கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Lanka Guardian 1979.09.15

Page 1
DEDC) PROVE
The ignorance-bas
aceptive ځڅ
N. M. - "Leader of
NICARAGUA : Paper tigers,
The Church
Latin Americ
Proportional represen
Which way for the Le
O SATRE
 
 
 
 
 

September 15, 1979 Price Rs. 2/50
moted in Sri Lanka
the working class'
- Hector Abhayavardhana straw dogs and revolution
a : Third World war centre
tatiOn – G. R. Tressie Leitan
ft? : Peradiga Sulanga
BOOK REVIEW

Page 2

5 a young and enterprising company we applaud the dignity, courage and determination of the people of Sri Lanka in their search for a better life. Our team of development chemists ledged to engage our country's skills resouries in Sri Lanka's agricultural and industrial progress,
New materials, New ideas, New technologies and
The will to Succeed
are the tools with which we approach the future
Chennanex Limited Aà
Po, ), B x | 8B, C TE | D
Ph.D. Iraph br L: -

Page 3
Trends
A gathering storm ?
When the Lanka Guardian was born on May Day last year, its ind in cover page headline read: "White or Black Paper ?" The reference was to the White Paper on Employment Relations, which provoked such a storm among trade unions and other working - class organisations (even UNP unions found themselves compelled to get into the act) that the proposals were shelved. The White Paper proposed, in respect of strikes, to make 2 days' notice obligatory in the case of an essential industry, and to illegalise strikes in disputes referred to an industrial court or already the subject of an award or sett sement. Now there is a draft Essential Services BI|| which seeks to go much further, completel y banning strikes in essential services.
By its new draft Bill, the Government has Lun inten tionally giyen a fillip to the moves for joint action among five left parties. Although |ast Week's meeting of Left party representati wes was stym led by the old LSSP's continuing objections to the nomenclature of the 'new LSSP', it is certain that whenever (his issue is resolved, the Essential Services Bill will figure largely on any agenda for joint action. Although Mrs. Banda ra na i ke, hasten ing to make capital out of the new Bill on behalf of her party, twitted the left with silence on this issue (alleging that this was gratitude for the state honours to N.M.) at a public meeting, it is impossible that either Old Left or New Left could ignore the Bil. Aready while Mrs. Bandaranai ke was speaking, the city hidd been plastered for several days with protest posters in customary handwritten JWP style.
Incidentally, at the LAWASIA confabulation, where human rights figured largely on the agenda, most wisiting delegates (accarding to observers present) were left with the impression that Sri Lanka was a paradise of human rights. Hardly any of them knew that there was dn Essential Services BIII in the offing or troubled to find out the precise provisions of the AntiTerrorist Act.
Beating the bo
Recently locas E the prfce of sm) raising the conver published price to stering, thus m prohibitive foreig prices had alread the reach of the ( a res Lust of dewa, inflation a broad. Book5 ellers' Assoc that controls the that the upward pound made necessary. But Writing the poung stands at just ove
It has long been book - buyers that con werted at a the prevailing exch book importers of at least 33 published price. , the FEEC system did not apply to imports were subse bookseers used pound and the dosld the non-FEEC rig' since imports were to rreet the 5 drine reduced volume of that argument no flotation of the trotted out instead.
Students and oth buyers who do th special arders ht way of beating the One benefit of th | mports of whic advantage is tai now possible obtain books for from foreign publishers (up to 5000 !). The pro provided one has the supplier, one permit virtually
7 t a bank, dind criti we it is di w (if it is marked B ( Even paying for ( it still works out c ing through a bool
ταινίrII εί

Letters
Dkseller
ook Sellers Lipped orted books by sian rate of the Rs. 40 per pound ıking stil || more I books – yhOse " soa red Out of orminon reader as udt som here drid The excuse of the at som (the ring book trade) was Fluctuat som of the is adjustment at the ti me of 's exchane rate
R5. 3.
CT grouse d I'm Ong
book pri ces dre ewe murch d bowe ange rate, although get a discount ||3% on the At the time wher
was in force but
books, and book
Pharmaceuticals
Mr. U. Karunathile ka's articles on the Pharmaceutical Industry, published in your "Lanka Guard lan' contains certain glar ing in accuracies which must be pointed out for the benefit of your readers.
That there has been a fantastic increase in the prices of imported
drugs is an accepted fact. In trying to explain this, Mr. Katunathileka trots out the old theory that free market forces
instead of leading to a reduction of prices had actually contributed to its phenomenal increase. The real reason why prices of imported drugs hawe increased Is to be found closer home.
The 100% devaluation of the Sri Lanka Rupee in November '77
LAMRA
(UARDAN
:ct to quotas, the
to dy ËTË Ir a t T figure a bowe te, arguing that limited, they had overheads with a "mports, Now that longer applies, the rupee is being
er selectiye book
efr pur Chasing om
ye, fra Weyer, Jr.: : booksellers' ring. c Iĩberalisation [f :h mot sufficient ken is that it is for anybody to ers ords use direct
booksel Jers a ceiling of Rs. cedure is si Tıpse: an in voice from gets the exchange cross the counter when the parcel :red dit arre's door DOKS, as Is LJ5 LI JI). sea maïs) postage, heaper than order& 5 eller here -— and
ta' Fr Page 2)
the /
פללו
Wol. 2 No. || 0 September 15,
PLublished by La Inka Guardia D Publishing Co. Ltd., First Floor, 88, N. H. M. Abdul Cader Road, Reclamation Roal Colombo II.
Eclitor : Mor 'W' yn da 5||Wa
Tcleple: 2009.
CONTENTS
3 - 4 News background 5 - 7
8 - 9 0 - 12 Proportional representation 4 - 15 Which way for the Left?
- W. N. M. Perera 18 - 9 North - South dialogue 교 || Book review
22 - 23 Satire
Internat|anal news
Information
Printct by Ananda Press 825, Wolferdal Street, Cality. In bob 13.
Telephorac: 35975

Page 4
Letters . . .
preceded "liberalisation" and the removal of the SPC's monopoly. Just prior to liberalisation the Pharmaceutical Corporation's, retail price of imported finished drugs was 80 if CIF is taken as 100. In May 1978, the PC began retailing drugs at a price which was 108 when CIF was taken as 100. More recently, it has adopted a two-tier system-120 for "essential" and 140 for non essential drugs. The private sector Presumably retails at about 40, 45 when CIF is 100. (all figures here are close approximation5).
It is thus clear that this Phenome non of very large prico incre; ses hawe actually taken place at a time when the margin between CIF and the retail price has dwi'n ded.
The impact of devaluation and the continu ing depreciation of the Sir Lanka rupee in terms of foreign currencies is 5e en to be the cause of high drug prices when one realises that immediately before devaluation, the A sterling was valued at about Rr. 15 and rose to Rs. 29- in consequence of devaluation. Today the sterling costs about Rs.35. Understandably, the government owned press is also silent about the adverso impact of devaluation.
Colombo 4 M. M. S. Fuard
The Foreign Service
I was interested in reading the Sociological Survey of the Foreign Services outlined in Dr. Wiswa Warnapala's piece on
Waithianathan and Dias era (June 15, 1979). The best that can be said of this survey is that
it is not entirely spurious; only a simpletion could find it wholly convincing. Most of the top segment of the Foreign Service do not belong to the elite upper crust but were grafted into it by matrimonial alliance. In the first batch of recruits, you wil find one DPL fledgling marrying a Central Bank governor's daughter, another opting for the hand of a Permanent Secy's daughter, yet another
2
marrying a teen: am Irland RC w Cr improved their but many of the king size chips of It is good to there is a balan the top among and some of grudges.
You cannot
school product Service ending of the Eighty
you prevent a officer with a ordering a cus from Austin Reet Whole. To git service Was W. the initial stage. Il D bir O
-- 15 L| sl | lg || ; iוזורום* control "Sgt. Til-t operative in re: graduate educatio Morte-ower strawb and Chiwas Regi awal la ble in Sri
blחstrar סח Was foreign ser wice. selectees decline.
appointments. Rc
nathan (First Western Classic Eana, James
Kan esathasan to Sri Pathmanatha list in the fi recruits but he University teach was doubled a bonanza for the and the son — Knight. Seven recruited as prob foreign service of a competitive
1949.
If the emphasis sation', the need
uate training i relations is ha With the hotlin
available to th

daughter of chief. Some Coat of arms :m were carrying 1 their shoulders. rem e Tiber that ce of rivalry at knight-errants
gė LÉ2
them do bear
stop a central in the Ciwi up as President Club — mor can Foreign Service *ural background torm. Thade suit
's or Airey and irt with, foreign attractive in as ther was the import of i and exchange for 5 Were not PCE of Lundern in Oxbridge. Irry jam, al were i Lanka.
e to join
Some of the the offer of land Sri Pathmaclass honours - 5), J. B. KelleLan rolle and mention a few. 1 topped the TE batch of pted to be a tr. His vacancy nd brought a on of a Knight in-law of a
cheese freely There
th:
raduates were Ltioners to the in the results
exam held in
is of "natiwifor post gradIl te Traitijom| “dy necessary. and the jet Minister of
Foreign Affairs, a diplomat is nowadays hardly even a courier. But one or two essential qualifications remain - he must have intestines of steel and the ability C0 stay up ti || two in the morning not only at cocktail parties but at international airports awal ting the arrival of WPP. The main objective of the diplomat is to project the iTage of Sri Lanka and to give the correct political perspectiy e5,
Finally must conclude this note with the observations ma de by the Hon. Minister of Finance on 26 February 1979 when quizzing Mr. Badra pala Wickramatunga, our en woy to Sweden at the select committee hearings.
"Our last Ambassador in Sweden is now in active business in Sweden and Norway. You can draw your own conclusions. This is not the first time it has happened. This is about the third or fourth time. Cur Ambassadors are not looking after the interests of the country at al. They are only pushing their own interests. am sorry the Foreign Office must look into this."
We all know "representative" we once had in Manila, whose "business' was certainly not the nation's business.
the story of a
And what of the athletic antics of a 'heavyweight' (not mentally) in another ASEAN capital
R. Mendis.
Trends
(Carriered frarr; Page)
it is certainly much quicker. A lanka Guardian writer who has deat With an American bookshop says he gets a b ook with in two months of sending a bank draft, whereas it used to take him anything from six months to a year to obtain in American book through a local bookshop. (Hint: When ordering, it is always best to specify registered post; otherwise, books are dange of disappearing in the Parcels Office.)

Page 5
News background
ls banned
AS: Depo Provera ls being
advertised in the local pressinterestingly enough-in the Sinhala
press. Although international organisations including UNFPA which recently held a much
publicized conference here and the I.P.P.F have given their blessings for the use of this drug, this injectionable contraceptive is not approved for use in US, Canada or Brita i ,
Morte details about this arte available in a magazine called Poverty & Power (a War on
Want publication) in an article by Jackie Bartor1.
Provera' (DP) is an Injectionable contraceptive which with one shot gives protection from pregnancy for 3-6 months. It is currently used by one mi || iom Worm en in 70 countries, almost || II of them in the Third World-the biggest users are Thailand, Sri Lanka, Uganda, Kenya and Costa Rica. The number of users is increasing yearly, yet the drug is not approved for use in the US, Canada cor Britaiq. Why then is it so freely available in the Third World?
"DP is manufactured by the US Company, Upjohn and has been in use since the late sixties. In 1972, tests showed that it led to inzreased brgast nodule5 in beagles Ed after that the Oral for T was withdrawn. There was so concern that it could cause permanent sterility. Although in 1973, the US Food and Drugs Administration (FDA) stated that it intended to allow the injectionable form for special cases, aftet futth et 5 uspicc stout association with cancer, Es tre of the cert wi&, and action Congressional sub-committee, Eccroval was finally suspended.
"Depo
towever, does not stop
of DP In other countries. supply it without but the UNFPA, E "A-C -- especially the IPPF
dru
ntine ti 5 World With 3 || it:
1970 and 1974 3.000 dC5e5 th. de 5p i te the fact it was "" Under el the IPPF said, "y accepting injectic than a Pill."
Here is the cru: Almost all the Inted for DP a a55umed ignora irresponsibility o is why a drug considerald Safe passed over to countries. In t apart from shortc. CC IT TIT LI II ti II a I standing of the su Tedicine, wom the social freedot conditions whic them to make a BLI t a b|rth Corn tr; is actually based İngs, Indeed til is highly questio
"Look at stor The for the use of World.
(a) DP is effo: that it may lea Sterility. Спв Thailand will only who hawe al|rea fertility by havir however, is not | F1 Le Test but " programme from sterile couple."
(b) DP requ WO Than seg5 l d every few по lasts a long time side effects-weigh disturbances, diz There is no way c drug once it ha
(c) DP is ce. Certainly convenis who does not in pelvic exam natic

