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Page 3
Letter
Foreign Service
he piece on Foreign Service
(Lanka Guardian 5th May) is quite interesting but Dr. Wiswa Warnapala misses the important point-ls a Foreign Office really necessary? The practice of diplomacy has undergone an enormous change since Sir Henry Wotton, 7th century diplomat autographed in a friend's album : "An Ambassador is an honest man sent to lie abroad for the good of his country." Nowadays he spends less time lying abroad in a physical sense because of innumerable hours taken up in receiving cabinet ministers at the airport and chap-eroning them to meet their coun-terparts or attend conferences or seminars. If he lies by distorting the truth, his own assistants in the mission will either leak it to the Press or write anonymously to the Foreign Office and it will all come out in the wash sooner or later,
Diplomacy as once known is at
an end- but the last to know it are the career diplomats and their foreign ministries. The swelling of their ranks and consequent deterioration of their capacities is all too often glaring. In diplomatic as in monetary affairs is a kind of freshlar's law which sees bad money driving out the good. It is common knowledge that apart from one foreign minister, the Finance Minister and the Trade Minister carry much of the diplomatic burden taking wings frequently to attend a variety of conferences assisted by a team of officials drawn from their own ministries. It is title the Gowenment thought of pruning down the budgetary allocation of Rs. 68.8 million and lowering bureaucratic Towers of Babel by setting up an all purpose working group of exper Is Lo handle specific problems as they arise.
The Foreign Ministry was established as a separate entity under the new constitution without any dramatic ostentation or fanfare. If its image is to be improved, it should be uprooted from its present am
Elence and transplanted In a less
international |
Constricted at Thosp the public of the it is an appendage C office.
Whi on this Dr. Wiswa Warnap as to why the fou Kandiah Waithiamat at professional exc for civil Service rej nucleus of the se Wajpai chose the |ndian CI wil Serwi Foreign Service Cad C.S. Jha, Gundewia 1
Mick
LIMHA,
GUAR
Vol. 2. No. 5
Published by La Publishing Co. Lt. 88, N. H. M. Abd (Reclamatic r Roa
Ecdicir:
Telephone:
Merw
Cover pic: On our by the Ceylon Daily Opatha which we h; kind permission of til Ltd. The held lines stories appearing in
News." (See Pages,
CONT
2 Trends 3 - 7 News b: B - 9 Interra 0 - || Religion |2 - 13 Diplom 4 Politics |5 - 16 Sympos 7 – 9 Tamil P O - Childh L-Itcrati 23 Book re 24 As I liki
Printed by A 825, Wolfer Coluril Telephone

Trends
here to disabuse Tnpression that f the President's
subject, could ala enighten us lding father Sir han did not almı -llence by opting acts to for the twice. Whereas
creat of the :e as the original re - KPSMenon. o mention a few.
:ey Jayasundera ||
DAN
uly 1, 1979
Inka (Guardian
d. First Floor, Lil Cader Roatl, .11 טנbוחd) Coloו
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C'est si bon
It is good that di Sri Lankan has replaced the German director of the organisation which styles itself the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute. It was the L. G. columnist Aryadeva who first pointed out this anomaly. Though he did raise the question of academic qualifications (most educated Germans dre "Dr" of course, but some of these Herr Directors ha ye returned to Germany and jun for School teach ing) the basic issue was the choice of sem nars, the nature of the discussions and the participants, and the Institute's insistence that highly qualified local academics should have their subjects wered and approved.
The questions were relevant in the Ight of the Latin American experience. There some of these Institutes have produced "Bonn's Blueprints for Repression' as one Latin American newspaper put it. Ideas discussed there had a direct connection with officia thinking which soon became government policy. Here we have the examples of the 'one union" theory, the new Labour Laws etc. And public servants were disturbed by a report that their "positif cd / dicti vsties" would be covered by new regulations framed on the II res of Bonn's neo-McCarthy i te 'security' law.
Though British agency houses and Indian traders used to know how to 'Ceylonise" their firms with a token Ceylonese, it is good that the Sri Lanka FoLundation Institute hos been formally "nativised', to use d word that Tissan Wijeyer a1 tre added to the English language in the days when he used to champion the cause of "vedas' (not "weddahs") as ambassadors. Mrs. Banddramaske had the sast word om thTE. "But my ambassador in Paris (Tissa W.) turned out to a real veda
Front runner
Trade Minister Lalith muda li s Clearly the
Athutfront-runner

Page 4
in the UNP popular sity stakes. Of as the President's men, It is the Trade Minister who s osten asked by the P.M. to speak on behalf of the government in the NSA "It is not for his Oxford Union debating skill that he has been picked by Premier Prerno" said a keen parliamentary observer. He has mot only as the Correct qualifications, if you know what I mean, but the serious manner which impresses talent-spatters, and the PM who can claim Tost of the credit for the UNP's spectacular show at the local polls is building up a team for the future' he added.
Lafith had one "disqualification' În LINP eyes. Perhaps because of his father's close connections with SWRD and his own Oxford links, he never attacked the Bandarandikes. But at the city campaign he really let go.
Wahabused
Lake House's "cover up' job on behalf of Egyptian Ambassador
Wahab got the prize for the biggest flapnik of the month.
The Sun's snoopers who are always for ahead in the newsbehind-the-news business, were able to give their readers blow
by-blow TCCOLI nt of what happermed that famous night at the BM/CH. A remark that was not reported was the reply of one of J.R.'s top dides. ""Not even the Queen of Erigland or President Sadat can see our President Just like thot ..... For their clumsy attempt to deny that Ambassador Wahab got ticked off like any uppity undergraduate the Lake House bosses are now treated to Cold glances by the big men in the foreign ministry.
Аgit-p гор
That Boston Resolution has raised more than a storin in a tea-cup. In true Madison Avenue fashion, Mnster Arandissa de Aw5, Mr. Mass Medid, may hire, a foreign PR firm to Lurch a COunter-offeris ve against TULF propagராசிர வம்ாாேர்.
Meanwhile, the Foreign Office will also be more careful in hand
Ing wisting corri them, Tr Limbur) d. has caused mi Apparenty Linnot press but quite the DPL Colony He has put into President of Sri rtar of the northe most extra eyer attributed leader, JR is r that Orly the US поп-aligned!
The FO says
did not grant
foreign pressmen Week bureau met ft. If the Inter w thחסוח חט חשWB Tri Jirrib Lu II wait so that JR's " " remar to print". Inc ha F published sor Afghan refugees
A edding Pakist great sin with t Arnerica's most
Seven
"The Unite
rė 55 - refused ti | Carter's emer to ration per C2. Use its The that the prese is an artificia to jack up "See yerli Sister 5 oil companies, not alone in II
is. Wit
5Lrit i the World Ene duе пехt yeal shortage will effect
Ed, Far Eastern E

espondents. One of the N.Y. Tirnes, Ich ernbarrassment. sced by the local ng talk) ng point in is Trumbus's bul. the mouth of JR, Lanka and Chair-a signed conference "ordinary statement to a non-aligned ерогted as : dying grid USSR were
that the President dry interviews to
during the one:ting or just before few was held last is ago, Why did
long to discover ews fitחיי k" wgs dentally Trumbu II тпе Interviews with ln Pakistaní camps. In paper has had These “Inter wrews' irn restigious journal.
Sisters
d States Cong2 accept Jimmy gy package and rol largely bembers sus Pect | nt oil shortage one, created prices by the '' - the big big Congress is ts dark Suspithe Tokyo g up and with rgy Conference , the present hawe maximum
Derek Davies
iconomic Review.
WITH
THE
COMPLIMENTS OF
DISTRIBUTORS
OF
CITIZEN
WRIST WATCHES
& CLOCKS

Page 5
News background
Mrs
oth the programme and tactics B: the SLFF Hawe become matters of intense debate by the arty leadership in recent weeks. nder the "transitional" at rangaments, a policy committee of which all MP's are ex-officio members, has been drafting a new constitution. Its preamble will be the basis of the party's next manifesto. The preamble is now before the party's politburo.
The discussion has acquired a new urgency because of the party's poor performance at the recent polls. Whatever its public postures, the leadership knows that the results have left the rank-and-file dispirited. More importantly, the SLFP looks forward to the williage councils elections with nothing like the self-confidence that should normally accompany a party which has rightly boasted that its true electoral strength is in the countryside.
After a partial recovery from the demoralising July 1977 drubbing, the SLFP's immediato a im was to reorganize and revitalise the party and freshen up its image. But the transitional arrangement did not meet this need. On the contrary, it only exacerbated latent innerparty tensions. Besides, its most
hopeful electoral calculation also proved a grave mis judgment. The SLFP had hoped that after 22
months of the UNP”s "New economia policies', it would be the automatic beneficiary of popular protest at the first awal la ble co Poporturi i Ly.
The rout of its erst while alles, the ULF, in the city (but not, significantly, in certain provincial
bases) gave the SLFP a satisfaction which wäs åt best wicā TiO5,
Sata II's retur" II
Though increasingly a crimonious since the start of this year, the internal squabbles were non et heless confined to the leadership and the centre in Colombo.
B looks to
The wast majo near-two million by and large unt
feuds, But the the May polls
the open and car to the provinci: selection of di the drawing up O the campaign
veterans fighting and against new
The village el
E TE WOTS
in-fighting at til
ots. Whi|č this in
(one of the mos of LF1 PB took when the usual Deputy Leader attack at those nim ir his 5 dimma which mai ke was ewid: it eWerts, 're organisation" f| tt sorTe2 "" di 5 redited" S discreetly dum F hibën ate, Fu was the need charge that the cffort to protect clan'.
 

the Left
13
rrrrrrrleské
rity of the SLFP's supporters were :ouched by these
preparation for forced these in to "ried the bickering a periphery. The
strict organisers, f Party lists, and itself saw SLFP
among themselves, -5.
actions could make by taking the he top to the grass
-fighting rages on furious sessions place in early June y mild-man mered aimed a fiery who had criticised 2nce) the Special faces 15. BardaraIt is a series of As part of the exercise it was "unpopular" or
eniors should be sed or allowed to rther TTC, the TE
to answer the *re Was a CO15CiOU5 the "Bandaranai ke
'Wh ile little i5 heard ofB3. di LI dd i 1,
TB Tenekogr1 AP LC, two perscns who figured in these episodes are members of the Bandaranaiko clan, both exMinisters, The third was also an
SLFP Minister and one-time party secretary.
Over a hundred hard-core SLFP supporters were suTimoned to a Teeting at Dompe but a conspicuous absentee was the ITham who had held the seat since 1960, the one-man think-tank of the party, Fallix Bandaranai ke or Satan himself. Where's Felix asked the gathering before it dispersed to reconvene agan . . . . this time with an invitation to the ex-Minister.
In Mirigama, the SLFP is apparently in the Throes of re -organisation but without Mrs.
Siwa (Obeyesekera, the former Health Minister. But things are more than confusing to party men because Mrs. Obeyesekera is very active in the area, with her own strong supporters flying the blue bammer.
After the elections, ex-Minister Suriyaratchi virtually went 'underground'. No sooner posters were put up for an SLFP rally recently with him as a speaker, the Sinhala newspapers (state-owned) published extensive extracts from a Connission report in what was clearly an orchestrated propaganda Towe.
Leftward look
With an unusual convergence of yiews between the Old Guard (Maitripala, TBl etc) and the youth wing (key figure, Anura) there was general agreement that the
party's program must be radical and attractive, expecially to the new generation. The majority
view, supported by Mrs. Bandaranaike, was that there could be an understanding, if not alliance with the Left, both the Old and the New. But Mrs. Bandaramai ke made it clear that it will hawa

