Page 1
Drugs, MNCs and po
hikkhus -- |
Scrap the Foreign Ser
Political
Marxism and Tamils
Sinhala Cinema - H.
CP TRENDS I NON - AL
 
 
 

July 5, 1979 Price Rs. 2150
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Oro - U... Karunatilake
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IGNED conFERENCE O SATRE

Page 2

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Photograph by cutter of ANL

Page 3
Letters
Caste in Jaffna
I am writing this to correct certain mis-leading statements tearing on the above subject in the report on Jaffna in your issue cf 15.6.79 by Gamin i Dissanaike.
He is under-playing the existence of caste in Jaffna and goes so far 35 to say that all temples are now open to all. This is simply not true and is a sta tement Talde without proper investigation. To cite the example of the Udupiddy M. P. who happens to be a member of the so-called depressed caste is like saying that Carter's appointment of Andy Young as Ambassador to the U. N. means that there is no Negro problem in the USA or that Rajadural's defection to the UNP means that all Tamils support that party.
In fact, in recent times, there has been a recurrence of caste violence. էHis. The castes do not own land. They live in the lands owned by the socalled high castes, who obtain rent or get paid in service or in kind. With the increase lin land pric=s, there is the temptation to evict former tenants in order to obtain better rents. These conflicts led st month to the burning down of a hut belonging to a member of the so-called depressed castes in Pakāddwn. The === freed om bail.
5O1 is
Similar incidents took place in Githady last month. Clashes over and disputes climaxed on the day - F the car festiwal in the ocal temple when the so-called depreis a castes tried to join in pulling == chariot im which the diety was ters taken found the temple, The --alled high castes promptly canE = L == festiwal and removed the = d placed it inside the
There is one reason for so-called depressed
temple. This led dents, in the se yeral of the socastes were round ted by police! Bu depressed castes cowe d.
It was these inici rise to the Black This was nothing by the TULF leade other organisatio at-last We to condem ni wiol
(Солтfпшғr" |
(PEI y eff
LIRIA GUJAR
Wol. 2 No. 5
Published by La Publighing Co. Li 88, N. H. M. Ab
Reclamation Roa
Er: Mr.
Telephone:
CONT
Trends,
3 - 4 News b;
5 - Ġ Interra' 7 - 9 Religion | 0 - || || Educati:
|? - 13 Իle titin
4 - 5 Politics :וחDiplo 7|- 6|
9 Satir 21 - 22 Languag 3. Cinema
As you
Printed by A. 82/3, Wulfen Cul Ill
TEleրիքու:

Trends
to further incicourse of which called depressed ed up and assaulII, che SC-Caled Te fused to be
idents which gawe Belt Toverilen .
; but an attempt |
Irship and certain is to defect the ent. They want 2nce in general
от Ридеа) C
DIAN
July 15, 1979
Inka GLJardian d. First Floor, Jul Cader Road, d) Colombo 11.
yn de Silway
21 ()().
ENTS
Letters ackground tional news
and politics
i ke it
Il di FTESS di St Teat,
13.
59『5
He came to Jaffna
Not srce Carles de Gaulle Tude that famous sta tement on Quebec separatism has there been anything like that utterance reported in the local press until the Indian High Commissioner went to Jaffna. Of course Mr. Abraham was on the side of the fence, so to say. He reiterated the Indian stand on Eelam explicitly declared earlier this year by Prime Minister Morgy Desai.
Of course de Gaulle's statement was described by some people as an historic gaffe. However it took courdge, So did Mr. AbrahiIIT7's public pronouncement in the heart of Jaffna. "Foolhardy" was the contrary view. After a heated exchange with some Tamm / l youth on the questi on of India and Bangladesh (East Pakistan, then) the police thought It Safe to g|ve the Indian diplomat o heavy protective escort. Sorme TULIF politicans Were highly critical of the Abraham visit. At the US Independence Day reception one politician was heard to say: "If the Massachusetts resolution supporting EelarTn I s Interference irn Interna II affu Írs, 15 the Indian sťaterner ( Critici sing Separat Sm ror-Inteference?
The Lord's goods
The affair of those curious crates from Singapore which threatened to Ebuild LP to Cyclori la proportions as da post( cd / SiCG ndal seems to ha ye beer discreetly closed. It is widely believed in SLFP circles that what really blew the lid off was a phone call to the Customs from an Opposition WIP, Who actually paid for those goods? Some good Singaporean Samaritans ? With o truly Christian zelar but not without staff - 5 Tise, a SLFP'er con Terted: "It is just and proper that the Lord's goods should be distributed among his poor children. By the Social Services Department."
(ČJJ rri II?:' ri Perge F)

Page 4
Letters . . .
(Carriri med frarr; Page )
not caste violence, in particular. They also want to condemn the revolutionary counter-violence of the so-called depressed castes, The Satyagraha they called for on the 7th, of last month was a miserable flop. Despite vastly exaggerated accounts in certain sections of the daily press, only 72 People participated. They did not get the support of the so-called high castes nor the confidence of the so-called depressed castes.
Now, TULF leader Cathirwellupillai has come forward with another stunt. He wants to practice the barbers' profession. Gandhi once cleaned latrines in an attempt to abolish caste in India. But it did not succeed. Caste is certainly the Achilles" heel of the TULF. Men who claim on platforms equality with the Sinhalese are unwilling to grant the same equality to Tamils among their midst who speak their tongue but, by an accident, happen to belong to another caste. Colombo 3. N. Sanmugathasan
(Passed by CA)
Anti- Arab 2
We are supposed to be great friends of the Arabs. We send ministers to request petrol supplies urgently. We ask for loans, aid, investment, and for higher salaries to thousands of Sri Lankan minor employees. But when OPEC raises the oil price, the price of their only valuable national resource which you correctly stress is "nonrenewable" then all our "national" newspapers start a barrage on the a-rich Arab5. Write to Congratulate you for your honest and well-informed articles on the facts behind the oil price increase. Brainwashing was a term popular during the Cold War-Korean War. The
Reds are suppos washed their pr as if the so-call Lankans who wr papers have been the western prop:
Gampola. A.
No such
Whilst reading |979 i55ue | cam
Orect State T1 e "A deceptive Dissanaike.
He states:- "T up at a Tamil C When a speaker attack on Mrs. At when a youth frc climbed the stag the speaker to gua Luttering such per speaker quickly r the youth a 'terra. the police to watc.
As one who wa Stage at every meeting might thing occured at a ings, anywhere,
No speaker wa making personal
*Amirthalingan at
No youth from eye da red to c without being in Nobody has been tunity to reque speakers to guari uttering personal person. None of supporters has enough to term ; rist" and the Shi dice by asking the him.
All speeches w police during the elections. If such challenge Dissan by asking the pe present at all our
G. G. P. Colombo 7. (G
Whose
I do appreciat made in your is: was absurd, if not

d to hawe Brain
soners. It looks id educated Sri |te to our local
brain-washed by ganda machine.
L. M. Marikkar
incident
our 15th of June
across a totally nt in tha article, ull? by Gamini
hings also heated ongress meeting made a personal irthallingam... And sm the audience e and requested "d himself against sonal insults the etorted by calling rist' and asking
in!"
S present on the Tam || Congress say that no such ny of our meet
sted his time by attack5 on Mrs. any meetings. he audience has limb our stage vited to do so. given the oppor
st any of our
himself against insults about any our speakers or been foolhardy
inybody a terroW LI ta 'WW ITpolice to watch
ere taped by the last local bodies a thing occured, kike to prove it lice, who were meetings.
Innambalam Jr. n. Sec., ACTC)
Voice 2
the point you Je of July list. It hameless, of the
Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation's producers to broadcast the commentaries on UNCTAD by the Woice of America, the official mouthpiece of the leader of the First World, not the Third World. But you actually missed or ignored the juciest part of this ludicrous performance. One WOA commentary that I heard spoke of the 'socalled Common Fund." What would our most distinguished economist, Dr. Gamani Corea, the so-called Secretary-General of the so-called UNCTAD say of the so-called Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation 2
H. S. A. Gunawardena ColorTbo 6.
Trends . . .
(Carrinued from Page I)
The unanswered question, added an Opposition frontranker, Is Whatever happened to those holier-than-thou codes of conduct for important people?
The K. L. Connection
Not a day passes without some kindly allusion. In the press to Singapore as the "model" nation. Now it's Malaysia's turn. On his return from a trip to Singapore and K. L., the I. G. P. Mr. And Senevratne has made the Interesting Observation that the special training abroad our security forces had in the past was perhaps the Wrong type. Courses were generally held in UK, US, Yugoslavid etc. Army officers have a los gone for guerrilla training and jungle War to Indig and Pakistan. But the new (GF finds Malaysian terrain the most relevant for our purposes. The Malaysian security forces ha ye Um successfully sought the Ching Peng (Pro-Peking) guerrillas in the thick jungles on the Malaysian-Thai border for many, many many years. Even joint MalaysianThai military operations have failed to "clear" the jungle of the guerrilla force.

Page 5
News background
CP and Left trend
ith understandable relish the DINAKARA, (the SLFP's answer to ATHTHA) scooped the story of the CP's decision to hold an extraordinary three-day session of its Central Committee, starting on the 13th.
Any report on "final decisions" would be premature. But the discussion itself is critically important - for the C. P., for the ULF and therefore for the LSSP, and for other 'new' Left parties, including the largest and most active of thern all, the JWP, and the (new) LSSP, the Wasu
to hawe a ripple effect throughout
the Left movement now badly fragmented. It could even influence at some future date.
may be distant but foreseeable, any relationship (front, pact, electoral alliance or understanding) between the Left and the SLFP.
In fact, the se criss-Crossing influences are already evident. The LSSP, CC has been studying documents analysing the present political situation and the discussion has inevitably led to a critical assessment of the party's role today, its tactics, possibilities for re-organisation, the ULF relationship etc. There was an informal move to have the old triumvirate (NM, Colvin, Leslie) made 'patrons' and two younger men moved in as Chairman and General Secretary. (The fanci ed Candidates Were Ani | Moonesingha, the last of the British Labour leftwing "Trotskyists", and Athauda Senevirat.ne). The move failed.
Middle-lewell LSSP'ers have also held informal chats with leading figures in the Wasu' party in an effort to patch up differences. Some young CP'ers have had discussions with prominent JWP'ers. With the CP Youth Congress scheduled to meet next month, the pressure from the CP youth and student wings is an important factor in CP decision-making today.
The extraordi is a direct follo Congress which to act on the made in the and the Gem. SE fact that it has more than a y for this partic indication that built up slowly
Reade Ts of the followed in sove (ት1ay |, May "Local polls anc
|5) how some emerged. But back a little f.
history to ur happening now. | 9W) ower the | fact will be cru: to talking to Three MP's quit back. So the had liners' or inside the part the LSSP.
The L-SSP li r; party to fight f fold. The CP t the fold and sc so to any, were c the ULF's dec polls, soul-searc tism, was irne wit: went through examining most tactics of coal it had worked. " was the comm or the shared pe But how much much "struggle" needless losses
interests of c. supercede the Pendant 5trugg identity?
Both Congres ports' which rew points but the ( to the Thore Searching, pro was the junior "hardliners', in