used here 2
pply the Third 5 wants. Between Thailand tete iwed rough the IPPF, häE à L that Lima il ca tri II". As ou can get people ins more readily
x of the matter. arguments presete based on the
пce саг үүсг5g, f the Liser. This which i 5 mot in the West is | 255 i deweloped 1. Third Wild omings in literacy, ld popular underbilitics of moder En hawe maither mor the economic h would enable proper choice. }l method which on 5uh 5 hortcom - trives on them,
måble.
of the arguments
DP in the Third
tive: So affective d to permanent Programme in give it to women dy proved their ng children. This in the woman's "to protect the
1 gi wing it to å
ires that the ioctor only once nths. Protection
!, but so do the it gain, Tenstrual ziness, headaches. if withdrawing the S bi gen given.
Invenient. It is 2nt for the doctor eed to da even a
(d) DP can be given soon after birth, which may be the Wo Tnan's only com LacI with medical Services, at a time whom she is "highly motivated" to accept Contraception.
(e) DP can actually increase
lactation. Whether it disturbs the balance in milk content, however is not known. Also no
one seems to ask how a Wyom är who is already only just sufficiently nourished herself can produce extra Tilk. From what resert wes does It came?
(f) DP is a method which can be used where the husband is likely to interfere with other methods of contraception. This is a problem which seems to demand education for men rather tham
dan gerous pharmacèuticals for
*ԱյIll EI1
Another report from Thailand
says ".... In the minds of common
people, a physician without a Syringe is not a real physician at all.... therefore a contraceptive to be taken by injection has a trem en dous adwan tage ower other methods."
Advantage to whom asks Jackie Barton. "The West has taught the test of the world to admire technological "needle and syringe" medicine. Illich and others are now beginning to question whether such medicine really improves our Standard of living or mot. Before we pass our rejected pharmaceuticals on to the Third World, we should urge them to question also."
And when I questioned the FPA about this drug a lady doctor who had been to Thailand replied that thera was a lot of politicking at the FDA and that there were no Such a dyerse side effects.
Dr. Siwa Chinnathamby told me that she was aware of FDA suspension of DP but that later research with Rhesus monkeys
(Taj rifirIFE LFF PFA )

Page 6
Study leave : dons pro
he major working class TUs apparently dor Thant. But ל־ך the increasing economic pressure and hardship is beginning to affcc even the Imiddle class TUs |ike the GMC) A. The Te was a time when the doctor was considered upper middle-class but now st young doctors who are not lucky to have rich parents have been pushed down to the large mass of middle class employees. Now, it is the turn of the Umiversity teacher, once also considered a comparatively privileged per5 с п.
The issues may arise from specfic complaints or incidents eg, foreign exams for doctors, interdictions etc. But below the SLI rface is economic and social pressures. In the case of the University teacher, a campaign has started on questions of vacations, both study leave and vacation.
The University Teachers Association, Colombo says "the decisions that have been taken by the U. G. C. will adversely affect both
the work and the Career porospects of our membership. Our association is of the view that most of the decisions already
teached are un reasonable and unpractical. Their implementatian will seriously affect the teaching
and research standards of the Universities."
Some of the points made by the UTA are:-
+ Most probltic III:1ry Eissistalıt lect LIrers ire allready burdened with heavy
cxal III inatiL: E1 and Leiching diu ties. It is Inct possible for them to register all conduct research for a post graduate degree while at the same time being engaged in the normal luties,
Furtherlore, the entire long vacation of the University teachers is take i Lup by the examii:Litijn werk including thL:
#
Preparation, printing Supervision and th: Other institutions Su A.R.T.I. C.I.S.I.R. to their employees a to St Lidy abroad for
1 if the lost in the liversity I by Sir 1 var Jerlings probationary study 40 rly#שון Surviv :ti University administra 2:1::Ider1"ıi: :Ldminist Ta, ti Illit system. It is th which in the past 5L. people of high agad: | Iliversity staff.
-- It is hirdly ra lt) բնirll nut the t, libri ar y ffici i Li Les; viewici sludies le llone po: ''': lt, n:1 է աւ:11 հա, illisen 3:1 ble journal t:rithmics, etlսմation l.
it. For OLIT pilobal the M. A. i Sri supervision of our will necessarily lead gerçus typ: of iııbre search interes within
3- CCT liig Llo Ille doçurheilt. Luntler 1 lect LIrers would he Study law to read t:1rlier thşın 10 years
C.
:: The Illidificiti TIL İÇE: Yayas Title foi With present living it brija II по шпiver III:a in talin lui Inself a his rupee salary. I hill either to get with is rilre, or to El cent brill. SIC generally available Н5 till ree terпg T U A change of the pl in fact it virtual s:Alı tica i leve pır)" XL: Edigy' f'TILIITIL cli LT CILII hope to f El foreign country. fore, that the press retilied.

test
of question Papers, marking of scripts. 1:1 3.5 Central BakT give full Tay leave nd arrange for ther
research degrees.
important featurers : Ilisatill ill. I'd Liced i is the schelle of
l:Elwe: whiçlı has y'el's of Changing titlis. All our top
Ľľ3 a Te products of is sing Lull T feature ceeded in attracting : Ilic calibre to the
2C3S8äry for us ta btal irha dequacy of i lir I III dergraduale it grillite: Work? ': thick n Libers of ls f subjects like id sociology and
i:n:L ry sta T ta do Lanka under the ristent 5: mitlu r s li
O the nic1st dan-Clding, liliiling re31 FIBTT'''' SplıEr.
the provisions of E: rece, cirili ico II eligible for foT H dtactori:Lle not after first appoint
IIII (if thit girlier * Wery good reasons. costs in countries 'sity teicher can Tid his family on t is essential for in special El Ward, obtain an assignElssi:EEi ont 5 :ire nat for periods Els short ne cademic year. Tesent pr: tice iş Jalunment of the isisins, 15 only an e University teli Ilirillte himself in We request... therelt r yisin; be
Reviewing the decade for women
-second Preparatory Commit נלחך tee Teeting for the World Conference on the Decade For Woller, concluded in New York on September 7th. This Committee of 23 countries had met Earligt in Wira.
The World Conference of the United Nations Decade For Women : Equality, Development and Peace, will be held in July 1980 in Copenhagen. The Secretary General of the Conference is Mrs. Lucilla Mathurin of Jamaica.
Women form half the World's population, yet in an unequal World they remain dependent, discriminated against and disadvantaged. The World Conference will take stock of what has been achieved in the first five years of the United Nations Decade for
Women (1976-85,) by reviewing progress må de and obstacles en - countered in carrying out the
World Plan of Action adopted by the 1975 Mexico Conference. The conference will also design a specific action-oriented Program me for the next five years, with emphasis an employment, health and educaEO.
- J. S.
Is bannedí . . .
(C7Frities frt Pages)
were found to be satisfactory. "WHO, UNFPA, and IPPF are not pushing the drug. We asked for it. We hawe already administered the drug to over 10,000 women in Sri Lanka and have received no
complaints and failure rate was
I.'"
"I must say that DP was used
here" said Dr. Chinnathamby, "after a careful conducted trial by me during 1968-1970. And the
IPPF's Central Medical Committee has been acting as a watch dog. In the world today, more women die of childbirth than of D. P."
- G. D.

Page 7
International news
NICARAGUA (3)
Paper tigers an
by A Special Correspondent
here hawe been instances when the guerilla forces, guilty of the error of 'vanguardism' went into action far ahead of the
mass consciousness, Completely asymmetrical with the development of the ma55 m overTent.
Conversely, there have also been times when the mai 55 To woment surged forward, but was beaten down simply for want of an armed shield and spearhead. Bolivia prowides an example Once more, W’Hem the ma55 e5 Went in to Thotion in the early 1970's, the ELN
was on the retreat.
In Nicaragua however, the FSLN offensive coincided with and was the armed vanguard of, the rising tide of the mass movement. How
this movement matured and the nature of the linkages between the FSLN and the oppositional
forces are questions we shall take up subsequently,
What then, is the most fundamental single les son that the FSLN's military victory holds out to the people of the world? Surely it that the popular forces can defeat a professional army, in actual armed combat. This was one of the three main conclusions which Guevara derived from the Cuban experience and presented to us all in the opening pages of his "Guerilla Warfare'. That a military victory of the peoples forces is possible ower an en er ny who is superior technologically and numerically - this has been Strikingly confirmed to sus by the events of the past half decade, in Wietnam, Laos, Kampuchea, Angola, Mozambique and GuineaEitsu. The revolutionary changes im Ethiopia and Afghanistan hawe
clearly indicated the potential role of Sections of the armad forces and consequent necessity
of political wor| structures. The II brought home a classes as well a ressed peoples t the les son that
awesome polices and disintegrate to the LI rn rem mit the aris 2 m m 2552 revolutionary tri Chima, the Afric: "Horn of Africa'
ly in Iran must
courage and det: Nicaraguan peo: tionaries in thei
The enemy wa Counts. NUTër"|C: Guard nu Tıbėre —| mcidentally, ro to the Lankanhard Core unti numbered no mc During the offen: last year, they I COC) cm ba tant: FSLN youth in After the defeat ber u prising kne of los muchach
F k by the se youngsi and 20. The nista army wh Guard numberei to 5OO. No C an estinate hi which was a 3 the Guard. Furth was heavily arm and Israeli Galil (ore of which Fidel by FSLN Hassan Motale 5 week), armoured copter gunships, attack aircraft (i. tage but idéal fi warfare) and Cvily armed wit

d straw dogs
k within these "anian experience ppressive ruling Is to the opp:he World Over, even the Thost Cate2 can cru T1 ble when subject iting pressure of 5. This wave of iumphs in Indo1 m continert, the and most recenthave surely given irlination to the »le and revolur final Struggle.
s superior by all lly the National
d Tord I, COQQ ughly equivalent while the FSLN's
a few years ago, ỹrg thăm 300-400, siwe of September fielded around : who led nonthe insurrection. : of the Septemown as the "War os (the youth)", were bolstered ters aged between wictoriolus San diich defea Led the between 3000 count so far gives gher than 5000, ratio in favour of ermore, the Guard ed with US M-5 automatic rifié5 was presented to leader Moises ir Hawa, ma last | cars, tanks, h eliT–28 turboprop 3f Kor Carl Wat Yinir counterguerilla —47 gunships hea"Puff-the-magic
Dragon' multiple barrelled auto
Tatic rotary cannon which can place a tracer bullet in every square foot of an area the size
of a fotbal field,
|n terms of personnel and training too, the Guard was (or seeTed) superior. It boasted a crack commando unit trained by the US Green Berets at the John F. Kennedy special Warfare Centre, Fort Bragg, Northern Carolina and at the Pama na Canal Zone counterguerilla school. Named the 'Black Berets" aftet their American mentors, this unit acted as a special striking force for eliminating errorism", US and South Wietname se mer Cenaries, together with Guatemalar and El Salwadorları officers ser Wic2d a dw i 5 or 5 to the "Guard'. Commander - in - chief Somoza was warmly regarded by his soldiers and "martial tradition" of his family bound him closer to his ппеп.
Truly, the National Guard was a capable fighting force, thoroughly professionalized and possessing fearsome firepower, yet they were defeated in armed combat.
So, the Nicaraguan revoltion confirms that when a ruling class renders it impossible to wield the weapon of criticism, then the masses are forced to Tesort to the critique by weapons, and in the final analysis material force (i.e. the state machine) can be overthrown only by material force, It also prowes, that however powerful the class enemy is in the short term, from the point of view of History, all reactionaries prove to be paper tigers and straw dogs.

