Page 1
LANKA
●
SUMMIT
SPECIAL REPORT
HAVANA DARY
Mervyn de Silva
“HANSA VLAK”
Reggie Siriwardena
EELAM -- MARXISM
Chintaka replies
LEFT UNITY - PROSPECTS,
 
 
 

Page 2
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SHITUL UNWTNI

Page 3
Trends
That Chilly Feeling
Two. Prestigious journals, the 'Hindu' and "Newsweek' have done the UNP's new economic policies proud. Commenting editorially on President Jayewardene's recen vis to Japan, the Hindu notes the did and in Westfrient that Sri Lanka is now attracting from a variety of sources. It is a testament, Says the Hindu, to the island's пеwly achi eved stability.
Sri Lanka figures in a three-part Newsweek survey which seeks to make a political point from the options open to different countries and the choices actually made. One choice is Big government, socialism or social Welfarism, with state-controls, nationalisation, subsidies etc. and the other is defined as Capitolism, with free market forces, tax CLII5 et,
of the statistics reported by the correspondent, James Pringle, one was picked up by Mr. N Sanmughathasan when he addressed the recent protest tal: gainst the Essential Public Services Bil. The average skilled worker here earns half the statutory minimum in India dnd one-fifth of the Wage paid to a skilled worker in Singapore. The survey which has a general title TILT TO THE RIGHT places Sri anka In the Company of Thatcher's Britain and Pinochet's Chile, ReguVar redders of the international press wis note the re-appearance of what the CDN once ded "The Chilean parallel". When Allende's coalition (which took office the same year as Mrs. Bardarandike's U.F.) was tappled in 1973, the ECONOMIST published a com. mentary on Sri Lanka entitled "That Chilly Feeling'.
Image Abroad
ThoШgh the UNP Governmeлt's Performance is bein g 5h o) wered with so much favourable foregri publicity, the authorities are increasingly concerned, it was reported fast week, over the sustained anti-governminent Carn paign conducted a brodd by expatriate groups. This propagan
da draws attention to two Jestions,
the Tami situat new legislation.
The campaign from the UK on Europe. Some a may be dismisse there ha ve bee COĽS too, Weste CO Wêreld the Hy frr:StdInCe, reyeae they were on th Jr. orgar) sation 'the Tam co-ord, |п their mail reci Copy of a reply ரோசிil to the T Mrs. Gandhi says ffed" to redd the do CL, ments sent to Mrs. Gandhi has Janata Party's atti İngs of the Tam
Christian Prote
Besides the m, affiliated to the 5. Other Left partes, Orgilisation 5 Fidye essenttial Public Se Strongest terms.
Prominently dis front page of the ger'. Jg d story he would be a "negatio
(Čuffred a
-l
Wo|.
FLublished by Lar Publishing Co. Lt. 88, N. H., M. A, buI (Reclariation Raac
Editor: Marvy
Telephone:
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on and the tough
has now spread d US to Western if these exercises d as "stunts'. But n many publicity rf journalists who na Conference, for d the fact that e nailing list of in London called nating committee'. 3rtly was a photoby Mrs. Indira C. In her letter, 5 he was "horri2 Contents of the her by the TCC. diso criticised the ude to the "suffer.
5.
St
for trade unions LFP the ULF and Sever Christian
Condemned the *rvices B.II in the
Played on the 'Catholic Messenddlined 'EPS Bil
of democracy." Гт Page g)
Letters
'Bhikkhus in revolt .
Dr. Kumari Jayawardene's fourpart i article entitled "Bhikkhus in evolt" which appeared your Journal has sought to analyse the historical development of the Bhikkhu-oriented Political movement in Sri Lanka. Her record of this development comes right up to the late fifties, but not beyond. Though studded With a galaxy of well known names, many leading lights in the movement had by that time gone their own way and in that process had their radical views blunted t the extent that some of thern have sought refuge in rank munalism in the post-95 er".
But that tradition did not die with such defections. It could be said that it Culminated in the 1971 insurrection and no less than 300 Bhikkhus were aբբrehended by the authorities While Bhikkhúis like Pitakatuwana Vajragnana, Tel watte Rahula and Bharathie had to suffer incarceration.