Page 6
to be without the 'old' leaders of the Old Left. An informal contact was in fact made by a brother of an SLFP PB member with a CC member of the LSSP, a former frontbencher. LSSP sources confirmed this fact but added
"it was just a casual meeting."
There was an interesting item in the Lankadipa which said that Maitripala Senanayake had crossed swords with Stanley Tillekeratine
on the issue of Left Unity and "Go it alone". In a categorical contradiction the next day Mr. Senanayake said that no such
discussion had taken place in the SLFP PB. China line
The signatures of ex-Minister Kulatilleke, trade union leaders, Alawi Moulana and Samara sena, and two family members, Dr. M Ratwatte and Mrs. I ranganie Ratwatte on a petition to the President urging the recognition of the Hem Samrin government proved once more that foreign policy is another major cause of internal division. At a press conference, Mrs. Bandaranai kewent further than the official SLFP statement on the Indo-China issue, and came out unequivocally supporting POL POT.
Answering questions on this, an SLFP'er who had for many years played a key role in party affairs, especially foreign policy -making, told the LG.: "
"Outsiders see this as a debate befween a pro-China group and anti-China elements. This is a distortion, and in my view, it could even be a deliberate one to divide the party. There is no question of being anti-China. Sri Lanka cannot be anti-China and the SLFP newer. The trouble is that China has changed its foreign policy. Any fool can see that. It is China's sovereign right of course. And who knows, from their point of view, they may be absolutely correct. But China has swung so far pro-West that the SLFP has to take account of the consequences of following a pro-China policy to the point of antagonising others; that is, to say, alienating ourselves from the non-aligned and from Progressive forces here."
牛
Gł. Does this a policy would to any understi Left, Old and
A: "Personally whether such worthwhile but i answer is 'yes'. Worried about the ences to the pa the SLFP had position on for did Mrs. Bandaran the even-handed she conducted policy in the pa talks to the pres: ning Russia on C: which is a fact but years ago, Wher men til on the Chir Wietnam while su then her Credibll national prestige when I find her decided to suppo reading Malcolm C. University lecturer that those who : are exposing her te
G. But what o
A. "The Old L. firm stand against policies. Of the left, Wijeweera, W other fellows whic some kind of follow Wietnam, pro-Cuba chaps don’t amou Just individuals o The SLFP can do though a few of t the SLFP for nom bothers me even the Chinese seem fond of the UNP. of Harned and t
fear that the S losing a great asse foreign policy essential a part of democratic-socialis genuinely non-alig
Whate Wer the Ie the transitional arr in effect "All pow President", The Will a party congre it is held, resolve a over leadership, p foreign policy etc?

mean that such be an obstacle anding with the New
'', I don't know an alliance is f it is, then the But I am more serious ConsequiIrty. After all, vегу strong eign policy. So aike because of Ilanner in which her non-aligned st. Today who i about con demechoslowakia et t that was ten she omits to 1e se in wasion of porting Pol Pot ity and interis ruined. And saying that she rt Pol Pot after dwell, a London , then I feel that ire advising her
ridicule."
f the local Left
eft has taken a the new China so-called "new" asudeva and the
5ėėIT to haYa Ing are also Proetc. The other nt to anything. r name-boards. without them hem may need ination. What TČ rė iš that to be getting ook at the trips ern Prema dasa, -FP is foolishly , it 't which was so its image as a progressive, ed party.'
gal implications, In gement meant er to the Party
question is: 's, if and when these disputes 'ograT tactics,
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Page 7
Behind the price hike . . .
Sheikh or
artoonists often play up to popular prejudice. The able opatha of the Ceylon Daily Mirror is no exception. The oil - sheik is squeezing the life out of the poor Third World, you and me. Soon, our newspapers will be crowded with letters, commentaries even editorials which make the
same simple point :- The oil - producer or OPEC, the Poor World's Public Enemy No. 1.
How far is this a true reflection of the facts? Is it not yet another of those cunningly constructed images" (Prefabricated opinions) projected on the screen of our collective mind by the controllers of the global communications system, the western world of which the oil industry is a powerful arm?
In 1973 when the first 'oll crisis' took place, the giant oil combines spent a collosal sum in a massive worldwide media blitz. kreig. Out of this came a single, striking image :- the greasy, moneygrabbing, high - spending oil sheik. Evidently, the Image persists everywhere in the world. Across the US, the "greedi est pil consumer" as Jurek Martin, US editor of the Financial Times wrote recently, the word "Arab" has been scrawled under the word 'STOP' in almost every 'GO, STOP" sign. Doesn't this Image cloud our thinking on a matter of international economics which affects our daily life, public and private transport, industry, prices, and our household budgets?
True, many a sheik has a fleet
of Rolls Royces and a harem, invests in property in Miami or London's Belgravia, gambles in
Monte Carlo or the Playboy Club,
cuts his millions in Swiss and US banks. His OstentatioL5 exwegence is largely sustained by the 'new' wealth produced by it cost - 1973 surge in oil rices. Cil is the primary produce f is country and the wealth
sects to the people of that
US g
country. Ultimat answerable to Shah of Iran, Throne, a place head and (it is
True also, th was severely hit hike. Sri Lank most seriously a lts Impact оп payments, our na our cost of liv everyday econom
But is this th just a part of such a manner distorts our pa has happened
(1) Oil is the a certain group C i5 Tore it iš resource and t how long it wi of some countr anxiety.
(2) Like many oi Was under - the manufacturt industrialised nat raced ahead, th produce (our exp This 'gap' not Thajor feature economic orde between rich a Cre of the which the der International E directed.
(3) Cheaply pri helped the ec the Industrials the affluent Iw but their patte cars, half - emp en tertainment, lights' society,
(4) Just like t there was no producers coul this situation b no E the true si their cwr mai if they were, pric

gas guzzler 2
ely, he will be them - like the now minus his
to rest his regal said) his Queen'
le. Third World t by the oil price a is an MSA, a fected country. -
out balance of tional budget, and "ing | S a part of
ie Whole truth Ort
it presented in that it completely rception of what and is happening
primary produce of f countries. What non — renewable he projections of last in the case ies b egan to cause
other corrodities. priced. i. e. while ed goods of the ions (our imports) e prices of primary orts) lagged behind. only explains a of the World 2r (the division ld poor) but it is injustices against Thãm d for a New Colomic Order" |s
iced energy not only onomic growth of ed Countries and ing of the people rn of life (5ewer"al ty planes, TW and the whole bright
he other Producets, it much the oil - d do to change ecause they were overeign masters of :Ural resources, Or :es were determined
by a world trading system (the market) which was controlled aud Imanaged by the rich.
(5). By the present decade however, the producers were gradually taking command of their resources (mainly, after socio
political changes) and able to get "better deals".
But 973 was the historic turning point. The oil producers were able to do what the big consumers in most fields had been doing - to act as a Cartel. It is this decisive, United action by OPEC which struck fear in the minds of the rich nations. Firstly it was a direct attack on their economies, living standards and pattern of life. Secondly, it was a dangerous example to other
producers i. e. the developing CountriėS.
In the face of this critical
challenge to a once 'stable' economic ordet and monetary system, the rich nations took several countermeasures such as the recycling exercise, the western banks using the money to give massive loans to the poor, arms sales, inflating the price of their manufactured goods, machinery and technology.
What was most important however from a political perspective was the tactic of dividing the Third World between non - oil and oil producing пatioп5.
As Garmani Corea observed in his Manila report (L. G. June 5) mot one single group of producers has succeeded since Nairobi 976 in negotiating a commodity agreement. Only rubber, out of items, has even advanced to the stage of a negotiating Сопfereпce. While stubbornly resisting any concessions, the West and Japan continue their protracted war against the oil - producer for
"energy' is their preoccupation. An important part of these battle - tactics is to split the
(Сuлтin Heil of page f )

Page 8
N
6W CISS
he turmoil in Iran, the world's oil exporter, led to the present crisis, when supply fell short of demand. But according to the Petroleum |l:||းe[c:: Weekly (US), the short fall is only about 4% or less than 2 million barrels a day. But this fact alone does NOT explain the surge in Prices with exporters engaged in what is called "a leap-frogging exercise".
For many reasons, chiefly their close political-economic links with the US, Saudi Arabia and the Shah were "moderating forces' in OPEC, helping to hold down prices, With an extra production capacity of about 1.5 million b/d
the Saud is could easily improve the supply situation. But they Will not do so. The Saudis feel
"betrayed by a US that sponsored the separate peace between Egypt
Sheikh or . . .
(Corrrir7l Herri fraorri page,5)
Third World. Though it takes different forms, this was the tactic pursued at UNCTAD. W., and in the non -- aligned movement from Colombo 78 to Belgrade, Colombo and on the way to Hawarna.
This is not to say that the poorer countries have no'special
case to urge before OPEC. They hawe. - Though some oil producers have sold petrol to
to some "poor' buyers at concessional rates and accommodated them in difficult circumstances (Sri Lanka has been a beneficiary both under the previous government and this) the problem of cushioning the blow to those who can least afford to pay these prices remains. An Iraqi proposal at UNCTAD for a special Fund was Conė rei Edi ffor.
Yet, the hard pressed Sri Lankan bus traveller, clerk and taxidriver must not identify himself even if our own mass madia injects this prejudiced notion) with the hysterical California gas - guzzling automobile maniac who assaults the filling-station attendant mistaking him for Sheikh Yamani. O
6.
and Israel. Kew correspondent of that the Saudi att after ther "ent of the Tilitant rejecting a peace 1 by the US"
"Why then, Joseph C. Harsc tator of the C Monitor, 'shou protecting the A oll gluttony?”
This "gluttony if supply canno demand I can mot || Though the 1973 a mood for oil
Tood soon vanis consumption no" 1973 figure. W LJS, a big oil p nearly half its an of É billiքո են resents 38% of munist) world p
The US con dollar-a-gallon W In other count three times as Lanka, it is near
While Weste Japan, after 97 consumption, thi US per capita ဖိ6üb၆ Britain's thăm West GeFIT Transportation (5 sumption in the Western Europe)
In an article e the gas goes', Writes :
"To explain th T10 furth E F thăm of the gas-guzzli which, in some ( of even ten mile This situation ha bated by much les : surface public tra -empty planes cr of the continent free competition.
"Suppose the "at a stroke", to consumption to West Germany. in a saving o'

in Done, Energy the F. T. noted :Etude has changed y into the ranks Arabs that are :reaty engineered
they ask' writes h, chief commenhristian Science ld they go on mericans ir ther
" explains wh t be increased, De curtailed a bit. "Panic" created Oswa to this ihed, and US oi| W exceeds the hat is more the roducer, imports nual Tequirements rrels. This reptotal (non comroduction.
:sumer pays a hereas consumers "IE: pay two or much. (In Sri "ly 2 dollars),
in Europe and 3, Pegged down e JS did not. Consumption is and 85%, higher any's or Japan's. iO% of total conUS, but 30% in is a major factor.
in titled 'Where Robert Ball (NS)
is we need look
the prolific use ng American car cases, is incapable 5 to the gallon. is beеп exacerenergy-intensive Lnsport and near "055 ing the skies
ir he la The of
US were able, reduce its oil che eye of This would result F around 8 T.
barrels per day and enable the US to become nearly self-sufficient in oil producion again. The effect on the world oil market would be immense since this sawing would be equivalent to the entire oli production of Saud
Arabia. Since the oil market is a cartel, whether prices wouid fall would depend on whether the oil-producing nations could
agree among themselves to share the necessary production cuts. The – World would, at lea st, b0 sure of stable prices and secure supplies in the short-to-medium -term.'
Since the World supply ) demand gap is small, the surge in prices has been encouraged by another factor. The US majors have been playing the “spot market" (the noncontract, cash market). Though the spot market accounts for only a small part of World crude trade, it only needs, writes Kevin Done "a small change from surplus to shortage to send spot prices shooting ahead." US Energy Secretary Schlesinger has accused "profithungry" US oil firms of playing this market and sending contract oil to Rotterdam, a major centre of cash -on-the-spot oil brokers.
Whereas other western countries and Japan hawe taken scme corrective measures at hone, the US has failed to do so because "politics has interfered" notes Joseph C. Harsch, adding "government in Washington is blocked at every turn by public opinion. Congress, from fear of repris als at the polls, has refused to permit price rationing or Coupon ration ing.”
M. Carter"; "de-control" measure would mean windfall profits for the oil giants but he wants to place a special tax on then. As Carter's chances of re-election get bleaker each month according to the opinion polls, his chief critics (Connally, Kennedy etc.) attack him from all sides. The oil lobby and the Jewish lobby, for different reasons, keep anti-Arab feeling high. According to a Gallup poll, 77% of the US public do not know the ABC of the "energy crisis'