Page 8
Why the
the revolution
by Barbara Koeppel
Managua, Nicaragua years ago, the former
Archbishop of Nicaragua pinned a medal on his good friend President Anastasio Sonoza Debayle At the time, ties between church and regime could not have been bettet.
Less then two decides later, most Priests and nun 5 in Nicaragua were actively supporting the struggle to overthrow the President, a few even taking up arms with the Sandinistas. And today, two priests sit or the Cabinet of the new government: Foreign Minister Miguel d'Escoto Brockman, and Minister of Culture Ernes to Cardenål.
What happened in Nicaragua is not unique. Throughout Latin America, the church, which was a fortress of conservatism and linked to repressive dictatorships, found it could no longer be aloof from the liberation movement that sought to overthrow the regimes responsible for the poverty and suffering of the mass of population.
In Nicaragua, the story begins in the early 1970s. Changing personalities ( Miguel Obando Bravo became the new Archbishop of Nicaragua), increasing Sandinista strength and National Guard brutality, and crass attempts by General Somoza to control everything, inciuding the church, all combined to bring about the Cor Wers.
Concerned by Wiolation of human rights, the eight bishops of Nicaragua published a document in 1971 that urged the people to recognize the political realities in the country and not merely
the flagrant and political
follow General Somoza's rubberstamp Liberal Party.
According to the Rew. Paul
Schmitz, an American pricist of the Capuchin order who has been in
έ.
Catholic C
Nicaragua for sey marked the star between church Would Wide dra next few years.
"At first, Som trying to di wide t ing material supp
ge; to some chur ostracizing others
The after the !972, President : man i P3 Lulate: Cärit relief agency, for Tent, "Such actic zed the church Schrnitz F2-flis.
In 9W, when intensified the co to the mountains, the guard begar Oru", and ||ki || sale, charging th { and housing the g guard didn't und the mountains, yo Whoever needs it reacted. They e chapels, using th the Campesions Cortius. "" : guard killed 29 With adults, and ing the Peasant. 5 ters," he alleged.
After thig, 27 i published a repor Cf the hundreads i We'e said to law and newer found.
"Because the pre We sent one copy passed others to Ll Press. Somoza ho charges, said we w and throw one pr country.
"When the gue the urban å reas ir again Owerreacted you this certi mħasse ir the priest claimed

Church
"eral years, this it of the split and state that
natically ower the
oza reacted by he church, offeriort and pri wile"ch groups, while ," he says.
earthquake in Somoza CTi od to as a Catholic his own enrichor only antagonifurther,'' Fr.
the Sandinistas nflict and mowed he claims that to persecute, peasants wholey were feeding "Lucarrill: 5 "* The erstand that in Ju give food to Sc) they owerven Seized ou
1 ) LI TLJ TE (peasants)," he ne village the children along took to droppfrom helicop
Capuchin priests - with the names of peasants who a been arrested
ss was censored
to Somoza and 10 International tly de nied the ere Communists, "iest out of the
rrillas moved to 1 ext, the guard " They killed discriminately,"
joined
At this point church support which had generally been passive, quickened. A few priests, like the Rew. Gaspar Garcia Lawiana, who later died in combat, joined the guerrillas.
Priests routinely offered their churches as havens to those hunted by the guard. In Managua, they ran an underground railroad to transport guerrillas from one locale to another, and church ha||g were used for secret meeting, Reportedly, lay pastors were tortured and eight priests were killed for providing refuge. Two Maryknoll nuns tell of being rifle-butted by guards who stormed their schools, searching for youths suspected of having guerrilla ties.
Most important, the church initially denounced with growing vigor the repression and atrocities committed by the guard. When the press was censored, news reports were read in the churches. And during the September in surrection and later in June and July, when General Somoza's planes bombed whole civilian 'barrios," Archbishop Obando s trongly con dem fined the de struction and killing of thousands of Micaraguan5.
To the Raw. Ernesto Cardenal, a poet and priest who earlier had joined a Trappist monastery and latter traveled the world to raise money for the Sand in is tas, the course for the clergy was clear. He illustrated their involvement with his own story.
''Originally, I was a pacifist, and formed a religious settlement on an island, Solen tina me im Lake Nicaragua. The guard bombed and completely destroyed it. After this, I realized the only way to free the country was through armed struggle, so I joined the Sandnista 5.
"I considered it my duty as a poet and a priest. A poet can't
ίί απ τιμεί απ Ραμε γ)

Page 9
Latin America
by Frank Barnaby
NE IN FIVE of the 25 or so wars that hawe taken place in the Third World since
1945 has been in Latin America. In many respects the one recently concluded in Nicaragua was a text-book example of the way these particular wars hawe gone,
It is unusual in that such appalling casualties were suffered. By any standards, the estimate of 40,000 deaths in 50 or so days of fighting is disturbing, as is the number of refugees - put at 70,000 - reported to be languishing in 76 camps. Relief officials were saying last week that at least one in three of the entire population had been affected by the Wit.
The text-book nature of Nicaragula's war can be seen in the
Why the Catholic . . . (Ča "firTreď from: Page č)
be apart from the people's struggle for liberation, and much less
can a priest. I belong to the Sandinistas out of total fidelity to the gospels, because I want
a new and just society.
"No one would think the fight against Hitler was i a sin, and Somoza is worse than Hitler," he observed just one week before the ex-President's downfall.
Now that the war seems over, some priests, like Fr. Schmitz, 2. Te concerned that the church is too closely identified with the Sandinistas, and that it must rem2 in un aligned, to criticize as well as praise. "We don't want to be so closely attached to one Party that we are compromised," he says, adding that some priests suspect they might be "used' t the Sandinistas.
- Eishop Obando, however, ses to problem. "The church continue to act as before, er ment of the people. see where the new will pose any obsta
– n. Science Morar
War
fact that the sk Sandinista guerr throw the (milit Nearly 90 per AITlerican wars at overthrowing It was also text arms Suppliers te came from the World, in this countries, while seem to hawe - and Cuba as su Warsaw Pact ar
According to International Pe; tute (SIPRI), Lat tries currently 5 nearly S7,000m military. The w expenditure is a year. Latin Al ha ve been in yol of conflict Sinc Colombla, Costa nician Republic, E mala, Honduras, guay, Peru, Puert zuela.
Latin Amarican be short and sh; | 947 averaged II, compared with average of about
A peculiarity c violence has been of foreign part half the wars w foreign help, signi the Third World 62 per cent. M Latin American firms the genera fought with fore temd to last lo fought without it that have gong C or more four foreign countries
In the 10 yea 1978; Latin Ameri ding increased wher. Theasured to take inflatio This is about th
 

centre of Third World
le purpose of the Illas was to owerary) Government. Cent of 3 || Latırı have been aimed the ruling regime. -book in that the the Government industrialised First ase main y NATO
: the guerrillas elied on Panama ppliers from the E고,
the Stockholm 1Ce Research Instiin American counPend a total of a year on the orld total arms about S40,000m M2 Ti Can Countris sted in some sort e 1947: Boliwia, Rica, Cuba, Domi| Salvador, GuateNicaragua, ParaO Rico, and Wըne
WF "S teld to arp. Those since 7 years in length a Third Wor|d
three years.
if Latin American the relative lack icipation. About ere fought with ficantly less than figure of about lewer hele 5s, the experiente conrule that wars ign involvement Tger tham thage COf the six wars in for three years if them in wolwed
5 to the end of can military spen
.7 Limes, even n Constant prices 1 I.C. Cur. e Sam e 15 the
in Crease In Asia (excluding China and Japan), but less than that in Africa (3.4 times). Per capita military spending, at about $20 a Year, lies between that in Asia (about S 10 a year) and Africa (about $ 30 a year).
The military expenditure of individual Latin American countries varies enormously. Brazil alone accounts for about one-third of total Latin American expenditure. Argentina (|| 7 per cent) and Mexcos (10 Per cent) together spend about another one- quarter.
If the strength of armed forces is measured in number per 1,000 of the population, the top six countries are Cuba (3.3 troops Per 1,000 people), Chile (10.6), ruguay (9.1), Peru (6.3), Paraguay
(6,3), and Argentina (5.9). For Latin America as a whole the figure is . I soldiers per thou
sand people. This is Considerably larger than the figure for Africa, 2,9 soldiers per thousand, but about the same as for Asia, For comparison, the figure for the developed countries is O. the World average is 6.3.
Latin-American countries reported to have bought military
equipment Worth about S3.456 millions between 1967 and 57 (in current prices). The United
States accounted for about 30 рег cent of these sales, France 16 per Cent, the Sowjet Union 5 per cent, the United Kingdom 4 per СепE, West Germany Т8 Per Cent, and Canada 5 per o cent. These six countries, supply nearly 90 per cent of military sales to Latin Alleria.
Five Latin-American countries - Argentina, Brazi, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru - have meanwhile established their own defence industries to produce Tmajor weapons under licence of their own design. Those of Argentina and Brazil are particularly advanCed.
Fir': '7: [37rHTaisy iç, 5fockfitylн Iнгегутаглан Jr. firlife.
Praec'far af re PE'Estre Researe

Page 10
Information
News and
by Chakravarti Raghavan
Africa and Asia, the de colonisation of information was part of the political decolonisation effort, and a reaction to what the political leaders and the elites thought were the patronising and sneering mis representations they were subject to by the former mentors. But, in Latin America, it was part of the continent's efforts to achieve economic freedom and independence from the ower powering northern neighbour and the US transnationals that dominated every aspect of life. This economic dependency on the USA became more visible and overpowering in the informationCOTT fi un icatiom 52C tor5 - im папу Parts of Latin America, US capital owned and ran local telephones, telecommunications and other such systems. The newspapers, radio and TW were owned or controlled and influenced from outside by CCII) Tercial interests.
Americam style a dyert. I sing, and by American en terprises, was another powerful factor. That these outside capital interests saw threats to themselves in local economic and social reform movements, and joined hands with domestic feudal-landlord interests and mercantile-capialis groups to create and prop up repressive undemocratic regimes, helped sharply to focus in Latin America the inter relationships of information independence and political, economic and cultura|| independence.
All these contributed to the raising of the issue of independence of information and the balanced flow of information (as opposed to the free flow doctrine of the US). The rights and freedoms of peoples to foster their own cultures and spread understanding of other cultures throughout the world began to be raised and woiced at various non official and inter-governmental gatherings.
E.
(SCO
The di 5 iullor
1945-70 world de gies and models w The growth-orien models of the Nor ket-oriented or c with their empha and social structu
production, create La lisation into fur distribution - sawi cycles had created
People were incre from the system wirtom metal hazarc Tad growth cycle sharply evident.
The concept of a rTitle")ť-a reed-orier sound endogenot Process - was bei various parts of the losophy was articul Dag Hammarskha | Now, Another De
lts ten-point prc lined the role of in en dogenous de welc and said, "Citizens Inform and be infor facts of developme Conflicts and the cha about, locally and Under present conc tion and education a monopolised by the which manipulates its own ends and ten pit econ Cei wedi ideas, alienation. A global made to give the ne relation 5 their hur and to promote the of gen Luine cooper peoples as the bas: recognition of political and social diversity. The ima should reach each
of the prevailing prejudices, which : teristic feature ol
messages currently Such an effort shou,

omic liberation
ment with the elopmen Strateis another strand. :ed development h (whether marintrally planned) is on production "es to distribute Sawings for capiher productiong- capitalisation societies where asingly alienated icological and ens to life in this was becoming
ternative developited, ecologically is development ng voiced from world. The phiated in the 1975 d Report "What
velopment".
gramme underחin a חסatiוחrםf opment process have a right to med about the it, its inherent nges it will bring internationally. li tio 15 irm for Tnare only too often OC W T 5 TIL I CU T2 ublic opinion to ds to perpetuate ignorance and effort should be :w international Tan dimensions establishment ation between of equality and heir cultural, and economic ge of the Other of us, stripped ethnocentric are the characF most of the transmitted. d be concerned
Sixth Summit The need for a new liberal information order was once again stressed at the recent Havana Conference.
both with information and with education in the broad est sense of the word; it should be directed towards "conscientisation' of citizens to ensure their full participation in decision-making process."
The clear linkage between the NEO and information came in the Third World Journalists Sem İnar, held in New York at the time of the 7th Special Session of the UN General Assembly in 1975. The seminar underlined the view that the present world information and communication structures based on the centre-periphery relationships and hierarchy could not continue. "True political liberation is endangered and efforts for economic liberation will continue to be strongly handicapped unless steps are taken to break the hold that news agencies, reflecting interests which are not those of the third world, hawe on the information sent to or originating in third world countries. For the New International Economic Ordert Lo emerge, peoples of both industrialised and third World countries must be given the opportunity of understanding that they share a common interest in creating international conditions that will permit another development of 5ocietles in all
parts of the world.
事 를 事 Changes in the present unjust international structures must be
Seen as a precondition for peace and security tomorrow. This common interest cannot be adequately perceived unless communication patterns are also liberated from the market-oriented sensationalism approach to news. Such reporting will never permit public opinion in

