Page 1
/DONT
LOOK Nov
Nང་དང་ངང་། ངང་། སྡེ་ ་་ ་་་་་་
ܢ ܥܠ
Tsirp. AND /
3, 6,
Proportional repres The right to comm
Indian Crisis – Rajan Ph
Eelam and Marxism
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

August 5, 1979 Price Rs. 2/50
entation – Tissa Balasu riya
municate - Chakravarti Raghavan
ilippupilai
n - I. Kumar David 2. Chintaka

Page 2
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Page 3
Trends
SLFP, ULF protests
The real, if undeclared reason the SLFP refused to nominate anybody to the Presidential Commission was Its Cort Wict Jon that the move was part-and-parcel of a larger political design in which the new anti-Terrorism Law was di central piece.
The SLFP spokesman, Deputy Leader Ma i tripaJa Semajnaya ke made 3 baslc points : (a) some pro Wilsons were more stringent than any in the past and some were without precedent (b) It seeks to tre e a perm Trent State of emergency throughout the country, not rerely. In the north and (c) It helps the government to arm tself with extraordinary powers to "deal with political agitation" that must SOiyrier or later Tri se on account of the failure of its econcrimic policies.
When the SLFP PB. met st selt that its position had been more than windicated by the declaration of ALL 24 districts as "security a reas".
A study of the ULF press (not to mention the IWP, and other 'new' Left groups) shows that despite the fact the Left has now little to do with the SLFP, common ground has beer found on this issue. ALL agree that this 3 year law will be used to stifle political protest over economic hardships, and is therefore and ntidenotati reg5Ure.
TUs
This op 'n son is of course shared by the major Lin lons, The Joint Cornmittee of Trade Unions, which i rycludes the CFL, CFTU, ULF, the GCSU, the Jatika Guru Sanganaya etc., have addressed a letter to the President, in which it "denounces' the use of emergency powers and the new Law, The a w 5 described 75 O ""clear y/o latior of the fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms of the masses''.
CO
Any kind of formal understanding, leave alone unity, between the SLFP, and the Left partes, Tay be too premat Lure. At tra de Lur son 7 rad rank -and-file level however the Shared perception of a common threat is promotIng such understanding. It will be an irony Indeed if the government, by
sts own actions, palpably and gr oppostom.
Two Vavuniyas
When the gove attach 3AGA's divis) pura to Wa y Luniya both from the T in the NSA. The reported that the declded to Stay th follows could be that include: ML Wayuniyos-Wawuni niya South.
Would such a matter of administ, With a this tg | k district Councis et Tentator r *F0Cl ktorff "BIntL5 friss device where strateg 3 sderat for Tre T5 in tical. Other obser w Isrdelli policy in th the old Allon f buffers' and the B. Settler17 ero t5.
Press and raci;
A lively sympos
Media which the sponsored recently a newly formed observers. Its Tai to study, "racia local press (all th, radio.
The rank raad II certain news sheet Insidious injection T1a instream fred/d7 continuous scrutiny
The discu55 ian pri fng example – a editorids in no Jess 'Daily News". "We hawe beem Tam j Is.""

helps to unite a evously disunited
ninent decided to rts from Anuradhathere were protests |LF and the SLFP press has now government has dels dr. What | mew dermar Catform |laitivu and two. ra Nortft dnd Wa wu
step be a mere atswe convenen Ce? of decentralistion,
C, a political Com
US" has used the for' - d. Pretorian y and security conportantas the poliers prefer to study e West Bank, with ilan for 'security agin plan for Jewish
| isrTn
uT on the Mass Marga Institute led Jast week to Council of media function will be prejudice' in the ee larguages) and
m propagated by ds well as the of blas by the
wis Corle Linder
duced one shatterentence from an
di paper th din the The seriterce read: too kind to the
Letters
T. W. meditations
We must all be grateful to Minister Anam datissa de Alwis and his TV advisers and experts who make public speeches and write lengthy articles telling us the great virtues of television.
On Nikini Poya I stared at
the Ruwanwelisaya for at least two minutes between two soul -stirring American film 5. A little later was forced to meditate for another two or three minutes on the Sigiriya frescoes. I also contemplated the Sigiri ya Rock, a most uplifting experience. Sometimes watch a station instruction like
"Place Commercial 4' here.
| hawe watched TW in a small town in Africa and also in a town
(Carry fir fel car! Page 2)
LANKAM
GUARDIAN
Wol. 7 No. 8 August 15, 1979
Published by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd., First Floor, 88, N. HI, M1. Abdul Cader Råd, (Reclam:Ltion Road) Colombo II.
Editar: Merw yn de 51 Iwa
Telephone: 21 () 09.
CONTENTS
3 - 4 News background
5 - 9 International news
O Medicine
II - 3 North - South dialogue
4 - 5 information
6 - 17 Regional politics 18 - 23 Politics
2 Letters Contd.
Printed by Amanda Presis 825, Wolfendhal Street, Colombo 13.
Telephone: 35 975

Page 4
LANKA STATE TRADING
CORPO
Premier Government Expor
of all products grown Sri Lanka
Ceylon Black Tea in bulk and
Coconut Products – Coconut
Desiccatc. Fresh C.
Rubber -- Sheet R
Latex C So|e Cr {
Arecanuts (betel nuts)
Bamboos
Betel leaf
Cardations
חטmam חCi
Clowes, Clove Stems Cocoa Bears
Coffee Coconut shell charcoal Coir Fibre and yarın Cut flower
Ekels
Essential oils - Cinnamo
citron el li;
Fruit, and fruit juices (pineapp
Canned : Ginger
Jams and Jellies, Chutneys etc. Handicrafts - Woodcarvings, cu Mac
Min e Tals — Dolomite, Feldspar Nutmeg
Pepper
Sesama Seed Timber - Satin wood, Mahoga
Trade Enquiries:- to Chairman
Sri Lanka State Trading
(Consolidated Exports) Corporation,
68/70, York Street, P.O. Box 263, Colombo Ol. Republic of Sri Lanka (Ceylon)

(CONSOLIDATED EXPORTS) RATION
t Organisation - Exporters
and manufactured in
(Ceylon)
in packets
Oil in bulk and in drums; 2d Co com ut
EOT U L5.
jbber repe Rubber epe Rubbier
leaf oil cinnamon bark oil, oil, lemon grass oil
le, passion fruit, mango) and fresh
rios
Mica
ny, Palu, Ebony, Teak
Cables : “CONSOLEXPO Telephone : 26498 & 2567
Telex : 64 & 280
| 367 TECON CE Consolexpo CBO

Page 5
News background
FDB, family bar
Left moves
he L. G. was in print with
the Felix Papers (FDB's "My dear Sirima" correspondence) When a posse of Dompe Regulars were 'bombarding the headquarters', to rehabilitate a once popular Maoist expression in the heady days of the Red Guards. A citizens' Committee of 40 (ten SLFP stalwart:5 from each of Dompe's W. C. areas) came to the party office at Darley Road with a "We want Felix' message from the heart of the Bandaranalike territory.
It was FDB's final move In having himself rehabilitated by a party in which he had for over 15 years played such a key, if highly controversial, role only to be given the cold shoulder after the July 1977 disaster. FDB had two problems one legal, the other personal. The SLFP's new constitution evidently ruled out the possibility of a dues-paying party member resident in Kollupitiya getting on the Gampaha list and becoming a District Organiser. As for the Personal factor, FDB felt and openly stated that the party leader had lost confidence in her one-time Kissinger.
Frontil Nittarimbu Wa to Weke - and Pugoda, there were SLFP exchanges, FDB-Sirina encounters and even angry confrontations. With each battle FDB gained ground in his campaign for rehabilitaticm. Showing a tactica resourcefulness and resilience that Deng Hsiaoping may have envied,
FDB Saw Sirirma publicly 5tate the had not lost confidence in him. Only the legal obstacle now
LL SS LLLLLLL LL LLLLL S LLLLLLK == 2E the PB megting the first week of August.
C-Tetly sensing the significance teste cres, the mai 15 Team Edie storted the facts (or were
misinformed) and the event in o| promote [ ts pli Was the spectri t Ing the SLFP o the constitution order to accom Dompe and i brin the party's pow TES Core 1m. O of legal-adviser, speech-writer, : Was this not "family bandyism'
Te fa5 Tc2:
Ltd a PB || is not a PB. The likely to be one least (2) there wi solution to allow the Gampaha pa not been made Don Pe, although happen.
A decision wa Basis of an inter
party's constitul general decision others, will ber residence.
The national p right in highligh story built, int. on reports Cullet Jana dina and t
FDB's partial politically signifi (a) developments leadership (b) t i the CCP irral
nows in the ment (c) futura S if any and (d)
tions will take 5 the run-up to
After the Ju Mrs. B. got a lawy gris (som 2

ndyism and
mis interpreted rder probably to ropagandist line. 3 of Satan haurce more? Was interpreted in modate FDB II. g him back inta er-centre, and his old position policy planner, M. Fixit? a clear case of or "bandynaikism'?
(1) FDB did not sting because he Iber and is not
for sore time at is no special reFDB to get om rty list (3) he has District Organiser, this may well
is taken on the pretation of the tion. By this FDB, among fit wis-a-vis dual
ress however was
ting the story, a 2 restingly enough from the LSSP's ha CP's Aththa.
rehabilitation is ant in terms of
LFF he recent change rchy and current wider Left mowLFP-Left Teations,
how these relahape, if at all, in 1983.
ly 77 drubbing team of "loyal' of the FT mot 50
un critically loyal these days) to draft a new constitution (a transitional arrangement) which had a single aim – to give her a tight grip on the Party. In es 5 ence, the slogan was 'All power to the Leader". To present a facade of democratic decision-making a Politburo was Created. It was packed
with carefully chosen loyalists.
Mrs. B. has always been very much in command of the party. Her merest wish beare a fiat.
This political-psychological fact was institutionalised by a huge, unforeseen ewent: the 1971 insurrection. True, the Cabinet met and Parlament sat, But the day-to-day decision-making process produced what a belatedly awake ned Mr. T. B. Subasingha caled the in wisible government" i. e. the court caucus inter-liked with a new bureaucratic-Security apparat. Senior linisters had to find out what was actually ha FP2 ning from key civil servants, top Security personnel and family 'insiders". Those were the days when Mr. Kumar Rupa singha, his hands folded, would stand erect and motionless at some Ambassador's reception while ministers, VIPs and other Ambas
sadors paid ob eis an ce to the Janavegaya Chief. (A la navega ya which had absolutely no legal standing with in the SLFP). In Lh352 times, FDB Was Fors. B'5 multi-pшгpose maп.
The SLFP decision lot to
nominate anybody to the Presidentia | Commission Was the clearest signal that even a carefully selected PE has born 5 nsitive to internal and external pressures, and is na longer a rubber Stamp.
A new power-centre has emmerged sharing authority with the leader" — the Mai tri-TB | duo, acting in concert perhaps for the
3.