Although their efforts рго үed abortive, the yet deserve mention in aпу । гесогd of that movement, which WAS a attempt to translate into action its aspirations.
Kelaniya P. Wanigabadu. (Cirillied on Pages)
LAMERA
GUARDAN
No. 1 October
lika Guardian I. First Floor, Il Calder Roald, I) Colombo II,
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26 - 28 Eelam and Marxism
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Page 4
Trends . . .
"The Messenger report is based on a statement issued by the Centre for Society and Religion. The effect of the Bill, it says, is to divide the trade union movement, to bring it as far as possible uuder govern. ment control, to victimize trade un sonists, to curta is the freedom of speech, and to create conditions of 'stability" for foreign investors.
The Christian Workers Movement has also attacked the Bill because it "undermines democratic freedom', deprives workers of trade union rights, benefits local and foreign capitalists, and seeks to destroy trade unionism.
Waiting for Gandhi ?
A veteran politician with strong, settled views, JR has rarely concealed the crucial importance he attaches to Sri Lanka's relations with India.
The Mrs. G. Mrs. B. Connection was so firmly established in the public mind here that the Janata party's "cow-and-calf' election gampaign was an obvious Inspiration for the UNP's anti-SI rima, I An Lura pre-July 1977 propaganda blitzkreig,
A series of CDN articles by a 'special correspondent' on the "JR Jawa harsal connection" has become a Conversational topic In DPL circles. While the archivist does throw some new light on JR's political career and the evolution of "JR Thought", the articles are seen by at least 2 Asian diplomats as particularly interesting in the light of electoral trends in India.
Bi-Partisan
Those who redd with care the Foreign Minister's many guarded and non-comm itta I sta terments on Kampuchica Tay have concluded that the government was "neLItra' or 'undecided" on this question and that Mrs. Bandaranal ke was the only distinguished non-aligned supporter of Pol Pot in this country. Wrong.
The SLBC proudly announced that 7 || Countries, including Sri Lanka, ytted for Pol Pot. It added that the "ASEAN group joined Sri Lanka' in doing so. India voted for Heng Samrin.
It may be said for Mr. Halced
letters . . .
Caste
I am afraid pa55 шпапswered Sanaike's reply the above subjec Why Mr. Dissana self hotted up attacking me pc did was to mis-5:ta tements which, incident; den [ed.
He thinks th: ower-play Ing th Since he is not end of caste repr for Mr. Dissani There can bg | Over-playing the in particular, practised in Jaff caste oppression in humanity to mi * fם חסuestlף סח issue.
Mr. Dissa nake attitude to Mr. surely, an absur Måth. W Luses til caste among the them their jus support to the the Tamils Is E Urge the resoluti lem of Casto In ort ter unity behind of the Tanils. Tw altogether ! I c that Mr. Dissana the same as tha Caste reactor who use the wer does to justify caste oppression,
From where nake get the hostile towards t from among wF Considerable follo sårbaike had b Jaffna for this
that he had to fact that Sri Lan. Chaiгтап. Anyway this issue at legs and the SLFP pot the UNP kettle
di Amfm had still the head of Kampala?

in Jaffna
that I cannot let Mr. Gamini Disחס y letterוח סt t, I do not know like has got himto the extent of litically. All that point out some In his article — ally, he has not
at I am grossly IE. Caste fato.
at the receiving ession, it is easy Ke to pontificate. to such thing as
caste issue and, Untouchability as ha. I think that
is man's greatest 1. There can be oft pedalling thls
compares my Cyril Mathew's d parallel Mr. 12 existence of Tamils to deny t demands. My just demands of Feyond doubt, I on of the probder to build greathe just demands o different things, :ould also reply ike's attitude is of the die-hard !s of the North y arguments he --II LIT LIati. Il D
does M. DEssaidea that I am :he Tam F | youth, | ČT1. We hawe a wing? If Mr. Dis2en Present in year's May Day
e mindful of the to Was the NAM's " OLIr position on
t is bi-partisan Cam hardly ca II black. What if
claimed he was Wernment inסE *
NEXT ISSUE
D "Encounters' with Danicl Ortega, a founder of the FSLN (Sandinista) and a member of the ruling Nicaraguan Junta, and with Information Minister Malek of the POLISARIO). O The final part of Chakravrti Raghavans irticle Or1 the New Information Order.
celebrations, he could hawe seen that the greater part of the united trade union demonstration consisted of our following and that this demonstration was bigger than
that of the TULF - even as ad. mitted by the “Wira kesari’. Anyway, who gawe Mr. Dissa naike
the idea that the youth of Jaffna are sympathetic to the USSR, Cuba and Wietnam ? One or two wsits to Jaffna do not justify such SWeeping generalisations.