Page 9
Models
W. politics and foreign policy follow economics? Singapore Continues to ins Pire us
and influence official thinking. Though a moyen to join ASEAN was dropped (JR's India-centred thinking has been a major aspect of his basic intellectual outlook throughout his political career). It is possible that Sri Lanka's foreign policy may be 'Aseanized' after the September summit reliewes Sri Lanka of the responsibilities and constraints of nonaligned chairmanship.
The "Sun" now reports that a tough new law on terrorism and separatism has been influenced by legislation in Ireland and Singapore. (A curlous combination, to say the least). The new law, says the same report, will replace that which proscribed the so-called Tiger movement. Meanwhile the CRM has drawn attention to the following:
and new
lav
(a) that the be used to ban tion.
(b) there is r any organisatior hearing before
(c) it would b a body to pro ask for a hear
(d) the law any other orgal tially similar
organisation ewe is not formall
(e) there is n the law for pet up to one year
Meanwhile th iana Peram uma
En the parliamentary o
P I
ON
... in Al
CEYLON RESN
64, Ananda Cool
COLO
וחסוPh

WS
present law can any organisa
to provision for to be given a it is banned,
e illegal for such test against or ing.
Is applicable to nisation "substanto proscribed n if the former y banned.
NO protection in "Soms detained for
e Sinhala Mahanas called fort a TULF, the main pposition party.
SS -ן
LANKA, GUARDIAN
Revised subscriptior rafes. With effect from Ist January 1979.
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Page 10
International news
Salt 2
s an oft-quoted Chinese Aay has it, a journey of a thousand miles starts with a single step. No enchanted admirer of socialism or Soviet power, Senator Moynihan, former Harvard professor and ambassador, expressed much the same idea when he responded to SALT 2. It was "a process' he said and therefore "imported". This is probably the beste commonsense approach to the Treaty signed on June 8 by Mr. Carter and Mr. Brezhnev.
If SALT II was the first cautious step, SALT 2 is a much larger stride. The avowed goal of this superpower expedition in detente is an end to the awesome arms race as the necessary fou ndation for disarmament and world peace. In that extended and Curcuitous journery Salt 3, 4, and so on will doubtless stand as landmarks on the way.
Third World observers who do not exclude themselves from the discussion in the instant or hurried belief that the issue itself is far too removed from their own concerns may be "put off also by the arca na of strategic arms, the technological complexity of the ongoing debate and the intricacies of idiom. The essential achievement of this Treaty which places both quantitative and qualitative limits on superpower arsenals and the future production of offensive weapons was neatly summed up by the U. S. Arms Control Association (ACA). It said that the Vienna Treaty was "of historic importance because it is the first in the nuclear age to require the dismantling, without replacement, of deployed, offensive nuclear weapons"
Naturally there was some doubt and apprehension on both sides. Echoes of this may yet be heard in the US Senate soon. On the US side it was largely a question of verification, a fear aggra
B
wated by the r Tonitoring Stati
Wol. 2, No I. M feared that th through the p
Treaty by armii It is safe to ass and tortous ex nearly seven y participants finest expertise, the mojor is st any case, any were cleared in just before Vie the US Cruize Soviet "Backfire
Detente is the pinning of this been tirelessly s US administratic and Carter) an the dedicate Mr. Brezhnev. realpolitik in pa cements such a firmly than It Both hawe an in ing the risks of new called "the trophe", the terr the whole world both can save në now devoured E and sometimes | - resources that the benfit of the and hopefully for others.
Of course, mu reinforced by mu in a world divide and other confli means a shared equal strength. the seal on stral what Dr. Kiss Inge calling "essential
Engaged in th arduous task of and developmen Countries hawe a in a tension-fre lf the extension : of deten te ensur of tensions it we CD LutİES O alter endeavours in conditions.

cent loss of US ions in Iran (L. G. ay I). The USSR Ie US may slip | TOWisions of Eg ng its allies. But ume that a tough
arcise that took 'earts, With both larshalling their
has resolved all Jes in Wolved. In residual doubts a gi WE-21 d — Lake
חס tablyסח ,naוf miss Eles and the
Bomber'.
: political underTreaty which has Ought by three ins (Nixon, Ford d has attracted labours of n the realms of rticular, nothing gгеепепts more I LI tU tal interest. te rest in reduç. what Mr. Brezhultimate catasor under which lives. Secondly, tional resources y a mons trous natic at T15 race can be used for ir o Wn peoples, the benefit of
tual interest is tual respect and, d by ideological t5, this often perception of the Treaty puts egic parity or " W35 fond of 2quivalence".
± gigan tio: and nation-building , the poor Profound stake 2 82.1W "CITC) ld consolidation 5 the les sening ld help these d to their own SS Lincongen fall
US displeasure Grenada
f the four Countries which sought non aligned membership, Grenada has a new govern
ment: installed after a popular revolt ended the regime of Eric Gаігу, а Comic-opera dictator
now reportedly mobilish Ing mercenaries in the US for a "counter-coup".
"We may be a little country but we are in nobody's backyard' Said Amba55ador Kendrick Radix who was here for the N- A cordinating bureau meeting. the Ambassador was in fact quo. ing a favourite pharse of his
leader, Prime Minister Maurice Bishop.
Asked about the situation in Grenada, Ambassador Radix
drew attention to a public state. ment made, by Mr. Bishop on an open American threat of "economic destablisation" if Grenada follows a policy of friend
ship with Cuba. It is the most blatant attempt at interference in internal affairs he said.
The US Ambassador made a simple point. Grenada's import bill is 32 million dollars while its export income last
Year was only about 3 million. Much of the balance, he had added, was made up by tourism-US
tourists. Later Ambassador Ortiz made the same point to Prime Minister Bishop and then he handed the Premier a typed
Statement of his observations. The Prime Minister quoted what he called the "relevant section'
at the rally. It went :
"Although my government recognises your concern over
allegations of a possible counter
-coup, it also believes that it Would not be in the best interes L.s of Grenada to seek assistance from a country such as Cuba to forestall such an attack. We would view with
displeasure any tendency on the part of Grenada to develop closer ties with Cuba'.

Page 11
US
by A. W. Singham
here have been many explanaThis of the United States' foreign policy towards the nations of the Third World. One of the Tost neglected aspects has been the religious basis of American foreign policy, especially that of protestant Christianity. The most recent example of the influence of religion on U.S. foreign policy is to be found in President Carter's reaction to the non-aligned movement and especially to the presence of Cuba in such a movement. It is not accidental that every American administration since World War II has always sought a higher moral law to justify its attitude towards Communism and non-alignment, Thus, Christian morality has become an integral part of the political rhetoric of the nation and hence must be taken seriously in any understanding of American foreign Policy.
The most dominant religous tradition within the United States is that of protestant Christianity. Within this tradition there are at least three tendencies that hawe been influential in determining American foreign policy, the first being that of fundamentalism, the second that of neo-orthodoxy, and the third that of the tradition of the social gospel. The fundamentaist view of the World has beer quite important throughout American political history as the fundamentalists are responsible for the belief that the primary task of E“ = American government is to ETg Christ to the nations. It BE SEU med that conce the heathen Exposed to the Word of the L-T- hS would be Converted and he culd then become a social and me equal and enter the Kingdom
HomEET, if the heather Was erected to the Word and then proceeded to reject it, he faced per“==="t dzmnation and hell. This pertially explains John Foster Dulles' view of the non-aligned or neutral nations. He could not understand how those who had
and non - a
been exposed t tion, especially at ard those who
from the West, claim that the outside of the
the free world
For hlпп апd ппап) policy makers, on US or against Lus; a cowboy or a
Protestant incidentally, has the strange allia Denocratic St. Republican M fundamentalists and continue to accept the notic Community is a c comunity where and transformati beyond the s between the gc bad guys.
There is anoth has also f foreign policy at associated with administrations, protestant neo-o the fundamenta willing to alloy of a plural worlt it remained withi of Westerim Euri They saw the Asia, and Latin essentially econc ratics which transformed to ar Weste T i foreign investm troductio of W. They also pro foundation for t nation towards World. For ther particularly Stali Christ himself.
The real dar Union for In any Was an Eastern but rather that it of Western Ci they wiewed the as being compri

lignment
O Western civilizaOxford University, had accepted aid could proceed to y were above or conflict between and ConThrTunis T1. American foreign e Was el ther for you were either ո Indian.
fundamentalism, been the basis of nce between the յuth and the
id-West. Th found it difficult, find it difficult, to on that the global onstantly evolving there are changes ons which are fart imple dichotomy Jod guys and the
er tradition which enced American ld that is normally the Democratic namely, that of rthodoxy. Unlike lists, they were Ny for som 5 kind society as long as in the framework opean civilization. nations of Africa, A Therica a 5 beim Jinically မ္း(ဇို့
had o be become modern with considerable ent and the Inestern institutions. vided the moral : he attitudes of the ; the communist COIT Tunis T1, and n, was the Anti
ger of the Sowjet
Was not that it oligarchic power, : was an aberration wil ization. Hence, non-aligned world sed essentially of
A. Sri Lankan scholar who taught political science in Guyana and at Howard University, Washington. Professor A. W. Singham is now attached to the L. N. Institute of Training and Research, N. Y. He is the author of "The Napf-, gred Milfoyer Erf for Podard Pagaffffics"
naive nations because they wiewed socialism and communism as possible alternatives for their internal economic structures. The coOrthodox tradition insis Led that in the twentieth century there was a need for a grand moral crusade against the e will forces of communis TI manifesting itself in the form of the Soviet Union and later China, although China seems to be increasingly acceptable to this tradition. This traditori in Armerican foreign policy is represented by indiwiduals like Arthur Scholeslinger Jr., McGeorge Bundy, Henry Kissinger, and more recently by Brezinski and Samuel Huntington.
There is a third tradition in the United States that fell into great disrepute during the period of the Cold War namely that of the social gospel. The social gospellers had no real influence on U. S. foreign policy and their greatest influence was in domestic policy, This tradition influenced much of the humane labour legislation during
the New Deal period. Unlike fundamentalism and neo-orthodoxy, the social gospellers were not
pathologically afraid of socialism or Communism but were quite willing to engage in a dialogue with socialists or communists. They found themselves gradually losing their base in the white churches but there was a great revival of the social gospel tradition in Black churches during the 1960's.
The Tefo Te, it was not accidenta | that the late Row. Martin Luther King began, during the later part
(Curri irred a page : )

Page 12
Religion and politics
Bhikkhus in revolt (3)
Buddhist
MOVerment:
by Kumari Jayawardena
ections of Buddhist monks haws SIG, responded to mass movements in the country and to nationalist and liberation struggles abroad. From the 1830's - when the French-speaking, hagama Ratnapala Unanse allegedly tried to interest the French in supporting a movement to drive out the British - to a period one hundred years later when bhikkhus were influenced by nationalism, socialIsm and Working-class Struggles, Buddhist monks have participated in social and political movements, often in the face of opposition from conservative elements of the Sangha and la ity.
Being the religion of the majority, in a situation of colonial dormination, Buddhism has been closely interwoven with dissident movements and with the struggles of the working people of the country, During upsurge of urban Working-class activity, bhikkhus and Buddhist activists hawe been
drawn into these movements: this was in Contrast to the Christian churches in colonial
Sri Lanka, which not only generally supported foreign rule, but also sided with the employers during periods of Working-class unrest. The "outside" support and leadership of the early strikes in Sri Lanka came from some of the leaders of the Buddhist educational and temperance mowerients whose progressive outlook enabled them
to ally themselves with the Struggles of the Colorbo Working-class. For example, the first trade Lum iom formed Im 1893 during the strike of printers, had the Buddhist 'agitator'. A.
E. Buu i tjens (Principal of Ananda College) as its Secretary, and many active Buddhists Fike C.
O
radicals
Τ
Eikki e di k:
Dr. W. 4, Pé souvert Frérir FFI
Don Bastian (: Martinus C. Foel cher) spoke at Strikers.
Again, the rai! went on strike helped financially by Anagarika Walisi raha Har Organised a mas strikers in the bodhi College Dharmapala coi Workers for the said that the ra afforded "List: the national sp Sinhalese". To radicals, workin; was clearly a fa colonial struggle, received the su tion of the Bud
The trade unic twenties, A. E. led the country's
 

d the
Labour
rada Hoela Sarana" kara Hot Selima Perera, VerНал ፴IFIሆ7ùùgkürሻ, "rera & M. M. L. Bracegirdle (a play77 fer Mohan the colorrial el ra depart for Frīs Laff-pirg agitarie 77 al aeri vīries ir I’ל(
a journalist) and rera (a lay preameetings of the
way workers who in 1912 were
and otherwise Dharmapala and isch andra, who 5 meeting of the grounds of Maha
in Maradana. 1 gratu lated the ir militancy and il Way St Tike had likeable proof of irit among the the Buddhist g-class agitation cet of the antiand it the te forc 3port of this secdh. Is mo'y e Tent.
in leader of the Goonesinha who great Lu P5 urge
of unionism, including the general strike (1923), the harbour strike (1927) and the tramway strike (929), as well as the demand for swaraj and universal suffrage, was also a product of the Buddhist In ovement; he had been educated at Dharmaraja College and had come under the influence not only of Anagarika Dharmapala, but also of several foreign theosophists and radicals. In the strikes and other tra de Lin iom struggles Which
united Sinhala, Tamil and Malayali workers, Goonesin ha had the support of some bhikkhus who even spoke at strike meetings; more ower bhikkhus like Boose Dharmma rakhita and Udalkanda
wela Siri Sara nakara used to contribute articles to the "Swaraj', a political journal edited dy Goonesinha and P. Givendrasingha. Inspired no doubt, by his temperance background, Goones in ha also used to make the strikers take a pledge of abstinence from alcohol.