S
tary CC session w-up of the party ordered the CC recom Them dations main resolutions, :c's report. The taken the CC
to Wel lar task is an ..he pressure has but steadily.
: L. G. may hawe rall of our is 5 Lues 5. June , and the Left', June
of these issues one has to go rther into Left iderstand what's
The CP split in JC Law. (This ial When it colles the "new" Left).
but they came so "radicals" or
whatever Were . Not so with
adicals' quit the torm coutside its rio reCurred to the "two-lines" ontained. After :imation at the hing or self-critiable. Both parties
the exerČiSė,
of all how the ion with the SLFP Jnity and struggle' 1 Marxist position, rspective of both. "unity" and how "? Did both 5uffet by allowing the
balition unity to interests of indele and separate
ses produced "reחmmoסc ץחaוזaledr: P analysis seemed
self-critical and bably because it
Partner and its otably S. A. Wicks
and Sarath Muttetuwegama were inside the party at the top. But the CP's final report was itself a watered down wersion of a document prepared by the radicals, General Secretary Keuneman's literary dexterity was put to good use in ''containing" differences. However, the Composition of the C. C. reflected the true balance of forces, with the young radicals well placed.
"Whatever the decisions' a high-ranking CP"er told the LG “the LSSP will Tema in our clo5 est ally. But we will not allow that aliance to Curb Cur own independence and our right to hawe other ag Teements or understandings with other leftist groups on specific issues or on given occasions'.
A sign of
the Times 2
hile the SLFP is locked in
T1 increasingly bitter internal strife, political observers turned their attention for a moment to the ruling party and thought they spotted in the resignation letter of Mr. Sirisoma Ranasinghe, the TIMES boss, the first sign of a crack in the unity of the United National Party. "Of course the Sirisoma affair is hardly as important as the Sirima squabble but it is interesting" said an LSSP CC membert.
On the day that the FOCUS
hit the streets with its colourful cover story "All the President's Men', one of the
personalities identified with the Praetorian Guard, Mr. Sirisoma Rana singhe march ing out of the TIMES, a job he had been given when Advocate E. Paul Perera, another of, the President's men (not featured in FOCUS) moved over as Mr. Upali WijeWardena's No. 2 at the FTA.
to devote blu 5, iress I m
(Солтriлнғd on Page y)
Did Sirisoma quit more time to his

Page 6
Salaam and
sall
grand strategy
In a few weeks time the NSA
will take up a Bill to ban separatism. The press says that this "tough, new law' will also enable the government to proscribe parties advocating separatism and to fight threats variously described as "terrorism' and "subversion' The Parliamentary Privileges Act may also be amended. Evidently there are second thoughts on the need to preserve "the sovereignty of parliament'.
The shape of JR's grand strategy is now clearer. His government started off with an oppressive burden it never bargained for - race riots after the postelection wolence.
Since then however JR has been saying "salam" to the Tamil people (especially in the south) while, the good general
he is, following 'salami tactics" He has been cutting off the political support base of the Tamils, slice by slice. First Mr.
Canagaratnam from the EP: next Mr. Thor daman from the CWC, and finally, the best catch of ail, Mr. Raja dura i the Tost senior TULF MP from the east. He has triced to o "isolate" cho TULF and geographically "confine" it to the north, so that he can say to the country and to the world outside that the TULF demand for Eelam has Only support, if at all, in the peninsula.
No w He Telā die 5 H | 15 ef for the final offensive. But first the heavy propaganda barrage of the past few weeks,
亭
PFélidorf
Several seriou: from the pli Tough laws can ment agencies fi bL (an importa em forcement ao cate the danger has deep socic That's the plain many situations world politics.
Secondly, law possibly 'solve" lem s.e. thg fg an em bitte Ted
Thirdly, there danger in tough be used in discri purpose for w not avowedly threat is to t freedom and de the UNP Tade election issue.
A55ociated Wii UNP's "climate i. e. the climat in large-scale the imwe5tor's |
 

ami : JR's
arrieriEיוושינTH.
questions TE
"es el Situation. help law enforceghting "terrorism' nt but) laws and TE Carlot. Er ild
IF HC, "Tri" i-political roots. est lession of so in contemporary
" alone con mot
a political probIt grievances of people.
is the inherent laws that can minately i. e. for hich they were intended. The hat ''climate of :mocracy' which such a major
th that is the
of confidence' 2, that can brin foreign capital, i Tlate,
The recent propaganda barrage has a special danger of its own. In an editorial ''The Catholic Messenger' referred to the 'corrunal tensions that are building up again" and 'of the provocative Starts and reportage in the national press'.
Quoting Woltaire ("I disapprove of what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it') the Civil Rights Movement issued this statement.
*“Im al de Ti Čtracy, persons are free Et put forward their proposals for solutions to the problertis that face society. Others, are free to oppose those proposels, and to campaign for alternative Silurs,
"One person might feel, for instance, that our e como Thic prospigrity and territorial security can be assured only by a powerful neighbour, and therefore urge union with Iridli. Another might say we were really better off under the British, and launch a campaign to parsuade the ga Wetm Tent to in Wite Cur Colonia | Tulcers back. Yet a mother will say that our problems can be soYed only if the Tart, ils Arc accorded a separate state, Another Will roundy con de Tri all the se suggestions and say that the Only solution to our is is a World gown Tert.
""The Yer y esse nec of democracy is freedom to express and try to persuade others to agree to one's proposals, coupled with equal freedom to criticise - to ridicule even - and to counter
III,"
(PaI s geta7 Piy (C-f)
This issue has been slightly delayed as some of the articles had to be submitted to the Competent Authority.

Page 7
International news
Havana : backsta
by Mervyn de Silva
fter official visits to Pyongyang
and Peking Foreign Minister Hameed will have talks with Wietnamese officials later in Colomto. In all of them the Kampuchean issue must feature prominently. Although China is not a nonaligned member Peking has a direct stake in the question. According to correspondents visiting China
recently, Peking is gradually coming to terms with the political reality in Kampuchea, though
publicly maintaining a pro-Pol Pot stance. Ewen Prince Sihanouk has been making rude remarks about Pol Pot at private banquets and exclusiwe interwiew5.
Despatches from Peking suggest also that Deng Xiaoping who took the leading role in the invasion of Wietnam has rapidly lost ground within the party to Chairman Hua Guofeng whom he had owershadowed sometime ago.
In any case the word "Democratic" was dropped in the Colombo communique in it5 reference to Kampuchea, a sure sign that the Bureau was paving the way for a clear decision at Ha Warna. Inspite of a bout of boorishness by Egypt and some heckling-cum-filibustering by a few Francophone countries who did not understand the proper Procedures of a Bureau meeting of Were Out to Cause Some confusion) the Colombo meeting was an achievement for the government and a personal success fer or, Hamead.
JR's gesture
President Jayewardene's decision EC go to Hawa na, any way, made It already clear that he was not ready to make even a "symbolic' Eesture which the West and China could gleefully interpret as a slap In the Cuban face. So it stands to reason that Sri Lanka, whatever the 25 t-Tin Lute pressures, will not oin a dwindling minority in open c Eacit support of a Pol Pot or | I Arliin.
Meanwhile one aides Carlos Rafae been visiting Bel; other capitals, Inc A member of th dency has also to Malaysia and focal point of diplomatic activi the Hawa na 5 LITT
WHile Sri L. chairman and C success cr. Yugosl: 5 al "Elder" 5tate5 Tl. role, both public continues to b interest to diplom CJITI TE 1:3 () "5.
Yugoslavia
""Yugoslawia is los ing its Chai delegate from ol liberated African ded the Colom E was using the W. the narrow aca "professorship". indeed become a entוחחalig-חסf nם 'lecture' the jL entrants on the procedures of Though this prof somewhat proprie the Towerment ha Africal and members, it is question of an diplomatic mann serious historical
lts 5trategic Europe) and its With Stalin shap 器 of inde ugoslavia. To policy with inter Yugoslavia shire itself with the Asianism (a thir Soon natuted inti By sponsoring til and by its tireless Contributions to

ge moves
of Castro's top :l Rodriguez, has grade, Delhi and :luding Colombo. e Yugoslav Presibeen on a trip the region. The
all this hectic ty is of course
it.
ka is the current |BI will be its wia, like India, an". Yugoslavia's
and backstage, e of absorbing 1ats, analysts and
nervous about "remarked a he of the newly States who attenJo meeting. He od 1 CH|" | demm il sense of Yugoslawia has donnish theorist often inclined to In ors and in 2W, principles and the movement. essorial tone and storial attitude to We irritated sole latin Anerican not a simple awkwardness in ers, There are Ta5 ons for it.
location (central historic conflict Jed the foreign endent, Marxist strengthen this national support, wdly identified emerging Afrod force) which non-alignment. e first Summit and substantial he success of the
movement, Yugoslavia was able to gain a pre-eminent position in the gГоup.
This did not however remove a
basic anachronism. Asia, Africa
and Latin America were the
geographic contours of the group,
Yugoslavia was European. Besides this tricontinentalism (a physical fact, there were corn Ton historical and economic factors which
strongly conditioned the political -psychological outlook of the wast
majority of the non-aligned. It is the common experience of colonialism. Nearly all these countries hawe been the wictims of imperial conquest and plunder. Political independence has been attained. Yet their national economies hawe been structured in such a way that they remain economically dependent on a West-dominated world system. Hence the cry for a N. E.O. which is both a protest and battle aga instan iniquitOUS World System, managed and manipulated by the U.S. and its allies, western Europe (the old colonial masters of the poor nations) and Japan.
Thus when economic issues dominate any international forum (UNCTAD, for instance) the under -developed countries or Third World in which the non-aligned forma large group, the agitational attack is always aimed at the West. Criticism of the USSR and socialist Countries is either marginal or on Yery specific issues. On fundamentals, on the basic question of structural change in the world economic order, the Third World and the non-aligned find themselves pitted against the West for the elementary reason that structural change means changing the system Created by, protected and Perpetuatad by the West. In short, whatever the bilateral or group differences and disputes between the poor nations and the
(Corrified a Page )

Page 8
Non-alignment (2)
The bases of
by A. W. Singham
ne of the dangers of a OEid 3. Efis approach to World politics is that it tends to divide the World into simple minded categories. The world is often divided between cowboys (good-guys) and Indians (bad-guys) and this has disastrous consequences for world politics. This type of fundamentalism has led the U. S. to misundertand the politics of the non-aligned movement.
The present antagonism of the U. S. towards the non-aligned movement is nothing new. Indeed, every American administration since World War II has been openly hostile to the emerging role of the non-aligend movement in world politics.
This movement emerged originally as a direct result of the Cold War and the dismantling of the European Empires in Asia and Africa. The newly independent nations of Asia and Africa met for the first time in Bandung in 1954. The movement as it is known to us today, however, did not become a more formalized organisation until its first Summit meeting in Belgrade in 1961. It held its 5th Summit in Colombo in 1976 and is now preparing for the 6th Summit in Hawa na this September.
In essence, the non-aligned nations represent a broad social movement which comes together
from time to time to discuss and
take action on a number of
global issues.
From its very inception. the
rowerTent has stood out as the
spokesman for international peace: the very phrase of 'non-aligned'.
The mowcement has nie wet striye to attain an ideological 'purity' or conformity: with a sophistication un equalled in almost ai || other international TO W e Ten t5, Ehe nations of the non-aligned have realized the absolute necessity of co-existence between the forces of capitalism and socialism, The major criteria for membership
6
US po
was, and 5 ti|| nation should n of the existing pacts. This crit ship was intro when the nation were gradually b becoming memb military alliance NATO, CENTO, We wer, as the to abate, the na aligned movemen their attention ti issues primarily be to be poor nat Indeed, the Wi often depicted the of these nations : ting of the beggar
The Truman ad the foundations policy towards th Africa and Asia. not changed ov any substantive major goal of til still appears to the so-called it. front communist ti-Corris the Eisenhowerträtlarl, the Kenn administration, i ger administratio to have becom theme of the administration.
Interestingly Americari adminis out for attack non-aligned natic because these communist, but they made more either outside Conflict be twee Communism... PF arl |Inter"WiQW reporters, and speech at Ani questioned the countries, i.e. C be non-aligned. attack on the of Certain natio administrations