Page 6
first time in SLFP history. It is cow a triumvirate rather than orie-Worlän rule. But When th o 'duo' takes a strong line, the PB backs it up. Often Maitri does the running; sometimes TBI but the result is generally the 53 m. Theo 5: Who hay c al intimate knowledge of SLFP trends found the strangest convergence of forces at the last meeting: the Old Guard, the Sinhala-Buddhist champions from Kobbekaduwe to Kularatne, youth leaguers Infiltrated by Anura in his quiet build-up of strength in the succession stakes, and even the small but close-knit Peking brigade. They were unanimous - with one odd Than out, Mr. Stanley Tillekeratne, whose name was freely publicised by the official press as the SLFP's nominee.
In the absence of FDB, Stanley had energed as legal adviser, platform attraction, the writer of party St:1E2TTel CS the close Confidate. In part, this was an attempt at building a 'counter' to Maitri-TB. Ratne and Lakshmär Jayakody didn't match up to the task. As ex-Speaker, lawyer, and orator Stanley was better material. For months now, the pint-sized Stanley has been walking Tall. The last PB meeting marked his
do Wolf|| || E. WW || || bgColme officia when the PB names a, "legal committee' as required by the
constitution. Exit Legal Adviser.
Still, there is a vacancy in the post once filled by the corporeal FDB, a bigger man in all senses than Stanley. Will Satan return?
If he does it will complicate matters for the Left. Analysing "CP trends', the LG anticipated the Keulea-KP switch. The CP will now move into a more independent, flexible, middle position not allowing itself to be encumbered by its "coalition" påst (Pieter like the LSSP trio were ministers) or by the LSSP Old Guard's antipathy to Wijewicara, Wasu, the MEP etc. As the follow up of the crucial CC meeting indicated, the
CP will NOT contemplate any more a "political alliance," with the SLFP (a "right opportunist
error, as the CC decided). But a broad Left Once United, Could
have agreements ings with the S catch. If all thes CP, IWP, New LS tile to Mrs. B. bete noire. €
A lega
poser
N: much new of the Sri L Institute's HLJ Than which has lowed building near Free: SLFI itself (a Banda is wery active as some of its cerebr. to be needlessly sh The press, for i always invited for it have very widesome of which interesting.
Academics and that the Centre CC ing' (i. e. lookin räther thar Ehe im or preparing mate tional organisation Now a nice pose to the Centre. is there an anomal of the authoritiest to be involved in o with the 97 in
Honouring an Prime Minister J.
overnment repea of 1972 in Septe NOwen Tiber an amhr:: to those persons CC. But ther W, under the normal connected with t Sor e Were convici in prison.
Now Mr. H. A lawyer, who has a ā5ēs both befr before the lorri written to the SLFI's Human Righ 2 cases where were signed afte! 1977 amnesty. T the normal law,

and understandLFP. Teres a e parties (LSSP, ISP etc.) are hosFDB Is their
5 ha 5 Come Out anka Foundation Rights Centre nto an impressive dom Square. The rana like blessing) usual although activities seem rouded in secrecy. 15 til CE, 5 DE t5 seminars which -ranging themes, are extremely
lawyers believe Lud He "reg93 rchg into the past mediate present) rial for Inter"|- s and conferences. - has boom sant It's a legal poser. y in the attitude opersons alleged fences connected surgency?
election pledge, R. Jayewa tidena’s led the CC Act TE || 59" 7. || || 2sty was granted convicted by the rere others tried law for offences he 9W events. ted a dare Sti
A. SEпЕviratПe, a ppeared in many e the CC and ha | Catts, has President of the its Centre about the indictments r the November he cases, under
came up before
two High Courts. In one case, one of the 4 accused, was convicted by the CIC and sentenced to 4 years. Then he was released under the amnesty. Now he is being tried again.
Communal harmony
t the Seminar on "The Role A: Media in relation to Cornmunal Harmony" organised by the Marga Institute, the following citizens who participated in the seminar decided to take steps towards the formation of a Council for communal harmony through the media. The functions of this Council will be to scrutilise the media im Ordet to detect and to counteract disse Tination of materia that is likely to lead to comLinal tension, and also to further healthy and harmonious communal relations through the media.
The signatories appeal to all citizens who agree with these aims to support them, and would be glad to hear from any persons who would like to assist in the work of the Council. Please cornmunicate with the Secretary, Council for Communal Harmony, through the media, P. O. Box 60, .5 סbוחםCGI
Sgd/Charles Abeysekera, S. R. A5lrwatham, Sunfla Abeyasekera, Mohan Bhagawa ndas, Sardha Соогеу, Radhika Coomaraswamy, Prof. Wimal Dissa na yake, Rew. Celestine Fernando, Godfrey Gunatilake, Wictor Guine wat de 1, Bandula Sri Gumawardhana, S. A. Gna na muttL, S. M. Kamaldeen, W. Kanesal ingam, Prof. K. Kailasa pathy, P. P. Mani kam, Dr. K. S. Nadarajah, S. Nimalendran, M. J. Perera, Rajan Philip Pilla, J. R. Ratnamayagam, E. Rathinam, C. W. Raja Sundaram, Reggie SiriWardena, S. Siwanayagam, Enoka Stanislaus, Liwy Wijemanne.

Page 7
International news
Indian crisis
by Rajan Philipupillai (All y'Ürg er girerer Fly Frase Y Ffair
நtசா ஏரி சிச தரi:).
Mr. Charan
seeking a in the Lok Janata (S)-
in August 28,
Singh will be "wote of confidence" Sabha for his new Congress coalition government. It is not certain whether he will be able to Iluster sufficient support to avoid defeat on the wery first day itself, as Prime Minister, in the Lok Sabha. The element of un certainty continues even though the flurry of defections has stopped and the various parties hawe stabilished their positions. Defections from the official Congress. within which differences - hawe arisen ower the distribution of Iministerial offices, cannot be ruled out and if they do take place, would load to the downfall of the government. But the greatest worry of Mr. Charan Singh COTICE Tm5, Lho Tole that the Congress (I) of Mrs. Indira Gandhi would decide to play.
Eria Cted
the drama how being
in New Del both Mr. Charan Singh and Mr. Jagjivan Ram - the new leader of the Janatha Party and the leader of the opposition who is hopeful of oUSting Mr. Charan Singh and succeeding him as Prime Minister, are being kept guessing by Mrs. Gandhi. While both Charan Singh
and Ram are compelled to rely on the support of Mrs. Gandhi, the latter can opt ta extend her support to either of them to help run a stable governEE that will withdraw the cal croceedings against her,
to support neither and force term elections at the c= cf her chicosing. The rectes strategy of the new Prime
LL S D SSSSSSS SL LSS LLLL S SLLLL government long with other non-Jan Singh members of the
Party, is not
蕾 Tit
likely to succeed for Ram, having
period
missed the bus
mined to go flat The Cha Tan Sir and then Ery t and combination ,govегппепt| שרים ח
India has
witnessing the d tacle of her
both individuals shifting positions, ties, ir di shutt alignment to
even Paus ing to of justification f stances. The r gro LP ing5 are a
tunistic and ui totally inexplic: the hackneyed
politician's 'ney for power and
flow from it. M leader of the 8 has thought it the leader of a 50% of which
the right reactio the political a Hindu anti M Harijan Rasatriya
Sangh (RSS). O strange kinship Singh and Raj
one hand and M her sor on
embarass and an their common Desai, and car Machiavellian 5 t Gandhi, having is Desai, to strike
the man who di se di 550 Wed Pai further Ficer o Win
It is Tot diffic: these instant Co. hurriedly forme rent political pi geni tally uns Cab i logical extensio indiwidual Corgani itics. What is no uniform patte
LH et T2 a For instance, til i 5 Toiyile )

of
Crco, i5 d2 tr
out and defeat
Wernmentסgh Eו
the permutations
5 of fогming а
himself.
recently bըԸm emoralis Ing specparliam Centarians, and parties, changing loyalling from one another, without Coffa" 50Ti fot T or the changed esultant political ppallingly opport1 principled, and ble except by theory of the r er en ding lowe the perks that |r". Jagjiwan Ram, million harjans, fit to remain (Јапаta) party. is constituted by nary Jan Sanghrm of the pan uslim and anti Swayam Sewak he also saw the between Charta
Narai om the r5. Gandhi and the other to d finally vanquish Toe Mr. Morarji 1 now see the rategy of Mrs. e em the end of a deal with Ral, serted her after -Ilin riment in I 977",
schemes.
ult to see that alitions that are d by the diffe" Lies " Cle, They 『E 15 of their own isational pecularWor5é, there is !rn of coales cing tid in Ehe state5. he Congress, (I) Wards Janata (S)
instability ahead
and Janata at the centre support Janatha in Bihar, and supports Janata (S) in Utar Pradesh and Rajasthan. There are obvious Con Era diction5 between national perspectives and those at the level of the state governments, being manifestations of the basic contradiction between the panIndian industrial big bourgeoisie, and these hawe becomme increasingly pronounced on the political plane, in the after math of the Congress party being divested of its monopoly power at the centre and in the states,
The replacement of Congress rule at the centre and in the northern states made matters w Corse. A new dimensjon to political instability, - the NorthSouth polarisation, was added. The Bitter differences at the state level among the constituent groups of the Janata party were
carried into the central government while the factional clashes at the centre had their rewebrations In the States. The Te
were open feuds in UP, Bihar and Haryana, between Charan Singh's BLD, and the line up of Desai, Jan Sangh, and Ram's CFD. In New Delhi, cabinet ministes accused on another of sectarianism; freely criticised one another in regard to ministerial performances ; openly ap
portioned blame others While disclam ing responsibility themselves b Cotto'y er sia | and sensitive issues ; wantonly ban died charges of corruption and nepotism against cabinet colleagues and their relatives.
Devoid of any understanding of the basic problems of the Indian Society, lacking ideological commitment and organisational cohesion and riven with dissension. the Janata government stumbled froT One Cri5i5 o a Ehr until it finally cracked up in the face of a routine Parliamentary no-confidence motion moved by
Y. B. Chawan.

Page 8
Disillu5ionment, with thԸ
government had set in much earlier both in the country and among the Janata members themselves. Apart from the worsening economic situation, the communal clashes, the mounting industrial unrest, the strains on the indian political system alarmingly manifested themselves when Jawans of the State and Central police organisations struck work and staged demonstrations, agitating not merely for wage increases but for trade union rights. The blundering Janata government shocked the nation, when a week before Parliament reassembled for the new sessions on July 9, it called on the military to confront the striking policemen, which led to a showdown between the two involving the death of 25 persons and injuries to hundred others, before the eventual surrender by the policemen.
Dissillusioned political pund its and commentators accustomed to lively speculation within the traditional framework had been for sometime pushing the idea of a "third force' which would be a rejection of Indira Gandhi's authoritarianism and provide the alternative to the inept Janata party. An occasion for the emergence of such a 'third force' arose in the last Week of June, when Mr. Devaraj Urs was expelled from Congress (1), following his opposition to Sanay Gandhi's re-entry into Congress (II) politics. The Karnataka Chief Minister said to be in a great hurry to push himself up from Southern obscurity into national limelight, immediately established his own Karnataka State Congress, and by ordering the defection of his supporters in the Lok Sabha from the Congress (I), brought down the latter from its status as the official opposition party. He went further and
convened conference of Congressmen in Bangalore on July 5 at the Lal Bagh Glass
House, where exaclity ten years ago Indira Gandhi had engineered the first split, in the Congress, emerging as the only man among
Éi
the old women c Hopes of reunitin Ten OW scatte more Parties an nationally and I rekindled, only
OLIt Within a Week turn of events ir
It is by no mean: but for the sudden in New Delhi, t reunited and rejuv Would hawe come ti seriousness of thic the official Cong demonstrated dur weeks. They pric to be nothing othe of Illinisterial office So with every oth or ex-Congressma Sabha. As a matte members of the Jar Left parties all oth their political or Indian National. Ce 94 years ago. It reunite quondam Co in the absence of c tiwa circumstam CCS cementing ideolo motiwation5 , fed Eo moralis ing sermons Indian politicians their notorious ol clivities, as can the dīsastrou5 failu Janata experiment.
The Charan Sir falls far below the of the dreamers of Unlike in the cas government its for accompanied by mas Enthusiäs. Th Minister is not a ch capable of project image and winni acclaim. In additio new government is majority in parliar be na Ive and simpli instability in India on account of t constitutional prov ing defections by Mo the fundamental between the gro capitalism and the suffering rural se unresolved the in Indian polity

f the Congress, the Congressed in 5ix or factions both egionally, were to be blown by the sudden
New Delhi.
suggested that turn of events to drea of a anated Congress Lue. Indeed the ise who pass as ress was amply ing the past few wed themselves than a bunch seckers. It is er Congressman mil mow in Lok :r of fact, barring Sangh and the 2T MP5 ha we had dination in the ingress founded Is impossible to ngress colleagues ompelling objecand a requisite Subjective y spiritual and cannot hold the together, given apportunist probe seen from 'e of the grand
gh government fty expectations Congress unity. of the Janata lati IT WAS TO s euphoria and e new Prime arismatic leader ing a national 1g countrywide n to all this the now sure of a ent. It would stic to suggest ha 5 Come about he absence of isions preventPs. So long as
Contradiction wing industrial
stagnant and ctor, remains itability in the will Continue.
Attempts by previous governments to circumvent crises through green
revolution, emergency measures and export of Indian capital, hawe
all ended in failure. The Charan Singh government is incapable of even these measures.
India
Secession war picks up again
by Mohan Ram
New Dlhi
fter a three-year lull, India has resumed its remote,
rugged War against secessionist insurgents in Mizoram in its strategic north-eastern corner with Burma and Bangladesh.
The end to the uneasy truce came as hardcore Mizo secessionist insurgents renewed their campaign of terror and violence,
marking the end of the July, 1976, agreement between their |leader, Lal denga, and the Indian Government about peaceful solu
tion of the Mizo problem, which
dates back to the widespread armed revolt in 1966 in which they proclaimed an independent Mico State.
Indian troops moved in to quell the revolt, and the ir
two-pronged drive - of containing Mizo resistance and cutting the insurgents off from the people - further alienated the people.
Mizos, who practice shifting cultivation, were uprooted from their villages and re-grouped in
Vietnam-style strategic hamlets. Foodstocks were seized destroyed, and people were
dependent on government rations for Surviva.
The desultory guerrilla war continued for more than 10 years, and the Mizos used sanctuaries in the then East Pakistan w Bangladesh) and hadסn) Pakistani and Chinese support.
(Сопгїллеd оп Page 7)