Page 11
the industrialized world to hawe full information about the third world, its true reality and its urgent needs. The third world nations must protect the Tselves from the distortion of their cultures and ways of life implicit in present communications dependence. Information is a nonmaterial ဗူmဇုဝါး၊ that is bought and sold in a highly oligopolistic market. This must be changed. An end to such a system and thus a widening of the capacity to inform is a fundamental component of the New International Economic Order,
permitting a valid interplay of different cultures and national realities,'
The seminar, presenting a modest programme of action at national, regional and international le Wels, tO ensure the rights of people to inform and be informed, to communicate, in order to bring about a new structure of World relations said: "The New International Economic Order requires a new framework of world information and communica".sחסti
事 翡
The idea of a new fram o work of world information and Communication was further conceptualised at the Mexico Seminar in May 1975 organised by Institute Latin10artnericano de Estudios Transmacionales (LET) in the call for a New International Information Ordet. Though the use of the term "International" tended to suggest only changes in the international flow of Information the Mexico Seminar clearly saw the linkages in national and interna. tional actions and the need for democratisation of both to alter the centre-periphery relationships among nations and within nations. The further terminology "New World Information Order", used in a paper presented by Tunisia to the MacBride Commission, though the result of its being first drawn up in French
and its linguistic requirements, helps to rescore ಖ್ವY the national and international linkages.
The intellectual and socio-economic-Cultural inputs into the NWO movement is thus entirely a denocratic approach, but democracy is understood in a larger sense, and Principally as contrary to the antidemocratic centre-periphery approaches, whether nationally or globally.
Third world gow ing an NWTO m aware of the broad sophy behind it ar of changes in the They may be m de sire to have a be countries abroad. necessarily an aut
Governments : Intere sted in pr. Image of the Tn Selw furthering their tr Almost all the int seeking to promo mic cooperation countries hawe Lun for beter flow amongst themsew existing national ing new structure: and linking up regionally and in
In Wolvement of Inter-governmen the whole spectri KOTTLİLİOT GE ayoidable and in
The di 55:atisfac and governments over the existing mals med their fai third World co inform and be i corned, led to th nonaligned news mo wes for exchan The pool was se relay points, w editorial control an infrastructure backs but also The regional cent there were no
津
A5 soon a 5 til promoted and ey launched, the TN threat to their and launch ըd a directly through ments, and thr | like the | mto Triati This battle was jo UNESCO meeti of the socialist r tion on the dut was also on the Eօէ mixed up, an fight, it was soll the Director-Ge Lindertake furth, submit a revised

Crnments in in Wokhay not be fully democratic philoid its Imperatives national scenes. otivated by the tter Image of their But this is not :horitarian termid.
nd countries are ojecting a better es abroad, and in "ade and commerce ornational bodies te greatr econoamong developing dried the need חםatiוחrסfחf iם " cs and building on 5 tLUE5 221
where more exist, such structures :er-regionally.
governments and tal organisations in um of information/ +ctor 5 is thus unevitable.
:tion of countries in the third World information cha - |ures insofar as the untries' rights to Informed are conformation of the pool and other ge of infor Tnation, : up with several ith no cer Lralsed or supervision. As it had its drawsome advantages. res were such that gatekeepers".
事 事
те роal idea was wer before it was | enterprises saw a
global oligopoly
bitter campaign their ho Te govern'ough their organs - nial Pregg lingtitute. lined at the Nairobi g, where the issue nave for a declaraies of mass media agen da. The issues ld after a wery bitter ght to be defused: neral Wı 5 asked to *r consultations and draft text of the
declaration for the consideration of the General Conference. A commission of eminent persons was also appointed to go into the whole field of international ccm munications.
But before long, the TN news agencies saw that the non aligned pool was no threat to them, so long as it functioned as it was doing. US studies showed that there was very little of anti-Arnerican bias in the content of the pool, despite the particiption of news agencies like the Cuban Prensa Latina. Though still suspicious of the venture, because ofits potentiality, a les 5 hostile and cwen Patronis ing attitude was adopted officially. Unofficially, organs like IP continued their attack. But officially the tactic was changed. Instead of confronting the third World in its information demands of allowing it to coalesce with the socialist worlds (with its different objectives), there was a change of tätig to involve the third World In a dialogue, offer aid and assistance and in the process increase its technological dependency, and ultimately absorb the new structures by cooption or otherwise into the transnational structures.
"What governments say to each other or to their own people, or how they wiew developments at home and abroad, constitute an important ingredient of news. The pool does provide some of this, and "is a positive step in the effort to increase the international flow of information (that is neglected by the TNs for their own reasons) but those efforts have no great impact "simply because they are not finding their way into the world's major news streams'
But neither this "news' nor what is called "positive' or "developmental' news (news about the achievements of peoples and government; in development and not merely their failures) constitute "alternative information' that would help alternative development - need oriented, ecologically sound, endogenous developTent. Alternative information must hence enable the voices of the poor and oppressed, the voices of the un heard in whose name the development processes are undertaken to be heard, nationally and globally. There was little of it in the pool.
(To be continued)
9

Page 12
Politics
An assessment
Proportional re.
by G. R. Tressie Leitan
The Party List System of Proportiltonz II Represen Lation has been accepted by law for elections to the National State Assell and the Local Government Authorities. With the Local Govern T1 Ch altions in May this new system will como into effect for tha first t|rThc im Sri Lanka... | In this pap : " Dr. Tress. Ie Leitan, a lect Luter in Politica | Çclgrıca and public admin 15 tritiçam of the University's Colomba
Campus, discusses the broad features of this systic TT1.
here is general agreement
today that the expression of the wishes of the people through the ballot box, is a necessary and preliminary step to genuine democratic government. Yet the method and machinery by which elections are conducted wary from country to country; and the arguments of some writers are that confusions and abuses which are apparent in the political scene today are to be attributed to outmoded electoral system.
The method of election adopted in Britain and the U.S.A. as well as in a number of Commonwealth countries (and which has prevailed in Sri Lanka up to the present) is the relative majority on the "first past the post" system. Most Western European countries on the other hand adhere to some form of Proportional Representation,
The Relative Majority System
According to the relative majority system, the candidate who secures the highest total of votes in each constituency (which returns only one member) is declared elected even though he fails to obtain an absolute majority (more than half the votes cast). Thus in a particular constituency, the winning candidate although he has polled the highest number of votes, may in point of fact have obtained
O
only a minority Constituency i, c. candidates contes combined wote 5 candidates may WE votes obtained by
This ofter |ea where a party wir of seats in the ra when it has pol | c the votes cast i a whole. The sy cised therefore that it frequently ing power in t Cait from of a party which support of a ma This Teams In effet of seats won by mot reflect corre support judged : basis.
In Britain for | 522 id | tl | 9 Éilé, t ments (1931 and obtained Tore t nuber of votes election, and in and || 974 (Febr ment party polle the largest single in the opposition.
It also follows governing party passage of legi fundamentally op parties. In this nationalization pl British Labour be quoted as a ca. Labour Party wh a majority of British House of election of 1945 opposition from able to carry out programme. Yet had gained only
5.

presentation
of Yote 5 in that if more than two t the electio 15 the of the rejected ell outnumbert the
the victor.
ds to a situation is a clear majority itional legislature : d less than half n the country as stem căn be crition the grounds gives the governhe parliamentary government to as not won the jority of yoters. it that the number each party does ctly its electoral in a nation-wide
instance, between inly two growern1935 Coalitions) Han half the total cast in a general fact in 1929, 195 rary the governd lQ&& W Cit (25 tham party which was
rfor that the can secure the slation which is 2Osed by the other connection, the rogramme of the Gayernment can se in point. The id:H1 had o Eo taimed 46 seats in the Commons at the was also (despite the other partles) its nationalization the Labour Party 47.8 of the Wotes
The constitution will be amended On ce more to introdu ce further changes in the electoral system (P. R.), according to Mr. Ganini Dissanayake, the Minister of Lands All Land Development, He was
speaking at a UNP Youth Conference.
We continue to publish
excer pts from the Dossier on
P. R. prepared by the Centre for Society and Religion.
Advocates of this system howe Wert argue that it is neith et necessary nor desirable to hawe mathemetical exactitude in the repre - sentation of groups within the electorate. It is sufficient, they aver, if the composition of the legislature reflects broadly, the main trends of political opinion.
However, the system often results in startling discrepancies between the votes obtained by each party
and its strength in the legislature. The following facts relating to the British elections
of 1970 and 1974, gives an idea of this discrepancy. For instance, in February 1974, the Labour Party won the elections with a total of 30 seats as against 295 obtained by the Conservatives yet its percentage of votes (37.2%) was in fact lower than that obtained b the Conservatives (38.1%). In October 1974 the Labour Party which obtained 50.2 percent of the seats, polled only 39.3 percent of the tota | wotes; the Liberal Party on the other hand which polled 8.3 percent of the votes obtained only 3 (or 2.04%) of the seats,
This discrepancy between votes and seats obtained by each party is quite evident in the election results in Sri Lanka also. Tables 2

Page 13
and 3, depicting the election results of 1960-1977, illustrate quite clearly the differences between the se two factors.
In the election of March 1960 although the United National Party won a total of 50 seats (or one-third of the total seats in the House of Representatives) it polled only 29.62 percent of the votes. In July 1960, its percentage of votes in fact increased to 37.57 per cent. Yet it gained only 30 seats (19.9%) while the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, while winning 75 seats (or 49.7%) polled only 33.59 percent of the WOTE
FCT instance,
Similarly in 1970 although the UNP polled 37.92 percent votes it won only 7 (or II.3%) of seats whereas the SLFP obtained 90 (or 60%) of the seats while it polled a lower percentage than the votes obtained by the UNP.
Again at the last general election of 1977 the UNP was swept into power with a total of 40 (or 83.33%) of the seats in the legislature (the National State Assembly) while obtaining 50.92 percent of the votes cast; the SLFP although it won only 8 seats actually polled 29.72 percent of the votes.
Yet another effect of this system is that smaller parties tend to get under represented. The number of seats won by Britain's Liberal Party for instance has consistently been very much less than in proportion to the votes it has Polled. For instance, in 1964 the Liberals received 11.2 percent of the votes cast, yet worn only 9 seats although proportionately it would hawe bean en titled to 70 seats; and in October 1974 while it only obtained 13 seats it should have obtained 6 seats in proportion to the votes polled.
In Sri Lanka åt the last General Election (1977) while the Lanka Sama Samaja Party and the Communist Party polled 3.6 | per cent and 1.98 per cent respectively of the votes, neither party obtained a single seat.
In fact, the werdict of Enid Lakeman on the relative majority system of election is that:
"It cannot be r to give a parl a Le Taim tr or to place in ment backed b the electorate largest single bo | fr not be re to give one govern un hinder its own ideas, hand, to produc consent."
Proportional R
These deficient majority Tethod cast doubts abou nature of the le d er|Eles to rect tion of Gome foi representation.
While a nuT of the syste Tı representation
GENERAL ELE
I
er fra Eric's Jr.
MITC 1)
July 1950
IցTԱ
Source: Ecuri

elied upon either iament reflecting ends of opinion, power a growernly a majority of or even by the dy of voters ...... lied upon eicher рагty power Lo ed according to or om the other e government by
e presentation
:ies of the relative
of election hawe the democratic system and hawe ammend the a dopm of proportional
ber of Wariations of proportional exist, the Tost
widely used seem to be the Party List System and the Single Transferable Wote.
The Party List System is accepted in one form or another in the Scandinavian Countries, in Belgium, Holland, Italy and Switzerland; it was also adopted by France under the Fourth Republic. In accordance with the con SLi Lucion of tho Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka (1978) (Section 99) and the Local Authorities (Special Prowlsons) Law No. 24 of 1977, the party-list system of proportional representation has been accepted for elections to the National State Assembly and to Local Authorities, respectively,
According to the Party List System, in every constituency, (which has to be a multi-member constituency) each political party puts forward a list of its candidates
TABLE
TIONS IN SRI LANKA-PERCENTAGE OF SEATS WON
N RELATION TO WOTES.
(1960 AND 1970)
Parry Seas PercerIrge Perrentage
!ዜ(1ካ! af er a" lire
Uil Nilall F1 Tty 51) 3. Sri Lanka Freed. In Party 3. Lanka Salil Sallilja Parly é, É 1.5
III List Parly () O . Millijarha. Ek sıtlı Perarı Luria 帕,酥 Tamil Congress O1 T 1. Federal Party 15 .g 5.75 Jä hika Wirilukthi Peramuna 02 1. L.P. P. []) Ε. Ε S. M.I'. . . STP . , B.B.P. T . Independents 7 l, S.S. Os O O 1.78
Jinited National Parly 30 199 5 Sri Laikal Freedol Party 4. 『 3.5 Linka Sama Samajal Party 1. 『.g 7.3, Coint Linist Party |} . ፲.9ü MahHjana Ek5iath Peral Tula 03 . Tillil (Coringress O ().7 Federal Party 1E 1. 『, 19 J.W. P. 12 1. .45 L.P.P. 1. |Independent:5 Ոի 4.0 462 Others OC) (),37
United National Party 37.9 .1 דן Sri Lanka Feel II Parly O. . Lanka Sana Samaji Party 12,7 많,7 CLITILII1ist Parly ()fi 4, , Mahajara. Ek5ath Pieran T1 LuIla OC) . 9. ColIllIris Pärty X) C.O. Tarihil CongrĖS3 O3 고.)
Federal Party” 8.7 4.9 S.M.P., Ո[] O. Ileeridents 1.
c RF1'iie ji: Ma ' 1977.