Page 13
He was moreover, one of the campaigners for the restoration of Buddha Gaya to Buddhist control and in this connection, Wisited India sewe Tal times.
Like Tiany in the Buddhist movement, Goonesin ha had links with foreign progressive movements including the British Labour Party and Trades Union Congress; he wrote frequently on the Indian, Irish, Egyptian and Chinese struggles and welcomed the end of Czarism in Russia in 97. However it is significant to note that for a period Goonesinha was internationalist in outlook and in a speech to Australian seamen (who had joined the Colombo harbour strike) he stated that the working-class recognised no racial, religious, linguistic or caste differences. But Goones linha drastically changed his policies during the economic depression of the early thirties, succumbing to the incubus of Communalism. What had started as a democratic, progressive movement became stuck in the mire of communal politics and Sinhala chauvinism, involving the workers of Colombo In retrograde actions against Tamil and Malayali sections of the working-class.
Bhikkhus and the Left
Movement
The Left movement which developed in Sri Lanka in the
1930's. was not devoid of Buddhist influences. Many of the early leaders of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party like Dr. N.M. Perera, Philip Gunawardena and Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe were from Buddhist families and had studied at schools run by the Buddhist Theosophical Society. In these Schools, (in conErast to missionary schools), patrio
Dism and na tlomalist attitudes were actively fostered and the Etudents wete made a wate of
anti-imperialist struggles abroad -especially the Indian national I DEITEL.
In the years after Ecem of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party in 1935, severai bhikkhus st othing incompatible between Buddhism and socialism, and spoke In f=weur of the new party. These included Balango da Anan
the forma
da Maitreiya, both of the antiof the party an
class privile Dhammaratana radical ideas in
written for the Dunbara Palith ber who worked santry. However standing politica period was Uda Saraпankaга. В nån kårl Went acolyte of Anaga in 1921 and joi where he carme Tagore and the Se TET2:1 t associated with national movem particularly milita with Bengali cot in India he cor on the Indian : Sinhala journal ', kara was one of t to clash with pri politicians, in unofficials in Council had w: protest against ies, Saran ankara |etter to T. B. Kandyan membel refusal to join t a disgrace to who had risen i the British. Pa sharply that he King Emperor a kara-a wolf in
was no credit Buddha or Tago|
וSa . || 3ל | ח|
the Calcutta C became its stud He was closely
police because of activities and w jailed in Calcutt he met Subha: the Indian N leader, as well a Con Tunist in o' release he wa Bengal and five to 1936, when
Sri Lanka and j formed LSSP. F. in many battles wative politicia temple sermon
propagating so

who approved -imperlalist stand its attack on g럭, Naraya who expressed articles regularly "Silurn Iria", and a, an LSSP memапопg the pea, the most outTonk of the kandawela Siri orn in 1902, Sarato Iпdia as ап tika Dharma pala Ted Santiniketan, into contact with Вепgali гепаis; he was also the Indian ent which was nt in Bengal and TTunists. While tributed articles itruggles to the SWaraj". Sarananhe first bhikkhus
om inėmit Sri Larka 1922, when the the Legislative
ilked out as a. government polic
sent a strong
Panabokke, the , saying that his he walk-out was those Kandyans In revolt against nabokke replied was loyal to the 1d that Saranansheep's clothing
to either the
".
“amankara joined ity College and
en ti union leadero, Watched by the his anti-British as arrested and a; while in prison Chandra Bose,
utional Congress s members of the Fë Tet (C) his
banned from in Benares up he returned to bined the newlyle Was 500m active against consern5, lusing the as a method of :ialist ideas. He
wrote a book entitled "Why Sri Lanka needs i Sama Samajlism", which occasioned a reply (in 1938) from Piyada sa Sirise na entitled "Communist Falsehoods".
When the LSSP split in 1940, Saranan kara joined the Communist 蠶 presided over the irst meeting of the Communistled Ceylon Trade Union Federation in 1940. He was in jail for the second time from 1942 to 1944, being sentenced to two years imprisonment for a seditious speech made at Tiranagama. In later years Saranan kara became the Wico-President of the Communist Party, was active in the post-war peace movement and received the prestigious Lenin Peace pгize.
The impact of Indian nationalism and socialism was also very elwident other
aாong militant young monks. Several of them had studied in India, including
Naravila Dharmma ratana, Kotahena Pannakitti and Bambarende Siri Siwali who were at Benares and Walpola Rahula who was at Calcutta. These bhikkhus were active in Indian politics; for example, Saranan kara mentions a hartal and large antiimperialist procession in Benares during the early thirties, in which bhikkhus Naravila Dhammaratana and Mapitigama Sangharakkita participated. Some of the younger monks in Sri Lanka were also influenced by radical Indian bhikkhus, the best known being Ananda Kausalyana and
Rahul Sanskrityana (later a member of the Indian Communist Party) who were at the
Widyalankara Pirivena, Kelaniya in
the 1940's. This pirivena became the centre of the most sensational
upsurge of left-wing political activity which took place in
the immediate post-war years among a section of the young bhikkhus.
NEXT: The Vidyalankara
Revolt

Page 14
Diplomacy
Career conflicts
by A. Wiswa Warnapala
rima Minister Sirima BandaraPERE, stated that "it will be a primary obligation of the diplomatic missions to pursue the possibilities of trade promotion to their utmost with a we w to maximising our earnings of foreign exchange and reducing our trade deficits with various countries. In addition to trade promotion, it will be essential that our economic ventures, such as joint participation local investment, should be explored to the hilt.
"Similarly, new sources of economic 355 jStan Ce Or Continuation of exis ting lines of assistance should be pursued. These would include forms of credit, grants of equipment, technical exchanges and avenues for Specialised training abroad", The recognition of the importance of trade pronotion, in fact, gawe birth to the wiew that certain solIssions need to be converted into trade posts.
The appointment of officers representing interests of different Ministries and Departments such as i lnformatlon, Plann ing. Trade and Commerce, Education and Tourism interfered with the funCtional comprehensiveness and the careerism of the Overseas Service, and this, in varied form, resulted in certain dysfunctional consequences. The conflicts between the Overseas Service Officers and the Commercial Officers have arisen as a result of the development of a compartmentalisation of functions. The trade promotion work expected
of the career officers in the Overseas Service has not been defined although they were
Tequired to undertake those duties in Missions to which Commercial Secretaries have not been posted,
The suggestion, therefore, has been made that the courses available in Genewa for the
officers of the Commerce should ble to the care Another suggesti a paper in Inter ics for both First partmental Exam the amalgamation and the Commer been proposed, by the Overseas such a scheme wa fere with posting with in the caree
Se veral criticis in Wollwing the fu Caldre of officer enjoy diplomatic rank in the Miss be entrusted wit gories of diplo such as political Other questions t. Above all, the Co aries, irrespective matic rank, will Upon to function of a Charge de aff This, therefore. In ercial officers en diplomatic status,' a Mission, result between the two The reason was not treated as Overseas Service, Several of the mer the Ministry of Def Affairs at the r Wјеyeratne, the retary of the Min the extension of
The charge has Overseas Officers attitudes to the ( Teta ries Who hay: from the Depart Пerce. Some of of the Coverseas. Se wie W Lhat the : Commercial Secret ors reed to be : their criticism is t

Foreign service (4)
Department of be made availaart officers as well. on is to include national Econoand Second Deinations. Though of the Overseas "cial Service has this is resented Service because S Sure to inter"- gs and promotion F SEVE.
T15 can be made nction ing of this i. Though they privileges and a ion, they cannot h certain cateimatic functions matters and Ta ted as 5ecret. mmercial SecretI of their diplom CC bě called in the capacity gits ad İrı terim. 2ant tha C Commоy a "secondary which, in many
:ed in conflicts types of officers. that they were
ember of the and in 1974, noranda sent to ence and Foreign equest of Tissa Additorial Socis try, advocated this recognition.
Jeen made that adopt hostile Commercial Sec! been seconded Tert of Comthe members rwice take the appointment of aries to Missibandoned, and hat this work
The scramble for 'good" fortelig7n , posts, political patro1988, claimes, and robb. ery, Serviliry to the West ard alleration from their own erstog, bede vil the Foreign | Service Fays Dr. A. Visiwa Parnapala, Head of the Dearfrient of Political Science, Peradeniya. In the ffinal part | Qf this paper, Dr. Ти'аглара| la will comment on the problems of reform and reor. gaisarion.
could be handled by the members of the Overseas Service. They state that in the case of certain stations the work is confined to an inquiry, complaint or a letter. Monthly trade report, they alleged, is prepared on the basis of newspapers and trade bulletins. Another argument is that negotiations are done by businessman themselves, and the Officials of Departments and corporations.
In regard to the socialist coun
tries, the criticism is made that trade on the basis of bilateral arrangements does not demand
appointment of Commercial Secretaries because no trade promotion is required in such countries, This view has been C01 CSS, te o the ground that negotiations and the administration of matters relating to bilateral agreements too need constant attention, such criticisms of the Commercial Secretaries have been highlighted with a view to mantin the exclusiveness of the overseas Service which sees no Wisdom elsewhere except in their own ranks.
Another complaint of the Trade Officers was the unavailability of funds for travelling and this was particularly true in the case of Missions with accreditation to number of countries. The need to convert the Trade Missions - Prague, Bombay, Sydney and Karachchi - to the status of Consulates General cum Trade Commissioner has been emphasised in the few years and such a move

Page 15
was thought, would facilitate the
of
discharge Certa in consular functions. The Ministry of DefenCe and Foreign Affairs, because
of its view that consular functions constitute an integral aspect of the domain of the career diplomat,
refused to sanction this change
in the case of the four trade
Missio 15.
Two alternatives could be suggested to improve the position. The absorb Elon of the trade Service into the ranks of the diplomatic ser wice could minimise TF1 e friction between the two types of officers. Another form of improwing the effectiveness of trade Promotion is to choose, at the point of recruitment, a set of officers who could be trained in specialist work of this nature. The attempt to enlist the services of experts from outside the career service. In and women highly skilled, trained and experienced in the world of trade, was met with hosti | ity from the cadre of the Commercial Secretaries. The realisation of the reed to establish trade missions ins Lead of ernbassies dern ands a change in the nature and functioning of the cadre of Commercial Secretaties.
A transfer from one Mission to another, without a period of ser wice. Im Sri Lanka before the next posting is undertaken, ha 5 been Critici Sed becau5 e che irl - mobility of the kind gawe the Overseas Officers the opportunity to serve overseas during their entire tenure of office. This apart from the frustration which it created in the minds of the officers who were expected to return to Sri Lanka after the completion of their tour of duty,
encouraged the inculcation of attitudes and ethos alien to the masses of the people, resulting
in their failure to appreciate the aspirations of the people. Another issue related to this was the manner in which a certain group of officers-those officers who were acceptable to the regime in powersuccessfully retained the better sLatlof15 among themselwes, Tør long periods of time. The less favoured officers in the Overseas bureaucracy had to be satisfied with stations of no significance.
The availability of for children, ch relatives employed of assignment, the country, the avail; shopping facilities recreational faciliti of mor W|P5 to
city and a host c sidorations motiwa COwersa: bureaucra
the English s Pe; and in some Asia. socialist Countries
East and the Afri considered difficult most of the se pola the same opportu
The non-diploma serve as a wical apparatus of the
15 needs to because certain c this class of office analys is of the role officers of .hg (Oi According to the C Minute, the se offici CUTT excCL Li Wg D Tinor employees the categories, Cl;
These officars, ted on the basis by the Minister c Foreign Affairs, a Mission
to SEW four years. The they receive at
confined to two c the lack of a go been compensated ment of cletical in the Ministry c Externa | Affairs, S fall WiLh in Lhe säEs of the Overseas been designated : Clerk Grade I and of characterisatior PC inted out, is r Other countries. S hawe bye: En used e quate his positio om with that of service. Since sui do not fit into morm: ncl. Lure, the becerli rihi de hızı C should be given of Attaches. Any the designation i ion of the bonofit!
Carfirirred 7,