licy
remains, that a 3. Ea a filėrimber
World military tria for memberLiced at a time of the World 2 ing Coerced into ers fo broader systems such as and SEATO, HoCold War began tions of the non: began to turn global economic cause they tended ions themselves, :5tern press has Summit meetings is being the mee5 of Lha world.
ministration I did of U.S. foreign ie new nations of
This policy has Sr the years in way in that the he United States be one of Sawing in-aligned world
The policy of was continued by -Dulles adminis
edy-Rusk-Johnson he Nixon-Kissin5וחב 5-3 wםח and , ח the dominant
Carter-Brezinski
enough, every tration has singled he leaders of the ins not necassarily
I litilt. I 15 WE TE
rather because | claims at being of or above the ។ capitalism and sident Carter in
with Hispanic then later in his apolis, seriously
right of certain tuba, to claim to . However, the on-aligned status ns by various U.S. is nothing new.
John Foster Dulles na de It quite
clear that as far as he was concerned
thosc lations who Tema i med non
-aligned in a moral War against the atheistic communist of the East were indeed acting in an immoral way in World politics. In the early '50's Nehru, and particularly India, was the subject of a massive attack by the Dulles -Eigenhower administration. The new analysis of the day seriously questioned India's non-aligned status. Dulles was particularly in censed at Nehru's attitude towards Communist China. For it was Nehru who engineered China's entrance into the family of nations by inviting Chou-en
Lai to the Bandung Conference, and it was at Bandung that the blockade against China was broken. American policy makers were never able to forgive those AfroAsia countries for the ir attitude
towards China. Especially under suspicion at that time was India's spokesman at the U.N., Krishna
Menon, who many saw as nothing but a Soviet puppet. Every leader of the non-aligned movement has, at one stage or anather, been accused by various American administrations for being either pro-communist or Pro – Sowiet. Nasser of Egypt, Sukharno of Indonesia, Bandaranai ke of Sri Lanka, Nkrumah of Ghana, and now Castro of Cuba, hawe all im turn been accused of being betrayers of the concept of non-alignment.
(NEXT: US, Cuba)
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Page 9
Religion and politics
The 'Political Bhikkhu.” Movement
'Yellow - robed
pararthacharya!
by Kumari Jayawardena
uring the years 1946-7 - a DARĖ of post — wat Econo
mic dislocation, radical political upsurge and massive labour unrest in Sri Lanka - a mowerTent of political protest arose among younger bhikkhus led by the monks of one of the foremost centres of Buddhist learning - the Widyalankara Pirivena. The background to this movement was the disatisfaction with the policies of leaders like D. S. Senanayake and the influence of the Marxist parties on the younger monks. Morever, events abroad, including the Indian national movement, revolutionary and liberation struggles in China, Indochina, Indonesia and Malaysia, influenced the climate of opinion in Sri Lanka at that time,
In January 1946, two politicians came out openly against the in wolvement of bhikkhus in Politics; D. S. Senanayake Publicly expressed his dissaproval of politicised bhikkhus and criticised the monks who listened to the debates in the State Council, and R. G. Sern anaya ke declared that bhikkhus should not be involved in politics or electoral campaigns. The reply to these criticisms was the famou 5 Widyalan kara Declaration entitled "Bhikkhus and Politics", issued on behalf of the Widyalankara monks by the Principal of the piirivena, Kiriwathtu duwe Pannasara in February 1946. Claim ing that the sangha in Sri Lanka had always been concerned with the "welfare of the nation', and that it was the British. who deiberately tried to Separate religion "from the nation', the
declaration criti leaders who, we continuing the diwid Ing the s people :
"We believe em braces a activity direct public Weal. . ii fitting for bhi thorm 52 lliw (25 conducive to eoole be labet P believe that on the bhikk further the towards the country, but such TT AGL detrimental good.'
The declarati gorically assert right to interve Political matters, sized their right sitional role wh February 1946, a bhikkhu5 fron : presided over Wimaladharma issues, a resalu stating that the to interferee ir rT to the Sangha or question of monk politics, Questio and hierachical Sangha were also ple, Kalallele claimed that the were the sons workers and th; bhikkhus with th had alarmed the while Walpola F

Bhikkhus in revolt (4)
comrades'
cised the political are alleged to be 3ritish strategy of angha from the
:hat politics today fields of human ed towards the t is nothing but kkhus to identify With Activities the Welfare of - whether these litics or not . . Wye
it is incumbant hus not only to efforts directed Welfare of the also oppose |『던 G "Ee
to the connon
ior thus cateed the bhikkus' ne In social and
and also emphato assшm Q ап орpere necessary. In large meeting of Lll ower the island, by Polonaruve discussed these tion was passed ality had no right i atters pertaining to decide on the s' participation in ns of social class cleavages in the raised. For exatAnanda Sagara majority of monks of farmers and at the alliance of Ie working people a capitalist class, tahu la de mounced
Ο Υ
独
!.2., 38., 13:3
r Rahulu rגFrp!
the higher echelons of the sangha whom he claimed were in alliance with politicians such as D. S. Senanayake, who represented the interests of the capitalists.
The "political bhikkhus' issue became one of the most debated controversies of the post-war years. Meetings were held all over the country and the issue was discussed in the State Council. According to Wiswa Warnapala, the politicians in the State Council, Tiany chief monks and various associations such as the All-Ceylon Buddhist Congress condemned the political bhikkhus Who were referred to in a derogatory way as "yellow-robed t:Qm radgs". Cm thị: Cither" hăm d these bhikkhus received support from Left parties, progressive lay Buddhists and the younger monks,
In May 1946, the radical bhikkhus became an organised force; they formed the Lanka Eksath Bhikkhu Mandalaya with Yakkaduwe Praga Ta. Si t5 Secretary and started
7

Page 10
  

Page 11
fore inevitably took on a dissident role. Although the top hierarchies of the sangha remained conservative supporters of established power, significant sections of the sangha were involved in peasant protests, nationalist and cultural revivalist movements and Working-class struggles. It should also be noted that Christianity was associated with the Imperial power and that it retained its position of influence well into the post-Colonial period.
Today the situation is reversed; Buddhism has been given the foremost place in the constitution and it has become the "established religion. Not only is it an inevitable part of state ceremonial and ritual, but the leading bhikkhus have also become the beneficiaries of state patronage. It would appear that the sangha has to some extent lost its di 55 iden I role; certain bhikkhus are leading campaigns that are basically communal and chauvinist, while others are involved in cults of a fundamentalist type which are mesmerising large crowds of devotees. Against this, it is interesting to Contrast the growth of radical dissent in the Christian Church which no longer enjoys its earlier position of privilege. But nevertheless the radical tradition in Buddhism has not been entirely submerged and there are still numerous militant bhikkhus who are active in all progressive movements and who a te com clous of the social and political realities of the day.
What emerges from a survey of Buddhist monks in protest is that these Instances wete not merely the indiwidual abertations of a few isolated bhikkhus; on the contrary they reflected both the influence which important popular moveTents had on the Sangha, and in turn, the influence that monks were able to exert during popular upsurges. Such a two-way process will continue - for as long as the masses remain devout, one cannot ignore the influence on the people of religion and religious leaders, and as long as bhikkhus remain in close touch with the people, it is only to be expected that monks will be drawn into popular movements for political and social change.
References - Udakan: Satamaka Satahan, Walpola Rahula, Bhik Colombo, 1946; W. Sangha & Politles in in Indian Journal of P. 1978); Urmila Phat Polities ir SGI" Link
Havana . . .
(CipriiTedf
socialist bloc, th of interest is bet World and the economics is gen potent im Para tiw tions Im Conditi and Popular as pira life compel ev World regimes
may be "pro-w this global strugg at the level of r rhetoric. This
obvious to any
ongoing debates II forums that it in place QחמComm politics.
And this is WF strain on Yugos practice of non-al lawia's "anti-blo hawe Seemned a
rationalisation policy interests nations growIn Marich earl WoT War. But as thi crisi5 of the 70'. conflict between and the West int. more, some of t in the group of successful liberatic byproduct the IT sharpening strug
In the 60's, insolent about in Lih: Wa: 5 Carn m It is another matte

dawella Saranan kara, ;1955 סmbחסlסC ESuwage Urumaya, Wis wa Warnapala, Sri Lanka, (Article olitics, April-August in 1s. Religion & New Delhi, 1976.
(5 שPHE ננופ
le main conflict Ween the Third West. Since erally the most 2, mass frustraons of Powerty tions for a better In thogo Th | Tid and rulers who est' into joining le ewen if it is itu al protest and
is so patently student of the all international hay be taken as f сопteпрогагу
at puts a special lawia's particular ignment. Yugosc theory" may п шnexceptionable of the foreign of the 'new' g Lup in the ld of the Cod 2 World e Como T1 i s sharpened, the the poor nations !rsified, Furtherhe new members non-aligned are in movements, the lselves of this gle.
he US could be on-alignment and e dia patron ising. !r today. (Arnaud
de Borchgrave's fierce exchange with Gaddafi i NEWSWEEK
is most revealing).
(To be continued)
A sign . . .
(Cor? If i'rTed frorri Page 3)
collaboration with the big French firm of Creusot Loire, Siri|Sorma runs a glass factory, the FTA's single biggest Joint venture, (Chairman of the firm is Mr. H. W. Jayewardene QC),
The question became a bit of a riddle when reports, perhaps Journalistically embroidered, presented a differet Picture. Journalistic talk had it that a news item headlined "REMOWED"
was to appear in the next morning's paper. "Removed' by whom? The Government. The President? Anyway, the item was spiked. The theory of a "leak" is widely accepted. The
result had a to Luch of farce. It was not the C. A. Who was "removed" but a top executive who was physically removed from the building ("frogmatched"
thought some newspaperппеп) and deposited on the street belowl Was he the author of
the um published item?
Next came Sitisorma's lettet of resignation to the UNP Working Committee. It did not
accept the resignation and there
are efforts to have the matter resolved before the Committee Theets in the first Week of
August,
Sirisoma is a long-standing JR loyalist. When Sirima Power was at its height and the UNP was under seige, he stood firmly with the party. He stood with the Leader in the fierce inner
party battles of 7-73 and helped in launching the UNP's propaganda blitzkreig in 1975–77.
What is surprising about the
resignation threat is that recently Sir ISoma strengthened his position with the Party leadership when his daughter married the Prime Minister's brother-in-law, nav our man in Stokholm.