Page 14
for the constituency, the number of candidates nominated generally corresponding to the number of seats to be filed. The order in which the names appear on each list is decided by the political Party, so that this system gives the party machine a larger degree of power and limits the freedom of choice of the indiwidual Yoter.
Under what is called the "blocked IIst“ system the voter is required to vote en bloc for the en tire party list of his choice. This is the method which is to be adopted in Sri Lanka, but with variations. He is not permi LLed to divide his vote between candidates of rival partles.
Take Farfer 'il ferr
A. 93.OD) 58, Ö{}{}
Under variations of this system Cross-voting between
49,ሳùù
| St5
is allowed so that a greater amount of discretion is allowed to the Yote T either to yote for the canddates of a single party or to split his vote among different parties.
As already pointed out all consttuencies are multi-Tember constituencies. Within each constituency therefore, following the voting, seats are allocated to the contesting parties of the basis of an electoral quota, which is determined by dividing the number of votes cast by the number of seats. For instance, in a constituency with 200,000 walid wotes contain ing 5 seats, the quota would be 40,000. The votes obtained by each party list is then counted, a list obtaining 40,000 seats being entitled to one seat. another securing 80,000 to two seats and so on. A party which is entitled to two seats gets the candidates whose names appear first and second on its list clected.
In Practice, since party i istis rarely obtain exact multiples of the quota, the votes obtained by each party over and above the quota (or its multiples) can be weighted in different ways. The two most commonly used are the "largest remainder" and the "highest average' methods. Under the "largest te Talinder" system the
Palfrical Parry
Limitati ħati tirring Sri Larak Freig Lähka Sama Sa CCITT Linist PT Mahaja na Eksa Trillied Ceylan Warkeri Il de pe 1 de 13
party which has tE
of wote 5 left Cowel are allocated on quota gets an add 15tarče i.e. In
constituency, wh
40,000 the results
δεΤίτ. Η αίτι, εί η bus I:I tyylitra
1.
According to Tā ide mēd go to party B, Unc average' system, obtained by each by the mu Tibert obtaine d plus on foregoing example averages would be
A - 93000
3 58COO
교 and 4OOO
H
2
A thus secures The formet systemt parties at the larger, while the ageous to larger expense of the sma
The Single Tran (STV)
The Single Tr. System of pro Sentration Was; fir 5 Thomas Hare a by John Stuart M 'Representative (86).
This is a syster Voting based on
B -
С -

TABLE ENERAL ELECTIONS (SRI LANKA) 1977
1 Party Ion Party Illaja Party ... ty il Per una iteration Front
Congress
* Searr & Pfars
| ) SS. 50.97 OE 4. 29,72
3. 1. - O. 18 1.7 5 D1 . 1.
]-[]5 5.5
he highest number after the seats the basis of the li torial seat. For a five-member ere the quota is
are as follows:
r Rerriafrder of
Prifyr
13.(3) 18.
9,OC})
the largest rehe 5th seat would der the "highest
che tota | wotes party 15 divided of seats it has e. Thus in the 2 the result Ing
= 3,OOO
= 29,000
ASOO
the fifth seat, I favours smaller expense of the
later is advantparties at the |r,
sferable Wote
ansferable Wote Jort son al repreto advocated by nd was upheld ill in his book
Government"
in of preferential multi-member
constitucincies generally Conta ining
3 to 7 seats. it is adopted in the Republic of Ireland, in Northern Ireland since 1973, Malta since
92, in elections to the Australian Senate since 1949 and in two states In Canada.
Each voter is entitled to only one ballot paper which contains the names of all the candidates for the constituency (generally arranged in alphabetical order). The woter therefore does not wote for an entire party list but is required t? mark his prefẽrences ẩmong the candidates. Thus he has ta mark against the name of the candidate he favours most, 2 against the next candidate in order of Preference, and so on. This system. it is obvious, gives more freedom of choice to the individual voter han under the Party List system. Here he is able to cross vote between parties; even within the same party, it is the voter who indicates his order of preference and not the party.
The first stage in the Counting is the establishment of the quota necessary for winning a seat. This is done by dividing the number of votes cast (in the constituen by the number of seats to be filled.
his referred to as the "Hare Quota". The "Droop Quotal i.e. total votes HE I
*==一 i5
saate
also used tota At the first counting. only the vorers first preferences are taken into consideration; thus only those ballot Papers where | appeaгs against A's name are counted as his votes, those on which I has been marked for B are assigned to him and so on.
The candidate candidates who obtain the requisite quota at the
(Currified art Pages)

Page 15
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Page 16
Symposium
which way for
(II) Gamini Yapa -
Willinal Gaur FTPri irauploa,
knihyw 1 Ү'іппяI RапнкӀпрghе тas a sciепсе
Peradiga Sulanga
I si e by the II Erald Lute of Colib
W:15 subse qLiently a science Leach cr for : hories period. LLLLLaaLLLtaHS L CClLa CC CL CCC aCCaS La CLGLL GCC CC member and Editor of the then widely criculating parly ruwa. He was also District Secretary of the Party's Colo 1969, Yapa led a group out of the CCP and formed the Pei
(East Wind) urg:1пitatiun. Yapı and his Colleague'i Yere El Security threat. "77 he re-entered left politics.
Q: "What were the Issues that led you to break away from Mr. Sапппшgathaлап" Ceүlоп Солтппшпist Party? Were the differences theoretical ones or merely practical and organisational ones? Would it be correct to say that your main in tenthor was to apply the Naxalite line of arried struggle to Sri Lanka
A: The i 55 u el 5, which || 2d us to break away from Ceylon Communist Party, were mainly organisational and Practical. Since 1965 we also had criticized and opposed warious incorrect tendencies and attitudes amongst the leadership, but in vain. The leadership was bent on suppressing the Tembers and youth leagues who were critical of the organisational politics and procedures of the leading bodies of the party.
The leadership was not able to produce a revolutionary programme to meet the dem and of the members and the working masses. Though they spoke highly about grasping revolutionary armed struggle they did not have any intention to take at least the first step towards their goal. The powers of leadership were abused to the extent of suppressing all initiative on the part of members, and the internal party criticism was curbed. The immediate cause for our withdrawal from the party was the wholesale expulsion of members whose only crime was criticising the methods and working styles of the party leadership.
| 4
After i few years of clah di
in: Tce Titel III der H1
Released with the lapse: cof the Emer He ha 5 recently publis L S LrlLLLLLLL ALLLLL LLL T L S kLkLLL
lies fiar."
What you c. line is nat new
Marxist-Leninist іп e55епce a пла
by the peasant oppressors and Ywas what happe
in West Bengal
But we had ments and jud
: Ti i moWoment. We of struggle for tw that they did no of a centralized armed struggle, in the case of a openly advocated shown by the m tion") by rely ir ta' ħi) LIS ifit a ii W 2
I11:15,5 է: -
Q: In brief, wh politi Call less ons y C the exper i ence gr sper underground
A: In my opinic most important for any form of ground political basis has to be dew whatewart the r
ties аге, by от groups of Politi alone, can lead nowhere. To bi m LISC be integ people and ma should be set up Co-day class 5
working people.

m the
Left
(East Wind) Group
| 011 de guerre 0 Italiipus find Joining Mr. etc. the pist of шгап КаппkaThe Hranch. In "3 digi Sula nga :stine activismı Energery, as gцепсу, іп енгlу էled 2 valւIIIlt:
all the Naxalite to the world Movement. It is 55 arried struggle try against the
landlords. That ned at Naxalbari in 97.
Chur" O'W'r A55 255 = gements of the by the Naxalite reject their line "о геasоп5. Спе, t accept the need party to lead the and secondly even rmed action they liberacio T1. (as agazine "LiberaIg on the sponof the peasant
u t I re the rtira irn ш have drawп from Il ned in the yeTrs by yaшг group?
in there are two
lessons. Firstly, secret or LurderWork, a mass
eloped. Secondly political capabiliganizing 5 elected cized individuals
the movement e effective they raced with the SS organisatio r15 1 lead the daytruggles of the
Q: You are perhaps the fore most champion of Mao Tse Tung's strategy of protructed People's War, within the local Left, and counterposed it to the strategy of a one-day drmed ir surrection once propounded by the JWP. However, Isn't It mecharistic and dogmatic to reject other modes of struggle and Impose the Chinese model to a country II ke Sri Lanka which is vastly different in almost ewery wita | respect?
A: Pro tracted People's war is a strategy which enables us to bring out the initia Liwe and creatiwe activities by the masses in full, for the benefit of the struggle. It is a dialectical process in which you build up your own forces and dewel op a new form of a superstructure, a new democratic Social organisation with the Participation of the people. In contrast, one-day armed struggle cor the spontaneous mass struggle Will be mechanical, un realistic ard dogmatic in practice. The form of the struggle is mot determined by imposing models or mechanistic approaches. TH Will depend on factors like, the class nature of the revolutionary struggle its aims and objectives, distribution of state power, and the Possibility of Imperialist interwen
tiom gcc, We hold that the protracted armed struggle can solve problems created by such
conditions and mobilise the people for revolutionary action,
Ç. Though yoL hd ve been promising C Self-Criticism for som et me now, it does not yet seem to be forthCom sing unlike the Janatha Sargama ya and ever the IWP, Wi. It be made
public is oor drid could you tell Luis SOFT1e of the md in points it w III
FEF
A: More than one whole year
has elapsed since we made a self-criticism for those concerned with our novement and to the

Page 17
friendly organisations. I think that anybody will agree that we need not publicize such a docuTerit as our mo Ye Teemt had mot affected the major political palterms among the people. In case of the JWP and Janatha Sangamaya
of course that should be given to the whole population since their insurrection affected the whole Country.
ln our self-Criticism the Ultra -left deviation, and pertinent
political actions and organisational lines were discussed. The major Inis take was our drifting away from the People and underestimation of the significance of the people in our struggle. Our left sectarian is fade us isolated from the general trend of the revolutionary Progressive moveTent:5 of Sri Larkı.
Q: While in prison you engaged Rohana Wijeweera and the present JWP readers Filip irti a major polemi c. What were the Taff || 55 Les Tylwed and what would you say were the results of this debate?
A: It is not accurate to say that we engaged Rohana Wijeweera and the present JWP leadership in a major polemic. But the Te was an ideological struggle which Touted to the 5 arte. At the time all the new interpretations, theories and arguments of Wijeweera on various issues especially on the tactics of the revolutionist class forces, and on international issues, Were based on Trotskyite theory. Es ut he dared tot declar" e that he was professing Trotskyism. also took an active part in opposing these and propagating the viewpoints of Marxism Leninism and the thoughts of Mao-te -tung. The outcome of this struggle was the break-away and consolidation of certain active groups struggling inside the JWP at that time. They hawe later joined together to form the |Հnatha Sangamaya.
I After your return from Jail you Eeted into di debate with Kalyato Tirandgami, on the question of the "national bourgeoisie drid the United Front". In generg's how do -- c55e55 the poten tia | of the
FFF"
도
A: The debate y ing is the publica written by me Magazine Prison viewpoint of an A га је Kalyanada Ti national bourgeo have pointed o still exists a natic 3T d it wiI| bg rg by the SLFP.
Considoring the be seen clearly th vehemently by 1 re actionary forCE country and by in international po force5 Consider t representative. T and external polic definite progressi ever its shortcott general members sympathisers of t an anti-imperialist 5 tard. Furtermo both superpower States and Sowet is playing a Thor Tote progre55 iwe politics the SLFP tribution to the anti-imperialist st
But as a bourg also as a party w cf fornining a gover also has an anti anti-revolutionary aspect prevents a longterm, pe front with ther. as in the case o coalition will pro e5t 5 of the nati and will || 5 trive fic development of Therefore as pro til rå fiss We Carl un it with the 3 anti-imperialist, a Criti Ciwiti 5. tQwärds. Im thg SL! will depend on tE itself is dealing tionary forces. E. hold that tha SLFF now denocratic r is the first stage revolution.
(To be c.
 