English schools a presence of
in the country
clima, 2 of the ability of freer , the social and e5, the arrival
the particular f similar conLed In ast of the ts to гептаіп Iп aking countries n capitals. The the Middle Cali 5 t. t5 "W' " Statio 15 because ces did mot offet
lities.
tic officers, who segment of the Oyerseas Missi
be di 5 Cu 55ed haracteristics of rs helped in the 2s of the career verseas Service. Owers:as Serwice 2rs, both clerica fficers and the came within ass B 2nd C.
who are selecof a interview of Defiance and e posted to a - a period of training, which the Ministry, is or three weeks, od training has by the recruitofficers working f Defence and uch officers who gory of Grade. W Serwice, hawe is Chief Clerk.
and this for 1, it has been not followed in uch designations in order to in the Missihis in the public zh designations the diplomatic Suggestion has these officers the designation Such cha nge in in Wolw025 a rcwis - S and pri Willeges,
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Page 16
Politics
Nationhood (4)
Myths and
by Chintaka
Myth 19. The struggle for a separate nation - state on the part of the Tamils is detrimental to the class struggle of the Lankam proletariat and therefore should be opposed.
Objectively the Tamil people's struggle is directed against the ruling class and its state apparatus, which is the main foe of the country's working masses. Lenin and the Bolsheviks utilized national liberation struggle of the oppressed nations within the old Russian Empire to disintegrate the Tzarist autocracy. Lenin was thus able to merge these democratic currents with the general question of social transformation and the struggle against the existing state power. the national liberation struggle of the Tamils should be wiewed not as runn ing Counter to, but rather as an integral part of the Lankan socialist revolution and the Tamil people must be considered a vital ally of the Sinhala working class, which should reach out not only to "its own" peasantry but also to the oppressed Tamil rator.
Especially pertinent here are the Wiews of Marx on the Irish Question. He held that only the national liberation of the oppressed nation enables natilional di wisions and antogan Isms to be owercorTne and permits the working class of both nations to fight against their соппоп епепу, capitalism. O the other hand the oppression of another nation helps to reinforce the ideological hegemony of the bourgeoisie over the workers in the oppressing nation. “Any nation that oppresses another forges its own chains.' The emancipation of the oppressed nation however, weakers the economic, political, military and ideological bases of the dominating class in the oppressor nation. Thus Marx
realities
saw the liberatic precondition for emancipation in Lanka today, wh class is à numer| is eye tre.
20. The mai is Fascis an progressives is forces including a broad front ag Therefore any
national quest misplaced and
True, the thr it is very real in (especially that C proves that racism the first manifes As the crisis of c: the bourgeoisie re to as or divert class consci nism suffuses the which the rul Ing Éts chief instrume rewolutionary ol pointed out that" conditions engen proprietor impar to one of the of petty bourg namely prejudic egoism, of nation a dness." (Collect Even the Work specially its bac a te not immune fr "In planted amon it poisons the spreads noxious This trus and workers of diffe Warris Stalin. imperaτίνα τα majority (i. e. Si and champion inti darity with the
i to Str" against fascism, the North could a "rearguard' an

in of Ireland as a
working class England. In Sri ere the working :al minority, this
danger today d the task of i to Unite all the Tarnis in rainst its threat. emphasis on the ion WOLuld be divisiwe.
eat is there and deed, but history of Nazi Germany) is the forerunner, :ation of fascism. apitalism deepens sorts increasingly ler to dilute and ousness. Chauv|- Petty bourgeoisie class deploys as it in the counterffen 51 we. Lenin
he socioeconomic dering the petty t speciai stability most deep rooted geois prejudices, es of nattformål il narro W min de2d Works Wol 3). :ing class. and kward segments, 'om the contagion. g the workers, atmosphere and ideas of mutual aloofness among *ért nationalities''' Therefore it is struggle against nhala) chauvinism ernationalist Soli
Tam Il People, if uggle successfully not least since
well function as "liberated zone"
A Marxist review
in the context of such a struggle.
... The Tamil Leftists should oppose the struggle for separation.
On the contrary the task of the Tamil Marxists is to gradually wrest the hegemony of the national movement from the hands of the present vacillating leadership and bring about left wing hegemony instead, while utilizing the national struggle to activate and radicalize the otherwise dormant Tanil 槛 Combating the pariamentarist myths still prevalent, the Tamil Marxists should adopt the United Front tactic of unity and struggle (contention and collusion) with the TULF leadership.
They should struggle for the establish ment of an independent socialist state. On no account
should they stand apart from the Ongoing struggle because this would ensure their political isolation and guarantee bourgeois hegemony of the national movement. In the case of Bangladesh, it is precisely this that occurred.
22. Championing the right of self-determination of the Tamils will isolate the Left from the Sinhala masses. Therefore, it
is impracticable and impolitic to do so.
From its very inception the
Bolshevik party was the staunchest advocate of the right of secession of the oppressed nations within the Tzarist empire. This was in a context where the non - Russian population outnumbered the Russian population by 57% to 43%. It is
blindingly obvious however that the Bolsheviks Were not as a consequence isolated from the
Russian working class and poor peasantry. On the other hand, it was the Liberal DerTocratic Cadet party which opposed the "division of the country" and the Mensheviks who were also against See S5. CLItfarked, and I - manoeuvered by the Bolsheviks they found themselves isolated from the Russion proletariat. Likewise,
(Carrined or Pugar Pr)

Page 17
Symposium
Which way for
(10) Democratic National Front
Mr. G. I. D. Dhar Elasekara began his politica a student at Widyalankara Calipus in the cilirl a member of the C. P. (Moscow) he was a k the Lanka National Students' linion, and W of the Students' Council. He broke a Way ro unsuccessfully at Leill pled to for in his own poli ation, and joined Wijeweera in 1968. Due
diferences he parted company with the JYP formed the Motherland Prolciclio Ti (Organizal tio
El fer seva eral y cars () I'll thic custody in connection Embassy in March 1971, ge:TCy. Beruwila at the 1977 polls. i)ellorati: Natio lil FT.) IL muna) formed after his Gamini Dissa laike.
Q: A the "77 General Elections Jy carrese tre Ber' sca 7 the LLFricket. FF f et r () l'orr si sequer spli vi re LFo
A: The ULF comprised the LSSP, CP and PDP. With that Front we only entered into a no - contest Pact for the polls, and did not approve of its programme which included its
political Philosophy. Its political foundation was aimed at a united struggle to safeguard the democratic rights of the masses who opposed Lhe comprador UNP and the right-wing of the SLFP which was in a dominant position then.
Q: Crre cof Ille criticis FFI s. J'ai crwy'r sister ar y lle yet against the *"Ol' !!! Left" is thro 1 (f cultural clier:Ariol, af fr y PPV es ferrized le relers, L-Vurull il be correct to stare Thai d dist irre fye Jeasure of your polities is tre a terra fu tra regrute organically with the Frasses by trying to lirık “traditiori" arif “reyolu fiori":
A: Because the 'Old Left" move:- ment was rooted in politics that was divorced from the cultural heritage it failed to win mass
**TLil' lo will With the lifting of le Wy:15 Tele:15ed il1. De CçTT1bCT
At present he (Praja Lantra Wadi . release.
'ኳና፱lኛ
L ble attı. Çk
I
"Ille illet"
support. The t. awaken a bгоз masses that is cl historically creati' heritage and e anti-Imperialist work towards E 'סוח ary massחסti proletariat that
change history.
Q: 'File deri history a7l do tra a du l'OL (foyer flit fr fer rafsoffers IF" Fajarify (Sinhale other "ords, Why yo the curir rédiction rafforda Misri & red tiaraRi, Jo ??
A: Based on Mao thought, towards buildir
ΠΠ . Η Ε. Τη ΕΠ proletariat that Lernance from Ll historical, crea heritage, our ol clear path that from fall ing into

the
career :S y '60s, As ey figure ill als President in the C.P., tici. I organizLo political İl 19ö9 aid Il I 1 1974, Lilken int) .U.S טLh וול. the Ellerld coll tested leads the Jatika Per:- view is hy
isk today is to d force of the osely linked with we rational cultural xperience in the
struggle and to Juilding a revoluvement led by the has the ability to
l'irrig susterlance from tional still tire of και κλαις εr αν ειρ5ίηg. ow in iride dress arid γ) ή αμνη ίση , η Ρ είο ναι τετσινε
ber weer popJussis! prose far far lifert
"arxist - Leninist – and in working 1g revolutionary t led by the derives its sushe broad people's tive and cultural bective contains a would prevent Lus pitfalls of national
left
narrow Tinde dress and copportunist majority Sinhala chauvinism, "The fine creative national heritage of the people" refers not only to the local nationalities such as Sinhala, Tamil Muslim etc but al5o irncludes Srl Larkaʼ5 creati W2 legacies that are relevant to all nations of the World.
Ω: Ια5 Ι νεαr, ναι. Σiιαrει α public platform with Mrs. Siriri.
Bardarans7ike at a 14'ell af ferreded Hyde Park rally so clercurice the ley Carl, it Ilo, Phile you have also received a fair degree of publicity an occasion in the SLFP's "Diakerra". This has le lo Forre so crificize ye ay lerrig i'r lle direction of the SLFP. What is your altitude to the SLFP? Doesn't ir la 1'e dar y progressive por er rial”?
A: We participated in that rally to protest against the Fascist trend that manifested itself in the new constitution. Mrs. Bandaranaike was among the Heads of Political organisations that shared the platform. If for that reason anyone criticizes us of leaning towards
the SLEP, it is baseless. Our attitude to the SLFP is that party has contradictions with imperialism in the spheres of politics, economics and culture and those contradictions could and should be exploited to
advantage in the anti-Imperialist struggle. We also believe that the SLFP's Position of anti - hegeпопу in the present context of the two super powers' struggle has to be considered.
2: Ho V" de y'r c'r carac ferize fire preser I sista irri II The co IIII ry ar 14'ha day y L. ''Wirk Eyre the prospects ir ste sorseeable / surre?
Also, war are fire Flair tasks 'aring the Lefi rru veriferi i rI this copy ferf o
A: Today, a striking feature is the attempt of both Imperialists
5

Page 18
and pro — limperialists at the increased exploitation of the rural TT
In this context it falls on the Left movement the task of reviving and directing according to the Marxist-Leninist-Mao, thought, the
anti-Imperialist fighting spirit impressed by history on the peasant conciousness aimed at
crushing those reactionary forces thгоugh a progгamme of awakепIng the villages;
Q. At the inaugural sessions of P. Prra alar's Re Tai Moverflerif yazı had made a Speech iri Jafia recognising the Tari people's right of self-deferonina fia777, 14vhille in the South you have strongly derrounced the secessionist slogan as heirg inspired by Soviet Social Irreperialisinna”.. What, ir reality is yder FPO Filffor o'r ffe NWafford Qrestion?
A: What we clearly stated at the Inaugural meeting of the Red
Tamil Movement was that we denounced the tendency of soliciting the help of the Social
Imperialists to divide the coulu try by pro-Imperialist, feudalistic big bourgeoisie i Tam II reactionary forces on the pretext of opposing the so-called Sinhala Imperialism. We also stated that, in the event of such attempt to divide the country, with the help of forcing Imperialist forces, we were prepared to join in the fight to safeguard the National unity against such fortes.
Further if the proletarian revolutionary forces of the North fight against both the e proimperialist feudalistic, Sinhala big-bourgeoisie and Its Northern Counterpart, breakaway from the Pro-neo-Colonialist, feudalistic big -bourgeoise and form peoples democratic revolutionary forces in the North, East or any other part of the country we were prepared to identify them as Sri Lanka's future socialist bases and that we should support them readily. We state this point clearly not only in the North but in any other place as well. Our position is that there cannot be any relationship between the Tam Il people's right of self
determination
OWerment airTed country and tha attempt by the to dividing the as the indirect that end by the of the majority :
Q: The JVP kirg a fory fa Priore firmpyyrtarry U. S. Embassy, agefrf-ptÜL'ü Cafe'tır the repression of that is your gation?
A: This alleg part of many ba leyelled at us its leadership. is that it was t JWP himself who way to e"[8]
the JWP both newspaper and apparatus. And
leaders of the armed conspirat tions and their
a spuridus secre repression of thi
2. It has he concentrate your the JVP, the pro and the I.S.S.P. le.ss arIIagep7i is ric , PRVÝhat is your rei
A: While w JWP and the pro acting as agents lists we haven't a decision rega However, we art that some secti are liable to jo alis T. While th the SLFP's right the left wing of be used to advar -imperialist strug. that, the questic and decreasing c. the SLFP does
Q. As a Ma "Pr" parfor ab Trefills artid eyer f. as Parra Fe condemned by especially in the Criral Reyolitia,