Page 12
Education
Sociology of adr
by Sunil Bastian
T翼 higher educational scene in Sri Lanka of the sewenties had been studded with a number of
schemes and formulae for the admission of students to the University. The Bandaranai ke
Government heeded the allegation that there was too great a proportion of Tamil stream students who had qualified for the science faculties-(specially to medicine and engineering) and arbitarily set up a scheme of marks where the minimum entry requirements for
a Tamil medium student was higher than for a Sinhala medium student. Since 1970 the Sri
Lankan education system has had a quick succession of admission schemes. 'standardisation' in 1970 followed by a "district quo ta' system, then a combination of standardisation and district quotas;
and now a new formula based оп а пшПmber of critera.
When Sri Lanka chose "the
mother tongue" as the medium of instruction in higher education in the late sixties, Som o anticipated that a new aspect of the communal problem Would come up, Wery soon allegations were heard about overmarking, Prior leaking of the question pa Per 5, etc. A5 usual most of the allegations were against the "minority' community; a "fact" that is difficult to explain unless we accept certain Communai prejudices, claiming in bornness of
some characteristics in some communities. The government of the sewenties reacted to these
allegations and demands arising out of them by introducing various schemes of admission, the overall result of which was to reduce the number of Tamil students in the University - "Ethnically, there is little doubt that the major blow fel I On the Sri Lanka TarThills. The Tamil share of the Engineering admissions for instance fel 1 from 24.4%, in 1973 (standardisation only) to 6.3% in 1974
O
and is likely to f. 1975 if the distri is applied withd The parallel figu would be 36.9%
1974 and 20% (e. This estimate is by a medium new admissions
and dental facult
(C. R. de Silvia-PF AlIIis riiri s. SILIrtisi
ir ir F ir (ஆ) rேt),
ᎦᏐ lf a 100
5, 50 է “A” Ie underp
:: Childre domina
:: Only 3:
of par who cc
The question figured promiпеп! of the T.U.L.F. . key point of certain Sinhala a question gly prominence in ch specially the
res 5. The pre abolished the s Caled Standardi5 first acts after But a new sche Ti efective only foi ld Eleel it to indications of ot in the near futi
According to 30% of the ent än all island mer the basi 5 of th the districts and the underprivile it was with the the legitimisatiог
slogans like "g

mission formulae
a II to 13.2% in ct quota system todification. res for medicine in 1973 25.ፃ% in stimate) in 1975. eems confirmed wise analysis of to the medical ties in 1975'.)
eigh flage ir Lor, sy'e'r ffy' rais sur TFF Piafričiť ш 1970-тg75, Moderл
the poor", "opening the doors of
higher education to the underprivilaged of our society', etc.. There had been protests and
opposition to this new method of selection on a nu Tibert of grounds. The criteria for determining an underprivilaged area, and the fact that the number of students seeking admission from a particular district is not always proportional to the population of the district hawe been 5 to Te of the i55ues under discussion. This Tears as
enter Grade I, only 60 remain at Grade by Grade 8 and just 2 students go up to
Wel.
The drop-out figures among
the
rivileged are very high in Sri Lanka.
in of middle and
"elite' faculties at
te the
Lipper-middle classes
Universities.
.2% of new entrants in 1976 were children ents of the poorest layers of the employed onstitute 82.4% of the total employed.
of standardisation :ly in the formation had become a agitation among groups, and also ren wery much e popular media, national language sent government cheme that was atit as tot 2 of its assuming power. 1e which wil be
| F9 d. įgijos liggd. There are Her Haw Schermes
LT
the new for Tula :Tnt:5 will be cor it basis, 55% on
le populations in 15%, will be for ged districts. A5 previous schemes, 1 had come through iwing a place Lo
in the previous years the discussions had been primarily around the percentages and methods of selecting these percentages. Little attention had been given to the other aspects of this problem. For example, there had been very little thought on or analysis of the basic historical reasons that had given rise to this situation or about the reasons for the high priority given to this question by Political parties and other grou P5.
Education had been recognised as the main path for social mobility for many of the social strata here. The introduction of the "free" education in the late forties, setting up of a statesponsored central school network and the switch-ower to the other tongue as the medium of instruction had been measures that brought education within the reach of a larger proportion of our population, A literacy ra te of #ဒ္ဒိ%’ in 1977

Page 13
2nd participation rate of 70% aro results of these popular measures.
Although this is true of the general picture, a detailed analysis will show us the great disparity that 5ti Tema 5 our eda system. The disparity in facilities even within the state school system is glaring. The existence of a private school system adds to this disparity. A study of the social background of the pupils of the privileged schools, whether they are private or state will reveal the fact that the children of the upper social classes hawe a greater chance of getting into the schools with better facilities and
there by ensure themselves an education of better quality. Not only are the facilities in the
schools attended by the poor of the slums, villages or the estates worse, but they also have less chances of continuing education to a higher level without dropping Cut, Drop-CLIt figures among the under privileged are very high. On the average, for the whole | 5 land, if a cohort of || OC) enter Grade around 60 remain by the time the cohort reaches Grade 5, 50 by Grade 8 and 2 go up to Gra de 2, when "A" levels are taken. Of these 0.9-1%, reach the University level. The chances that a child from a slum, village or an estate finds himself or herself in that privileged lot are remote. This is specially true when we consider much sought Efte facilite.5 like Medici e o Engineering. A study done on the social background of the University entrance for the year 957 revealed that in the Medical and Engineering faccities 73% of === entrants were from private c privileged state schools, and 3- We Te non-school candidates.
SL TL L uHuLCL LLTCTLTS LLLLS SSSLCTTHCH LTCCHHC
கே ley- சே : fl),
If we take into account that this
S = so will have Some who ere earlier in private or reged state schools, the
recominance of these groups in these culties is quite evident.
A Elimilar conclusión had been eached in a more recent survey ice by the Ministry of Education. Studying the entrants of 1976 in Festion to the occupational status
of the Parent/Gu concludes that of entrants acco tional status of shows a gross un tion af man Lial subsistence far tuta 82.4% of population. Thш en trants had pare occupational categ man Läl Workers, and subsistence of the entrants c. whose breadwin clerical hards at 4.8% of the entr; hornes of executiv rati we workers; children of profe Parents of 3.4% were unemployed Wher wiewed fro of chose al reis into positions wh a socio-occupatlo Thus parents of gC 2 Ce el "ālt:S and professional Y accounted for 47' entrants. In cont of the science en homes whose inco ked a s manual Wc Lege for Tors. T tional stratificati in a wlio Lu 5 Girl Cause and effect children of teac professionals"
(Jfr i'r río ArF is Είμαν καπετεrπίτι ήτρή, of sir niferf.5 5eler' fe'i rifer Liri li jfarriji i iiri EHггшгіол,]
All these see I the beneficiaries system had been t and those clo5 est above or below. Ql systern had been where the resourc Were channeled f the upper and LIPP By accepting the education' and E. with it an educa such a way so privileged had be getting the best "We fare state" er tuation of the cla: duca EC 1 to. C Lhis reāls hat

ardian, the study The distribution "ding to occupaarent/guardian der-representaWorker's and i ers who constithe employed s, 39.2% of the nts who were in ories comprising yeesסplוחr eסחiח farmers; 27.8% I m C2 froT failles 1 Gris worked a 5 d Sales Worker5; Its haid from 'c and administ19.7% were 55 ioma i Wycker 5. of the entrants The entrants In the standpoint of studies fa || ich clearly reflect a stratification. 36.5% of the were teachers; workers together % of the science rast only 3.6% trants care for
S W3rkers or subsishe socio-occupaon has resulted 2 which through relations favour hers and other
"fira J7.5-.d. r"éFpJ r"r 2 rr I gra? Fed Characteris ric Y Jar défriss lui ra IgE. Ministry of
to show us that of our education he middle classes to the either ut "free" education
a che Wer dewice :es of the country or the Eenefit of er-middle classes. principle of "free y having along tİCOT 5 TIL CLure il that only the etter chances of out of it, o Lur isured the perpeis system through Dr the other side it will be the
interests of the middle classes and those closest to them that will be primarily affected by crises in the high er educational system.
The entry into higher education had become To Te and Tore competitiwe ower the years The main reason for this had been the lack of expansion in higher education in comparison to the numbers that began to go through secondary education (close to 70%)
her numbers in the tertiary education are comparatively low. | 4 || Per 100 thousand of the
population in the mid-sixties when
our education was really expanding,
compared with 605 per 100 thousand of the population in the
Philippines or 225 per thousand of the population in India for the same period. In the seventies the "bottle neck" of the "A" levels is felt more intensely. In this year (1979) for example the universities had to select about 5,000 out of a 40,000 who had qualified making use of the
formula that had been specially
de wised.
Tho non-expansion of the higher education system is a part of a wider Phenome non of the crisis in our economic system, with an inadequate growth due to the dependent capitalist economic relations that prevail. The crisis makes it difficult for the Welfare system to be maintained. Of the 4-5% of the GNP spent on education the greater proportion (roughly 8 times more) is used to maintain the already built-up structures rather than for new development. There is little capital i Westment:5 in ordet to Illeet the growing demand. The official response has been arbitrary increase in the qualifications needed for the entry into the universities and Warious Other formula e that fewer work, Now there are attempts to it. pri Wate institutions for higher education. But will this not ultimately result in greater inequalities by giving better chances to those who could Pay? Wil | it not be a further aggravation of the inequalities that are already there due to the presence of the private tution and tutories? Any form of going
ČJF7F7FF FF Fuge )

Page 14
Vedicíne
Drugs and pove
by U. Karunatilake
o many Chemists in other S fields ask us what on earth do you make in the Pharmaceutical
industry? You dissolve something in water, colour it, bottle it and
put on a label with a pseudoscientific name. Or you convert some powder into tablets or
capsules, put it in a bottle with an impressive label. Call that manufacture? Why can't you at least make Aspirin or Paracetamol in this country without importing it and converting it into tablets
What we hawe to point out is that making Aspirin and Paracetamol is really not the job of the Pharmaceutical industry - it is the job of the Fine Chemical industry, which again either has to have a heavy chemical base, or depend on imported intermediates. Then you may ask how is it that some of the better known Pharmaceutical Companies abroad make their own fine chemicals The answer is that they were making fine chemicals, png before
they started making pharmaceuticals.
Bayer was making Industrial chemicals long before it made a 5pirin, Ci ba-Geigy, Sandoz and
Hoffmann-La Roche were all set up to manufacture textile dyes, Hoechst in Germany was also in the dye business. In fact it was Paul Erich Who Worked for Hoechst who developed the idea dyes could be used to carry curative agents into specific ti 55 LJES. He observed under the microscope that certain dyes were taken up by certain cells in an organism. Thus he managed, after several attempts, to find a molecule that de lliw erted Atsemic to the HiLu Tiam t|55 UE5.
Without a chemical industry to speak of, how did the Pharmaceutical industry originate in Sri Lanka? The post World War II period, as
has been seen, W intensiwe expansi pharmaceutical co solidly on the industry in Europa These companies Asia's teeming provide them with market for drugs. could not afford the of life they woul
poor living con drugs to allevi sufferings. Thus i
and the desire O colonial regimes t some extent, the ri the foreign pharf par les Saw rich grt mont. Mas of til pharmaceutical pla the results in promising that th up small plants i countries where i offered by the C import substitut Thus some compani pharmaceutical pro by importing ra" those products wh selling in large q country. Whereas was an already chemicals industry Government sa W to materials for the were progressively Indian fire chemical no such developm in Ceylon,
Isolated industr
The pharmaceut Ceylon has thus isolated industry. ten years all the were producing mainly vitamin pre and O. T. C. drug very slow becauseal in a very restri field of best promotion won th

rty
as a period of on for foreign mpanies based fine che Tical e and America. soon found that
uldסIons w|ווח an inexhaustible Even if they
other necessities be driven by ditions to buy ate their own in this suffering f the new post: climinate to Awages of disease, maceutical Comund for in westhem started Lup ints in India and India were 5a ey began to set in other Asian i Carl Wes Wete overnment for ion industries. es began Taking ducts in Ceylon W material for ich were already antites in the - in India there e Stablished fine and the Indian it that starting drug industry provided by the ls Taufacturer 5, ent took place
W
ical industry in reillained an For the first local companies siliar iters Parations, tonics S. Growth was were competing tad field the selers where e day. Growth
| ces for Wh Ich no market Corbe
In the controversy over the u se of this drug, Swarsan, which in dddition to being extreTely expensive, was highly toxic d well known pharmacellogist of the time summed up the quest forna ble Origins of the pharппасешtical Iпdшstry. This comment was made in 1907, but applies EqLa lly well to the pharппасешtical Industry today.
"The chemical Industry of OLIr dy produce war Jus substan
fourd. Under these circuistances the ided suggests itself that it might be possible to use these products as drugs. We know that a great number of physicians without rhyme or reason, go after every new remedy that is recorrier ded to ther. If any industrialist is but shrewd enough to advertise sufficiently he usually succeeds 'n i'r creas Ing the sale of his product - for 50/11e t/The Jit Nedst - thus enrich sing himself."
was slow because production was geared to an artificially stimulated demand and was not planned on
the basis of the country's drug requirements. This is revealed in the fact that import allocations
given to the local drug industry totalled about Rs. 5 millions (of which several millions remained unutilized) whereas the country's total drug bill was in the region of Rs. 50 million at that time. This stagnancy Prevalled in spilte of numerous incentives offered by the Government like duty free import of machinery and raw materi3|5.
The pharmaceutical industry was declared an essential industry. Machinery and raw materials were allowed in duty free on what were termed 'certificates of essentiality'. Since the principle was import substitution, approval for local manufacture of a product was given on the basis of the foreign exchange difference between the : imported finished drug