I am not going to argue in this letter as to Wိat is the main contradiction in the North. But, let The tell Mr. Dissanai ke that the struggle to end caste oppression is part of anti-fe Ludal " revolition. It is, therefore, part of the new democratic (or national democratic-call it what you will) Stage of the revolution. Therefore, am not skipping any stage of the revolution,
Colombo 5. N. Shanmugathasan
Kum is or Kumar?
"l marvel at thee Octopus'
5aΠg Ogden Nash, "If I werdthee Call me Us". Ils Kumar David one
person or are Kumar David two persons? It is reasonable to suppose the latter since Kumar David refer to themselves in the plural. Kumar David tells us that in their considered view NM "is the biggest and most important of the political leaders and personages during the first three quarters of this century." As for "important", it all depends, as load used to say, on what you mean by important. But Kumar Dawid are wrong about "biggest". I'd personally say CAS Marikăr was much bigger. Kumar David are Particular to specify the first three
(Cairlfried on Page 8)

Page 5
News background
Left unity : problems
by A staff writer
This ongol ng discussions between the country's leading left parties have caused apprehension in the ranks of the Government, and dismay in the SLFP leadership, while simultaneously creating an upswell of enthus|asim among the rank-and-file of the working class organisations. The current mcod is similar to that of the months preceding the formation of the United Left Front in 1963. But there are still signs that a united left movement may turn out to be a mirage once again, and that the present dialogue will only result in a realignment O forces within the Left, rather than a broad Ingathering of the badly divided Marxist movement.
JvP
The current discussions were, surprisingly though, mooted by the WP, which, until April May this year had concentrated its polem|cal fire on the 'old' Left and its other 'new' Left rivals. This tactic enabled the JWP to build up its own strength by projecting an image of ideological purity, while eroding, or at least putting pressure on, the support bases of the ULF. This was the JWP line Lup to this year's commemoration, meeting of the April Insurrection. One month later, on May Day, the JWP switched tactics and directed it onslaught on the SLFP leadership and the Bandaranai ke family in particular. Its highly im Pressive May Day demonstration and rally, followed by its relative success (vis-a-vis the ULF) at the Local Govt. Polls brought home to the "old" left the message that a modus wiwendi was Imperative. That ULF newspapers began to =cord the JWP the Coverage st definity merited, was a sign of this belated recognition of political realities.
The JVP new proceeded to open negotiations with the ULF, from
a position of 'esse It had a psychol since nobody exp initiate the c news that Wi Bopage and Upa had actually sat Colwin, Bernard surprise and through the ra
The Te Ware oli led the JWP to te if not abandon hostility to the ment's legislativt pelled with the hardships, broug WP leaders he: birgeon ing tradɛ strongy felt wo for Lum I Lied actiior parties, Furte began to recogniz detision ne Werto international iso and the conse legitimacy and the socialist can ally reflect itsell of new, broader on the doTesti Opposition to realistic orienca hawe: come from bourgeois base, and student sec Wass Ti ||ckera Wociferous C. Titic to Wijeweera, an cum-advocate of | 97 || пеа Гrot: line. Though Ti self a loyal accly the prevailing within the party to be tilted aga
Though the Important step C sons its assess T. and for T1 of IE at the present con the discus character from The WP seas a

and prospects
ntial equivalence'. logical advantage acted the WP to iscussions. The ijeweera, Lional tissa GanTnanayake face to face with
et al, caused
hope to spread k5 of the Left.
her factors that mporarily modify, its sectarian JLF. The govern2 onslaught Co Inrising economic ht home to those iding the party's = Linion wing, the rking class need with other Left rmore the JWP, :e that the party's to repeat the Iatio ism of |5979, quent need for recognition from 1p, should logicF in the formation alliance patterns ງ. S. the WP's naw tion is said to the party's petty notably its youth tions headed by ne, the most of the ULF ex d a firl adherentthe WP's postskyite theoretical Iekeratne is hin"te of Wijeweerta,
power balance ' leadership seeins inst him.
