile ora and with Pocated Missjoni.
Marcus Borum; bitterly that h with anonymous the previous day in "sụdda Sinh upon himself the the celebrations Committee Meeti that the honour to a Montessori the first Sri Lan holder In Lhe st he said, had "yo Lu Sinha lese E thought he recog in spite of a nasal
He was roundly cosmopolitan cros teachers and th husbands, male Scholarship holde importers and others who mum when asked about status in the land c
As he backed Stage, a scuffle bri two unemployed Wiwa 5 curtained { wives. The figh should shake han chief guest whili whispering in eagerness to wor rates in his nort
Mutual goodwill This was evident CCIlW{2r:5 ati (). Il d5 different groups each other fr distances. The C was suddenly bric voice calling acros
one Beryl not |kiributh.
"It's al II pillur screamed. "You it. mö}''

ke
began with a the Secetary of ircus Borunayake, rug ped liar for during the pre ow a Holy Roller Divine Thought
take complained was besieged elephone callers who insulted him la" for taking task of organising without calling a Ig. It was hinted should have gone teacher who was kan green card ite One caller, wen calle him ... ...r' and he nised the voice | Lwang.
hooted by the wd of Montessori eir u nemployed n LJ T525, this "s, cheap Curio about a dožen ble incoherently heir employment f hope and glory.
away from the Ike Qut between husbands which y their tough was ower who s first with the simultaneously is eart one's 3 C T O 1-1 lor агу.
'assadly sing by the lack of twenty three
ood Staring at 1 comfortable 2erless silence en by a shrill the hall urging -O touch the
the voice ow who made
Nicodemus's opening paragraph
is now tinged with an unanticipated irony, since shortly after we received this piece, the "Daily
News' carried a dispatch from the New York correspondent, reporting the goings - on at a Sri Lankan get - together in Canada in which journalist Kirihi Abeye
sekera was injured and hospital
lised; hardly the "Rotarian' spirit.
Ed, ー The traditional oil lamp was
then lit by the chief guest in grim silence which seemed not to upset or effect him. Mr. Graveman softly asked the "folks around to help light a match' with him. In the stam pedo to the lamp to be the first Sri Lankan at the wick, Mr. Graveman was knocked off his fect and on a of the willing hands that reached out to pick him up also picked his pocket.
The kiributih, kawun and kokis was then served by those who had volunteered to prepare the traditional delicacies. All except the family members of the cooks of a particular dish declined to eat. An eight-year old girl, whose hand was struck sharply by her mother when she reached out for a cube of kiri buth, was heard to wail; "Aw, mommy, wanna tas te some of that mess. It looks like baked porridge'.
While the food was being served for Sri Lankans walked out of the hall in a huff. Their protest was that they were unaware that the Secretary had called for volunteers to prepare the traditional food and that if they knew of this arrangement one of them would hawe certainly contributed Some wadai, soosium and bonda.
The celebrants continued to
share their hopes, achievements and disappointments in death ly silence while Secretary Borunayake made desultory small talk with Mr. Gray emar. This silence was broken by a calling signal bleeping from a small radio receiver attached

Page 23
bonk in
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Wg endaw our to know och of our client 4 understi nd your problem as if they ard okir o'i of Calambo in 1551, wre have 4prcad to town“ i
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We are better equipped today to corry in CW
It in eur mutual fruf and contidance thathar Bought-tor bank in the local bank ing circ e
PEOPLE
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O 12 lakh of them do O 224 brauch bu in eig kinri rhi u thu lilland
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friend rather than as a mere custonet. We try to wn. That's why from humble bin ring in the city und willags in Sri Lanka, and strengthanedaur Iinks
in bigger load of Eponsibility on Your behalf.
e helped us gain the corated polition of the not
ES ERANK
NT WITH THE NATION
I E L’AMBO ?

Page 24
to Mr. Grave man's belt: He switched it on and a sad voice
a wer.
'Calling the boss', it said. ''There is a stiff to collect from Shady Avenue. Good white area and worth a grand in services if
you do the honours personally."
Mr. Grave man thanked tha gathering and left in a dignific d hurry with a 'glad to have been with you folks and remember. The
in time of need. I like you │ndians a 5 much as ours".
Mr. Borunayake, looking as
ha rassed and tired as after selling one of his Divine Thought courses to a dying, rich widow, announced that the happy occassion would be concluded by a Kandyan dance recital by Felicity Kanupala, wife
of Tikii, third su of Pocatello Side,
There was an to the exit by the Tikiri, his three correspondent audience yours tr of Felicity owin; al 550ciation 5.
The spirit in Awurudha was c great city was, in lt was a les son Country men kee of their own emerging force : the previous re not a single fatal no alchohol was
The married sly signs of gra'
WE WOULD HAWE
2. BODIES SE I FACE RATHER THAN
2 FACES & BODY
Serv
Th
H
at the although
并
GER
2
2
 