COLI TE2 – Teli = tion of an article while in the criticizing the rticle by Comra maga ma corn the isie. There ut that the Te anal bourgeoisie presented ewen
SLFP it can at it is opposed the feudal and 도 in 5 jde the the imperialists litic5, All the Se Hie UNP a 5 their hu5 in Internal as the SLFP has a We role, whatiings are. The hip and the he SLFP exhibit and progressive re, in oppos ing is, wiz. United Union the SLFP e patriotic and role. On loga! 15 It 5 CIWT CO | 1 = anti-feudal and ruggle.
'edis Party, and with the potential "nment, the SLFP -proletarian and
stand. This us from forming Til et uited
A united front F 3LFP-LSSP- CP rote the interonal bourgeoisie or the bourgeois
Our Society. letarian revoluопly support апd LFP only in its ti-feudal demoAlso our attitude FP at such tires 1e way the SLFP with the rewoluLuc We definitely o caric lcd the gwall Lion, which of the socialist
ontinued)
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Page 18
Perspective
NM - “Principal working class'
by Hector Abhayawardhana
AR days before his worsen ing illness took him to hospital for the last time, N. M. Perera was visited by a delegation from the Political Bureau of the Comunist Party of Sri Lanka - a gesture of their fraternal concern fr" ir i his Codijom. NM was already too ill to engage in any real conversation with his WIS I to T. They were themselves too embarassed to indulge in any kind of banter. Turning to Dr. S. A. Wickreme singhe, who led the delegation, NM enquired after the Doctor's own health. Dr. Wickremesinghe, who has been battling courageously against a serious heart ailment for sole time, replied that he too found it necessary not to do too much. “Yes, Wicky," NМ observed, "we hawe played our part. It is now for the younger generation to go on fra IT there"
It was not given to NM o the establish Tinent of a Socialist Government in his country, the goal on which he had set his heart. Through the Suriya Mal movement at first and then as a disciplined member of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, he spent about 47 years patiently building up mass consciousness and the strength of organisation necessary to set up a Socialist Government in Sri Lanka. That this should elu de hi'n must hawe Caused him many a twing of regret. But it would be grossly un true that he experienced any feeling of failure or frustration on that account. On the contrary, he gawe expressi on many times to a sobert appreciation of what had been achieved by the long years of Stre nuous exertion and militant struggle in which he and his party had engaged. Most of all, he had
the supreme hu of hawing in given of his best to which he EE Yery end of Hills ||
The period immo the General Elect which decirated Presentation in F him his own se time and forced supporters to fir the continuing ti UNP had uneas jungles or in NF in Colombo, mu so The of the dark life, But NM kn aiso the Tl. |n ti message on the 42nd anniversary December | 9 WW. H.
"For the seco history the voice has been muted
| 940, for tha: ||
the LSSP leaders y
and the Party illegal during the War, the Parliar
poorer for the at presentative to y C and the needs of this country. Th the Election of I. for the Second tir mot heard in P mighty wave of
swept the SLFP G. threw us also out
Without mincing explained the impl
"There is now a rena of Politics, because the SLFP Parliament has der exceptional distinct ptcy of ideas and cw The TULF, truc
politics, is soused

leader of the
man satisfaction :very situation, o thic mowe men -longed to the ife.
diately following ion of July 1977, his party's re'arliament, lost at for tha first hundreds of his ld refuge from error that the |ed, in outlying 1's own house st have been est days in his w how to apprhe course of a occasion of the
of the LSSP In e declared:
ld time in our
3 of the Party in Parliameht. First time, when ere incarcerated proscribed as Second World ment was the sence of a reice the feelings the masses in is ended with 47. And now ne our voi Ce is Lr | ia mont. The antipathy that overnment aside of Parliament."
his words, NM ications of this:
a vacuum in the the Tore so membership in monstrated with :ion is ban kruen of argument. to i 5 TOW in st 5 CO's TLIT
alism. The very effeteness of the Opposition has highlighted the glowing record of the LSSP performance in provious Parliaments. It is a tragedy for this country
that when the presence of the LSSP is most urgently needed, silence has been imposed upon
it by the unfortunate decision of the masses themselves.'"
Two years earlier and a few nonths after the LSSP had been thrown out of the United Front Government by Mrs, Sirima Bandaranalike, NM explained in frank terms the achievements of which the LSSP could be proud:
"The LSSP is justly proud of its achievements over the 40 years of its existence. We are proud that we have lasted for 40 years. which is itself an achievement in a country like Sri Lanka, where parties come up and die off like mushrooms, We are proud of our record of struggle against imperialism and capitalism in this period. . .
"Today the word "Samasa maja" is a household word througout the length and breadth of this country. It is not an idle word. It is a term replete with meanIng. It is pregnant with the endless possibilities of a new life. . .
"40 years of struggle have borne substantial fruit- We are not content to rena in here. We hawe parted company with the SLFP .... The LSSP will now march on towards the goal which we set for oursel wes on December 7th,
935."
It is not always remembered that the purpose of forming the LSSP was not that of grabbing power for a conspiratorial gang within the shortest possible time or by the quickest route. The very idea would hawe been absurd in this little island colony of the

Page 19
mightiest imperialism in the world. It is true that 5 years previously, in 1931, the Labour Government of Britain had introduced the Universal Franchise in Ceylonfor the first time in a British colony. But this did not mean that the era of mass politics had already begun. There could be no mass politics before the LSSP was founded because there were no political parties. Votes were cast not only for individual candidates, but out of ccnosiderations of caste, religion, family, wealth etc. The task that the LSSP had to perform was to bring the masses into the political arena, which meant, first of all conducting political activity in the languages of the masses, Only through the building of a mass movement could the fullest use be made of newly conceded universal YC-te.
The goals of the mass movement were boldly proclaimed by the LSSP's programme: national independence, nationalisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange, and abolition of inequalities of race, caste, creed and sex. Nel ther NM nor any other of the LSSP leaders expected that these goals could be achieved through the State Council that had been set up by the Donough more Constitution. They were convinced that all available meams would hawe to be used for the purpose. Their escape from
prlson and their migration to India indicated their belief that the liberation of Ceylon from
British rule necessitated close coordination of the revolutionary struggle in this country with the Indian revolutionary struggle. What could not be fore seen was that British imperialism greatly weakened by the war, would woluntarily withdraw from India in the face of mounting mass unrest ind, thereafter, transfer power to am elected Parliment in Ceylon,
Since the formation of a revolutionary LSSP coincided with the commencement of mass politics in the country, it was to be expected that Parliament would be literally invaded by organised mass pressures from outside. The general backwardness made it unlikely thet
elections would II in a majority to But even a small MP's, function ing tion and skill backing of mass Towe tour tails i bulldozers were ul Philip Gunawarde LSSP MP's the but ewen as a te dominated the St. their parliament their tactical 5. matchless devoti almost secred prepared himself the pains he had academic knowled
and parliaments abroad.
Ewe irm tondi
use parliament t purpose than is preference of EL to regard parliams NM and Philip the context of relationships, tha to Lus e parliament weapon to Wrest cessions but pc the masse 5 from its local collabor and detention of and the illegalisi during the war w the positive valu Council had for th as NM has pointet and Philip retur
ar | ia ment after arger team to b: parliament was mi to the sound ( despite a serioU! right down the
party,
NM was largely the cambirmatic struggle and p pari ia ment that the politics of t| Lhe Communist F the earliest year: take away any : the performace NM would alway first to di of a team: his cricketer had Im as a school studer

eturn the LSSP the legislature. rum bert of LSSP
with deter Tina
and with the agitation, could n an age when known. NM and na were the only : pre-war years, am of two they lite Council with ary stagecraft,
ki II and their On to duty. It that NM had
for this role by taken to acquire ge of constitutions in his years
:Ions of cala Tial SSP was able to o much greater signified by the tropean Marxists 2nt as a platform. de Tosta tid, in prevalent social t it was possible as a sharp-edged mot merely consitive rights for imperialis T and ators. The arrest the LSP lėäders tion of the Party irtually took away that the State е сопmom people, out. When NM led to the new the war with a ck their efforts, ade to reverberate f fresh battles, split that ran smiddle of thais
responsible for in of agitation, Te 5 sure through has characterised he LSSP, and of 'arty as well, from This does not appreciation from of his colleagues. "5 hawe beer the
hat he was part prowess as a lbuEd hirsi even
it with the Wirtue
of tean-spirit. Nor was the LSSP team to which NM belonged an ordinary team. NM, Philip, Colvin, Leslie, Dorlic, Bernard, Anthony Pillai - to mention just a few of them - ware not mere mediocrities. The flowering of NM's genius owed nuch to the experience of working in such a team within the collectivity of the party,
Ewen before his arrest in 1940, NM had begun to emerge as a trade union leader. He was at the head of the strike-struggles in the up-country plantations that developed in a spreading wave in the early days of the world war. The militancy of those struggles struck terror in the hearts of planterdom. The plantation workers found in him a leader in whose courage and determination they could repose the fu || |est com fidemice. With his release from Prisar in 1945, N“ plunged into the work of organising the urban working class. He was at the hold of Wo General Strikes of Government workers in 1946 and 1947. There were hard-fought battles in the private sector, especially in the Bus Companies where the CWrier 5 made ruth less
thuggery the main device of person nel Tanagement. By the time of the Gerneral Election of
1947 NM had become the principal leader of the working class.
(To be continued)
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Page 20
North - South dialogue (3)
Some basic elements in
he discussion in the preceding
sections has etched the agenda for negotiations in the Eighties as it is currently evolving, and the broad conceptual framework within which Third World -ourtries appear to approach this agen da.
However, a constructive process of international economic nogotiations in the period ahead demands se Weral iT portant preconditions. The objectives of the developing Countries in seeking changes in their relationships with developed Countries and the moti Wations which guide them have emergd with some degree of clarity in the recent period. The responses of the developed countries to the thrust for a new word economic ordet are not equally clear, In sentering into negotiation, Third World contries need to gain a clearer insight and fu||er understanding of how developed countries approach the whole range of issues which are the subject of negotiations. The positions that have been Laken in the negotiations conducted in the recent past indicate that there is no single unified approach to these Issues among the developed countries themselves. It is obvious that there are varying degrees.
of "hardness' and 'softness' among the developed market economy countries to the Third
World derma ds. The TC is rico evidence that developed countries recognise the need for restructuring the world economic system in the samg fundarmer tal sense in which the developing countries perceive it. Therefore there does not seem to be agreement on the fundamental premises on which the negotiations are based. UNCTAD W Provides a timely opportunity to examine these fundamental premises, as it directly broaches the question of structural change in the Interrational e Coro Tic system. It is perhaps the first opportunity after the Declaration of the N. T. E. O., which developing
COL m tries would explicit commitm ary objectives negotiations are define the ch: Structural change. 5ought.
The approache countries to the Crisis hawe been waried character. ponses themselw defensive and giving first place the economic r developed count responses, the re loped countries precondition for tioning of the and the developit World. For the the most convinc the need for stru the world econor its persistence ar respond to the Counter-cyclical st Third World's , recovery' cannot restructuring an ponses aimed at c and return to th prior to 947 car re inforce the stri of the crisis. TF needs to establish Agenda firmly a Negotiations on issuas ate of Cour be conclusive. is important that maintains its pr definition of the
:Yen if it wera che limited pur explicit the und: of approach. It w
signposts for the the Third Wor| in its negotiation:
What will even the outcome of process will be t international Within which take place. Third