Page 15
and the cost of the raw raterials. This was a rather innocent start, and private sector Ingenuity merely saw to it that there was about a 25%, difference between the cost of the finished imported drug and the "raw materials".
At the start, the so called "raw material' in several instances happened to be semiprocessed in termediates or concentrates. These either simply went into the hopper of a tabletting machine to be compressed into tablets, or was diluted with purified water to give a famous liquid. In some instances either part or all the water content was also imported. This led to a chaotic state of affairs where som c. blg multinational companies began to think that any of their famous brands could be processed by local Thanufacturers from intermediates merely showing a 25% saving in foreign exchange. The clamour from such companies became so troublesome that management in the local companies as well as at the Ministry of Industries realised that if this continued there would be absolutely no progress in the industry. No transfer of technology and no aquisition of local skills either in processing or in drug analysis.
Phased import
To counter this the principle of phased import substitution was established where within a period the intermediates would also be phased out and only basic fine chemicals and basic excipients would be allowed in. Thus local manufacturers who really wanted to develop the industry were in a position to tell their foreign Principals to agree to more basic manufacture or depart. Several of thern agreed, and thus, a good armount of Pharmaceutical Proce 55 ing know-how from some of the Woll known multinational combines in the West, became aya ilable to our technician5. OLu T Chemists, sifting through this know-how, were able to systematize it in the light of chemical and pharmaceutical
disciplines, innovate and extend its applications.
The next stage ment of the Industry In Sri Imposition of Im
963.
When the a satisfied that a p ceutical product w locally from basic that the output meet the local dor issu ing import || finished product the pharmaceut locally produced from the import trade. At the
COLITSE TI N I At( licence, and the lic had to satisfy that raw Tate imported at world was a substantial 25% foreign Price Control W down om drugs. same time Na control of drug collenced approved by the
Tittee could locally manufactur licences for raw issued only for cf Formulary a P
All these in did not wean t} away from rando; a small range c products of wh to be competing man: facture of ph in fact, wery pri iTupact either in programmes or industrial output of the entire shockingly reveal in 1973 preside Ej Ebj | 3. At t manufacturer clai alone, and provic foreign exchange the country's drl. Confronted by a who pointed out
Tham Lufa Çur er ha Rs. 1 millor out allocation in the So Lich for ecc
NEXT. The 3.

in the developPharaceutical Lā kā vā5 the 1 port control in
uthorities were articulat Pharmaas being produced ingredients, and Was sufficient to mand, they ceased fcccc;5 for tha Thus most of icas that weTe Werte te Towed quotas of the sa. The time of 2 rials ca Te under Jcıl וח.lחufacturers the authorities rial was being prices and there and not a mere exchange sawing. as also clamped At about the tional For Tulary ; imports was d only drugs Formulary Com3e imported or ed. Thus import Til till Worte the manufacture rowed drugs.
entivo 5 hoyewer 1e marmu fåtturer 5 In manufacture of if items, similar ich all appeared
Pri wate sector armaceuticals was, Yate, and had no terms of health
tells of
The economics
Xrcise W 2d at a conference d ower by Prof. is conference a i med that, if |eft ied with adequate he would supply ig needs. He was Ministry official :hat this particnlar
d utilized only of a Rs. 3 million previous year.
nomic growth.
4 Drug Program
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Page 16
Politics
Marxism
by Laxhman Jothiku mar
hintaka in his attempt to separate the myths and realities on the Tamil question had got himself buried among his own myths and realities, and the Marxists have to salvage Marxism and (Tamils) National Question from the distortion and mutilation of Chintaka. A thorough exposure or criticism of Chintaka's dogmatic approach would have resulted in a big article for which Lanka Guardian' may not provide space, so, for the moment it may suffice to tackle the 'dogmatism of Chinataka' With these Few observations:-
I. Marx ism — Lern in ism is not a
dogma, but a guide to action. Instead of applying Marxism dialectically to the National
Question in Sri Lanka, Chinta ka had dismembered Marxism and taken bits and pieces to present as dogmas for the solution of the problems of Tamils and in supporting and demand for self determination, Marxism-Leninism is a revolutionary science which cannot be applied to the national question, in isolation of the revolutionary perspective of a given country.
2. Chintaka by misquoting or quoting Lenin and Stalin, as not done justice to Marxism or the Tamil issue. It is necessary here to quote from Lenin and Stalin, the parts which Chintaka had conveniently ommitted when he quoted them in support of the demand for self determination to Tarn ||5.
After giving his famous definition on "Nation" in his phamplet on National Question' Stalin stated as follows, which was conveniently forgotten by Chintaka.
Stalin stated....., "But what solution be most compatible with the interest of the toiling masses? Autonomy, Federation or Separation? All these are probems the solution of which will depend on the concrete historical
4.
and E
conditions in
National finds it that conditions else change an
which is correct time may prov Lum su i Cable at an conclusion Stain the dialectical question is rec it is required national questio committed this which Statin having dialectical national questio. Chintaka is tryi the yery medici prescribed for Question in Ru55 ago, without question in Sri L. and undet standin conditions.
In any event settled this questi after the pub pamphlet on National Questic the clear state article belonged historial period be applied mecha historical period.
Stalin states a in his article The tion once again
"After all this can Sernich's ri passage in Sta written in the per democratic rewo have at the pres 穹5,蚤 consequen historical situatio a new epoch, proletarian revol only signify that outside of sp; without referen historical situat violates the mc requirements o' ignores the fact

A reply to Chintaka
elam
which a given self. More than like everything d the decisions at one particular to be entirely other . . . . . . "... I States, . . . . . . + If approach to a uired anywhere here, in the n . . . . . . 'Chintaka wery m i 5 take of warned, by not approach to the 1 in Sri Lanka. ng to prescribe ne which Stalin
the National a several decades examining the anka dialectically g the objective
Stalin himself has on several years lication of his "Marxis Th and in", by making ment, that his to a particular which should not nically in another
follow 5 in 1925 national qшes
what significance ference to the lin's pamphlet, iod of bourgeoisie ution in Russia ent time, when, e of the new we hawe entered the epoch of Jtion? It can Senich quotes ce and time :e to the living on and thereby st elementary dialectics and what is right
for one historical situation may be
wrong in another historical situation. . . . . .''
If we substitute Chintaka in
place of Semich, then it would seem that Stalin himself chido's Chintaka for quoting Stalin, outside of space and time, by violating the elementary requirements of dialectics. Again in 1929
Stalin criticised those who Inis inte preted his definition on | Nation",
Stalin stated . . . ." "one of the
grawe mistakes you make Is that you lump together all existing Nations and fail to see any fundamental difference between them. ... " 'Stalin further states in
1929, "that his pamphlet on "Marxism and National Question", and Lenin's well known articles on
National Question, "refer to the period preceding the First World War when history made the bourgeoisie democrat revolution the task of the moment in Russia. . . ...". Thus Stalin himself has criticised those who quoted from his article "outside of space and time without reference to the historical situation", and advised not to lump all Nations together. Lenin on his article "Self Determination of Nation', states as
follows:
". . . . the categorical demand of the Marxist theory in examining any social question is that the question be examined within the definite historical limits and if it refers to a particular country (for instance the national programme of a given country) that due account be taken of the specific features that distinguish that country from others within the same historical epoch......"
Lenin said that ". . . . . . the right of Nations to self determination means solely the right to independence in a political sense, the right to free, political secession from the oppressing Nation...... ''. This statement of Lenin is used in support of the demand for the self determination of the Tamils, forgetting that Lenin did not mean self deterTination formation of small states,

Page 17
Lenin hä5 stated as follows in his article in which he stated so пшећ оп self determinatiоп . . . ." consequently this demand is by no means identical With the demand for secession for the partition, and for the formation of small states. . . . . ."
Thus Lenin has stated clearly that his principle of self deterTination does not meam partition, or the formation of small states. in Sri Lanka when the TULF demands separate state in practice in means partition and formation of a small state. Chintaka Who quoted extensively from Lenin and Stalin, om mitted the relevant 5|La tement:5 of Lenin and Stalin which could be applicable to the conditions in Sri Lanka, and more than that failed to heed to their advice as to how, when and where their writings should be applied. From the above, it is clear, that Chintaka had applied Marxism dogmatically and not dialectically, When he demands revolutionaries to support the self determination of Taills.
4. Wictory of Proletarian rewolution does not mean that the national question could be settled automatically like magic. Take for instance Wietnam. After the victory of proletarian revolution, there is continuous border Wars between China and Wietnam, and the Wietnamese army has occupied Laos and Cambodia in furtherence of its national airns. Sewelral akHlS of minorities from Wietmar Ti had been expelled. If that kind of socialism is practiced in Sri Lanka after the victory of revolution, then the Tamils will || || iwe in the boats, Wandering in the seas in search of countries which would accept them.
5. Chitaka who talks of rewo|ution to achie'ye selfde termination rather strangely bases his argument on the basis of the electoral victory of the TULF. un Conciously betraying his faith in bourgeoisie e Etio 15.
5. Lenin ard Stalin Wrote those = F Lice5 com National QLII e5tion tio work out a programme for the Russian Marxists, to win owct the majority of the population of Russian Empire, who were nonRussians, to the side of Revolution, In that concrete situation, they
but forward the d determination of hi5 elf a 5 3d Titt his definition of M the formation of the period of ris Lenin and Stalin · self determination October Revolutic nations together a lution in the na m5 How did Stalin articles on self apply his theory a of revolution, in Geogia, should be ChEntaka, If he ponder over this and Star's wiri Lir mechanically applie
historical stage. LI TOT FI occupies a count
ean each nation to self determi event, India, Burma, Yugoslavia and countries would be
7. Ti Tr|5 and their struggle oppression is just But the demand state in the nar against national reactionary. This causes provocation of majority com IT the bourgeoisle ol nation to cause between the Siri Tamils. The corr, the problems c 5 Hguld be fելIrld, bourgeoisie or state, with in the united Sri Lank chans for an iT
of socialism in Sri [[8ို့n† like CH
iving in a drear
see daylight, and to the problems the bourgeoisie united Lanka. T geoisie of the Nor TULF for separ: Small petty bourgo The South dET Tim Li fi TriTi of Marxism. P: should be exposed solution to the Il in Sri Lalka.
(Passer! }