Page 9
Malaysia
Raping refugees
the Malayasian Navy guilty of deliberately drowning Vietnames refugees 2 Have its officers committed rapo 2
Reporting from Letung, Indonesia, James P. Sterba sent this despatch to the ''NEW YORK TIMES' :
"United States officials, with the help of Indonesians and United Nations workers, hawe been accumulating evidence from Vietnamese refugees here on drownings, rapes and other incidents caused by the Malaysian Navy and coastal guards since Malaysia began towing refugee boats back out to sea.
They have compiled detailed accounts, including the numbers of Malaysian Navy patrol boats and the names of Malaysian military officers allegedly involved in apparent attempts to capsize refugee boats.
"Informed sources among international officials trying to help
the refugees said the United States had refrained from publicly confronting the Malay
Secession . . .
(Солriпиғd fromп Pagғ. б.)
The Mizo National Front ran a parallel underground government and collected taxes.
The immediate cause of the 1956 revolt was the government's callous response to warnings of an impending famine in 1959 and inadequate relief measures, teguting in Starwatlon.
It is the familiar scenario of
E. critical South Asian ethnic TE DE 2nd the government's response of pacification
repression.
sians in the h gain control of
patrol boats an their east coast
Cut to W in e5
"Sinca last Malaysia amnou | begin expelling nearly 35,000 been beached isolated Anamb: of them were in Malaysian can ordered back to
"Many refuge their boats we Malaysia in a apparently des therm irmto a wav ping. The leat refugee boats sa tow lines when Became too er it became app were not being large refugee car Bidong Island, as
"In a camp
Island, the refl. boat said they among five smal
beaching their c the Malaysian towed back out
"They said Malaysian patrol ing two Smaller B-7, it began
that swamped taimed about According to B-7, all but B-5 drowned. sur WiiWors Wee y reportedly taken tanker, AL-50, two Malaysian uniforms with WWO WOT en occupants of Brefugee camp of

ope they would several notorious d officials along
th, when חסוח lced it would refugee boats,
refugees hawe here in thԸ is Islands. Many held for weeks ps before being
Sea.
!es here said are towed from ZigZag course igned to jerk 'e and a swamder of sayeral id they cut the the mowerment "altic and when arent that they towed to the mp on Malaysia's
Pro T1 ised.
on nearby Kuku gees from one Were diwidgd ler boats after riginal craft on Cäst, and Wye Tc
CCO 52
that while a boat was towboats, B-5 and a zigzag Course -5, Which can90 passengers. Passengers on Dur people on wO of the four om en who were abroad an oil and raped by lawy officers in ame tags. The long with the a T2 TOW in a Kuku sand.
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Page 10
Some
revolution
he Latin American rural
guerilla movement was buried on a cold Sunday in October |967 i 1 Boliwia's Yuro rayne, which is located far from the Rio Grande. Or so it seemed. The death of the Continents' foremost theorist and practicioner of that specific form of armed revolution was welcomed by US imperialism and the entire global 55 quo including Right opportunism with in the international Communist and Working class movement. With tha death of Com ma mda, mite GLI 2 wara, the revolutionary struggles shifted both strategically and geographically-from the country side to the cities.
Taking with him the Sao Paulo ETämlich Which was; the la rogest Lurban branch of the Brazilian Communist Party, the
veteran Marxist Carlos Marighella chartered the course of urban guerilla wafate. Others followed: the Tupamaros led by that indefatigable organizer of the
(-) —့်
Sandinistas Celebrate
8
reflections
ΟΥ
agrarian proletar initiated armed
towns and citi from the year
The Chican Conceived in Sant Catholic Universi in the late '60's the left wing P eros and the unleashed a wol. process which rea in 73/74. The São Paula, Monte Aires thus becan of Central confro the State and t forces on the continent in the early to mid 7 of all, they were yards for the just as the jungles had been guerilla predecess.
The death o Roberto Mario Sa seemed the final definitive failure Arnerican revoluti
of Fabricio Oji
 

the
iat Raoul Sendic, struggle in the les of Uruguay
3.
NIMIR Wylich Wyt iago's Prestigious ty grew rapidly . In Argentina, 'erd III ist MontonMarxist PRTERP int revolutionary ched a crescendo great cities of Fideo ärid Buenos e the theatres rtation between 1르 revolutionary
Latin American | te "É O’5 and J' 5, BLIL most | Lirayurban militants, TOU ES | for their rural ors and brother 5.
f ERP later flt Lucho II 1975 signal of the of the Latin on. The death da and the
缀
Nicaraguan
Wenezuelan guerilla in 1966; the deaths of Javier Heraud and Luis de la Puente Uceda Which marked the crush ing of the Peruwian guerilla movement b 1965; the accidental death of Turcios Lima and the defeat of the Guatemalan guerilla's by |?ÉSÉ; Paldte Camillo To TTces" deat
9. in Columbia and Guevara's murder the follow in year - these were followed by tha killing of Carlos Marighella in '68 and of his close comrades Fereira and Lamara which effectively silenced the Brazilian urban guerilla's in 1972.
The defeat of the Tupamaros in '72/'73 was perhaps the most crushing blow inficted upon the urban guerilla struggles and was followed by tha Argentinian generals' ruthless exterpation of the ERP in 1976, These defeats in both rural and urban guerilla combat, taken together with the violent abortion of the Chilean 'experiment' in 1973 meant that the Latin American revolution had run out of strategic options.

Page 11
But the law of development has its own cunning. The revolutionary pulse had made its way in
60's and first half of the 'WO's from Central America wia the continent's northern tiet ridged by the Andes, down to the narrow, "but endlessly deep' countries of the Souther core ie. Chile and Argentina, And there the revolutionary impulse died away and the guns fell silent. But with the benefit of hindsight, we can now discern the motion of that revolutionary "impulse' moving deep beneath the crust of the continent and Taking its way back to whence
L|| || if * irthը
it came : to Central America, which, bordered by the Pacific and the Car ribbean, protrudes like a tongue from th : gluttonous mouth that is the Morthern Americar landmas5. There in the Karmic cycle of history the Latin American rewolution has been ra — incarated in the concrete shape and
form of guerilla warfare,
What is or time in the tw. the Cuban Reyol of thls Cantin of the entire Here, ha'ye 3 wictory, o *Wic to "Fatherla n d o r" | or Death', these
cres that issued of a generation arles in LatIm A often it had
half of the slog and re-echoed I r fell, gu Πs
la rico call of til tion Wencerem
Triumph!" - had in the ears of
hctorical fou longer. This th significant featur gence of new CO in EL Salwa, do T Guatemala and ( Nicaraguan Te Wi the debate reor
Sandinista Front prograr
Recently, FSLN has published its Programling for the reconstruc.
tion of Nicaraguă.
- Programme cf Mlational Reconstruction : The Tain a sk of the government will be to promote a programme of national
reconstruction that Will save Nicaragua from the social, economic, political and moral
catastrophe' into which it has been plu nged by the dictatorship, This programme will also lay the foundation for overcoming our country's back Wardless Ξ ΠΕ 2 CC TO TT i prostration and allow for the full and cffective development of broad democratic freeda TIS.
National Army: A new, genuinely derinocratic and national army must be organised, based on the defense of the democratic process and national sovereignty.
ž Foreign poli align IT en it: Ah, n indico: policy of Non-all; Wi || |ink OLIT COL || LT) which respect the pr TT113 tion 3 li mutua || benefici3l
ti Crns. En Tic, cultural links wit A, Tn erojan arld
cca in Ti Lunity.
- Patrimony Figuristruction : A, Til til "C3 D:Lu created, based on th of all property ш Somoza fa Tilly and i Ενα Γς απα, abowe back Wildless, Р une ITFloyfrient St. TTI:55 25. Ti, C; patrin be used to meet th fa II i Ilies affeccd refugees, and eni; discrimination of ;

2, for the first a decades since ution, the people
2nt and indeed, Westerin hem is p: hi iewed a real ry or Death!", Death!", "Liberty
wete the battle from the lips of rewolutionA Tierica, and too
been the latter an that echoed lockingly as they hand. The he Cuban Revoluo5. - 'We shall begun to sound some, an empty ri5h. BILLI t |1ւն er Is the first of the emer
mbati we wanguards , Honduras and 2f victory of the
olution. A rid 50,
e
cy of Nari
er den E foreign Enrilent, which T t za || nicions inciplicis Cf selfd just апd ecolhxo|mic relapolitical and
in hic central
a Tribbea
-if Natio
patri Tony of tion will be e expropriation Supcd by tha ts use to help all, le DVerty hind ffered by the lony will also e needs of all by thc war, grants with tout iny kind,
"I wasn't thrown our. Irri a Pacifist ". strid Sunua in his Miarus hone. Since the he has been kicked a frt of Baharfrus.
Time to panic
by Roger Woddis
The Orgart isafir Yr af dericar Sirates fra F rirre da "r a LS proposa a etc . "peacef-keeping force" fŮ Nic: P'ěrgoffa.
Thankless arc thic states that spur Secretary Cyrus, Wanice, Having painfully to learn Changing Worlds II can changing pants,
Time was when good sense prevailed, Using de TI Čcratic Incans; When, als frequcn thy, this failed There were always the Marilles.
Now the poor man åt the glite Calls hirimself a Sandinisl:l; Gangsters, to avoid their fate, Pack their luggage like Batista.
Needing native wages low, Wall Street hites 1lle heavy Trucib
But, alas, they llave to g) When they canlıqlı da) the job,
Though. Somoza's fall from grilce May be followed by a hearse, That is casic to fice Tham the Tisk of Homething wụT&ẹ.