JWP took the If initiating discusent of the degree ift unity required juncture, imposed for S a restrictive the wery outset. med for "''url | tad
actions', to "march while striking together. The CPSL howewer stands for the creation of higher forms of unity
separately
i. e., of a broad-based United Left Front which will embrace with im a political alance, the
JWP, the LSSP (New Leadership), Dinesh Gunawardena's MEP and of course the "old" LSSP. The MEP's extremely ambiguous stand
on the "anti-Terrorist Bll effecLively Precluded its inclusion In the CLITrent discussions. The CPSL
hopes that "united action' will be a prelude to the creation of a
united left movement, incorporating the organisations named a bowe.
The CPSL and JWP agree on one issue. Namely that "Maoism
is counter revolutionary' and that therefore no unity is possible with any of the Maoist groups. In any case, they say, the Maoists are numerically so small as to be insignificant. Mr. Wasudgwa Nanayakkata's LSSP (N. L.) disagrees, and argues strongly for the creation of a United Left Front comprising all Left groups without alternative Po|| tlcal formation. The LSSP (N.L.) has been perhaps the most consistent single advocate of Left unity within the Marxist movement of this country and has been, for almost two years, the leading contingent of a "New" Left conglomeration. Mr. Namayakkara is
Stirlwing hard to hawe at least Mr. N. San mugathasan's CCP-as representative of the Maoists
Included in the current serias of discussion 5.
Rank-and-file leftwingers strongly support Mr. Nanayakkara's bid, and resent the perceived attempt by the WP and CPSL to perpetuate the split in the local Left along the lines of the Sino-Soviet Schism. The sharp personal antagonism that Mr. Wijeweera shares towards the JWP breakaway group
3.

Page 6
Janatha Sangamaya' and Mr. G.
. D. Dharmasekera, strengthen his anti Maoist ideological convictions, thereby. LSSP - NL
Mr, Nanayakkara is hampered In his efiotts at broaden ing the ambit of the present discussion, by differences within his own
Party. He and to a much lesser extent, Dr. Wickrema bahu Karunaгаtne, the party's General Secretary, are under criticism from a group with in the party leadership. In the context of the Wietnam-Kampuchea dispute, Wasu (and Bahu) adopted a position which diverged from orthodox Trotskyism. Significantly, in doing so, they were at variance with the position that their parent body in Brita in Iced by Ted (GT at and the "Committee foT the Reconstruction of the Fourth International'. The Wasu-Bahu duo had long been accused of being tainted with 'Stalinist-Maoist' deviations by rival Trotskyist groups, on account of their incessant championing of a broad Left Front.
The new naturity and realism demonstrated by these two notably Wasudeva in the field of international policy, however, caused these some criticisms to be voiced for the first time within the party leadership. This "group of critics exacerbated a rift between the LSSP (NL) and its radical left partners in the "United Committee of the Left" on the twin issues of May Day celebrations and local polls strategy. Seeking to demarcate itself sharply from both the pro-Moscow as well as Maoist "lines", these critics who are sympathetic towards Ernest Mandels USEC and Britain's MG seek closer alliance with Mr, Tampoe's RMP and Mr. Prins Rajasooriya's "Marxist Group'. These three organisation will jointly celebrate Trotsky's birth centenary on November 7th.
The challenge to Wasu's leadership is not considered credible, by Thost political obser wers. Wasudeva's superb speaking ability and appeal to the radical youth, combined with Wickremabahu's tactical skills at infighting and
sound grasp of make thern a c hard to beat.
espouse a relatiwe which takes in new realities of . bālance. That thị the LSSP-NL has
effect On the par evidenced by t Weteran trad: Lunfo Perera (CP-Iwar, Mendis (JWP-war the opinions of tion, Dr. Wikrem the need to see
discussions Within along the Ines of" Political observer: that the only pc the Timor|ty fac Is its stand on t
Meanwhile, part trade unior|st Sr is said to be g
In popularity, amo file.