erland for Self lation 5. Stalin ted ater that lation refers to nations during :ing capitalism, who supported 1 before the kept the חג. fter the TëWOof te wolutiol.
who wrote determination, fter the victory his homeland a revealing to takes time to issu 2. Lenin" 5 lgs cannot be d to the present The wery fact One Nation :ry does not has the right LI In the Pakistan, Chima, several other 2 torn to pieces.
are oppressed against national and inevitable. for separate The of struggle oppression is very demand to the people unity and helps | the dominant Luther diysiol |alese and the ect solution to 2f the Tamils, Whether in a a Proletarian framwork of 1 Since the imediate Wictory Lanka is bleak, intaka, without n World should fifid soluti 15 of Tam įIS WICH | state and the he petty bourth push on the ation and the loisie groups in Tid Seif det erils in the nama seu do Marxists to find correct ational question
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Page 18
Diplomacy
Scrap the
by W. Wiswa Warnapala
he argument has been
advanced that the Overseas Service, from the very inception, a55шпed the character of a Specialised cadre. The Specialist role of the diplomatic service came under attack in the early sixties, and the Will mot Pereta Commission proposed the amalgamation of the Overseas Service with the Administrative Service. They wanted this group of officers to be designated the "Diplomatic Class" of the Public Service, and this re-designation, they thought, was in keeping with the changes recommended in other areas of public service. The existence of services with Priwi leges and exclusive characteristics like that of the Overseas Service, they argued, interferes with the idea of unity within the public service.
The Utilisation of the Ceylon Civil Service Examination- after 1963 the Ceylon Administrative Service Examination - for the recruitment of the Overseas Service, in fact, became an effective argument for the a malga mation of the services. This common source of recruitment came to be utilised since the creation of the Ceylon Administra iwe Service In 1963, Though the professionalism of the Overseas Service has been emphasised by the opponents of amalgamation, no member of the carreer service was appointed as a Head of a Mi 55 ion ti|| || 970. Four members of the Overseas Service were appointed as Heads
of Missions for the first time in the history of the Overseas Ser wice, and this, in itself, was
an indication that the professionalism of the career officia||5 was not recognised in the appointment of the Heads of Missions. The career service, therefore, primarily functioned as the immediate subordinate arm of the political appointees who functioned as Heads of Missions.
6
Forei
The acceptance appoint Heads of outside the cart the inclusion of Tents in the a patronage ten dec need for a speci wiew hä5 bgen people olusid: service has be Amba55a do TG boc reflected the pc of the party
Prime Minister,
tradition recogni. endence, is now into the Owerse; from any quarte The successful a the leadership F political appointe Missions amply "по special expe required for the which cannot within a year'. of view, provid Walid argument afThalgamation ol Service with the trative Service.
The abolition Service in 1963 of Administrativ with the amalgai cadre in the Pul rated a discussio to amalgamate Service with th Cadre, An attent tion of amalgam. in 1954 and the lobby successfully nowe by Conwi Prime Minister o maintain a specia
Serwigs- T S Sr Serwice Associa 骷 trade Li
unknown to then move for amalgar that "we recog Government may in the future, a

Foreign Service (5)
gn Service?
of the need to f Missions from ser Service and these appointrea cf political I to question the als E adre. The expressed that the TET en ch05 en S au se they often litical principles іп power. The according to the sed since indepfree to draw 5 Service talent r in Sri Lanka. dinistration or irovided by the es as Heads of demonstrate that is exists or is Foreign Service ow be acquired This, in my point es yet another in favour of f the Owerseas Ceylon Adminis
of the Civil and the creation e Service along
Tiation of certain blic ser wice geneIn on the need the C) wers ea 5 e administrative Ipt in the direction was made COwerseas Serwice thwarted this Incing the then if the need to | identity for the Lanka Overseas tion, displaying Ciofless n, opposed the ātion and stated rise that the hawe the med 5 it has had in
the past for appointing persons with competence and experience in specific technical fields', to sole of our tissions abroad. They further stated that the did not protest against appointments that were made in the past. The recognition of the right of the Government in induct 'outsiders' of various specialist fields In to the C) weer 5e5 Service became a tactful move by the overseas bureaucracy to prevent an erosion of both power and exclu 5 iwe mees of the Serwic. The question of amalgamation, though became a subject for discussion in the period immediately preceding the 5th Non-Alignment SumTit in Colo Tibo, eceived Fo support from the political leadership,
Non-career diplomats, who functioned as Heads of Missions, hawe had conflicts with the members of the Owerseas Service. Most of these conflicts, though received no publicity, arose as a result of the resentment and hostility with which the career officials worked in a Mission, headed by a non-career diplomat. Professor E. R. Sarathchandra, reyealing his experionce as the Ambassador for Sri Lanka Irh France, stated that "sole of the conflicts between AT) ba55a dors and officials of the Owerseas Service take an ugly turn, they degenerate into campaigns of calumny and character-assasination
which bring down the tone of the Mission 5, do da mage to their reputation and interfere with the administration". Professor Sarathchandra, elaborating further the nature of these conflicts which disturb the smooth
functioning of the Missions abroad,
stated that "the authorities in Colombo who themselves belong to the Owers eas Service either
5 id = with their CWT. C.fficlã|5 CF
turn a blind eye".

Page 19
Sewe Tal factors, assist in the
in my wiew, development of
the 5e conflict 5. The CW (25 CaS Admini5trator D Wision in the Ministry, which oversees the
administration of the Missions, has fra med rules and regulations relating to the routine adminisLLLLLK LK HHHLHLLLL LLL SH S LLL S LLL H in such a way so as to see that most of the administrative matters fall with in the purview of the career official who, according to the hierarchy in the Missio, comes Next to the Ambassador. The post of Head of Chancery-the administrative head of the office of the Mission - has been created and given to the most senior career official in the Mission with a view to reduce administrative powers of the politically appointed Ambassador. The Ministry and the Owes eas Service, through the employment of such subtle distinction, hawe attempted to Taintain a hold in the administration of the Missions and at the same time reducing the role of the Ambassador to that of the ceremonial head. The post of the Head of Chancery, in addition to its own administration role, gives the career official the apportunity Eo command authority over the subordinate officers. They, in association with the diplomatic officers, form some kind of an
United front against the nonCareer ATbassador, and tha Ministry does not object to this development because it expects the career officials and their Ministry-sponsored subordinate officers to express some solidarity. Non-career Anbassador пау GCI ELIT e5 g력 5.
support from a 'seconded officer' like the Commercial Secretary :m: this unlike in the case of == Oversgas Service Officers, was not a certainty. In this kind of set up, the career officials Hi. I e Certain LO TECİYW A port from the Ministry, tend win the battle and this has ce the experience of many a
TJ - I - TEET Ambassador. The Eastment and survival, in the of many Tltail - Cal "Elli:II" b=s:52 dors, i depend on the
emism of the individual and the nature of political support
which a perso Colom Ebo,
The privileges of the isla's Eble characteri sed such factors as thia sorwica, servi island's foreign the prevalence c of import contro 155 of the se
easy E55 TLD the country. T are provided in the Overseas for the payment in the currency of assignment will be compute of the current The OWesel which the bas officer is suppler account the C. the country of element of rent normally incident tic assignment. Service allowanc subject to Sri L The Willmot Pe for instance, p. need to take Tatio Il such as Children's a Sement of incón salaries, annual children to joi O'W "5,5 t. ii of thci 0yg| Sri Lanka, In t of these allow air follows India in Computing allo useful, has cert
The Missions heavily staffed corresponding S. may consist of til office Ebeid Mission. This, that in the cast the single d was expected to gations which, case, Would be 5 officers. The d that a diplomati small country could hardly indulge in law is The criticis that sole of

חG5 i חבוח וחםם ר
of this segment bureaucracy could om tha E55 of the nature of rice abroad the exchange crisis, if a large variety ls, the exclusiveIrwice and the political WIPs of 1 ough the sala ries Pounds Sterling, Minute provides : of these salaris of the country and this, again, d on the basis rate of exhange. Allowance, with ic salary of an mented, take into ost of living in assignment, an and expenditure Cal to a diplomaThe Owerseas e Was not mada апka iпсопne tax. teria Commi5i5ion,
inted out the into concidefringe benefits o'wance, reim bLu rle tax. On officer 5" passages for In their parents the compution T5ga,5 A lowance.
he determination ces and benefits, d this method of wances, though ain disadvantages.
of India whereas the i Lanka Mission a single diplomaes the Head of herefore, mars 2 of the latter, plomatic officer bear the obliin the Indian hared by several the reason is officer from a like Sri Lanka be expected to h en terta II ment, has been made the members of
TE
diplomatic officer. The
the Owerseas Service overlook this consideration. The entertainment allo Wance is paid according to the rank of the alyוחםחa the fact Collocted
in regard to this that certain officers the allown ces without incurring the expenditure om en tartainment, and the discovery of this perhaps led to the impos|tion of rule which requires an officer to send a quarterly statement describing the manner in which the entertainment allowance has been spent,
The concession presently enjoyed by the diplomatic officers to import a car-which has been used for more than a year in the country of assignment-came to be misused by certain officers No adequate check was kept of the number of motor Wehicle5 bought at market prices or the number imported after each assignment and they were sold at exorbitant amounts abroad or in Sri Lanka. Every assignment a broad made by the diplomatic officers entitled to import duty-free an assor Cment of expensive electric gadgetry and this, in the context of the rigid import controls that existed in Sri Lanka, became yet another source of privilege denied to the island's bureaucracy.
These characteristics of the Sri
Lanka Overseas Service injected the feeling that the diplomatic cadre was an exclusive segment
of the bureaucracy of the island. The exclusiveness of the OverSeas Service, the refore, encouraged the diplomatic officers to treat themselves as a group of officers who were not expected to give expression to the aspirations of the people. They, unlike the public servants in other areas of the administrtion, did not have a local clientee whose assessment was a significant barometer. The lack of the administrative contact" led to the development of the "Ivory tower ou Elook" on matters of foreign policy, and the domestic interests, though theoretically expected to be reflected in the conduct of island's foreign policy, received
(CosirJeff o Page PC)
ܨܦܠܐ
7

Page 20
Onk in
Our International correspondents are all over th LLLLLL LLLLCCHHT LLLCLC LLLLL C LLLLCL LLT
W nJuygur g know och of our clients as i fi Underind your problems as if they are our ow of Colombo in 1951, we have spread to towns an with the world" capital too.
We are better equipped today to carry an even
L LL LLL LLLL LLLLL LLLL LL LLLC LLLCLLL LL LL LLL LHLL LLLLL CLL L C LLLLLL L LLLLLLL LLLLLLLCS
PEOPLE
IN THE FOREFRON
HEFFIC
 
 

| .
Look what the Look what we
people have have done for
lone for us the people
D 12 lakhs of thern do O274 BrAnche through sul
busines with Lu hic nid
O57 of the to I Sawings o A na work of 555
deposis a mo ng all Cooperative Rural Bank di tonn merti li bank li cover ing ra mot rural with us. r
C. Carp era Ilve Rural Bank O8 Fisheries Bank
deposits over 200 million O. A compact Foreign
Branch geared fe handle the nation" impOrhexport fra de Peedil o. and efficiently
AFTER |BIRTH
ught-ofter
rri OnkO
e globali. Yo u nal me n inhabi Ħind continen fl- we are . Filme
tiend rath or then i a margo custom er. W try to n. Thätt's why from hu mbli bagi niinings in the City ld willages in Sri Lanka and (trung thẽn đd aur linkh
bigger load of responsibility on your behalf.
helped us gain the cowcted position of the most
witHTHE NATION
E LEO