Page 12
Medicine
Free markets vs public
by U. Kartu natilleke
hile at the end of the
PTew II o Lus regi The certain industrialists were gleefully walking away with brand new million rupee production lines; the pharmaceutical industry was in a run down condition in spite of all the ma55 iwe Incentiwes it received in the form of the National Drug programme. The decision by the present regime to provide free exchange for renewal of plant therefore was a wellcome shot in the arm. It has rejuvenated the drug Industry. However with so much good, ha 5 also, come a larga dose of haron, In fact the "free market forces' liberated by current policy, run counter to the National Drug programme, and in doing so to the local manufacturers who are its mainstay. It must be remembered that the original İncer'ı ti'ye 5 like duty Conce5sidrı:5
that were given to the Drug Industry had long ceased to operate. By the mid sixties the industry was on its own feet. The only concessions it now enjoyed was (l) active, participation in the country's
drug programme through the 34 Drug Scheme (2) Ban on the import of finished drugs, except by the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation (3) Higher import duty on finished drugs.
All three concessions were virtually removed overnight under the import liberalization policy of the new regime The 34 drug items, as well as other drug items were thrown open for import. Import duty on finished drugs was abolished. Price control was lifted. Worse still brand names even in respect of the 34 items were rescored, and the promotional machine, the multinational drug propaganda system, Went back into action.
The theory was that free market forces, (whatever they are) would operate, prices would tumble, and no shortages would
O
occur. In actual
of imported
quadrupled (in 5 are about ten of the generic
by the Corporat tain these prices machine is busy SLIP) er 5 titios, and ti'ye 5, that malk Prescribe by br tell their patie, you get "Fibsol" Corporation stuff. of exorcism at K0 voor used to Pro Pagan dized e most effective.
Tam15 also mea money for the Thus captive their belongings "Fib5col|'' and IF Corming down
Predicated by th enthus fasts, keeps
The worst part is that "Fibs" co exchange obtained comes in duty fre local manufacturer generic equivale consum es only a f foreign exchange, 100% duty on in vides amployemen
local operatives, a not being able product. The mo
most dan gerous this field is th: tenders for" gi nin drugs like antipart award-2d to mu | brand names, at
TEM
Clılcırılı Emirilir: Citrioxide Diaze:pa Irh 2 TTıg Diazepin 3 IIg Hila peridol 15 m Prep:Ingltյl dl ing Reserpiпе .25 пg Toolbut II ide 500 r Xanthinol Nicotin

interest
act, drug prices brands have mo cases they imes the price items marketed ion.) To mainthe propaganda reviving the old the old in cenmedical men name and 1 t5, make 5 urte and not the This is a for T d as Abraham say, the most (orcist is the Moreowet, man tlse a lot of right people. patients pawn in order to buy bsol" instead of in price, as he free market
going up.
of the bargain insumes foreign on loan, and e Whereas the who makes the
ärd
Pharmaceuticals (3)
As a result of this some of our cherished public health campaigns like those against malaria, filariasis and worm infestations may stagnate without funds and without enough drugs,
The National Drug Industry has shown rapid growth and technological promise in recent years. It has begun to fulfill a role in keeping with the latest thinking by W.H.O. Pharmaceuticals Management in the Third World countries. In fact, even the rich industrial countries hawe realised that the nation's health is a major social commitment and cannot be left to the narrow mercies of profitmaking and private enterprise.
The only role that the private sector can perform in the Drug industry is hence a guided mission within the framework of national, or perhaps regional drug policy. Within such a scheme, it has a major production capability. The future potential can be judged from just one fact. The essential items now manufactured are only 34. The essential drugs list consist of about two thousand items. The employment; ratio of Chemists to other operatives in the Pharmaceutical
nt of Fibso industry is higher than most other raction of the industries. A national pharmaceupays up to tical industry catering to the gredients, pro- basic medical needs I of the t and skills to population can hence be a major nd ends up by factor in our economic growth. to sell his As important, is its social st recent and impact as its breaks through the development in scabid fringes of poverty and at Government helplessness that isolate 90% of ple formulary our People. Concluded 1st Ics areo being (From a talk dell'ered I a Serrar or aaaaLaLaL S S LLLL S STTYS STTT SLSLS TTT SLLLSL SLSLSLS higher prices. Its fire of Chelstry, Sri Larika).
UNIT GENERIC BRANDED PRODUCT PRODUCT RETAI PRICES RETA PRICE
s. S. 4 mg 1)OC) tables 9.23 2『.(M)
500 311.95 89). 1[] [] 8.31 443.79 1OOO 12.99 "().45 10) 12).)) 1,050.00 25C) 7.27 274.고 1000 , 17.03 O.CO 1g 1(100 1968C) 35兰,51 H. Le 150 mg 200 28. Ol 8.7)

Page 13
North - South dialogue
A
he Ministerial meeting of the
Group of 77 held at Arusha in February this year in preparation for UNCTAD W has outned a programme which could form the basis of the Third World Agenda for collective action in the Eighties. The programme seeks to give concrete expression and substance to the two basic objectives of Third World efforts as they have taken shape in the Seventies - collective self -reliance through cooperation within the Third World and collective bargaining for restructuring Third World relations with the North. The two components of the Arusha programme highlight the magnitude of the negotiating task which faces. Third World countries - a task which demands on the one hand a Capacity for negotiating among themselves to reach contion positions which accommodate their diverse interests, and on the other, the ability to mobilise and use their countervailing power effectively in their negotiations with the North.
The dimensions of the task and the complexity of the problems involved have emerged with some degree of clarity in the past few
yers. It was during this period the the developing Countries tes to move into a distinctly e se in their economic
retics with developed countries. The change itself was the outcome the ent; in the first half of the Sevents. The breakdown of the monet-ry and trading system, CFEC action which dramatically - Le Ted the terming of trade of i exporting ccUnitries. the unprecedented phenomenon of risng inflation combined with high levels of unemployment and slow Eric with in developed countriesconverged to undermine the - - -tions of the international comic system as it had been - Fucted after the 2nd World They significantly altered
case for the
the balance of which had evol colonial period.
These develo stage for the in with the Sixth the U. N. Gen: in March 1974 of the New Inter Order and the action adopted could be regar turning point relations be EWe: developing coul declaration of objectives, these by themselves c tely produce an in the struct governing these significance ay i tions they gawe policies and stra ment, and in pi World's approach it would be cothe Declaration provided a new work for such
Wherea, 5 || || tional strategies sought to pron essentially with framework of nomic relations, tional Economic on a recognitiof a comprehensive the system its U. N. frameWor already mounted on the existing failure to suppo the developmen World. Within loped countrie5 themselves to e. changes which of structural adj ing Institutions
The identificatio tion of interes basis for a syst
was beginning is the Declaratic

Third World
economic forces ved in the Post
pments set the itiatives that care Special Session of !ral Assmbly held The Declaration סiוןrטחסal Ecחםatiח"
e ofוחהחgraסrם at that Session ed a 5 a decisive If the economic in developed and ntries. Being a Principles and U.N. resolutions o Lu|d mot immediaconcrete changes Ire and systems relations. Their In the newly direc| EC i tertio | tegies on developrticular the Third to such strategies. "rect to say that and Programme conceptual framestrategies.
he past internafor development ) te improvements in the existing International ecothe NW internaOrder was based of the need for restructuring of lf. Within the ...," UNCTAD had a powerful attack system and its it arld attelerate
of the Ti UNCTAD, dewehad organised Pressure fOT ere in the nature sets is existfid relationships. and cofii Solidagroups and a 2m of bargain ing tako shape. It n and Programme
Last Monday, President J. R. Jayewardene declared open in international conference on the "North-South Dialogue" sponsored by the Society for InterLLLLTLL LCHLLCLS LLLLL LL World's case in this continiling debate is presented by the Third World Forumlı, (GEneyil. The TWIF was started by a group of entinent Tlı ird World personal IIties. The paper was prepared for UNCTAD. W. in May.
however which sought to bring these elements together as part of a concerted strategy aimed at the restructuring of the existing System at a Tore funda Tental |ewell.
Differences
These initiatives i new | tably have had far-reaching implications on intergovernmental delli
berations and relationships. They have led to a wide-ranging and intensive process of inter national economic negotiations which are significantly different from what preceded the Declaraof the N.I.E.O. This difference could be perceived in at least three key elements in the negotiating framework that this is evolving.
Developing countries are caled upon to negatiate a major
restructuring of the Prevali | Ing World economic System. Negotiating structural changes in the fields which are of Wital importance to Third World demands the will and capacity for collective action and a clear
perception of the enduring longLarm ca||etiwe intres 5. The strategies required for such negotiations are very different from those needed at negotiations which are predominant concerned with concessions, 糕 justments, and resource transfers within the existing system.
An integral component of the structural changes is a new

Page 14
framework for the international decision-making processes concerning the management of the world economy and control over the use of the World's resources. At each stage and in each important sector, the negotiations hawe to aim at creating the appropriate i 5 tituti C15 and a Trange T1 e Tits which erable developing countries to participate effectively in the global decision-making processes.
e However, in these basic structural developing countries have to start from their present condtions of dependence on developed countries. Therefore they need to derive the motive forces for their development increasingly froll within the Third World itself through the intensification of links and exchanges among themselwe 5.
bringing about changes,
By such a strategy of collective
Self-reliance, they need CC enhance their collective economic weight in the world system and increase their bargaining Power to negotiate and Carry through a programme of international structural change.
NW demands
The negotiating agenda which follows from these objectives places entirely new demands for collective action by Third World countries. In the field of interrational economic relations, this shift calls for a new set of responses and new negotiating
disciplines. In the negotiating tasks facing the developing COLIn Erig5
they need to ensure that their bilateral approaches and transactions are consistent. With
the collective strategies to which they subscribe;
to they need to reconcile their diversity of interests to evolve viable joint negotiating positions;
Ed they hawe to coordinate their
negotiations in different fora with a clear understanding of the Inter relations of issues and
|고
In terms of an
for the implem N.I.E.O.
the technic;
the issues th negotiated has mastered by th negotiators ;
furthermore, Coultries illust
wat forul I W can best be neg
Th էլ "Ըք է
decision-making from the c| LIstor in which the was effectively c. de weloped countir IMF, IBRD and G more Uniwersal f Committee of UNCTAD.
Emerging frame negotiations in t
|Eis in this Corte W Teet:5 in Mai || Both the Arusha documents issued Secretariat Stre SS || a major world eco which could set til international ecor the Eighties. The Conference COW ETS international econ
are wital for the of the N.I.E.O. It for Wat With
Initiative 5 aunche and Lake the Til to : implementation.
the problems of commodities, O Conference aims negotiations for : agreed framework share of developi processing of the and their particip ing and distribu applies to proble manufactures, transfor of to Strictive bUSin (235 negotiations hawe adyaced to a suci as in the case of t tra 15 fer of tecni already made need and extended as ex terra debt.

wara | Statio
strategy of the
il coပုဂ္ဂlexity OF DI TE sing
to be fully e Third World
developing select the relahich the issues otiated.
of International has widened of institutions decision-making 2ntrolled by the ies, 5 Luch as the ATT, to include
ora Such as the the Whole and
Work for he Eighties
xt that UNCTAD in May this year. programme and by the UNCTAD S importance as nomic conference he directors for 1cmic polIcy in Agenda for the most of the major omic issues which implementation seeks to press solne of the UNCTAD. W. the next stage of This applies to world trade in n wich the i at la tu nching in internationally ... to increase the ing Countries in it raw materials til i artikattion, This : - algo rms of trade in xterial debt, nology and repractices where either to be Cg55 fu Conclusior he code on tha Iology, or gains to be consolidated in the case of
At another Icy el UNCTA D W addresses itself to new problems which have emerged in the wake of the persisting World economic crisis. The Agenda accords high priority to a programme dealing with the disruption of World trade in manufactures which has resulted from the new protectionism in the developed COLI TİCS The Conference aims at a negotiating framework in which the word community would address itself to both the short-term objective of Containing protectionist measures and the long-term goal of restr Lucturing industry to pro Tote a more efficient and equitable international division of labour.
In the field of money and finance, the Conference seeks solutions to the acute problems of balance of payments adjustment in developing countries which have grown in intensity during the Seventies. It also expects to launch an effort to ewolwe a Cor Inprehensive system of international financial cooperation which brings together the various elements such as balance of payments support, development assistance and access to capital markets within a coherent frame
work, filling important gaps in what is presently available. The Agenda of the Conference also
includes important items on shiping, special measures in support of least developed countries, and telations between countries with different socio-economic systems, particularly between the developing countries and the Socialist countries.
The Conference will hawe before it the Programme of Collective Self-reliance which developing countries put forward at Arusha. It contains the propos als for economic cooperation among developing countries which hawe been identified and elaborated after UNCTAD IV and the Mexico meeting of the Group of 77 held in 1977. It would be 5 een that the initiatives that are being proposed at the Manila Conference encompass a range of economic interests wide enough to cover the diverse interest groups in the Conference. As will be discussed later, a negotiating platforn of this kind which is capable of forming a viable coalition of interests is an essential condition for