and the Eelam at dividing the t We oppose any Tamil reactionaries country as well support towards EXTEITST Actic)15 Sinhala chaUWinists.
says i ha f ir learthe "All tha' aid in attacking the you acted as an * darred broglif abour the JVP in 97 r. reply to his all
ation is a major seless allegations by the JWP and But the reality he leader of the acted in such a the activities of to the "Aththa' before the State that it was the WP who by their O Tial Wrong acactions based or Cy - invited the
'eri said that you polemical fire on j-Masca 1y C. P.
} while you Feer towards the SLFP. por se?
e consider the HMoscow CP are of the Imperiaarrived at such riding the LSSP. of the opinion oms of the LSSP i in with imperiae same goes for wing we consider the SLFP coud tage in the anti gie, Apart from on of increasing on tradiction with of a rise for us.
Irist, "if is If the present irr Chiria 5c 1 Eiri to policies Chairmar Mao
Corse of the rr, fli e reliabilit II
tion of leading cadres previously denounced as rightists, the орепirg fogvards the Wes ir the rear of economics etc. etc.?
A: In applying the Leninist principle on the Economic and state relationships with countries of different social system, Chairman Mao had not rejected having relations with the Western countries. Similarly, Mao's teaching does not reject the rehabilitation of the cadres on the basis of self-criticism and rectification of one's errors. As a party that accepts Marxist–Leninist -Mao thought we do not believe that China has arrived at a wrong programme of action.
2: For som et irre row there has been felt a need to unify the Maa isr r72o yerizerzf irr Sri L.Zr2.ka arid efforts have been made in that direction. However, we understand that the discussions have not proved successful due to the Sino-Albanian and Sino-Vietnamese disputes, riot ta merrfian the characterization of the SLFP. Is this corect ? Whar are the prospects for unification?
A: While it is true that a certain effort was made towards unifying the section who purported to follow the Marxist–Leninist -Mao thought, the failure was not certainly due to the reasons given by you but because it was proved that those groups were not following the Mao Tsetung thought. In future the prospects for unification depends on the praxis of Marxist-Leninist - Mao thought towards building such unity.
Q: Isn't your identification of the USSR as the principal er Terry on a global scale in contradiction with your ider lification of the UNP als the Fraïn erferry at the national level? Surely the UNP is basically pro— ÞVestern W'lı ile eor versely ir

Page 19
is the Fkeff rather thai the USSR which is backing the UNP both ecolorifically and politically.........
A: Basically, our position is that out of the two main enemies of the peoples of the World it is the Soviet Social Imperialism that is more dangerous. It is because the latter is on the offensive and is advancing While the former Is On the defensive and is on the retreat. While this is the general condtion that applies to all countries of the world the consideration of special conditions in the regions we accept that it Is the UNP who represents the American Imperialism, the main enemy of the people of Sri Lanka. However, it is important not to confuse these distinctions.
Q: What in brief, is your characterization of the WWP
A: The JWP who served the
interests of the Imperialists and pro-Imperialist forces by bringing about the repression on all revolutionary and democratic forces by rallying youth and student sections at a totally Wrong Tnoment arr'd betraying them before the state apparatus on the pretext of rejecting the Parlamentary system and by following military conspiratorial action
The JWP is a counter revolutionary organization which in the next round will serve the interests of the pro—imperialist forces in a right wing opportunist manner by upholding the parlia
entary system.
2- Do yori srl accept arred Zrzggle as the palli re) socialis771?
A. In the task of building socialism, taking the road of armed struggle is inevitable
as the ruling classes do not give way to a peaceful transformation.
Viewp
Tamils Lanka
by Victor
The oppresse the North are in a legitimal Struggle. Lank make it a hab champion the c nations beyond this country, studied silence Particular natici waged on the These Marxists massive poster cc demonstrations support of the of oppressed Countries rea face of the waged hy the 1 deafening silenc hawe to defenc ism” along with Or else is it th: not have the g the Communal Pi
amCng the Sinh as the succes regimes.
There is a y of arguments d “Marxists” to ji of remaining alo struggle of the people. They sa equally opposed racialism arı çl They go on to 5: is a capitalist IT any effort to di is a reactionary they vehement demand for a si
It is in de ed a ri to equate manifestation o' Lutilizing the si thumb that Marx racialism. FO possible to equat With "Black con U. S. A.2 To pu how can one ec

boint
s - a challenge to the
n Left
Ivan
d Tamil people of presently engaged ce though bitter :ar Marxists who it to vociferously a Luses of oppressed the borders of are maintain ing a concerning this hal struggle being r own doorstep. who engage in impaigns, solidarity and rallied in iberation struggles rations ir other In T1 Lute in the militant struggle Tamils. Why this 2? Is It that they their "Sinhala 1 their Marxism at they simply do uts to challenge Tejudices prevailing ala masses as well sive bourgeoisie
'eritable plethora eployed by these ustify their stand Iof from the just oppressed Tamil ly that they are to both Sinhala Tamil racialism. ay that the TULF CWC ment and that vide the Country one. Therefore, ly oppose the 2 parate state.
hockery of Marxism
ach and every f nationalism by Implistic rule of
ism is opposed to
instance, i5 it e White racialism sciousness' in the t it more starkly, quate the Ku Klux
The Turl, or jeter kTa lyri i 75 "Podi Arula" va a | pro FireFT I Prerriber of the Janatha Pimukthi Peramuna and vas senterced to se ver | years rigoros irraprison ment for his part in the everals leading tip to the "7 uprising. He seryed six years of his Féréorce, „ kfrist, ste si ) a Freiher of any party.
Klan with the Black Panthers? Likewise, it is impossible to equate the antii - Sin hala sentiments, however misplaced of the oppressed Tam Il people with the anti - Tan il sentiments of the Sinhala people since the nationalism of an oppressed nation ha 5 a Progressive content i contradistinction to the nationalism of an oppressor nation which has a reactionary content.
l, for Thy part, do not wish
to claim that the TULF is not a bourgeois Party. Not only the TULF, but any national TOWEFET has a general
bourgeois - democratic content. This inherent character of national movements does not Constitute an obstacle to Contending our snpport to the independence struggle of oppressed nations. The bourgeois content of nationalist movements did not prevent our Marxists from extending that support to these struggles - so long as they took place beyond the shores of Sri Lanka. The National Awami League which led the independence struggle of Bangladesh was not a Marxist movement by any strech of the imagination, Irrespective of this however, our Marxists correctly supported the Bangladeshi struggle. The criterion they used in this instance was whether or not the Bangladeshi people were an oppressed nation. Why then this reluctance to use the same

Page 20
yardstick in the case of the Tamil people in the North? Why, in this case alone, has the social character of the political organisation st prominent Within the nationalist Towerment, become so crucial an issue. It is correct that the class character of the political organization in the forefront of a national movement imposes constrainsts on the nature and course of the struggle. However it does not behowe Marxists to maintain a dignified aloofness Luntil the oppressed people become disillusioned with their bourgeois leadership and ceremonially extend an invitation to the former. Instead, what Marxists should do is to actively integrate themselves in the struggle of the oppressed people and radually displace the bourgeois ຂຶp which attempts to confine the independence struggle within the limits of bourgeois democracy.
Do Lankan "Marxists' oppose the demand for a se parate state after assessing the issue from the standpoint of the interests of the socialist revolution, as many of the IT claim? Or rather is it that without voicing opposition to this just demand they would be unable to maintain their present disgraceful and immoral alliance with Sinhala Buddhist Chauvin ism? Olur é Marxistig' Who Wociferate against a separate state should not forget that the oppressed Tamil nation has previously Tade ceaseless efforts to reach a just solution to their problems
within the frameWork of a unitary state and that the demand for a separate state
has been presented following the failure of these efforts. The selfsame "Marxists' who were hostile or inactive during these earlier attempts, now raise a hue and cry against the demand for separation. Is this not hypocrisy of the basest sort Marxists do have a right and duty to proffer a dwlce to the oppressed Tam il nation who are engaged in struggle, but their advice will be
iven consideration (let alone followed) only if these Marxists indentify themselves fully with
(Caririr reed ori Fager)
Tamil politic
Separat by Dr. R. R.
read with ir views you pr of May 1.
To take Jayanth wlew first. He
the Tamil speal covered their only in 1972?"
identity of the people has exist separate identil Ta ces hawe exist like the differenc and Punjabis in
the Sinhalese an Sri Lanka hawe a
separate religion culture - the separate identity
identity is not maintained by d centuries gone E Jayantha Sormasu he correct when are heirs to revolution that towards one lang one identity. will enable us t human which is th that matters afti clear whether h Sri Lanka ar t. when he refers above solewhat tion. Whichey er is not valid. F that "a modern built on the ba that is dated
ears." The se the Sinhalese an dated four hund dated from the races and will as races remain
This does n. solution suggest velupilai, M. P. alternative. preserve L and still rem Whether the Tal
ninority or a being debated. exercise which

te identity, one nation
. Crossette Tambiah
the two in L. G.
test esented
a Somasundaram's asks "how come king people disunligue identity The separate Tamil speaking ed as long as the les of different ed in the world, zes, say, of Tamils India. Like them d Tamils living in diffегепt 1апguage, and a separate hall - marks of . This national "one that Was es Dotic monarchs y" as asserted by ndaram. Nor is he asserts, "We a communication is hurting us uage, one culture, An identity that io call ourselves he only distinction er al.." It is not e is referring to he whole World to Us' in the startling proposiit is the concept His conclusion is nation cannot be siis of an identity by four hundred ara të identity of id Tam Els i 5 not red years; it is beginning of these continue as long
it nean that the ed by S, KathiraKopay is the only
t is possible to separate identity | Dre at O.
Tim Els are a national separate nation is
It is an academic does not appear
to be necessary to Te solve our present problems. Fortunately the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka have continued to live in Separate areas for centuries. In any area where the predominantly majority of people belong to a separate race, Culture, religion and language, their desire to manage their in tërmal affairs need mot mean forming a separate State. Indeed, the Bandaramaike — Chelwa nayagam Pact, which envisaged Regional Councils contained the germs of this concept and if it had been implemented Sri Lanka would not today be facing its most serious impediment to de velopment.
Such autonomou.5 arë 25 exist in many places and hawe no where resulted in any harm to the country as a whole. Con the contrary, it has resulted in the progress of the entire Country.
The USSR and hima arte outstanding examples of where eEthic minorities hawe their own autonomous areas, which the dominant race, Russian and Han respectively, hawe helped to create and foster to their mutual advantage. The move for devolution of POWER to the Scots and Welsh, With the same religion, language and Culture as the English, should be eya — opener to the Sinhalese,
There remains the question of the Tamils brought from India as indentured labout to work the British owned upcountry estates. Their separate identity is certainly dated, something over a hundred years when they were brought here and also by the way they hawe been segregated with in estates under semi-serf conditions. This the British did; but the way we hawe treated them after independence should remain a blot on the conscience of every citizen of Sri Lanka. It is high time we stopped calling them Indian Tamils. They are Tamils who were born and bred here,