Page 21
Satire
Dear Artie : I have 1
gas problem
ASHINGTON-Deal Attie:
My husband came home at 10 o'clock last night, tired and wor out. I asked him where h2 had been, and he said he had had drinks with an airline stewardess in a cocktail lounge. I think he's lying. I believe he was out cruis ing for ga 5 and found some. He gawe The a Cock-and-bu|| 5 tory about the airline stewardess because he knows that if I found out about the gas I'd ask to use his car
What should I do? --Big Bertha
Daar Bertha, It Sounds to me als If your suspicions may be correct. The old "drinks with an airline stewardess' alibi is used by every husband during a gasoline crisis. My advice to you is to search his pants pockets and his wallet for a credit card receipt from a gas station. If you find one, confront hirt with it, and tell him he either lets you use his automobile or you will speak to your lawyer. If, on the other hand, you find a receipt from the cocktail lounge, apologize for thinking the worst about him, which was that he got a full tank of gas and did not tell you about it.
- A.E.
Dear Artie: I am in lowe with a young, handsome, wealthy boy
from one of the best families in town. He has a beautiful Lincoln Continenta and a 60-foot diese engine yacht. He wants to marry me in the worst way. But my parents want me to marry a fat, stupid service station attendant who works three blocks from o Lur house. They say I have to think of my futu Te, and their future as we II. They also said a nice girl doesn't
Terry someone with a Lincoln Continental any more. What should I do? – Tearfil Arrie Dear Annie: I'm afraid your par
ents are right. You'd be making a Eig mistake if you married a rich Edy just because you lowed him
when you have be the wife of sc supply your fuel of your life. Wer chance to marry attendant, and yo ful to youг рагent for you. Te || yi to get los t.
Dear Artie:
| like to hawe ; other day I was line for gas and chick With disi drove slowly by. I let her jump the We got to talking the impression th up We'd go out tir11 e. BLI t l a 5 soc gallons of Premi off and left mes What do you th girl?
Der Willie: || dreds of letters f Had the sama see to be a lot and there's a nar teasers. They'll in front of you, at get all the fuel the if they don't know this is a les son ti time you let a gir you, ask herif y het dri wer's Ticen: you'll know she' for a chump.
Dear Artic: M leaded gasoline ir un leaded in mine. tio get 5 Cerio Luis mixed marriages ( do you think?
Dear Sarah: T It's not easy. As the other person' W III para wail. Ma wind up with a being catalytical

Tt Buch Wild
this
an opportunity to meone who could needs for the rest y few girls hawe a * 3 59 r" | CB Station Li Should be grateis for finding one pur rich boyfriend - A.B.
årn i bachelor ånd a good time. The Waiting in a long this good-looking Ere55 om her face She winked, and line in front of me. * and she gave me iät after We fied and have a good In as she got her IO Um she just sped tuck at the pump. ink of this kind of
— PVoefiul Wille
'w a received H Lun"Çifti III en who have expeгiпce. There I of girls like that The for them - gas do anything to get, ld then when they By want they act as you exist. I hope p you. The next crash in front of Du can hold on to i.e. if she refuses, 's just playіпg yош
A.E.
My boyfriend uses
his car, and use Hic do e5't Wyan because he says on't work. What - Soulsi Sarah
hey can work but long as you respect 5 fuel needs, lowe ly mixed marriages ne of the parties y converted.
- A.B.
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Page 22
Scrap . . .
(Colwyr i'r Fred frorri Page - I7)
less attention because of such characteristics as Imitations and arrogance which the Overseas
Service officials displayed in the last three decades.
The privileged-orientation in the Overseas Service, as explained elsewhere, injected a feeling of arrogance and no 'outsider was allowed for the simple reason that they did not want the others to know the inside. The arrogance and the inclination to be alienated from the people led to the adoption of life styles including the dress with which they could be distinguished from the rest of the bureaucracy and the people. According O the COwerseas Minute, the dress needs the the approvel of the Secretary of the Ministry and the dress (Sherwani and the trouser) came to be adopted. Though this was the mode of dress in Lhe Period immediately after the establishment of the Overseas Service this system has now been changed giving the option to the officer to choose either the national dress, she rwani or the tie and coat. The Sherwani dress became un acceptable because it showed a close similarity to the Indian dress and above all, as T. D. S. A. Dissanayake pointed out before the Select Committee on Higher appointments, the waiters of hotels wore a similar uniform. The Overseas Service was so concious of their dress that even the new recruits were asked to come to office in Colombo attired in tie and coat.
The Overseas Service officers utilish ing both their power and privilege, have successfully survived as the most exclusive segment of the Island's bureaucracy, and the 5th Non-Aligned Summit of 1976, which was held in Colombo, was considered an achievement of this segment of the bureaucracy. The crisis, which engulfed the Overseas bureaucracy in the period 1974-1976, reached a temporary settlement because of the role which they played in regard to the 5th Non-Aligned Summit,
(Concluded)
O
Sociology . . .
(Currir Fred frc
Back on the relat that prevails now any type of fees the underpr i wila Therefore a solu forward geem t condition of the probably is the crisis in system forward only at the hawe-nots.
The neurosis cr problem in high alarming. Educati out to be a proc devouring of the in Ehs Hock5 in them back at thi What is its impact of the youth? The Or on their att knowledge? Nobo they themselves h think. For teache of trying to finish time for the exam is very little time discussions or should be a part a earning process,
While on one | In higher educatii whole learning P brings out other di society. As we h Will be the interes classes and those that will be prima the limitation of th universities. Thes that hawe the be "making it in life" of a university d true for both Sir as the Tamils. formulae that c therefore attempts ca 55 es of one com CW er the Ir Counte other community Competition for places. In reality classes who ar e it CLI L-throat com Peti a minority of our the power wielded | CLIF Society is so are a ble to make ; Cout of it. Their cig media is the key

ir: Page rr)
wely free system
by introducing is going to hit ed 5 till mote. tions so far put o worsen the have-nots. This assence of the which can Towe the expanse of
eated by this år education is on had turned e 55 of Intense material found oder to WomE examinations. on the creativity ir personalities? itu des towards dy bothers and aWe no ti me to irs it is a case the syllabus in nations. There for any free inquiry which ld parcel of the
hand the crisis om distorts the rocess, it also is tortions of our ave shown, it ts of the middle closest to them ily touched by he places in the e are the classes est charn Ce5 of with the help egree. This is ahalicise as well The Warious omne LP are by the middle 1 munity to get parts in the in this acute the university the Iiddle wolved in this tion comprises population. But y these groups high that they national issue Introl ower the factor in this
— Roberri S. McNaumara ||
process. Thus "standardisation' becomes a key issue for a political program of one party in one community and it is also a rallying point for much political agitation in the other community. What is more important and more dangerous is the fact that this problem can be easily given a
communal twist, and the middle classes and their allies who will not think twice before making
use of such a dangerous means for their benefit have put forward the university admission problem as a communal issue. With the help of the media they are also able to drag a large section of the masses along with them, - the masses whose sons and daughters have a very remote chance of getting a place in the universities. They are given to understand that 'standardisation' is the key problem in higher education. The real crisis of the socio-economic system of Sri Lanka and its impact on education is kept out of the limelight. It also blunts the political consciousness of the masses whose demands should be for genuine democratisation in education, and not changes in the percentages alloted for this or that groшр.
Global defence
Global defense expenditures have grown so large that it is
difficult to grasp their full dimensions.
The Overall total is now in
excess of S400 billion a year.
stiited 36 liin ei are under arms in the world's active regular and paramilitary forces with another 25 million in the reserves, and some 30 million civilinns in Inilitary-related occupations.
Public expenditures on weapons research and development ,h 530 bili iom : y teiarטl: רוחנן נן 1, יוונוח and Ilabilize the talents of half a III illion scientists and engineers throughout the World. That is il greater rese Eurch effort thin is devoted to any other activity on earth, and it consum es ni Core public res Carch III toney than is spent on the problems of energy,
health, education, and food citi.

Page 23
Language
A borrowed to
by Reggie Siriwardena
In 1935 the poet W. B. Yeats
(who had in an earlier period of his life written an admiring preface for Tagore's Gitanjali) began a etter to William Rothenstein with: "Damn Tagore ... Tagore does not know English, no Indian knows English. Nobody can write with music and style in a language not learned in childhood and ewer since the language of his thought." Yeats's generalisation seems plausible until one realises that Tagore, born into a Privileged family in Calcutta, 嗜 learned a good deal of Englis in childhood.
Certainly for English-educated Sri Lankans of my generation, the language "learned in childhood and ever since the language of their thought" was English. Indeed, Sri Lankans brought Lup in this way used to pride themselves on their superior mastery of English, as compared with that of Indians, Pakistanis o Africans. Yet this proficiency and Inwardness with the English language, were not matched by anything like the comparable achievement in creative writing in English that Yeats's obserwati on would hawe led one
to expect. Why?
I have recently been reading a good deal of contemporary
Indian poetry in English, and have been struck by the fact that some of the most original and accom. plished work is by poets who also write in their native languages - for instance, Arun Kolatkar, who is a poet in both Marathi and English, or Kamala Das (Malayalam and English). This is a phenomenon that has hardly been paralleled in Sri Lanka. The late Lakdasa Wikramasinghe, one of the rare exceptions, Wrota poetry in two languages - but less convincingly, I think, in Sinhala. (I used to think that what seemed to me the d=ns= fog of his Sinhala poetry
was due to my as a read or unti Wimal Dissanaya recent number of he couldn't unde too.) On the c Sarachchandra's ri Writing fiction 5 e em to be ch by the verbal gi redeeming featu .vel5ם ח
The question, English?", ha 5 ha for most Sri La English because th anyway: it was 1 they could write an Swet that ha,5 offered - that
С. П. С. Cl COTT TIL international aud The at best a rat the more norma which a national c COT Licates its national readers translation, It is Arun Kolatkar would probably ans wer to give "Why write in could work out one could compa
poetry with th Marathi and Mali can only spec
sophisticated iron Jejuri or Kama expression of passi go more readily in Longue, but ! may
But returning to we have the pi Lankans of the E in the colonia Post-colonial era mark on the Oxfor Unions, could u language with assi. and expressive f. mentary debate, administration, jo

ngue
Dwn inadequacies
found Prof. Ke Saying, in a Navasilu, that
'stand sole of it ther hand, Dr. !cent attern pts at n English don't aracterised ewen ace: which is tha e of his Sinhala
"Why write in da simple answer nkan Writers in ey had no choice he only language in. The other
sometimes been through English inicate with an lence - seems to ionalisation, for mode through reatiwa literature telf to an interhip is through noteworthy that or Kamala. Das hawe a diffe Tent :o the question,
English?' One
the answer if re their English eir writing in yalam A5 it is, :ulate that the les of Kolatkar"5 |a Das's frank on and sensuality to the borrowed
be wrong.
Urown 5ituation, radox that Sri rivileged classes
and immediate could make their d and Cambridge se the English rance, elegance orce in parliathe law courts, Irnalism and the
academic life, but outstanding
produced no Creative Yriter in English. I should like to suggest that the seeming paradox was not a paradox at all.
It seems to me that the linguistic mastery of Englisheducated Sri Lankan 5 went with a complete induction into English culture which was disabling when they attempted to uso the language as a creative instrument to deal with the life around them. It is reveal ing that the Eletter Sri Lankan creative writers in English have been lyric poets - Patrick Fernando, Yasmine Gooneratne, Lakda sa Wikramasinghe - because it is possible for a lyric poet to evolve a personal language and to maintain an individual relationship with a tradition of poetry in a foreign language. But a novelist needs more than that: his language has to be capable of reflecting the inner life and the social and personal relations of characters very different from himself.
EY en in a monolingual culture. the novelist may fail to transcend the barriers of class dialect and linguistic usage, and in such a case un familiarity with or incomprehension of a way of using a language is in effect a failure in knowing a way of life. Think, for instance, of the inadequacies shown even by great novelists like Dickens or George Eliot in presenting working-class life (in Hard Times and Felix Holt),
where the failure is revealed most manifestly in the unreality of the speech. But the
problems are all the greater for an English-educated writer of fiction in Sri Lanka where a but a small segment of the population speak, in the most complete sense, a different language from his own.
The barricer 5 arte most cyIdent when Sri Lankan nowelists in English try to write about the village (and many of them have sought to do so, perhaps in an effort to owerCom their own Sense of uprootedness). Even in the most highly praised of these
모|