Page 15
strengthen ing the collective will and consolidating a collective negotiating strategy.
UNCTAD V also becomes specia|ly important for the reason that it meets at the threshold of the Eighties. The Conference could therefore launch a new international negotiating process for the Eighties. The Agenda in fact sets out to prvide a framework for Such a process. The underlying theme of the Conference is the restructuring of the international economic system and each tem contains important elements of restructuring in the key areas of concern to developing countries.
Rationale of agenda
The first substantive iter of the Agenda attempts to spell out the rationale of the agenda and show how the various items form part of a consistent effort to promote structural changes needed in the world economic system as a whole. It is largely in support of this approach that the Conference addresses itself to questions relating to the international decision-making processes and the global framework of rules and principles governing international economic relations. The Secretariat papers as well as the Arusha programme suggest the creation of a mechanism through which developing nations Would hawe a more effectiwe woice in the management of the world economy' particularly in regard to the interdependence of policies in the field of trade, money, finance and development. By this means developing countries could bring Into the International forum matters of profound importance to themsewes which are now confined to the summits of industrialised countries. Developing countries could thereby keep under review the effects of policies pursued by developed countries in the process of development and structural change, and exert timely pressure to align these policies with international development goals.
The Conference also expects to give attention to the need for reviewing and revising the rules and principles governing international economic relations which
were accepted a the Etto-WO and GATT after W r. The 5k ha tive in Wew of pattern of econo
an actors in th trading and final and practices tha since these rules ha e in largo m these rules irrelev Tho initiatives th may well lead to tional economic could be a majc the Eighties.
uld be peסIt w here the three the negotiating Third World whit er||T. The UN, falls clearly with and contains all In the main ite North-South relati ing countries will a programme of: | the i 55 Luces international deci
s the and principles go tional economic developing coun seeking to share |lחםlti:חgrח וif and participate in setting the ru for in Lernational ei that hawe grown eved political ind regard to collect the Arusha prog available to the Conference will with international programme, while tion of the prog remain the respc Third World.
NIEKT: Sorme ues relating to economic negoti
ld

ld embodied in ods Agreement the 2nd World s become imperathe fact that the mic relations, the e scene, and the incial operations It hawe appeared were adopted 2a5 UTC Teldered ant and ob 5 colete. at are envisaged a reWirraon wention which }r obje2cti we of
rtinent to recal key elements in Agenda of the :Fl vere di SCLISSod CTADW agenda in this pattern three elements. ms dealing with ions, the developbe negotiating tructural change. relating to the sion-making Prote wision of rules wern ing internarelations, the tries will be more equitably decision-making more effectively les and principles onomic relations after they achi
lependence. In iwe Self-reliance, ramme will be
Conference; the deal specifically support for the the implementa"amm it-53 If wi|| 2nsibility of the
conceptual issinternational altions.
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Page 16
Information
The right
by Chakravarthi Raghavan
ow A HETHER we like It or not
there will be a "New World Information Order'. It could be the driving force and the fuel for New World Economic Order called for by the less Developed Nations ... . . The "New World Information Order" will not only be created because of the urgings of the developing World; all nations Will be involved. The impetus may not be nations, however, but the incredible speed with which innovative technology is changing the face of society and international relations'.
Judged by the outcome of the 20th General Conference of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), and the 33rd session of the United Nations General Assenbly, the third world and the New World Information Order may appear to have been relegated to a state of limbo or purgatory,
And if some of the diagnostic reasonings and suggested cures of the North are accepted, the third world may even find itself in danger, in the long run, of being coopted and integrated into the present western Information and Communication Order, that may be heaven to the transnational power structures benefiting by it, but could turn out to be hell.
The UNESCO has adopted a deca ration on mass media and the UNESCO and the UNGgiera A55embly in other resolutions have adopted calls for working towards a new, just and balanced world information and Co III1m Lunication order' (in lower case). All these in effect have sought to reduce the problem to one of remedying the technological and material deficiencies of the third world mass media.
The "Declaration on Fundamental Principles concerning the Contri. bution of the Mass Media to Strengthening Peace and International
to CC
Understanding, t Human Rights ar Racialism, Apart ement to War' ha to the third Wol New World Inf The Te i5 a refere in the preamble te and an in direct TI the Articles of t
Para É of the
"Conscious of the : developing countr ishment of a new more effective wi and communicatio New World for been sought to b putting the words
making it all as adjectives - 'a new more effective', a Tnerely "the aspirat loping countries".
(The introductic effective' concept totalitarian concep tern input incident: the commercia. I giff
The operative Declaration, dealin, says; "For the es new equilibrium a procity in the flow which will be condu tution of a just a and to the economi independence of COLIntrie 5 lit 15 The CE the inequalities in t nation to and from tries, and between To this end, it is ess mass India should and resources enabl strength and expa opera te both armon with mass media in ties.
At US insistent mention in the A world information

)mmunicate
Fם וץ סiםם וחס חi Fםך ld to Countering heid, and cit5 some references -Id der3ds for or ration Order. Ce to the NWIC) the Declaration 2sponse in one of ng Declaration.
Declaration says: aspirations of the is for the estab", more just and orld information order". The a tic Order 15 e downgraded by in lower case and et of qualifying , more just and ind noticing it as ions of the dowe
in of the "more
is a somewhat E -- it was a Wesilly-mixed with iclency сопсерt.)
Article é of the with the issue, tablish ment of a ind greater reciof Information, cive to the irst1d las ting peace ic and politica the developing 551 Гy I correct ha flow of infordeveloping counthese countries. antial that their awe Conditions in םL וחg thEח ld, and to co
Ehemselwes and developed coun
2, there is no ticle of a new rder, in lower
The debate on a new international infor II a Lion order continuts in spite of efforts by the Il ajar agencies and their Third World allies, both open ind covert. This article was published in the Indian journal "Seminar" in the light of the controversial UNESCO conference. The auth was Editor-in-Chief of the Fres Trust of India. He low or for a Gener - based Third Wr It II ,
Ease of capitals, qualified or unquali. fied. Amendments by the non align ad and group of 77 to the original traf tabled by the Director-general of UNESCO, had contained a refer ence to the "new world order of information and communication (in
lower case) both in the preamble and Article 6. The reference was not found in the revised draft decar tion submitted by the DirectorGeneral and ultimately adopted by consensus by the Conference. The US delegate later told a Teeting of the OECD group of countries at
the UNESCO, that one of the American objectives in the who exercise, and one in which they had succeeded, was to prevent any men. tion in the Declaration of The New World Information and Cחוחםnu1ח-
cation Order' that the third world
had wanted.
In a dozen other resolutions and decisions, the UNESCO General Conference has endorsed efforts to establish "a new, just and balanced world information and communication order" and has dealt with іпformatioп, exchanges, communication policies, mass media, and role of information and communication in endogenous development, Everywhere the free flow doctrine has béen qualified or modified with better and more balanced flow. im Portance of cultural diversity and preservation and fostering of variegated cultures, etc. The oyer all philosophy is a pot-pourri of different concepts but With repeated emphasis on its being

Page 17
different from the existing state of affairs.
If resolutions and declarations help to create a new order, the overall picture is such that the Third World has not succeeded in creating an imagery or goal to which the world community is committed to love in the field of information as in the case of the NEO.
However, the subject is on the international agenda, and cannot be brushed away or put under a rug.
事 要
The very pace of technological changes is certain to end the current state of affairs. Either we will really have Orwellian Big Brother controlling the world information and communication, centred in Washington with Corns at and IBM (in their combination of "satellite business systems' - SBS) running the most organised form of information impgrialism or, as a reaction to it after it is born or to prevent its birth (if nations, specially third world nations act wisely now), communication policies will be evolved based on horizontal communication systems and an appropriate technology that would ensure decentralisation rather than centralisation and monopoly.
In the UNESCO, as many as 48 countries, developing and developed, made references to the New World Information Order (or its semantic variations). Almost everyone agreed that the present world information and communication structures are less efficient and less than just to the third World. Even more, some of the developed country spokesmen themselves saw that the existing order does not enable participation of the masses in their own countries in the communication information PTOCESS.
Whether NWIO was put in capitals or small letters, whether it was qualified or not so qualified, the issue is squarely on the international agen da. The role of information increasingly perceived as a factor of production and development, and a multiplicity of organs are handling It and deal ing with it, and, by and large, aim to make it serve the purposes of NIEC-in promoting cooperation among developing
countries, in tech among developing mic cooperation countries, transfer of technology, m industrial Proper tion and control as a step or part of processes (the de nuclear giants is : the nuclear armou intelligence and channels, to issue out human decisi
Un doubtedly, th compelling the wo more just order politica, economic ral—are just beg momentum. The the world in the second world War allies is crumbli despite all the re. taken to preserv
If there is na rasi relationships thro North (with In in of the North indi North), changes in the courtries and ries inter se), and Luth relations, c economic, social cu power and forces, t heading towards c not be a nuclear ewen that Tiged röt Cone of a seri 5 disintegrative cha event would mar: rodern consumeri |ization.
A new world II is of importance, of IIs in hetent me in preventing such Promoti ring the oth ges through Peacef Cooperation of a
One may ask wh
Contrary to so. This ES and ditoria the concept nor of the non aligned nei origin to Mrs. In her minions-Sanj: Et al–and not Eye епсу, though they the concept for The pool or a dif

nical cooperation COLII Cri2S, E COTO= among developing and development codification of the Ey system, regulaof communication the disarma II ent terrent power of 15 m Luchi based on Ty as the sateliteCOTT TITI U Titoorders and carry Ons by missiles.)
he forces that are rld towards a new, of relationshipssocial and cultuin ing to gather order created III aftermath of the by the victorious ng and collapsing airs being under'e the system.
tructuring of these ugh changes in the diwidual countries nter se within the the South (within among the countif the North-So1 anges involving |tural and political the world is surely a tastrophy. It may lolocaust, though : be ruled out, but of explosive and nges that in any the end of the ist İnı dustrial Cİyi
轟
nfor II:ltion order not only because rit, but Its utility [tחe aוחםutcכי חa כך 2r necessary chanLull Foers Jasion and | natios.
at is this NWO
Tie of the colul IIWriters, Tigi File:T of its offshoots. wis pool, o Wes its dira. Gandhi and ny, Shukla, Yunus in to her Emerg
all tried to use their own ends. fferent wersion of
it, as a cooperative effort of some of the agencies, without involving goweTniT, ents Would hawe Como into being much earlier if in India, the Pre S5 Tru 5 t of India's efforts to hawe an overseas cast had not been stymied in jurisdictional disputes between the External Affairs Ministry and the Information & Broadcasting Ministry, and the Communications Ministry.
The concept itself is part of the broad post-war decolonisation Process in the World, a process that in some cases, like that of India's began even at the moment of establish ment of the empire. Though the struggles of the colonial peoples often looked like a mere political struggle, the attempt of indigenous leaders to take power from foreign rulers, the motivating force and the urges of the peoples, in all times and at all places, is the urge to live and develop according to one's own genius, in full economic, political, social and cultural enjoyment.
In the immediate postwar years, as nation after nation gained its independence and political power cane to local hands, the countries tried to shape their destinies, Tittle realising the interconnection of the various elements and strands in the world. An understanding of the struggle of the peoples, in the South and in the North today, is only possible through an understanding of the major force behind the existing order in the World.
The World was always inter-connected (or Inter-dependent to use the latest variant expression). While there had always been empires before, the Industrial Revolution in Europe brought with its birthpangs a new relationship-the colonial. dependent (printerdependent) relationship of the industriali sing world. exploiting segments within it and even fore in the "colonies' that it acquired for the supply of raw materials at cheap prices and as the market of manufactured goods. The motiwa ting force was the creation of profits and accumulation of capital for further investment and industrialisation, leading to more profits and more accumulation of capital.
(Curried at Page ri)
5