Mr. Bala TaT long championed an "anti-capitalist expected to supp suggestion to E groups into the sions. Mr. Tam P has been somewh cwer, by ʻ the re top T.J. organis Tatne, who also newspaper. Earli lost a few lead in JWF which in shift, had begur RMPVCMU, proba purposes of erodi (a singularly un and distancing "owert, official" Tampde had urg aban don their së Wour of united a Left parties. (see 8. August 15th; Now the JWP see round to his w liation of sorts 'There are lim!
VP tā attāk ber that he kno tons in their clic JWP leader.
LSSP
As might well attitude of the "k

Marxist theory, ambination that's Together they lysane Trotskyism to account the he global power2 infighting within had some adverse ty as a whole is he defection of rist5 H.A. Wig Tt ds) and Reggie ds). In a sop to the 'minority facabahu now stresses that the present the Left are not °opular Frontism', s are of the view st we feature of :tion's "platform' he Tam || Issue. y organizer and |tunga Jayasurya aining immensely ng the rank-and
poe, who has the slogan of : united front" is ort the LSSP-NL iring the Maoist Current discusoe's own position at impaired howsignation of his er H.A. Seneviedited the RMP's er, Mr. Tampioe g| Cadres to the I sudden policy 1 to attack the bly for the twin ng his T. U, base
successful effort) themselves from Trotskyism. Mr. ed the WP to : ctarianism in faction with other : L. G. Wol | No. No. 5, Dec st).
TS to have COT e e W. A reconcilhas taken place. :S tc which the ampo e “RememWs all the skele}Set" said an ex
be expected, the " LSSP || 3 de T
ship Constitutes the biggest sinle obstacle to the successful progress of the ongoing discussions. As we predicted on several earlier occasions, the changing correlation of World forces as well as the attractiveness of the CPSL's selfcritical new look" combined to alter the balance of forces within the ULF against the LSSP and in favour of the CPSL. One of the små ny lmp ortant results of
the special ses 5 lons of its PB (totalling 30 days in 2-3 day spells) was the decision to go ahead Lu ni laterally, if needs be, with efforts to build Left unity especially with regard to the LSSP (NL), JWP and MEP. The
ressure exerted from within the
LF by the newly militant CPSL and that from without, by the JWP and LSSP-NL combined to force the LSSP into a more concliatory position. Even in the course cof the discussions however, its filibustering continues with the semantic problem of the Wasu group's choice of nomenclature as it5 casus belli.
The old LSSP's behaviour has to be seen in the context of its problems of leadership and sucCession, which were arterior to but were aggravated by Dr, N.M. Perera's death. “Desha W mukthi', the usually well informed and lively newspaper most representative of the Maoist "new" left, disclosed that LSSP veterans Chandra Goonesekara and Ananda Premasinghe were leadlng a group of members who urge close affiliation with the SLFP. These perso|alities are expected to resign from the LSSP and join the in the likely event that this "line' is rejected by the party.
The differences in the LSSP are ma de wisibl a by the the conten — tion between Athau'da Seney Irathe and Anil Moones Inghe, both presently additional Secretaries of the party. Anil Moonesinghe, who is assidously disseminating the news of his resignation from an executive Post in the Mahataja Organisation, represents, together with JANADNA editor Sarath Navana, a faction which is critical of Soviet foreign policy and urges a return to the Trotskyist Titoist "virtues of the

Page 7
past. He is chief organiser of an LSSP sponsored seminar on Trotsky's birth centenary, which will feature several Indian and European Trotskyists as guest speakers. Paradoxically, or perhaps not so paradoxically, Moonesinghe has also advocated the adoption of a Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinist line which would outflank the UNP govt on the Tamil issue and take the party closer to the SLFP, thus es caping the “Stanlinist-Soviet enbrace'. He claims tacit support froT Leslie Gurewardena for the "line".