Page 21
know no other home and remain under trying climatic conditions the backbone of our permanent and most reliable earner of foreign exchange, for which we are willing to sell our soul Their correct designation is upcountry Tamils and all those who elect to stay here must enjoy the rights and privileges of every other citizen in Sri Lanka. With regard to Preserving their separate identity. the same yardstick for an autondTous area should apply. Where they constitute the vast majority of the people in a sufficiently large area to make it wilable II can see no objection in principle to their having their own ELLO O TCUS TES
Though in theory an autonomous state, if it satisfies the prescribed conditions may be envisaged because of the separate identity of the upcountry Tamils, in practice there is increasing intermingling of the population in the surrounding Sinhalese villages and estate labour, in many ways a healthy development, if the Sinhala Only policy is not imposed on the upcountry
Tamils. Every faculty should be provided for fostering their language, religion and culture.
The idea that it is necessary for all o be come Sinhalese Buddhists for unity is imbeceilic.
In my view the mbst urgent need to settle the communal problem in Sri Lanka today is to na ke the wast majority of the Sinhalese people who preponderate
in the island, to understand that 2 al ItO OTTOLI5 artea i 5 tot a separate State. Such a pre
Ponderating majority has a preponderating responsibility for communal harmony. They must be made to realise that an autonomous area Es not even a separate enclave. is only a part of the one county where a separate ethnic El-P constitutes the vast majority F the People living in that area um only internal affairs, like pel government, industry, agriculture, education and health. This is essential for the ethnic group to develop fully and it is their basic human right. It should mot be difficult to make the Sinhalese people, who so cherish
E.
their language a culture to realse groups living to numbers and larg Want the same fac their own langu: culture. If this is will it hurt the South
It is necessary clear that in an al races are frg go and, if they and join the m: the Te. || wi|| E and the ethnic chose to live ir Tust join the m This again does will have to sacrif identity. It will of the dominant to welcome thi them facilities f needs. For exar cient Sinhalase, T liwe to wa Trant in schools there in providing th administration y in the langபag Indeed in Sri La language need in any problem. T. languages and teach ing both belatedly adopt adopted at the dence all the b, recent past may 5բilէ.
Future blood avoided If both t Tani leaders ge TULF says it is wi Eelam Is the crt troubled people yoLuth who, ewe ha 5 admitted hawe (ed against. To throw them into an explosive m U prising of Sin youth. where so boys and girls shoLIld be a sha the Sinhales e Pec of the explosive tion and unemploy militant Tamil claimed a Tiger just foolish braw:
(Corrrrrred

nd religion and that other ethnic gether in large ge areas, should :ilitles to develop ige, religion and done in Jaffna how
Simhale.5e in the
to make crystal LOT OTTOLIS TE e to Come ard So Wish to live a firstream of life he two - way and Tino Tities who l. Sinhalese area air stream there. not mean they ice their separate be the privilege Tāte in that ar em and provide or, their special n Ple where suffiamils or Muslims Separate streams can be no harm 1. But the ill be conducted 2 of the area. Inka, unlike India, ever have posed here are only two f the policy of
languages, ed, had been dawn of indepenood shed in the shot have been
spilling can be he. Sinhale se and t together. The ling to negotiate. y of desperately specially their the President been discriminaeducate youth and the dust bin is 1 ix. The || 97 || halese educated Than y Sinha lese lost their lives rP rem Inder to !ple of the danger mixture of educai'r 11ent. The more youth have ProTOWest. It is ido of youths who
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Page 22
Child health
Children - an en
by Barbara Ward
ow are we to understand the ||HIိုနီးရှိမှိန့်် and the child The inner environment of biological health and ful|| creati ye mental development? Or the outer environment of stimulus, culture and beauty of shared affection and civic security? Of course, we mean both. We also know that today both are at risk for millions upon millions of the word's children.
lt is truism— but stil i true — that famished children with insufficient protein, vitamins and mineralsas well as calories - in their diets in the critical first years of existence cannot by definition, ever reach full humanity. No amount of remedial feeding later on, even supposing it were available, will restore mental alertness, the capacity to learn, the creative spark to those who missed the irreplaceable growing point of adequate nutrition and the chance for proper development in early |ife.
In the documents prepared for the World Food Conference in Rome in 1974, the estimate was made that perhaps 230 million children are malnourished and thus risk the irreversible a bridgement of theirt full humanity, of their inner environment of physical strength and mental capacity.
A small sacrifice
The report also estimates that for $20 a year for each child, the extra component of needed calories and protein could be made good. If we take the world's wealthy people - the old industrialized wealth of the West. Japan and Russia, the new oil wealth in oil -producing countries with relatively small populations and wealthy roups in developing lands of all he number of people is coming up to a billion.
O
The cost of a and calorie Suppl need |est childre S460 million. A 儘 from each ands and group that supplement overwhelm ing bu for countries whe C I ETT FÅTTE IS about SOO a yea
The outer en' a much wide Calculable probler that the most ir need may be lc identity achieved family is borne numberless childr of society who un imaginable stir: because of the pr of paternal and
We cannot kind of securit but a society whi all the needed k support may find in violence, juve mugging in the str prisons most of thinks it saves by good housing bourhoods, livel schools and a gen supports the c family stability.
Unhealthy slum
These needs bec urgent and trag floods on tov, urbanization. Ever developing count grows by more thi cities by more th; the great urban by twice as much
Calcutta, Jakart Cas, Lagos - they uncontrollable spe beyond the ten m

dangered species
olicy for a protein erTent for the the n is again roughly, About 50 cents a citizen in wealthy is would provide
It is hardly an rden, least of all re the expenditure n Cost each citizen
wifenrnent goyers and much less n. The li kelf hood ni Portant externa iwe, Security and within a happy out by the епIn every type hawe survived in and hardship lomordial support fraternal lowe,
2gislate for this and affection, “h does not give inds of external that it has lost ille delinquency, eets and crowded the money it falling to provide decent neighy, well-taught ! rall ethos which 1 ild's mod for
environment
one all the more as the world 'ards full-scale ' year, in most "ies, population п two per cent, n four Per cent, сопgӀопneratioпs again.
, Manila, Cara
drive on at !d towards and lion mark. And
Barbara Ward wrote this article about three years ago. Hopefully, the International. Year of the Child will help to create a situation in which Positive answers can be given to the questions she poses in
the last paragraph of this already classic piece of Writing.
in such places, a third and more of the population are likely to be squatters, liying In tar-paper shacks or jute made of discarded petroi tins and to be working, if they are lucky, Perhaps a couple of days a month. -
These are perhaps the worst external environments ever devised for children. They can be redeemed by family love and tenacity. But virtually everything that Society provides is designed to stunt the child's development, check nå EU r3|| growth in awareness and intellgence and turn creativity into bitter and active resentment.
If it is true that human nature itself developed its irthaginative powers under all the strinus of the planet's infinite variety-forests, plants, birds, animals, 3Cents, flowers, changing skies, in a word, the full environment of total creation- how can we expect the essential creativeness of man to be preserved when the only s|ghts are miserable buildings, the chief Sounds, the roar of traffic, the pervading smells, untreated Se Wage and industrial effluents?
Even in wealthy cities, the monotony and isolation of blighted Connuities or high rise living is producihg a mixture of apathy and violence. What are we breeding in the future megalopolis w here milfons of children aero, ஜாரw

Page 23
UP WY IL1 Da Sretër" and Lundertain employment in an environment compounded of all the worst in 19th century slums and poliutions.
Will sufficient recognition be given to the need or carrying out the practical and realistic measures which can help to create a better environment for the world's children? And will they be undertaken on a scale large enough to be of significant value to the under privileged masses? Only time will tell whether or not this challenge will be taken up and dealt with successfully.
us and . . .
(Corrified form Page g)
of his life, to embrace this tradition by calling not only for social justice at hone but also abroad. It also explains why the Rev. Andrew Young, a disciple of Martin Luther King, finds himself in the middle of the conflict between the fundamentalist position represented possibly by the President and the neo-Orthodox tradition represented by Brezinski.
With the Catter administration
we find the evolution of a Christian foreign policy that has considerable bi-partisan appeal. This foreign policy combines the tradition of fundamentalism and neo-orthodoxy. The theological premises of the new Cold War strategy is indeed different from those of the previous era in that during the present period the new Cold Warriors seen to ble qui te willing to work with one arm of the communist movement (China) to confront the other arrin the Sowiet Union and the nonaligned world). Here a Strange combination has developed between what we can identify as the fundamentalists of the West, i. e. the United States and West Germany, with that of the funda Tentalist5 of the East, i.e. China.
One of the greatest dangers with this toalition of fundamentalists Es that they tend to haye an Pocalyptic view of the World. Note the famous Chinese epithet that there is great disorder under leaven and this is a good thing." in Cher Words, fundamentalists El Do hawe a wiew of the word which is essentially evil and therefore its destruction can be
come theological justifiable. Since Seek salvation qui they are quite w with history and hl in order to pre: beyond it. Wear Conë of the II combinations in namely that of united in certai WièWs of human cy ce willing to exper NEXT: US Pol
Career . . .
(CFTrirrrred.fr and this is certa by the career Overseas Service.
The existence created disconter important Segmer seas bureaucracy Tatne, highlightit of discriminatio category of office he was "astonishe the rights enjoye ratic officers wh to clerical han i ment in these Pr to Inwie further
(To be c Myths and . .
(off friel J the internationali the Cuban revolu the black sugar іп по way pгеve winning the over of the "fair - sk On the contrary, Cuba the black plar i5 cmc of the mi of the Revolution,
such as E. H. C. that the Bolsh have defeated
Inter Weitl Crist. W late aftermath of if not for the
rendered by til peoples, who t"Usted the Bolsh the latter's welk the national ques
So it is clear 1 internationalist pk lead to the isola from the working dominart Tatlon, in question has a

lys and morally funda Tentalists :side of history, Illing to tamper uman Civilization
erve It for an era 'e thus faced with Thost dangerous world politics, those who are 1 funda Tnentalist rilization and hen
ment with war. icy in practice.
ចm Page rg) in to be opposed officers of the
of anomalies has 1t im one of Lhe its of the OwerTissa Wijayeng this aspect against this irs, stated that !d to know of 2d by the Diploich are den jed ds". Any adustiwilages is certain
hostility. continued)
or Page I) sm displayed by ti COTATIES O YNYd5 - Cane Workers hted them from whelm Ing support inned' majority. in the case of tation proletariat air support bases While historians Carr acknowledge 2Wiks could not the imperialist irs in the immedthe revolution, decisive support le non – Russian for their part eviks because of
W SE TOE O է|ւյm - hat a principled sition need not tion of the Left Tnas 5 es of the if the Left party correct political
line, adopts correct strategy and tactics, while incorporating its demands on the National Question in an ower all programme which accurately reflects the aspirations of the popular masses. In fact, if the key problem of articulating the national liberation struggle of the oppressed nation with the struggle for social liberation of the Working class is resolved, then a bid for hegemony by the Left would hawe an excellent chance for success.
Tamils . . .
(Carrirrrred fruirar Page r ( )
the ongoing struggle for determination.
Can Lankan Marxists (of both the reformist and "radical" Left) Take an honest and selfcritical assessment of their chauvinist past? Can the Marxist movement of this country sever its opportunist alliance with Sinhala I. Buddhist chauvinism and engage in a struggle against this trend which is directed againt the oppressed Tamil nation? ls is only if our Marxists are capable of this task and indeed of integrating themselves with the liberation struggle of the Tamil People for national self - determination, would it be possible to restore the fractured Sinhala -
self
Tamil unity while making this independence struggle a component part of the Lankan socialist
revolution.
Separate . . .
f Corfirirred freri Page Ig)
are Willing to die rather than be discriminated against in their own land.
Just as the present government understood the frustration of Sinhalese youth who rebelled im in 1971 and let them off, they should understand the frustration of the Tamil youth aud try to meet them halfway by negotiation with the TULF, thir cho sin leaders,
If we believe in the democratic
process, whether we like it or Tot the TULF is the only democratically elected Party to
represent the Ceylon Tamils, who
hawe liwed in this fair island for centuries and hawe no other .Eוחםh
2||