Page 18
Regional Politics
The arc of
三驚 in Iran have posed the more advanced capitalist'states, and in particular the USA, with a major strategic challenge. The popular revolution there has been described variously as the greatest crisis in Carter's Presidency, as the greatest 'threat to the west" since the Korean War, or simply as the greatest crisis since the end of the Second World War. The foundations om which US policy so confidently, indeed complacently, rested in Iran, namely the Pahlavi dynasty, have been shown to be far frailer tham almost anyone had imagined. And Washington's capacity to respond effectively to the Iranian crisis, indeed to evolve any coherent Policy response, has been questioned by many US commentators. Yet the new situation facing the USA stretches far beyond the borders of Iran. Four years after being driven from Indo-China, Washington faces a potential setback throughout a whole region that is of even greater significance than the ignominious flight from Saigon.
The clearest formulation of this new international conjuncture which opened up in the latter half of 1978 has come from the militant right. Former US Secretary of State Kissinger has talked of 'the geopolitical decline from Vietnam through Angola, Ethiopia, South Yemen and Afghanistan' which has, he says, "demoralised friends and emboidered enemies". Carter's National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski has spoken in terms of 'an arc of instability, which can be drawn on a map from Chittagong in Bangaldesh, through Islamabad, all the way to Aden. Brzezinski is alarmed by the "fragile social and political structures in a region of wital iTıp ortance to us threatened with fragmentation', and adds: "The resulting political chaos could well be filled by elements hostile to our values and sympathetic to Cur adversaries' in the Samo ven We have The Economist talking of "the crumbling triangle'
revoluti
bounded by Kab, Addis Abbaba, a following scenaric
A year ago, mc region seemed t west's way. A year Iran may be disir have been pro-R Afghanistan and Sc conce solidly Prowati was of the A
split for and American-broker with Israel; a
entrenched in potentially neutral has come to power
Predictably supp core from thosew close to right-wi and British states : from Journalists espionage appar referred to as " community. Arnan the Pro-Shah fic: Newsweek, repo geopolitical proble anxiety', express through a report ambassador's com İngton. The amba that the Carter ; not listen ing go w TT merı E's W Ethiopia, Iran a Others berate the hum' attitude, w makes Washingto the Saudis, but Pakistanis. The they are not being to forment di 55 ensio From November onwards a whole st Written in what "geopolitical macho in the British and on the dangers of and the weakness With the Russian El CTOGS TWO II i magazine cover ha Was seen to be "flabby', 'naked", just "as slack as (5) While Kissing

OS
... Ankara and ld depicting the
st things in the to be going the
later, the Shah"5 tegrating; there Li s sian COLIPS in 3 Luth Yefimam; the
-WÉ.: L. B. Tri CÖ 13. B."- rad world hawe
against Egypt's di peacemaking Cuban army is Ethiopia; and a ist prime minister
in Turkey.
Cortiwe Noises hawe estern journalists tgers in the US and, in particular, close to the atuses politely the intelligence H de Borchgrawe, reign editor of *t:5 col another Tı, "the gulf of ing his anxieties of the Saudi laints to Washssador complains administration is to the Saudi varnings about rid Afghanistan US fo it5 owhich not only 1 Lun popular with also with the latter complain helped enough n in Afghanistan. of last year ring of articles, might be called "terns, appeared American press Sowet a dwa nces of the West. bear advancing ntS, a 5 ore Tre d it, Washington "emasculated" Pollyannish' or Perry Como'. er Caled for
Fred Halliday
Both left wing and rightwing lyst, tel t see lrtic chal ngęs And Luphea y als in Third World countries as part of "plots' hitched in Washington (r. Moscow. This "conspiracy theory of history" is almo 5 t always contradicted by actual facts about the internal situatiоп. Dr. Brzezinski started the now fashionable debate going with his catch-phrase "in art of instibility". The "ECLJ Fairfisr" en terEll the discussion with a "crumbling triangle''. The "N'i F. Tits" ridic it a with an editorial entitled ** A Rhuthblaid of Ringetoric'. Fref Halfday, author of "IRAN: S SS LLLLLLCLM Ka L HtLaaLSSS is Tese EiTch, fello Way of the lIstitute of Translational Studies.
stiffen ing of US nerwe in Asia, Africa and the SALT talks, ex-CIA Director Richard Helins, a former ambassador to Iran, called for new CIA action to support the Shah "We ought to keep quiet and go to work where it matters', he said, calling on the US "to pull all the backstage
eyers it can' in Iran.
The terms in which this argument is Phrased are deliberately s im Plistic designed to arouse fear and thereby legitima te an aggressive US res Ponse. Yet they reveal a genuine problem to which the left should have a reply. The stra in of subterranean paranola, based on almost total public ignorance, is a constant of US foreign policy debate. It is eyi dert in this || 1978 discussjon on the arc of instability, and in the debates earlier in the year over the Panama Canal and US withdrawal from South Korea. It was rampant
in the policy discussions that accompanied the build-up in Wietnam in the 19605 and the
launching of the cold war in the late 1940s. Yet it is not totally based on misinformation. Wory real changes are occurring in the Countries Lunder discussion, and it is possible to gain some understand Ing of them, and to indicate a more balanced assessilent of their importance, by disentangling the terms in which the "arc of instability' discussion has been posed. The following is an initial attempt, limited by space and the fluidity of

Page 19
events, at such an alternative analysis, focusing on the problems of liberation in this area.
Tha CetTall the Te5
Extrapolating from the variations and repetitions, the right-wing argument can be summarized under three headings.
| In a range of countries in Asia and Africa regimes sympathetic to tha West have been overthrown and/or regimes sympathetic to the Sowiet Union hawe been established. A|| This is a result of Soyle "interference'. These developments are especially clear in four countries: Iran, Afgahanistan, South Yemen, Ethiopia, Events in all these countries must be seen primarily in terms of the global strategic relationship between east and west, and as deliberate advances by the Soviet Union.
2. The US Tole in this has been an innocent one, based on passivity and non-involvement. Crippled by Congressional constraints on both covert and overt military action, and weighed down by a "postWietnam complex", the USA is, we are told, losing the initiative in this region.
3 The Soviet Union is an expansionist Power that is putting into operation a master plan, much of it derived from Czarist, dreams of breaking through to the Indian Ocean. Local forces are in essence its clients and acting at its behest. Mohammad Raza Pahlawi's vision has COT e to dominate this de bate:
When the Shah of Iran looks at a map of his region he has a nightmare vision. He see5 a Communist 器* movement closing in on im from South Yemen in the south and Afghanistan in the east. The Shah is convinced that the crisis facing his nation is a result of a cunningly executed master plan conceived years ago by the Soviet Union.
Although he qualifies it, Kissinger ponders in a similar way: We simply do not understand that what happened in the Horn of Africa had a geopolitical design, independent of any specific action that the Soviet Union might hawe undertaken e
NEXT.: The counter-themes
ANKARA
The right..
(Српrifrired / The post-war e the Colonial era aspects. It ha 5. h4 newly independe
thirty years to colonial heritage spheres. The dris the existing orc tionalisation of pr tion, and consu the global homog of the consumer the 8th, 9th an uries ended politic ing about a we be tween the met and the colonies
industrialisation
The translatio the post-war wor with an explosiv performing the Hither to it ever the old col || enabled the dirty and disciplining be done by loc: But the Colonia | F ally began as a tr; the transnation; and gradually en

)
Ta saw the end of 1 in its political iwewer taken the It COLIIl Cries 5OrTa. perceive that the persists in other re or force behind er is the transniaoduction, distribumption, including enlisation of tastes The colonies of d early 20th centcal frontiers, bringrtical relationship iropolitan country that helped the PrČČe SS.
n ofסחal phenomeו ld, still expanding 'e force, has been sa. The function. did it bettes thal lethods, for it job of repression of the exploited to il mer and Tulcers. 2rocess too originading operation of als of that era
ded up by acquir
Vir
乙 7 fghanisen
OKABUL
أ/ الفصح
ing political power and control
with the help of natives.
The same game is being attempted by the transnational forces today as When the TNC5 bli bog or Will o wa or help the coming to power of forces and men in the developing world that will further the TN phenomenon, and pull down from power those opposed to it. Occasionally, or even frequently, the TN attempts are aided by governments of hion The Countrie5 — whether indir.-- ectly by the CIA or directly as in the interventions in Zaire through the Kalweize operation, or the several Colonia|-type interwentions in Several Francophone COL J Ft" is.
The information and communication industry in today's world is not only transnational, but is a part of the ower all trans national Phenomenon. The TN elements of infor nation and communication are becoming morte and Torte powerful, and seeking to absorb or control and influence the få tioma secto 5 and, willy nilly, to influence and maintain the present economic order (and its superstructures, the political and social orders) which is the main support of the TN phenoTT TOT (To be continued)
|W

Page 20
Politics Reassessing the elec
INTRODUCTION
There are some aspects of the present Constitution which are an advance on the Constitution of 1972. There are others which are likely to cause probl'ens in the future: such as the nature of the relationship between the Executive President and Parliament; for the present we are dealIng with Proportional representation (P. R. ),
The introduction of the principle of P. R. as a lethod of representation is a desirable feature of the new Constitution. It can help reduce sic The of the intrabalances of the earlier system of single or II ultiple member constituencies. We are no longer debating the issue as between P.R. and the earlilier system. What is at issue is the type of P. R. that has been introduced into the Sri Lanka General and Local Government elections, P. R. als a system is good, bLit not every aspect of every for II in which it is introduced is desirable.
In the preesent Sri Lanka legislation there are many
aspects that need to be rethought.
1. The 18th cut off point is one such issue. This has a consequence of making the representation in the cliccted cČILI Incil rather disproportionate. The axe falls om Sri hall grups — though they III ay be quite significant. This denies smaller groups hope within the democratic process.
2. The further weight age give to the party winning the highest number of votes by giving it additional seats in the Councils is another factor making for disporportional repreSenion.
3. Another important problem is that of the relation
ship between candidates and elected illembers and the voting public. Some method must be found for re-establishing a
The Law on PR
trict is entitled be the nurnber
Commissioner of
SECTION Od Eblish 99. (II) Proportional герге 5еп- §'': til O. (8) of Article 98
Parliament, The bes
At any election of Member of
the total rius bert of
2) An which an electoral dis- (2) у гесс
Party or any g
As reported in the last issue of the "Guardian" the Centre for Society and Religion has
contesting a 5 in dates (here-in-aft an "independent the purpose of
sponsored a vide ranging dis- Mets of PF cussion Proportional Represen- electoral distric Lation, l topic which is certain to receive the critical attention nomination paper of all parties after the next naries, in order polis. such number of
Early this in Onth. El delega- equivalent to the tion fron Pakistan was in Sri bers to Eoc electi Link t) study the levy electoral Coral distr İct, ir systeri hıc Te, -third. Whero
In connection with the discussion it has initiated, the Centre has prepard a do 5 sier On the Subject, We commence publishing parts of this dossier from this issue. The introduction is by the Director, Fr. Tissa Balasuriya.
mu Tibert of memb for any electora integer and frac immediately highe and fraction shal|| be the one-third of this paragraph,

Fr. Tissa Balasuri ya
toral system
Iloric direct linkage between the public and their rulers at different levels. There are many experiences in different Countries which al Te Worth o LIIT consideration.
The party caucuses are unduly strengthened by the type of system that we have been given. The candidate himself tends to be a number on the parly list.
5. The calcclation of by election to the present parliament in view of a P. R. system of elections for the future parliament does not seen to be one which strengthens thic working of the democratic process betwccl. 1978 and the Inc.xt general elections.
Those in power tend to frame Constitutions to suit LLLLLL LLLCLLLCLaLLS LLLL LLLaLLLL LLLL ta0S LLLLL LLLLLLLLS S LLLLLLLLLLLaH makers were also carried awal y by their own desire to ty to frame a Constitution sited to their needs, At that time We suggested that they were subjecting the Constitution to se were Strains. eg. Els by the post po 11cment of general clections by two years, and by not guaranteeing fundatinental rights more effectively.
The present Governillent has a 56 majority in Parliament. The lasting value of the Constitution given by this Government will depend on its capability to respond to people's changing need and options. If it frustrates the people's will i Ilhay be also short lived as our previous coilstitutions of this century have been. We would like to urge the Government to consider Ileaningful changes in the system
Լյf P. R.
so as to Tennedy it
of its present shortcoinings.
This is true of elections to the local bodies also.
to return shall specified by the Elections in the di in accordance ons of paragraph
ignized political roup of persons dependent candier referred to a5 group') may for any election of liament for any t: submit one setting out the of priority, of candidates as is : number of minemed for that eleccreased by one ne-third of the ers to be elected | district is an tion the integer :r to that integer be deemed to for the purposes
Ti551 Bal:15uriya, J. T. i
(3) Each elector whose name appears in the register of electors shall be entitled to only one vote notwithstanding that his name
appears in the electoral register
In more than one electaral dis
TITIČt.
(4) The recognized political
Party or independent grou P which polls the highest number of votes in any electoral district shall be en titled to hawe the candidate whose name appears first in the nomination paper of that recognized political party or independent group declared elected.
(5) (a) Every recognized political party and independent group polling less than one-eighth of the total votes polled at any election in any electoral district shall be disqualified from having any candidates of such Party or
group being elected for that electoral district.
(b) The votes polled by the
disqualified parties and independent