a negotiating strategy
hawe to seek am ent to the primto which the directed, and Lo tracter of the s that are being
s of developed world economic of a Tixed and The policy reses have been inward looking, to the need for ecovery of the ties. in these scovery of deve
is set is the smooth funcWorld economy ent of the Third : Third World, ing e widence of ctural change is mic crisis itself, d its failure to 프 CO Wętiq|
rategies. In the ri 2 W "Etolo Ilio come Without
d defensiye te 5inly "recovery' e path of growth 1 only serve to Jittu ra element 5 e Third World the negotiating in this premise. he fundamental "se not likely to "Nice werth Celess, it the Thi i'r Wici-|- e55 LU re for Ch basic objectives. only to serye Jose of making 2rlying conflicts 'ould provide che directions which needs to take
tually determine the negotiating he structure of olic power e negotiations World countries
canırı ot a 55ume that the fır reching changes in the world ELGIQT1ic Order could -orThe from
a change of heart on the part
of developed countries, or that the changes can be engineered through an appeal to goodwill
and reason. It might be granted that the historical process includes the evolution of international
norms and moral standards which exert their pressure on international relations, and that the international negotiations themSelves can draw on this bas e. But in the final analysis it is to be expected that the elites of the developed societies will resist a process which dislodges them from their present positions of power and control over the world
economy. They will attempt to steer that process in a direction which will eventually preserve those positions without any serious diminution of power. In such a context it might seen naive to expect international economic negotiations in which developed and developing countries could
more assiduously get together to cooperate in creating a world economic system in which power is shared more equitably. Therefore as the international economic issues become more sharply defined in the Eighties, the short-term conflicts of Interest between developing and developed countries are likely to become a CCentu a to d.
Interdependence
Howe war, an alternative Scenario in which the elites themselves recognise the need for a more rational and equitable management and resolution of the global conflicts is not an impractical or impossible prospect. In fact international seconomic negotiations can find a convincing rationale only if the negotiating efforts are directed at such an objective, and a 5 suma that the Possibility of realis ing such an objective exists. But if a scenario of this kind is to be a reality, two

Page 21
crucial elements have to be present, First, there should be some areas of genuine interdependence and mutuality of interests between developed and developing countries and second the Third World Illust be capable of exercising effective Counterwa iling power. II is these elements that will provide the To iwe force for a com structiwa negotiating process in which the prospect of gains and the fear of losses could complement each other.
One set of responses in the developed countries has begun to emphasise the interdependence of the different parts of the world economic system and the mutuality of interests between developing and developed countries. These
perceptions extend from the growing importance of markets in developing countries for the
exports of the developed countries, to the role which aid can play in enhancing the import capacity of developing countries stimulating
demand in the world economy and speeding the recovery of developed economies. Some of
these approaches are reflected for example in the proposal for a w "Mrs Pr" for the Third World. They hawe also found expression in forceful critiques of current defensive policies followed by developed countries such as the new protection is J. and have led to a growing recognition of a mutuality of interests of developed and developing countries in a program. The of international restructuring. The growing emphasis on the mutuality of interests is certainly a new phenomenon in the international scene. It does suggest that developed and developing countries could discover common ground for formulating a prograinine of international economic cooperation.
In deciding on its own responses and designing its negotiating strategy, the Third World however needs to examine thoroughly all the responses made by the developed countries and consider
- wat it should Take 5 elective E cf these to Secure the best ====== to the Third World. 그 - to distinguish bet
caches which tend to
preserve the pre" of relationships fr are conducive to b desired structural that are within a framew: resource transfer the process.es whi structural change. such resource tran: of the Marsha Pa Sch eines and si T not substitu Ces foi Programme for the restructuring trade in manu hawe to be see comprehensive p complementing m Teasures which remowing the ineq economic reali tiori ing Third World g and bargaining pow of maintaining t between aid and and the task of e aid system itself i support of the c the structures a ships, concerns t negotia ting strate: The proposals ba of intero SES haw these problems in
It is important countries in the negotiation take the concept of in te mutuality of inti of thg sig|ds | are to be launched there is consideral demonstrating the longer-term ben accrue to all pa economic system : rapid growth an the Third W. studios hawe alrea tian to the berhe price stabilisation and low cost im loping Countries developed econd has already beer new role assume fight against re Work needs to the Third World lines. The mutu in different part. h:15 to be perce the Cumulative im
 

wailing structure om those which ringing about the changes. Policies ned exclusively ork of 31. Id and could endanger ch are aimed at
Proposals for 5 fers, new models n, global Stabex ilar projects are o the Integrated Commodities or of production and factures, They in as part of a ackage and 1도 ore far reaching are capable of ualities of present ships and en han CIconomic strength wer. This problem he right balance structural change nsuring that the s reorganised in lesired change in
ld the relationle. Third World gy as a whole.
sed on mutuality e only brought to sharper focus.
that developing ir strategies of due advantage of rdepen den ce and erests. In each which initia tiwes in the Eighties, ble potential for short-term and efits that would "ts of the world is a result of the development of r|d. Analytical dy drawn attenficial effects which I of Commodities ports from devewill hawe in the mies, Reference 1 Thade to the d by aid in the ession. Further be dom C2 with in itself along these ality of interests 5 of the Agenda iwed together and pact more clearly
demonstrated. It is also essential
to place the short-term costs of restructuring that might have to be borne by developed countries with in the medium and long-term perspective, and show how the transition to a more equitable World eConomic ordar could croate conditions which are beneficial to the mass of the population in both developed and developing countries. Such an effort would help to give support to the growing awareness in the developed
countries of the emerging pattern of interdependence between them
and the developing countries, and would help to mobilise the progressiva social forces in these
toun triag behind the New Inte snational Economi: Ordet,
(Concluded)
Vietnam Day
A. a Wietnam National Day meeting held in Kandy last week organised by the Sri Lanka — Wietnam Friendship Association the following resolutions were unanimously passed.
Resolutions
(a) The people of Sri Lanka, especially those in the Hill country, extend warIIISL greelings to the heroic people and the schillist state of Wict halil (Il this occasion of their 34th anniversary of their National Day.
(b) We S lute the great people of Wietnam who, having successfully defeated US incrialism in the course of a Williant struggle, have als L3 defeated and suppressed the conspiracy by the Pol-Pot Ieng Sary clique and the Peking ruling clique to sabotage the victory of April
O.
(c) While firmly denouncing and condellning the Act of Elggression by the: Pickiing rulers Lgu i 1.5; L Wicitl aml, Will: resolve to do whatever is in our power to defend Socialist Wict Ilarin.
(d) We extend our warriest thanks to the Wict 1:41:5c people for the intestimable Contribuli is Iliade by the to the world Wide o liberitic I1 - movement algainstit:1porialisTT1 arid to the Construçtil TSICiallis,
The neeting was presided over by Mr. G. B. de Silva and the speakers included LLLLLLSS LSLLLLL S LLLLLL0LLLLSSSLLLLaaL LLLLLLLHHLLSS rat sho, Jayarat le Maliyagoda.
9

Page 22
Stop,
by Jayantha Somasunderam
he plight of the "Boat People'
of Wietnam and the Other refugees of Indo China, are a reminder to us, that we live in
a world that oft times Is brutal in its treatment of people. Three decades after the extermination of six T illior Jews in the death camps of Buchenwald, Belsen, Dacha Lu, Mä, Lithausen and Auschwitz, the International Council of Christians and Jews, a gathering representing 75 nations, has Neo -Nazism as its topic. Amidst all of its affluence, in the USA, over 8 million adults are illiteratethey cannot read wanted ads, job applications, work orders, road
signs, food labels or directions for Tedication.
When Amnesty International won the 1977 Nobel Peace Prize, David Hawk, its US Executive Director said: We're honoured and very moved at the prize,
But we're not celebra ting. The time when we are going La celebrātë is who T1 th[]re är to f1C Tĩ1ørg torture and atrocities committed by governments around the world.
When we respond to oppression, to cruelty, to matural disasters, we are reiterating that we are part of a single family." When we try to help, some of the devastation gets repaired, some of the prisoners are set free, some of the hungry are fed and some of the tears wiped away.
Its true we can't do everything, but we can all do something. Yes, each come of Lus can help to change the world.
"During the past few years, I
hawe had little Peace. Twelve times was jailed, twice they tried to blow up my home,
overyday my family and I were threatie med, and om cel was knifeid almost fatally. I have been swayed by the storins of persecution and felt tempted to give up the struggle and withdraw to a more qui et life, but each ti The I was strengthened in my resolve. Often in the Worst Thorents of Crisi5 and self doubt, an irrer voice would say 'see, I am with you."
O
look and
liste
Thi5 wd5 Marti tęsti Tony; he w Nobel Peace Pri:
In the last dcc; peopla hawa di cd |Ende in North Cr in || 976, Mairead C and Betty Williar
began a Tower Sin e then violer thern Ireland h:
54 percerit. TF have also been ay Prize for Peace.
All of Lus are for the Nobe | Pel, can stop and list of others. Too caught up in our too busy doing thing deafened t ideis that Wve di to listering to God gawe us two one mouth. Sa been made to much time listeni
A richly dre 5 seç rode his horse C Umbrian plain i As his horse shi 5ight he most stood before him. down his loathi and gawe the ma denly Francis was He kissed the le embraced him. a sa in was bort",
Francis of Assis to pen this pray
f. Jr. f7uke fler fr
Per flere i riff
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'. Elle río P178) l'ord fils
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incidents and from The Christop

in Luther King's as awarded the e i E.
Yde, nearly 2,000
in religious vioIrland, The orrigan a Catholic T5, a protestant ent for peace. I t ideaths irii Ma rlve dropped by a two of ther warded the Noble
not candidates ce Prize, but we ei to the na ed5 often we are o Wyn little World, our own little y our own little on't get around thers. But the
ears arid only Wel TL5 t have spend twice as
rig.
youth Francis, ne day on the n Assisi, Italy. ed he saw the feared, a le per But he fought ng dismounted rn money. Sudfilled with love. քe r's harld, then In that northerit
i was to go on
fers fri off of Fir Fifi'i'. ;eיישl #ו{tצ *ieלי, t:ti Jer" *r', Partdurt;
եք, քաith: Ρεμίρ, Ιμμε: "kress, gr:
såresy, jily".
FrP if so? Fy & Fritik fe ('i Frig'. so f7 erferFfriff
fiar o recere: of it': 49 F# Portಳಿ; ri vere ori I, eering life.
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Page 23
Book review
Bandaranalike til
BANDARANA KE DESAPALANA DARSANAYA (I Political Philosophy) - Monis Gunawardene, Honda,
Kandy, 1978, pp. I 5.
he ignominious do feat of the
Sri Lanka Freedom Party at the last general election generated a discussion on the rele wance and the currency of the so-called Bandaranai ke policies, The Intellectuals and politicians of the left who examined the need for reassessment of his place in the political history of Sri Lanka exposed its feeble and rather doubtful relevance to the changing political process of the country and they, above all, attempted to discuss the extent to which "the Bandaranaike charisma'-which he ach iewed after assa sination—ha 5 been utilised to provide legitimacy to the political strategy of the kith and kin of this founder of a popular political machine.
Monis Gunawardene, in a style typical of loyalist cum critic, has produced a fifteen page pamphlet — in garb of a philosophical tract-on the "political philosophy of Bandaranaike." Gųn awardene's short essay, which consists of four chapters, is essentially an attempt to construct philosophy out of the disjointed and inconsistent Political ideas to which Bandaranalike gawe expression in the course of his political career. Making a very sketchy analysis of the background-pertaining to his youth - in which Bandaranaike expressed some of his ideas, the author sees (1) Socialism (2) Mass Democracy and (3) Religious Thought as the basic foundation of the Political thought of Bandaranaike. The major centention of the author is that the political ideas emerged more in the nature if an attempt to restore the 25 which disappeared under the ck of colonial domination. The Ekeit 35 pect of this section is * - here is no discussion of the at of colonialism on the ==rging national political scene
from which Ban: inspiration, and with its influenc sub-continent, Some of his pol relationship betw miסוfסand the eC cies of Bandar been properly ex attempt is being in form of a propagar to say that Ba considerably influ
The author : tance of a quotat ranaike's work "Th and the Paddy F really an imitatic dian ideology. T the ideas of a " economy was Іаг pose of political backward state, view, was Parti Siyane Korale w fully established for himself. Such primitive ciconomi like symbolic slo tional liberation very limited utilit explains as to w of the spinning an island-wide in movement. This which Bandarana ration to resus economy under tation, demonstr; weakness as a programme. The has been used ti wardena's point word 'socialism' tuted. However leaders, who w not totally, res popularity of 's Lanka, hawe not No efforts need to unearth the absence of this