Jervisory engineer alk Maintainence.
rush Marcus, kids and your were the only ly being an invitee to past native
immediate
others.
which the Auth elebrated in this leed, encouraging. m how Cour dear alive the spirit
culture now an fter the fa || of gime. There was
incident. Further, served.
Women showed .itude to Marcus
For 115 Years
ice with a
e Sword
AVE STOOD GUARD
entrance for many recent years some ALE NS wanted me removed
Support Charities
* Stop Sητοκιηg. Avoid Alcoholis
== Don’t Garrible.
Sανε Ματβιν
is to defend
OUR COUNTRY OUR EMPLOYEES
&
OUR GUESTS
Borunayake for not having to cook dinner since a MacDonald hamburger and a coke on the way home would be a sufficient substitute. The others merely cursed him for having had to miss the weekly idiot-box edition of Pater Falk as Inspector Colombo,
STOP PRESS.... Your correspondent, who flew to San Francisco next day, was told that four San
Francisco Bay Area-Sri Lanka Associallons met for similar festiwiti e5
at four different wenues in San Francisco, Berkeley, San Bruno and Richmond. They had individually
censured the two Sacramento-Sri Lanka Associations, about a two hour drive away, for not inviting them to join in the celebrations in that city.
smile
- Groy Food
: Keep Fit

Page 25
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Page 26
As I like it
Trotsky as
lumni of the Peralden i ya carn
pus in the fifties may remember Jean van Heijenoort, Who taught mathematics there at that time. Not many people, however, probably knew that this distinguished mathematician had been in his youth Leon Trotsky's secretary, translator and bodyguard, when the outcast revolutionary was in exile, first in Prinkipo (Turkey), and later in France, Norway and Mexico. Wan Heijenoort, who was a French citizen in spilte of his Dutch name, left the Trotsky household seven months before the assassination. He has now written a memoir, With Trotsky in Exile (Harvard University Press), whose main new revelations seem to be some incidents connected with Trotsky's love-life during his last years, which cast an unexpectedly comic light on the drama of his Mexican exile.
lsaac Deutscher's biography had already hinted that Trotsky (who was then nearing sixty) was attracted by Frida Kahlo, the beautiful and gifted wife of Diego Rivera, the famous Mexican painter who arranged for Trotsky's Mexican
asylum, It now turns out "from Wan Heijenoort's account that there was a full-scale affair bet
ween Trotsky and Frida, which the painter (who was highly jealous by nature) fortunately knew nothing about. Natalya, Trotsky's wife, however did; and to relieve the strain, Trotsky decided to leave his house for a remote hacienda Where Frida could visit him. Wan Heijenoort's chief worry, meanwhile, was whether rumours of the situation would reach the ears of the GPU,
Ultimately the affair was called off, while Trotsky was still at the hacionda, but his reaction was to transform his guilt into an unfounded jealousy of Natalya, whom he accused of infidelity with a colleague in Moscow, shortly after the Revolution He next had a resurgence of desire for
24
Don Jua
her, and sent h the state of his
which he referred Lular Ru5sian word
Soon after the wolvemen C5, Trotsk emergency plan te tingency he alwa Stalinist attack on materialised two the machine-gun a Siqueiros, anothic Mexican painter). was that a ladder against a garden of which he cou and take shelter in ing house of a sym Mexican woman. H Ced a dress-rehea Heijenoort meanwhi that Trotsky had || make lowe to the and persuaded hi whole schene off.
This, incidentally cnary year of Tror well as that of
antagonist, Stalin.
Poetry corner
Take a look at (alleged) poetry:
Uhl. Stupid song...t re
is all gore now. eCary biscults dwfnd
Where a little sp Cliffs, teeming ov
Gotten si lently i passages
Morning undermi s.
Who wrote it 2 M SUPPOS e, a Comput progгаппгmed iп the | syntax and sema Ashberry, probably in vogue in the l the present time several poetry p years.

TouchStone
חrt cסer a rep sexual organ, to by 'a pop
52 erTotional insy proposed an Teet the coys feared of a his house (this years later in issault led by r" well-known Trotsky's plan should be left wall, by means ld climb over the neighbourpathetic young Wr sLgsrsal, but Wan e discovered De en trying to young WYOTA, m to call the
, is the centsky's birth, as his implacable
these lines of
hat Weather bon
But the apothed.
KETJI
ar. In to irony's
ficted on the
e5, the daughter
ot, as you may år in adequately uses of English tics, but John the poet most ited States at ind winner of ZE S i Et
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