Page 21
grou PS, if any, shall be deducted from the total votes polled at the election in that electoral district and the number of votes resulting from such deduction is hereinafter
referred to as the "relevant number of votes."
(6) The relevant number of
votes shall be divided by the number of members to be elected for that electoral district reduced by one. If the number resulting from such division is an integer, that integer, or if that number" is airn integer and fraction, the integer immediately higher to that integer and fraction is he re-in-after referred to as the "resulting number.'
(7) The number of votes polled by each recognized political party and independent group (other than those parties or groups disqualified uuder paragraph (5) of this Article), beginning with the party or group which polled the highest number of votes, shall then be divided by the resulting LLaaLLLSS LLL SSS S GLL S HLaL SS LLLL candidates (excluding the candidate declared elected under paragraph (4) of this Article) as is equivalent to the whole number resulting from the division by the resulting
number of the votes polled by such party or group shall Be declared elected from eaah such
party or group in the order in which their names appear in the no Tination paper. The remain det of the votes, if any, after such division 5 ha || be de allt with, if necessary, under paragraph (8) of this Article.
(7) Where after the declaration of the election of members as provided in paragraph (7) of this Attice thete arte one or more members yet to be declared elected, such member or number of TEmbers Shall be declarad elected by reference to the Terlain det of the wote 5 Tefe Tited to in paragraph (7) to the credit of each party or group after the declaration made under that Paragraph and the votes polled by any party or group not having any of its candidates declared elected under paragraph (7), the Landidate mext. In the order of Priority in the nomination paper
of the party or highest of suc declared elected and so on until to be a lected a Te
(9) (a) Where votes polled by political party ground is less t number referred (&) of this Arti group which has numbert of wates to have the name appears first paper of that (excluding the c elected under this Article) dec if there are orie yet to be decla Party or grouբ highest number shal| bg2 - anti t|{ member whose r in the nominati Party or group elected and so members to be electoral distri elected under the Paragraph,
(b) After th under paragraph Clo-CT mTOTo The declared elected that electoral di slo 15 of that "Tutati 5 Tu Land election of such
(10). Where (4) or (8) or (9) an equality is between the Woli or more recognize O. W. C. T. groups or any con Tid the additioT en tite the Carld party or group t determination o group to which wote sha | b c d :: given shall be r
(II) For the Article the mi polled shall be ni Lumbert of wote than rejected we

group having the h votcs being the next Tember || the The Tiber 5 declared elected.
the riu Tibert of each recognized or independent han the resulting Li Paragraph cle the party or Jolled the highest shall be entitled candidate whose : in the nomination
W. O. gr. affice ječi paragraph (4) of lared elected and o Tore TeT EDITS red elected, the having the next of votes polled 2d to hawe the ame appears first In Paper of that to be declared on until all the elected for that ct are declared 2 provisions of this
| e determinatiоп (a) if there are imbers yet to be | in respect of istrict the proviparagraph shall is', apply to the
members.
under paragraph of this Article found to exist
:es polled by two 2d political parties re independent In bination of them 1 of a wote would idate of ore such o be elected, the f the party or such additional med to hawe been made by lot.
purposes of this umber of votes deemed to be the 5 counted other
tes
(2) A recognized political party shall have the right, from time to time after all the Inernbers for an electoral district hawe been declared elected under the preceding Provisions of this Article, ta change the order of priority of the persons whose names appear in the nomination paper submitted by it and to substitute the names of other persons in place of those who have died or ceased to be members of such party.
(13. Where a Member of Parlia
ment ceases, by resignation, expulsion or otherwise, to be a member of a recognizad political Party or independent gгацp an whose nomination paper(hereinafter referred to as the "relevant nomination paper") his name appeared at the time of his becoming such Member of Parliament, his seat shall become vacant LPGr the expiration of a period of one month from the date of his cea 5 ing to be such member:
Provided that in the case of the expulsion of a Member of Parliament his seatshall not become vacant if prior to the expiration of the said period of one month he applies to the Supreme Court by petition in Writing and the Supreme Court upon such application determines that such expulsion was invalid. Such petition shall be inquired into by three Judges of the Supreme Court who shall make their determination within two months of the filing of such petition. Where the Supreme Court determines that the expulsion was walid the wacancy shall occur from the date of such determination.
(b) Where the seat of a Member of Parliament becomes vacant as provided in Article 66 (other than paragraph (g) of that Article) or by virtue of the preceding provisions of this paragraph, the person whose name appears first in order of priority in the relevant nomination paper (excluding the names of any persons who have previously been declared elected) shall be declared elected to fill such vacancy.
(To be continued)
9

Page 22
Stalinism and
by Kumar David
hintaka has written a useful Series on the National Question. I find wide areas of agreement and some points of difference. However I had not intended to write about the
differences chiefly because to the wider (non-Marxist) readership these would have appeared to be differences that ought to be confined to the footnotes. However, Laxman Jothikumar's piece in LG of July 15 5o con founds and confuses the issue that this intervention becomes necessary.
With unerring skill Jothikumar hits Chintaka at his weakest point—his soft, un protected and theoretically defunt underbelly of ritualistic Stalinist. Jothikumar seeks to put the record right on behalf of Stalin. Jothikumar, the Stalinist Gallahad, seeks to combat Chintaka, the Stalinist Lancelot, whose "faith unfaithful keeps him falsely true".
Chintaka is far practitioner of the craft of current political involvement to allow himself to be diverted to a wholely incorrect approach to the National (Tamil) Question in
too good a
Sri Lanka by the gross errors of the latter-Stalin. Hence he chooses his quotations taken in the early period under Lenin's powerful influence. He makes no mention of the national oppression inflicted on several minority nations and ethnic groups such as the Jews in the Stalinist period in the USSR. In short Chintaka is grossly unfaithful to Stalin in order to
make him ritualistically quotable. Neverth less the great merit of Chintaka's series is that in the final analysis it popularises positions and explanations that are mostly correct and commendable. It debunks myths that badly needed to be debunked.
20
Howevet, Lu|| Chintaka, ha fal
Stalinist, othik ငါ့!::lor; Did r ia te the right
self-determintion after the prolet: lf so, how come framework through to the and Realities? " prepared to tell the whole st (Stalin's) positio prepared to engi self-determinatio ramme of your Pa subject to the C the proletarian successful, this program stands a your concept program to "the of the oppress e ito ; alliance on the Program?
Jothi kumar's S Sistent. (The fac reason it is or is another matter contradiction b position on self-d the latter-Stalin. it under the for changed" (bad dial denies the right c a tion to the Tarn Consistent Stalinis Leninism-Stalin's p consistently exten before the prolet (Sri Lanka tod Leninism on the the separation of
ania, Latvia and revolutionry Rus: Cor 15 ent of the Is it too much Chintaka will op Leninism and reje -1925 position?
Myths and Reali the ritualistic rcf

Eelam
fortunately fo s foul of a fellow urar asks the 10 t Stal in repuof nations to in the R Li te yout
this conceptual wh ըրը breaks surface in Myths Why aren't you the Tamil people ry about your in? If you are "ave the right to on the progrty now, but only indition that if revolution is portion of the ni mulled, what is of the party WariOUS Section5 2d masses who revolutionary basis of that
italinism is conit that for that e reprehensible ). He realises a ëtween Lenin's etermination and He rationalises mula 'times have ectics). He then if self-determinpeople today. Til at the cost of ost-1925 position led to the period arian rew Colution ay). Consistent other hand saw Finland, Lithu
Estonia from iia With the Soviet Power. to hope that for consistent Ct Stalin's post In this case ties, except for 2rences to Stalin,
A reply to Jothikumar
becomes more meaningful and Jothikumar has no leg to stand
In fac Stalin's notorious reversal on the national question started in 1922 and brought him
into collision course with the ailing Lenin. The following extracts from notes dictated by Lenin on December 30th and 3Ist 1922 about the handling of the Georgion national question by Stalin, Dzerzhinsky and
Orjonikidze illustrates:-
"I think Stalin's histe and his infatuirr Ywith Pu Fg administration) LOgether with his spilte 고 고ini다. the nogrious "nationalist – socialim“ played a fatal role here. In politics spite generally speaking plays the basest of rcles" (from thenote of Decem 30)
''The Georgian who is neglect full of this a spect of the question or who
a relessly flings about accusations "riationalist - figitalitir III" ['Y'' H2 TELs hi himself is a real and true nation Socialist and even a vulgar GritRussian bully) violates. In substance, the interests of proletarian class":Si derity ..." (From the first note of DecemTiber 3 I)
"The Political responsibility for a this truly Great Russian nationalist campaign Illust, of course. bad Stalin and Dzerzhinsky" From second nota of December 3).
Other than it's formal and unhessary concessions to Stain my critics m of Myths and Realities revolves around one other issue only. I don't think that some of the answers (eg. Nos. 8, 19, 2I) bring out suffi ciently clearly the point that the revolutionary Marxist Рагty, while it recognises the right Eo Self-determination, conduct, it's
struggle in the Tamil areas on the basis of it's own Program, which in the Present case, is not a Program to the Eelam perspective. To the extent that this is an alternative program to the Eelam program it may be said to be opposed to Eelam, I will not at
(CII I inI Ilied on Page -)

Page 23
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Page 24
Marxism and
by Chintaka
he concrete analysis of concrete conditions" - one
would think at first glance that it is this fundamental principle of Leninist methodology that Laxhman Jothikumar is attempting to emphasize by the Welter of quotations with which he pelts the reader. If this were the case then there would be little cause for disagreement. But on second glance it is evident that the comrade doth protest too much and something is a miss. It is interesting and not altogether un funny how Jothkumar uses virtually all the cliches which revisionism has traditionally resorted to, in its attempt to distort and emasculate Marxism-Leninis.
"Dogmatic approach'.... "applying Marxism dialectically'. ... "understanding the objective conditions' ... ... "should not be applied
mechanically in another historical Period". . . . "quoti rng Stalin o Lutside
of space and time" . . . . . . "applied Marxism dogmatically and not dialectically' ...... "Len│n's and Stalin's Writings cannot be
mechanically applied to the present historical stage." These phrases which stud Jothikumar's reply are almost identical with those used by revisionists ranging from Kautsky to Krushchev, from Bernstein to Berlinger in their attempt to dilute the revolutionary essence of Marxist-Leninism.
What doe5 Jothik Umar accuse me of? 'Chintaka has dismembered Marxism, and taken bits and pieces to present as dogmas.... in supporting the demand for self-determination." Furthermore 'Chintaka has applied Marxism dogmatically and not dialectically when he demands that revolutionaries support self-determination of Tamils." To this charge I gladly plead guilty. Even though each national struggle has its own historical specificity and relative autonomy, it is possible to juxtapose these struggles, thus moving from the perceptual to the conceptual, from the concrete to the abstract, and make certain valid generalizitions. Such 5 the Marxist
2.
revisio
methodology, and of the Marxistconceptualization Question resides every nation has democratic right t tion, Which i5 - being none other of an oppressed from the oppre: form an indepent was underscored Lenin and Stain theoretical writing questions, leaving confusion.
“"Self-deter mima in the Marxist prt. from a historic e. W lew, hawe any than political sa state independe formation of a natic
Jothikumar goes of "forgetting tha mean by self-de formation of sm goes on to say t Stated clearly th: of self-determina near partition o of 5 ma|| states.“ is a EToS5 rilis re the P. Lenin in fact did sa
"From their daily T1155 es know Perf Walue of geographic ties and the adva market and a bi will therefore, re only when national national friction r absolutely intolera any and all econcr In that case.... t. the class struggle served by secessic
After misreprest as being in elucta the formation of Jothik Lima" com won up with the argi Sri Lanka, the dema state mean 5 in por ition of a shall stat should be opposed.