W. A. Wiswa Waranapala
hought
3andara ndike's fifth a Printers,
|daranai ke deriwed it was this, along e is the whole which nurtured litical ideas. The ween this factor C and other poliän aiko has not a mined; yet the lade, more in the dist pamphleteer, In då ramaike was 2nced by socialism.
e eks the assision fra T1 Bandae Spinning Wheel i eld" which was in of the Ghanhe utilisation of Spinning Wheel' gely for the purTobilisation in a and this, in my ally achiewed in here he successa political base symbols of the ie horitage, ungans of the na - Struggles, are of y, and it perhaps hy the message vhoel was nevar stional awakening ery source, from ke derived inspiCate a backward
colonial exploited its in harent Wiable oconomic
STE COX
buttress Gunaf Wiew Lhat thg !as been prostiche people and re partially, if or sible for the icialism" in Sri ծք է:n m t:ritiւնriըg. to be in wested motive for the iքact!
Gunawardene, in his distinctly weak attempt to construct Politica philosophy Out of a serie of quotations decorated with the Phraseology is nauseatingly familia to a political scientist, introduces a number of contradictions; the important question, therefore, could be asked whether these contradictions are representative aspect of the very Philosophy. No intellectual or politician wou |d deny the impact of October, 97 in national | iba ration struggles of this century; Gunewarden, while agreeing with this contention, "as not very sure that the ideas em a mated in 97 had an impact on the thought of Bandaranalike. Lack of certifnty in this respect has been justified by indulging in the oft-repeated defensive arਪment that Bandaranai ke was not a "pothe-gura"–a bookish thaoretician. The lack of a theory- or according to the author, thé absence of the "pothe-gura' orientiltior- is cause and consequence of the poverty of Philosophy and it was this aspect, coupled with the fear to show any committ"E to a scientific philosophy which gawe birth to Prağ Tatit postures in certain political parties. Gunawardena, in page 8 of his tract, indirectly refers to it but no attempt has been made to elaborate this aspect of the palitics of Bandarana ike. Gunawardene has successfully if unwittingly exposed this facet of Bandaranaike, who, Lundoubtedly, was one of the as tute politicians of Sri Lanka, Monis Gunawardene, who adds YԸ է anքther piece into the plethora of incomplete assessments of the place of Bandarna i ko in the political annals of the Country, must realise that a political Philosophy could not be constructed out of the astu teness of a political tactician. Above all, it needs to be realised that theoretical aridity
cannot be disguised as phillsophy.

Page 24
Satire
The Hydro- Crac
Cabinet Halts The Hydro Cracker. Un, Tender Procedures ....... headlines “SUN',
wer to Nicodemus at the
Hapugaskande Downs for the running of the Hydro Crackerjack Stakes. The sponsors are linternatica Ten der Inc., Tä kers and purveyors of grease and palm oil. "Thank you, Chris and good afternoon, listeners. We are about to witness the running of the richest race ever proposed. Six international runners will wie for Rs. 600 Tillion in this winnertake-all swert.
With such an enormous purse at hand, pre-race preparation has been intense. Owners, trainers and icckeys have spared no money and effort, mostly in unorthodox fashion, to bring their charges to peak condition. Sleepless nights hawe been s Pen L over Cocktails and wild oats, jockeying tenderly for position. Experts on the treacherous na Lure of the course hawa bice flown to distant capitals for secret
review, rest and " recuperation. With strategy regarding pace, weight and gate position all
important in this six furlong dash to the wir, millions hawe been reported spent on any inside information regarding "going" conditions. So great is the frenzy to snatch the multi-million rupee purse, with no holds barred, the Chief Steward has ordered that a special panel of judges be appointed to confirm the placings,
The card is as follows: The Japanese-owned Chioda trained by Wondel, ridden by Deeseela; the German–owned Binde trafred at Allied Stables, ridden by Gewin thesinghe; the French Darwin from the Raja Stables, ridden by A runson; Britain's Glous trained by Soy Associates, ridden by Ajeesoy; the second Japanese entry Benibeni, owned and trained by Berimari Incorporated and ridden by Mah in das and the Italian-owned
Soletti, tra in oc ridden by Aloy
It is an Impres CW (12 T5, traill 2"5 super-confident o' charges. Their 5 have spent large the form of oth professional for T only three have a the Crackerjack favoured is th Darwin Earked he: financial combing powerful Raja yard past brought off n
their strong line with nowel but techniques. The
two women jockey steering Darwin c. The Italians are
chance since an i Consorti LITT Fhäly
on victory. They to be Well-Stock information regar tion 5 and the form The other favours beni, whose prep: gallops hawe been secracy and on a de
There has bee fairly heavy backi It's trainers negotiated a weigh the Thatcher a power. Glorinus lower handicap designated at ent
The field is nic They are coming no, Chilo da is bac Come up again and Chiloda has plant
As they sett Bir de taking the bunch followed by Soletti and Beniber TLIsh with B|rde the rails.

Nicodemus
ker
atisfactory August Tó.
by Frelica and Sian CO. iye line-up. All and jockeys are their individual cable hangers-on sums prying into r runners. But readers feel that :hance of cracking
Stakes. Most French-owned vily by a leading Further the has in the recent many a coup with -up of jockeys effective riding line-up includes is who hawe beer luring work-outs. also given a good industrial and oil gambled heavily are also reputed cd with inside ds cour"5e condi - of other runners. id entry is Beniration and trial
done in great sceptive low-key,
n discreet but пg оп Glomus. E sucessfully t decrease after
dy came into will start on a than what was ry time.
aw at the gate. up nicely. No, king. Here they away they go. e.
e down it is
lead from the Darmin, Glomus, i. It is a mighty in the lead on
stakes
As they come to the two furlong post Binde continues to lead just ahead of Darwin on its outside, Glorus in the middle, Soletti and Beni ben I. It is furiou 5 bunch of horse flesh with nothing more than two lengths between first and fifth. Beni beni on the outside is now drawing up to Soletti. Glomus half length in front of Soletti and Darwin about a length behind leader Binde.
At the three and into the straight, Binde is falterlng. Oh, he's falling back and Amunson has forged ahead of Darwin and got rail position. Glomus has beaten Binde and Beni beni is galloping beside Soletti.
As they tako the turn Binde is out of the race, It's Darwin, Glomus with Solecti com ing through and Benibeni straighten ing up for his run on the outside, Soletti is now coming through challenging Glomus who is weakening. Darwin is running sound. Half a length behind now is Soletti and Mahind as has gone for his whip on Benibeni.
At the distance it is still Darwin in front of Soletti and Beni beni is coming like a thunderbolt on the outside. Three whips are flashing as they go for the wire with just half length separating Darwin and Soletti with Benibeni running together like two slices of bread in a sandwich. Beni beni is being whipped on both flanks and is forging ahead like the wind. He has caught Darwin with Soletti maybe half a length behind. Nose to nose, Darwin and Benibeni and at the post I think it is Benibeni by a nose from Darwin with Solett a half length behind. Gornus is three lengths behind and Binde who flatterred at the start a bad ast. Chiana was left behind and there goes the photo-finish signal.
It was a fantastic race, Champagne smiles must be worn by the Japanese and the disappointed

Page 25
others must be heart-broken Counting the money spent in vain.
There goes the photograph to the judge's box. Yes, as I prodicted It is Beni beni. Second is Darwin and third place to Soletti, whose powerful backers must be very disappointed since they openly boasted victory over the much fanci ed French entry.
Whilo await the white cone ta indica C: thc: "all cieat" | w || || return you to the studio for an announcment by our sponsors.
'GREASE AND PALM O L TRY INTERNATIONAL TENDER INC. EWERYONE USES IT WHEN IT CCoES |N JLJoBC CCNTANERS. IT DOES NOT DISCRIMINATE. BIG AND SMALL LOWE IT IN EXTRA - LARGE APPLICATIONS. BACK TO YOUR COMMENTATOR,"
There is consternation here. It is no white core. The red has been hoisted to indicate an objection by second-placed Darwin and some of the Stewards are joining the judges.
(A musical interlude while the inquiry proceeds. It includes the latest Randy Newman hit "It's money that I love".)
Consternation, My foot! It is chaos and confusion. I hawe new er witnessed anything like this before. The placings hawa been shuffled like a pack of cards. First the frame went up with Darwin's objection upheld. Darwin first, Soletti second and Beni beni relogated to third. Then down came the frame and the numbers then indicated Soletti the winner, with Darwin second and Bern i beni remaining at third place. This is um beliewable. Jockey Amun son and R-ja Stable trainers are tottering 3TC und in a da ze shouting 'dope, ce', There is wild joy among the Soletti backers who seem to tive pulled a fantastic coup. The 2 mese, 5 Lusual, haw C their Utable Smiles, The White come is still to go up confirming the Eclines. And here is an announceT = E -ver the public address system.
Good lord the head judge has is E. E. and the Chief Steward ed the race null and void, The Eckerjack Stakes has been 二三--
 
 

Players -
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forgoodtaste.
H. عجمي
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From John Player. GLਟਰ farTOLJE IGUrd the world of it,
Wig is tobacco and slਟr Sood taste.
LLLSLLLaaLLLL aLLS S0LLLLLLKK LLLLLL LLHHLHLS DEIHF Ck HF HF fik Ful Tg HE-1TH

Page 26
Proportional . . .
(Car irried from Page ra)
first counting are automatically declared to be elected.
If however, the required number of seats fails to be filled at the first count the method that is generally adopted is the following: the surplus votes of the candidates already elected on the basis of the quota are redistributed among the others in accordance with the voters second preference. These votes are added to the total obtained already by each candidate according to preferences. Thus if the quota is 4,000 and candidate X has received 3,940 as a result of the first count, the re-allocation of the surplus votos e of the winning candidates according to second preferences may well give him the additional 60 votes he requires to reach the quota, and thereby qualify to obtain a seat.
If some seats still remain to be filled, the method that is adopted is the elimination of the candidates
at the bottom o one and the rei votes according feten çeş arıd adı totals already o required number
This system thL candidates who a wi|| irfact besee if not as their firs as second (or : preferences. It ; Wote 5 are not "' capable of being til ing to voters P
The fully P tữTT is thät I Thomas Hare acı the entire count as a single const that number of se cribed for the at
While a fully pr many mot be the o. less the experience rics like Irelands have been fairly clo
ஜ்
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the poll one by location of their to second preing them to the ita ined until the pf seats get filled.
s ens Lures that the re finally elected ted by the voters, ; preference, then ometimes later) |50 ensures that wasted' but are ansferred accordeferences,
roportional sysecommended by ording to which ry is considered : uency Conta ining its which is presional legislature.
oportional system too me, neverthe; of its use in count hows that results se to proportion
ality. In Britain the revival of Interest in cloctoral reform as a result of the disproportionate relation between seats and votes in the 1974 elections led to the appointment of the Blake Commission of 1975 under the auspices of the Hansard Society; and one of two alternative easures it has recommended ls the Single Transferable vote."
However, the chief drawback of proportional representation, acCording to its critics is that it encourages minority thinking and therefore multi-party systems and coalition governments. The representation of different interests and the ConSultation of these interests in the formation of a government may be a sign of political maturity; but a strong and homogenous cabinet able to form a stable government, they argue, is an advantage which should not be lightly sacrificed so as to obtain mathematical accuracy in the representation of various groupings in a society.
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