Page 24
writers, Punyakante Wijenaike, find in the prose a betraying quaintness and false poeticality when it seeks to express the thoughts and feelings of peasant characters. This, for instance, a woman talking in The Waiting Earth:
And then yet again at times he would come in the night and fall upon me with the strength of two men who had been starved of woman formany years. And yet while he used me thus I knew his mind was elsewhere, on another Woman, for he would stroke my face tenderly and whispersoft Words he had never before whi. Pered to me...Time after time it Wiry Poor bruised body that lay
suffering in silence in the dark
Neither idiom nor image nor rhythm is true to real speech,
and the contrived literariness of it would be even clearer if O1 translated it into Sinhala. Strangely
(or not so str Peasant dialogu in the Jungle Woolf stands this test.
Whether or Create a tradit body of fiction i. Seem 5 to T e di Indian case is ni OW I'll becau5e El Indes has beco of the whole been transmutec expression of Even the Ind successes in Engl arte fever than (Narayan seems - the English h him as "Chekhc how little th understood Che Rao is downrig and self-conscio
A parallel atİ On of thig
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With the situEnglish-speaking
strata in Sri Lanka is that of 9 th-century Russia; which was not a colony but whose aristocracy and upper classes spoke French. Readers of War and Peace will remember that the upper-class characters speak to each other
in French and even pronounce
Russian names with a French accent,
just as their counterparts here anglicised Sinhala and Tamil names; and Tolstoy even said once that there were Russians who would be incapable of feeling the emotion of love if they were forbidden
to think about it in French. Nevertheless, the great creative
flowering of Russian literature in the same century was in the native language and not in French.
I am not trying to identify the position of Sinhala or even Tamil with that of 19th-century Russianthe language of a great empire and a vast nation - but it seems to me obvious that the mainstream
(CPPT fir Fred L Ft Fage )
NTURY OF SERVICE WITH A SMILE
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AND THE BEST" S GETTING BETTER
B54

Page 25
Film
Palangetiyo :
cinema
by H. A. Seneviratne
asan tha Obey5ekera's "Palan
getiyo' points to the discovery of a true film art in this country. It is a bold attempt to pull out the Sihala fill from the morass into which it had sunk under the enormous de adweight of mediocrity which passed off as genuine talent or even genius. This mediocrity, thriving under the Patronage of partisian critics and news på pers, ou tlived to the almost critiral detrient of real talent. Now, Wasantha Obeysekera has made a major breakthrough.
It was common a mong many of our "Intellectuals', who are closely knit by their utter aloofness from Society and their rank petty-Bourgeois atti LLIdes, to blame the artistic tastes of our people for the financial failures of films they describe as outstanding works of art. The indications are that Wasantha Obeysekera has given the lie to this misconception. Whilst Producing a work of art he has 5uceeded in drawing the common People towards it and in surviving quite long in circuit despite the customary mercantile cut-throatism in the show business. This is a Un doubted achievement particularly when one considers that the film is made entirely without the 'stars' who are normally em Ployed to attract the filmgoer." "Palangetiyo' has proved that it is not the actors but the acting that matters.
"Palang etiyo" is an important and mark in the history of our cinema for yet another reason. It tas shown that the te cannot be form without content in a work cf 2 t. It ha 5 also shown that CCT tent is not an abstraction or ----thing hidden by a Weil of corehensibility for only the telectuals" to try to understand
Fresh w
and discuss over : something 5 tron strength of the 鼎 lies in its simp
This does not is no depth in wil "Palange tiyo''. { it has a philosohy, that is based or The way in whi reminds us of w remarked to one translators of his and Essays оп Maude. He sai any great Philo generalizes a wide ideas so that it to an intelligent a quarter of am hic equally true even concerned althou lstoy's views on a are Outdatad to simplicity I mea 'Palangetiyo'.
It does not, that "Palangeti sterpiece of the either. That is "Palangetiyo" ha: Its main weakness content le 5 in th exemplary, self-g hero Sarath ki || 5 she involuntarily of her paramour, Taking lowe to hel I think the fin climax, abruptly prevents it from be in a classical sense. Would hawe been the struggle for Sarath and his wif the knowledge of Context of an para Sitic class Soci form is concerned instances — Such

inds
glass of beer or er in a pub. The Tn “"Palangetiyo''' city.
mean that there at is contained in }n the contrary;
however II Tmited, social reality. sh it is presented hat Tolstoy once if his friends and 'What is Art?
Art', Aylmer d "the sign of sophy is that it
range of important can be explained
boy of twelve in UT". This stands
a5 far a 5 art || 5 gh many of Tort and philosophy day, This is rhe In the case of
however, mean iyoʼ" is a rTnaSinhala cinema still to come. its weaknesses. in the matter of
e end where the acrificing, tragic his wife when
ut ters the name as Sarath was ". At this point reaches an anti". The killing com ing a tragedy The real tragedy the survival and survival of both e Kusum despite infidelity in the exploitative and iety. As far as its there are many as when we are
in
Sinhala
told by the doctor that Sarath had not eaten for three days - where the development of the theme depends on dialogue alone so that the visual aspect of it is undermined.
The music and photography are also not in keeping with the general standard set by the Director.
With all these defects, "Pala
ngetiyo' has succeeded in giving fresh hope for the Sinhala film which reached its zenith of hopelessness in the year 1978. As a member of
the jury of the OCIC (Office Catholique Internationale du Cinema), Sri Lanka, the writer of this article urged the view,
(eventually ou two ted), that no work in the year 1978 had reached a sufficient standard to win the award. In a resume of the Sinhala film of 1978, recorded by the Sinhala ser wice of the S.L., B, C, I stated, among other things, that the previous year marked the stagnation of the Sinhala film as an art and also as an industry. This resume was not broadcast for reasons best known to the S.L.B.C. .
A review, similarly exposing the weakness of the film “Weera Puran Appu",
written for the film journal "Sarasawiya', on its invitation, was also not published. These
two instances show to say the east, the extent to which the ossified views of a few in the
field of the Sinhala cinema have been entrenched in the small and petty minds of the manipulators of the propaganda machine. It is in this context that the achievement of
Wasantha Obeysekera becomes even more valuable. His film 'Palangetiyo' Tmärks tha
stepping stone towards finding a film art rooted In Social reality.
23

Page 26
As I like it
Love in the sp
suppose most film-going readers of the Lanka Guardian, like other English-educated Sri Lankans, go to the Sinhala cinema only to see what are generally described as 'quality films." There was a time when Lester James Perles was the only Sinhala film-maker who was able to appeal to this social stratum: more recently, younger directors like Dharmase na Pathiraja and Wasantha Obeysekera have also been able to win their approval. One of the achievements of Palangetiyo was that it was able to hold its own at the Majestic for seven weeks, with The Godfather and The Day of the Jakal also
to W.
However, English-educated filmgoers who like Palangetiyo, Bambaru Awith and Sarungale usually see nothing of the-run-ofthe-mill Sinhala Cinema, and the refore have no background against which to measure their contribution to our film-making. Anybody who is seriously intere sted in understanding what is going on in Sinhala cinema should make the effort (even against his inclinations to see something of the routine commertial ci n erTma in ordert to understand audience tastes and the dominant patterns of film-making, which are the realities with which the serious film-maker has to contend.
But the film I Want to discuss now can't really be described as a run-of-the-mill Sinhala film: it has, in fact, been dignified by the State Film Corporation with a release In the prestigious fifth circuit; it has Malin i Fonseka, Raw indra Randeniya and Joe Abeywickrema in the cast, playing with professional competance, and it is photographed with his customary craftsmanship by Sumitta Amarasinghe. But Vasanthe Davasak (A Day in Spring), currently released, should be seen by anybody who is interested in the social attitudes propagated and reinforced by the Sinhala cinema because it seems to me particularly
24
appalling in this
like to contendi Particularly of an; images of Wome projected by the S
Wa5ain the Daw: the young hero wł ated returnihg to to the girl-frienc been courting w approwal. He ha immediate prosp because he is joble falls foul of the : Luncle) who de 5 pis inferior. As the the aratchi and th former takes it ir the girl should m who is a congen Ita acter. He is treat a comic figure, makers contrive 5 his mental infirm provoke uproaria the audience
In spite of the a the girls mother LirTo rather th: daughter to a w and the ratch furiated to tne poi thugs to abduct th rescues the girl, |ki || 5 the aratch i: sent to jail.
Unaccountably, i death, the other mined to marry to the te tarded 5 despairingly, subn her duty to ol though her highSi5ter tal har" rI This, by the way, pattern which wa Gehemu Lamai : the ideal of the di heroine, but a safe rebellious Impulso

Touchstone
ring
respect, I should it to the attention observer of the and their role in hala cinema.
Isak begins with no has just graduhis village and I whom he has ith her family's 3, howeveг, по ects of marriage חסם 5 l heם חa ; 355 ratchi (the girl's es him as a social
conflict be tween e hero grow, the to his head that arry his own son, |ly retarded chared in the film a 5
and the film's ituations in which ity is meant to ius laughter from
ratch'i pressures,
tries to play for in condemn her retched marriage; is ultimately inrt of hiring some le girl. The hero
and in his rage he is tried and
after the aratchi's
becomes deterher daughter off on. The heroine, its because it is pey her mother, spirited younger lot to be a fool. is an Interesting is evident also in the film upholds ocile, submissive ty-valve for more S is provided by
another girl, even though her Walues are not endorsed.
On the day of the heroine's marriage, her lover returns to the village. having been released from jail by an amnesty. The heroine learns of his return just after har marriage, and contrives to send him a message asking him meet her that eveting in a secluded spot in the village.
At that point, glancing at my watch, I found that two hours were up, and the film was obviously approaching its denouement. What would be the ending? An elopement? Not likely, because it would offend the Total sanctities of marriage. Remembering thց heroine's remark at arı earlier point in the film that if she couldn't marry her lover, she would kill herself and fall dead at his feet, | decided that this was what the film was leading up to. But was totally unprepared for the destiny the director had contrived for his heroine.
"I asked you to come," were her words to hert lower at the Ten - dezvous, 'so that I could have your blessing to lead a good married life." She turned her face away, glowing with noble self-sacrifice, the music Swelled and the endtitle came up while the tears of the audience fell li ke spring-tim a showers.
A borrowed . . .
(Сапшілшғd from Page ғғ.)
of creative expression of the life of our country will continue to be in the national languages - just as in India, where there is nothing written in English that can compare with the best short stories of Premchand or with Anantha Murthy's nowel Sanskara. There is a handful of Sri Lankan poetry in English and a smaller
handful of short stories that hawe read with Pleasure (SI ta Kulatunge's story, The High
Chair, is the newest addition to their number), and I should be happy to greet the un likely miracle of a great Sri Lankan moveist. In English if he were to appear.

Page 27
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