hism
at the very core Lennist-Stallinist of the National the thesis that
an imalienable self-determinaearly defined as
than the right lation to secede sor nation and ent state. This
repeatedly by in their many s on the national no room for
ion of nations graппе саппоt onomic point of other meaning lf-determination, ice, and the in state." (Lenin).
C) 0 al CCLIS Te
t Lenin did not termination the a states." He hat "Lenin ha 5 it his principle tion does not r the formation This 'm afraid presentation of What נחםsitIכ y was that:
experience the ectly well the all and economic ntages of a big g state. They sort to 52 Ce55i
oppression and nake joint life Eble and hindero li lill terto LI T5e. he freedom of
will be best "".ח3
2nting Lenin ism bly hostile to s Thall states, liently links it ment that in nd for a separate actice the forme and therefore
We hawe 53 en
-ܗܡܗ-ܚܝ - ܗ
A rejoinder to Ιακήητα η λοιήίίτιμrηαν
that this argument of Jothikumar's does not hawe a Lenin ist foundation. But it does have a foundation of sorts-in colonialist political theory, that is. Un til Wall frita the 1950's colonialism opposed the granting of independence to certain territoties ld thus no viāb entīties. Did Comrade Jothikumar oppose the liberation struggle of the people of Sao Torne and principle against Portuguese Colonialism on the grounds that this territory had a population of only 8,000? ls he unaware that the Solomon Islands, a group of very small islets lying to the North East of Australia with a population of on | 80,000, became the 50th UN member from September 1958? Gambia, Maldives, Singapore, Grenada (pop-96,000). Qatar, (pop-95,000). The Republic of Seychelles (pop-59,000) are all member5 of the UN.
Though he by slinging mud at Wietnam, Jothikumar valid point that the the proletarian
"effect" Socialist
made the "Victory of revolution doas not mean that the National Question could be settled automatically like magic". If he had read Lenin carefully, Jothikumar would have realized that in making this point he only weakens his own argument, while strengthening mine. Summing up the discussion om selfde termination, Lenin refers to Engels' extremely
spoils the
interesting letter to Kautsky.
dated September 12th 832 and
goes to say that:
"National antipathies will not
disappear 5o quickly: the ha tred -and perfectly legitimate hatredof an oppressed nation for its oppressor will last for a while; it will evaporate only after the victory of socialism and after the final establish ment of completely derinocratic relations between nations. If we are to be faithful to socialism we must even now educate the masses in the spirit of internationalism, which is impossible in oppressor nations without advocating

Page 25
freedom of secession for oppressed nations.' (my emphasis)
Thus the stone which Jothikumar attempted to cast at me, has now dropped with a thud on his own feet.
"The very fact that more than one nation occupies a country does Tot mean each att hä5 the right to self-determination" says our comrade. This contention is to put it diplomatically very far from the Marxist-Leninist position, and if this is the kind of 'dialectical', 'un dogmatic", "nonlechanistic" Marxis in that Comrade Jothi ku That TecoTi Tiends to me I'm afraid Illust decline the in witation to be converted. Our comrade is horrified that "in the event (of the recognition of the right of self-determination), India, Burma, China, Pakistan, Yugoslavia and several other countries would be torn to pieces". It is a gross insult to the Chinese Revolution, the Chinese Communist Party and China's socialist society to include it, as Jothikumar does in a category of non-socialist states, thus implying that there are oppressed nations in China. Let us then exclude China from the discussion and glance briefly at the other countries mentioned.
Comra de Jothikumar is obviously unaware that the (then undivided) Communist Party of India included In its programme, adopted at Its second Congress in March 1943, an item which called for 'the recognition of the right of = Eims to Self-dete TT imation the conversion of India into car alliance of national, Fecites Democratic Republics." This CFrogramme stressed that "Elhe cim constantly democratic sciution to the national question (w=s) th=' =-S=n of the right of the ston lities of India to self-determination including the right to secession and the formation of independent states". It said that in general the national movement of the peoples of the Indian Union is progressive. Of curse the CFI abandoned this Principled position with the a scendency of Khrushchev iste revisionis III, but the slogam is now teing championed by the various
sections of the a lesser extent
The Hindi spi of India has a most economicall conserwatiwe part with little com The uneven patt strength Correspe the pattern of id regional forces. oarxist-Leninst5 counter the repre at the Center by f a || Iances for te and even 5e par outlying states of regional 5 multilingual Poli become mos Kerala, Punjab, Kashmir aro cas CP (ML) Suppor minoritics of the Nagas and Mizos) striking examples of these trands ar centrifugal dynar best brake on and interwention South Asia regic
Similarly the Bl Party actively the Shan and minorities in thi struggle, just as t Peoples Army sup of the Moses Libertation Front Malaysian Comm Ports the natio North Kalimant Indonesian Comn darizes with FRET In Iran the Marxis is presently suppo cause, while in cooperates with Tha: || 5 t rus these examples
Accusing me fi argument on a do tion of Lenin and shifts his group subsequently tr of my 'faith in bo My point was elections are an not a strategy

P| (ML) and to
:he CPI (M).
2aking heartland ways been the y and culturally
of the country munist strength. Ern of CommLIIIst Ionds clearly to entification with
The Indian are seeking to ssive state power orging democratic yוזrסחסgional aut "ation iri tho5e
where the sense ubjection in a tical Lunit hawa acute. Andhra, Tamil Nadu and es in point though t for the tribal North East (the provide the most . The deерепіпg ld the consequent nic is perhaps the India’s hege Tonic 1st capacity in the
Irmese Communist co-operates with
Kärgi Tiba 2ir independence he Philippine New ports the struggle Moro National Midra. The |unist Party supa movement in tam while the nun ist Party soliIL | N | East Ti. t Fedayeen E Khalq rting the Kurdish Spain "Grapo" the Basque ETA. much longer, but should suffice.
rstly of basing my gmatic interpretaStalin, Jothikumar ld somewhat and aces the origins urgeois elections'.
; very simple, index of opinion of struggle.
The General Elections of 1977, in so far as the Tamil people were concerned was primarily a referendu nin on the decis ion to secede. The only campaign slogan employed by 臀 ဗွို'/'; independen C. Eelam. Not only did the Tamil People in their tradicional homelands accord this mandata to the TULF, but they also reaffirmed it clearly at the recent Local polls.
Finally we arrive at the very crux of Jothikumar's position. "The correct solution to the problems of the Tamils should be found whether in a bourgeois or proletarian state within the framework of a united Sri Lanka." Jothikumar thus fetishizes "unity' in the abstract, irrespective of whether it is the unity of the bourgeois or the proletarian state-Which to hirT1 seems a minoro distinction but is really a qualitative distinction which is of fundamental importance to all Marxists. After all, Lenin repeatedly stated that the class nature of state power was the main thing. In the next sentence Jothikumar goes on to rewel his te wisionism in all its nakedness. "Since the chances of an immediate victory of socialism in Sri Lanka is bleak, persons like Chintaka without living in a dreamWorld should see daylight and find solutions to the probem of Tarim is within tho bourgeois state and a united Sri Lanka." (My emphasis) Our Comrade Who alleges that Unconsciously betray my faith in bourgeois elections, betrays an extremely touching faith in and fidelity towards (if not fondness for) the wery institution which Marxism is committed to destroy, however protracted the struggle-namely, the bourgeois state. Let us conclude then as we commenced, with Lenin, and a quotation which I strongly
suggest all Tamil "Marxists' like Joth ikussias take to heart:-
"Nobody is to be blamed for
being born a slave; but a slave who not only eschews striving for freedom but justifies and eulogizes his slawery — such a slawe is a lieksplittle and a boor, who arouses a legitimate feeling of indignation, loathing and contem pt." (Lenin).
(Passed by CA)
3.

Page 26
letters . . .
(Coriffilled froIII Page r)
with a population of about 6,000
in New Zealand. I must say we are all really advancing. Can't Mr. Anandatissa de Alwis and the apostles of modern TTSS CCITT UT || Catols please bring us the "Lone Ranger" for
Wesak next year?
Colombo 4. P. D. S. Perera
Caste in Jaffna
The crux of Mr Sanmugathasan’s argument resides in the following two sentences of his reply.
1. "He is underplaying the existence of caste in Jaffna.
2. "Men who claim on platforms equality with the Sinhalese are unwilling to grant the same equality to Tamils among their midst who speak their tongue but by an accident ha PPC:n to belong to another caste."
Let us take the second sentence first. It could hawe ea sily Come from any growt communique or news
paper editorial denouncing the Tamils. It is one of Mr. Cyril Mathew's favourite arguments against the Tamils. Indeed,
throughout history imperialism and and coloniālism hawe always resorted to this kind of argument to deny the legitimacy of oppressed nations' independence struggles. "They are not fit to rule themselves because of their own backward social structures. Look how they treat their own people. They should set their house in order first."
We are || too familia With thi 5 kind of logic, which is used to uphold the status quo. Most recently we heard the West resorting to this in the case of the popular struggles in Iran. "They don't give their women equal rights so how dare they try to oust the Shaha?" screamed imperialism.
It is not surprising that Shan. with his wis ceral Hared of the TULF, his hostility towards the Tamil youth because of their strong sympathies with the USSR. Cuba and Wietnam, his typical Colombo -Tamil antipathy should resort to
this kind of ar. the State itself.
A5 for unde istence of caste, race, class and c major interactin Northern scene. is that Shan gr the caste fact
Caste is mot | social 5 tratificati since feudal is nant mode of : Norther sociotid. This i 5 T residues of it Socia | Tell jorn 5 ; Scio LISTOSS. THE contradiction in that of cast c Räther i i5 t| between the w and their oppress thasan who has in the South fo incorrectly on "c the 'stage of the realize that by tr 5 te o traditi ind he is "skipping national-derocra popular moveme and, the refore, the Status quo.
Gяг
No such
So, Mr G. G.
is challenging m at the ACTC Lt Polls Campaign made a personal Amirthalingam.
At the final held at the Jaff following even in speaker made a ri
was back in and the TULFN confined this f
Gar
Life in
I thought like to
yol know

guments used by
rplaying the exit is correct that aste are the three g factors on the But the point "ossly overplays D "".
the main axis of I ir tiega arga is not the domiroduction in the economic forma|ot to say that do not exist in and the mas 5 conlsticחסtagחa וafrוח the North is not 3 ri ewlien of classi. וחטtatiוח סיןfחסם Bך hole Tamil nation ors, Mr. San mugalectured to us r so long and so "on tradictions and revolution' should ying to bring the in to the foregrouower' the present tic stage of the it in the North 2bjectively helping
mini Di55a naike.
incident?
:Jr וחbalaוחaחחסP he to prove that cal Government in Jaffna a speaker attack on Mrs
TULF meeting na esplanade the g speaker after ference to it.
Jaffna last week Ps || Thet there
mini Dissanaike.
Brunei
ir readers may about life in
Brunei here. We hawe about I50 Sri Lankan passport holders - teachers, doctors, engineers. Local politics is not discussedperhaps a vague reference to irred entist tendencies of the Wietnamese. The 2226 square mile Sultanate has a population of
206,000. Ninety ni ne per cent of our revenue is derived from oil and gas. Petrol is only Singapore dollar 1.25 but a pound of meat is about 40 rupees. Whisky is cheap, about Rs. 85 and a 20 packet of imported cigarettes R5. 7The Te is no daily paper, only a
weekly. I work for the government and keep fit playing golf. Good luck to the Lanka Guardian.
H. M. Samara weera, Seria. Brunei.
Stalinism . . .
(Confirred fross Page Aa)
this point try to detail the action program which our party places before the Tamil people nor explain how it differs from the action program of the TULF or the Illaignar Perava i. Suffice it to say that there are very basic differences on the formulation of what type of struggle can win the Tamil people their lost rights. However, as Chintaka would be quick to point out, there is also enormous room and need for common action and united fronts between nationalist organisations of the minority nation and revolutionary Marxism, these differences noEwithstanding. While Chintaka Takes this point very clearly he does not articulate with sufficient clarity the afore-mentioned
differences nor discuss the two alternative i Programs and spel| OLIt their distinctions.
As for Jothikumar, his denial of the Tarmi il people's right to self-determination and his call to ". . . . find solutions to the problems of the Tamils within the bourgeois state..." manifestations of crass օբբor
Curtist,
(Passed by CA)

Page 27
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