Page 24
Literature
Madness and
by Reggie Siriwardena
in 1890 Anton Chekhow made a lui? to the Island of Sakhalin, lying off the coast of Siberia. Sakhalin was then the Russian "Devil's Island,' a penal colony in which the tsarist regime confined about 14,000 prisoners and exiles. Chekhov returned from Sakhalin with his mind and heart filled with impressions of the brutality and human degradation that were the everyday routine of life in the colony. Ironically, however, the governor of the Island was a humane but ineffectual idealist who frowned on Corporal punishment, but in spite of his views, the Prison officers regularly used the birch and the whip, extorting money from the richer convicts as the price of of exempting them.
Chekhov's indignant observations on the penal colony went into a travel book, Sakhalin Island, but the creative expression of what he had experienced and observed on the island was his masterpiece, the novella Ward No. 6. It is a mark of Chekhov's social insight that the story is not about a prison but about a ward for the Insane in the hospital of a Small provincial Russian town, But the identificatiom bettWeen prison and asylum is made in the very first paragraph of the story in an observation whose perceptiveness will strike anybody who knows our own mental institution at Angoda. Of the grey fence with Its mā|| s enclos Ing the annexe that constitutes Ward No.6, Chekhov writes: "These nails, with their sharp points sticking up, and the fence. and the annexe itself hawe that particular gloomy and accursed look that among us is to be found only in hospital and prison buildings.' And Ward No. 6, like Sakhalin (or like Angoda) is ruled by brutality, of which the mental patients are the daily victims. In the hall leading to the ward sits the warder Nikita a retired soldier, "one of those simple-minded, posi
SO
The 75i. Tré2 RI 5,5 farz article deals greatest rar the social rel είτε μια μrg .Ε
tive, dependable duals who love
anything else in t therefore Conwi necessary to beat on the face, oп
back, or anywhe certain that with be no order in th
The head doc is Dr. Ragin - of Sakhalin a in effectual chara aware that the II by Nikita's bru reconciled himse tion and sufferi by persuading hi part of the gener things and an in the sum of hu T1a the ward one young man, Gr and educated by persecution Ragin, when he as a quack and : engages him in TİCS LO CCTW || FC a matter of char is a doctor or a that in any case til like the stoics, and be happy and Gronov replies despise suffering and that it is pos: tor to be so corm p he ha 5 lliwed a cor newer known w
Ragin comes Gronow is the person he has m Provincial town, the différence 5 in un important com

ciety
f aniversary of the death of Antar. Pavlovich Chekhov',
Fra sfer of the sledorf Flory, falls frīs Profih.
T
with the enduring correnporary significance of his "k, the travella Ward No. 6, with its insights into LLLLGL LLL LLLGGGLLLLL SC LLLLL LLLLLT CCTTLLLLLL TTGELL
FIF
and stupid indi wiOrder more than he world and are nced that it is then. He beats the chest, on the te at all, and i 5 out it there would
is place."
:or in this hospital ike the governor sympathetic but ctor, who is well ental ward Is ruled tal fists, but has lf to the corrupng In the hospital mself that this is "al irrationality of significant part of n suffering. Into day is brought a ornow, intelligent ut suffering from ia. He denounces wisits the ward, a hangman. Ragin Conversation and him that it is all ce whether one I mental patient; he wise a must despise suffering free in his mind, angrily that to is to despise life, ;i ble for the doc2lacement because infortable life and hat suffering was.
to discover that most interesting let in that dreary and tells him that their beliefs are pared with the
fact that they are the only two people in the town capable of intelligent and serious conversation. The doctor's career ist assistant takes advantage of Ragin's friendship with Gromov to create suspicions regarding the doctor's own sanity. Ultimately, by his assitant's intrigues, Ragin is himself locked up in Ward No. 6. Here he recognises his guilt for his former indifference when he learns at first hand what suffering is. He is beaten up by Nikita, has a stroke and dies.
It is part of the strength of classic Russian fiction that it treats the life of the intellect, of philosophical, religious and political belief, as equally Walid and significant material for the imaginative artist as the life of the emotions. Where Dickens, for instance, never con wincingly created a character who reflects the intellectual life, Tolstoy Turge new, Dostoevsky and Chekhow mirror in their work the turbulent conflict of ideas and ideologies in 19th-century Russia. What is at issue in the debate between Ragin and Gromow is the soundness and truth of the Tolstoyan gospel of quietism and non-resistance to evil. Yet Chekhov's story is not a disembodied argument of ideas; the debate is bound up with the experience of the characters and the way they live, and the final refutation of the Tolstoyan view comes from Ragin's tragic schooling by life itself. Incidentally, Ward No.6 is the best answer to those English Critics who hawe tried to assimilate Chekhov's work to the contemporary Western European cult of the absurd. If anything, Ward No. 6 brings home to us the fact that

Page 25
philosophy of the absurd (of which Ragin Professes a near-wariant) is am ewasion of hi u Thai m and social responsibility.
But where Chekhov's masterpiece seems most enduring in its meanIng for us is in its temarkable understanding of the social Telations of madne55. Gomo'w had been a university student un til his father was charged with forgery and em bez zlement and died in prison; Gromov was forced to in terrupt his cducation and Take a living in il-paid jobs. His para nola was brought on by the sight one day of two prisoners in chains being led along the street by four solders armed with rifles. He develops then a morbid fear that he too might be arrested and thrown into prison for a crime he has not committed: after all, he thinks, nothing is more likely in the state of the law than a miscarriage of justice, and judges, policemen and doctors are so callous to human suffering that they are no different from the peasant slaughtering sheep and calves in his background.
It has taken nearly three-quarters of a century after Chekhov's story was written for psychiatry, in the persons of some of its more radical exponents, to catch up with Chekhove's insights, to recogn İŞe Chat madness is a reaction to authoritarian and repressive pressures of the family and of society, and that mental hospitals are among the institutions through which the social structure is reinforced and ma inta ined. Chekow's Story confronts us with the disturbing question whose counterparts we should face in regarding the life around us: Who is nad - Gromow of the
society that has put hiri in Ward No. 6
Chekhov's story first appeard
in a magazine in November 1892, and that same winter in Sara (just such a Provincial town as the setting of the story) it was read by yong man, Wladimir Ilyich Ulyanow (later to be known as Lenin). Cn Lenin the story made a prpfound impression. As he told his sister, who has recorded his remarks, "When I read that story last evenning. I bagan to feel just terrified; | couldn't stay in my room, and got up and went out. I felt a sensation as if I had been shut up in Ward No. 6."
Book re
In defe
by Jayantha
The People's R of the Cly! I Rights Lanka o J - "8.
iwization co CM Wg ectural marves, in artistic accompli above al civili about the digni our day one W. civilization is regr sees concerted at on the rights of i Court" i S. A. TOL
Has it perhap do with the gr between the rich hasn't that got s with IIlan’s In r One that result for Tlaterial and power that can on by stripping off
ess fortunate an iriitia tiweS.
Th state ir is a mirror of social classes. authoritariån Star est 5 of the dos group or race, minner nimică elements. The the state will
a dwăTC) de Cerrimin es the E sion than - one Ca. particular country
Modern society logical sophisticat people, people w tSed fross the knowledge and TLİLİO T T versalised thing: the catalyst for tion 5, BJ 2 || o : place in a world differentials in i
Nascent states wayith tht WC:st parliamentary

view
量
ence of man
Somas un daram
ights : Documents pluralism, which itself is two Movement of Sri centuries out of date. In their
I50 pʻp R.s. 25/-.
ոjures up many wis Lualise archit
nedical Worders, ish ments. But zation is really
ty of man. In "orders whether 'essing when one tacks being made
Then and YoYo mer Ind the globe.
is something to "owing disparity
and poor? And one thing to do late selfish less : 5 in a craving
political power, ly be maintained the rights of the d Crush Ing their
modern society the balance of takes on an C2 in the irinterinating class or and acts in d to the depressed engths to which go to maintain the status quo xtent of repres. In find in that
with its technoir reds sked ho hawa benefitexplosion in learning, The volution has uni5 and become rising expectaf this is taking with accelerated wing standards.
are doing away minister-type of democracy and
place a new type of authoritarian regime has sprung up. One-party States with plastic leaders whose
Common characteristic is megaloTania. The failure of such regimes to meet anything like
popular needs is betrayed by the frequent upheavals and dechronings. In Sri Lanka and India at least the process is confined within the electoral system.
The Civil Rights Movement of Sri Lanka emerged in the aftersin aith of the | 97 | ln gur rg tition, by which time the mechanics of repression were developing into a fine att.
The authorities were having a field day. They had been given care blanche to wipe out the opponents of the establishment. The Civil Rights Movement was the response of the liberal intelligentsia to this social and palitical crisis.
The CRM document5 contained in The People's Rights is a testament in defense of the men and Women in Sri Lanka Who fell in to the political or racial minorities.
The '71 Emergency and the Criminal Justice Cormission are well exposed by the CRM documents. In fact, referring to the CJC, Fred Halliday of the New Left Review said that the Goyernment may just 25 we|| hawa done away with courts altogether!
After 1977 and the new go w erri Tent there hawe beef i fresh attacks on our civil rights, The CRM has not failed to draw attention to this. The "Tiger" Act is one which not merely embodies the Worst features of emergency rule, but ir additio, has institutionalised it by incorporating it as a normal statute.
3

Page 26
As I like it
The case of “Se:
Sunny day, keeping the clouds away On my way to where the air is sweet. Can you tell me how to get
How to get to Sesame Street
Perhaps several thousand children in this country have no w seen Sesame Street, the World's best-known and most widely distributad TW programme for pre —School children. Origina ting im the U. S., the English-language version is shown in more than countries, while related versions in four other languages arte Seen in about 70 other countries. "It is the first time in the history of civilization that so many of the world's children will hawe been exposed simultaneously to the identical cultural materials—image 5, music, sounds, laughter, body movements, facial expressions - all feeding into a child's developing sense of self, all showing him particular ways of interacting in social relations."
This comment comes from a study titled Literacy 'without Books: The Case of 'Sesame street' by Rose K. Goldsen, Associate Professor of Sociology at Cornell University. Basing her study mainly on the Spanishlanguage version, Plaza Sesamo, Seen in Latin American Countries, Professor Goldsen examines the values disseminated by the content and technique of the program The among children of developing Countries,
The claim most frequently made for Sesame Street by its admirers is that every year the programme teaches in numerable children to read, before the age of schooling, through the brilliant animated techniques by which letters and numbers are associated with words and images and stamped or the child's Thind. "Ah ! But is it a world of reading the children are being ushered into ?"
2
asks Professor G these charming the iCo i WWC watching? The entertained by : commercials and prat falls, y Luk-yuks by rock music lar by guest stars numbers ; - but ni that inwol was boo
"Now, at fir 5 i Sesame Street : counterparts push books may seem as Coca-Cola pu: but not Coke. really so paradox is after வீ T)TE of literacy....A. ' read to be able to concerning the equipment in a Con5UT13 T5 mUSt the Instructions C cake mix. The cit to be able to fi tax forms and use post office, Autc must read to fin c off the through nation of televisior be able to look . local equivalent and to follow about the stars..
The Good Lif
What is cle:
however, is that being taught to " but television. piece together th on the street or unifying it into a in spite of all thi This skill will st: stead, helping t the Com Tercial tel Sesale Street imitates. . In addit to children to "r -adventure and Cr las that American their Cy'W 2 T323.5 i

Touchstone
same
oldsen. 'Or do Program 5 Lush er ild of - television
children are animations; by
billboards; by ; and on 2—lin eTS ; ld light shows;
and production ever by anything k5
glance, that Lind its owerseas literacy but not as contradictory shing beverages And yet, Is it ca. . . . . There than one kind Work force must read im5truction 5 operation of Tno den factory. read to decipher in a package of izenry must read Il out in come: an automated Thabile driwers the right exits –way. Evеп а watchers must p listings in the of TW Guide all the puffery
ir right now, the Childre Te read' not books They learn to Le day's drama
in the Plaza, continuous story 2 interruptions. and them in good hem to "read" ewision programs in all its Wersions ion they teach ead" the action ime-show forfnu
businesses and it its useds
Street'
electronic en velopes, tucking in the Commercial "messages' designed to create public attitudes and consumer needs that can be linked to particular products. Indeed. the programs are themselves full-length commercials, hawking over and over again the kind of worldview that is compatible with post industrial, privatized, consumer Society, complete with the sort of pious slogans George Orwell dubbed "good think".
"And so Is Sesame Street -- domestic and international versions. Like other programs exported by American Television Interests, no matter what the overt story may be, it's all show-and tell for the consumer society's version of the "good life' -- the cars, the planes, the helicopters, the housing patterns, industrially produced foods and music, to say nothing of the electric refrigerators and blenders and mixers end household equipment, all taken for granted as standard props on Sesame Street as on any exported "situation comedy". These images of the "good life" are mot Innocuous. They pave the way for foreign subsidiaries, affiliates, clients, snd imitators of American consumergoods industries to leap into the breach, ready to provide whatever merchandise the natives may select from the offerings appearing in the glamorous showcase that now encircles the globe."
Editorial Prose
'Sri Lanka's career foreign service
officials are often maligned, sometimes justifiably so." ("Daily News' editorial, June 2.)
"Other Ministers, too, are
literally working their fingers to the bone to help the UNP government to keep the promises it gawe the People at election time." ("Daily News' editorial, June 18.)

Page 27
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