Anil's Thain rival Athauda, leads the party's youth wing together with Wajira Palpita, one of the most original and forceful orators in Sri Lankan politics today. When the LSSP was a member of the LIF Gowt. Lhis duQ, um der the leadership of Wasudeva Nanayakkara, acted as a radical inner party causus which had the youth leagues as its power base. Athauda and Palpita opted to stay with in the LSSP when the chips were down, thereby earning the withering scorn of Wasu and Bahu, Today hic Weyer, Athau da, Wajira Palpita, veteran political journalist Sugathamun i Gnanas irl, på rty theoretliclan Hector Abhayawardhana, and the hugely popular Carlo Fornseka, represent an important tèndency which has turned its back on Trotskyism, urging instead closer rapport with the CPSL and the socialist bloc. The fact that Athau da has as his electoral base N. M. Perera's old constituency Ruanwell a taken together with his fine speaking ability, and Dr. Calvin R. de Silva's Lacit support, give him an edge over Anil Moonesinghe who is hampered by his erstwhile Maharaja connections. The LSSP's current stalling in the "left unity" discussian 5 in dicate hic Wewer, the temporary Strengthening of the Moonesinghe fac
Eion's anti-Soviet, anti-JWP, ProSLFP line.
Ironically Ըnough this polari
2 Lion within the old LSSP paral==, albiet imperfectly, that within is bete noir the L55 P-NL, with sce sections of the latter party's Estership having personal contact it, and being fairly sympathetic tc. = T25, important sections of thc
SLFP, This was g, when, in absence Wickremabahu (w at the time) a t sentative shåred Mrs. Bandrana Park rally held new constitution. rated much critic and without the Wasu himself is in touch with Sl of the “DF na kara,
MAOIST
Thg Mart II part, is split clear Dharmaseker, { the CP (ML) eni reign policy line lean towards the sekera is given
Tinence in the circulating Dinak cates that he en special relationsh that only Mr.
Tid his "Workir has had. Dharm: who described M fascist' in the c General Election find greater aff "Dnākā ra tuus Bandaranal ke famr
The other, an of the MacIst II cal of China's po foreign and dome! Teng Hsiao Ping': we disclosed in Ist this year, th prising Mr. Sam the Nawa Lanka gamaya, Mahindi MWP and the " group of the F in discussion; ', eventual organiz: emergence as a discussions, at w retical difference solved, are exp
fr | ton withi
Though they re leadgr En we r Hox| off of "Mao Ts
these groups adm mistalkes In the realm beginning
1970's. Adopting "Critical" Îlagism, | mes of India's (

idenced last year : of Wasudeva and who were a broad
:ep party reprea platform with ke at a Hyde
O dem cum te the This move geneis. In both within ir party ranks. alleged to keep FP "progressives' Nation' group.
WE TEL for ts ly in two. G. I. D. Sam ini Yapa and dorse China's foand consequently SLIFP. Dr TalConsiderable pro
SLFP's widely ara Whleh Indjoys the kind of ip with the SLFP H. L. K. Karawita ng Peoples Party' sekera and Yapa, Irs. B as "semiourse of the 1977
campalgin, still inity with the
tham with the lily itself.
d stronger wing 1 O Werthert IS Critigt-Milo tous ge. Is stic policy, under 5 leadership. As our issue of May 1 is tendency cornugathasan's CCP, CP, Jalāthā SanWijeyesekera's De 5 ha Wlmukt hi" 'DP are engaged with a view to Ltional fusion and single party. The 'hich many the a5 ha'w 2 been rerected to reach Several Week.5. :jected Albaniam na's recent write— e-tung thought", It that Mao Inade ! foreign policy from the early a mill tant, albet roLughly on the 2P (M) and the
South East Asian CPs, this inci pient political formation, comprising as it does, a core of experienced and talented cadres, is expected to make some headway, croding to a modest extent, the JWP's traditional bases among the rural youth. In som o areas it may
also cut into the SLFP's peasant base.
Political observers agree that
the CPSL-JWP strategy is one of isolating the Maoists and pushing the into the arms of the SLFP. thereby discrediting them thoroughly. These observers also consider it shortsighted on the part of the CPSL, not to exploit, as the Cubans and Wietnamese are doing internationally, the contradictions between the "pro-Teng and 'anti-Teng" tendencies within the
Maoist movements. Since the latter seem to agree that as far as the Sri Lankan people are
concerned, the USA is the main external enemy, observers think that these groups could be coopted into any project for broad left unity. Though Rohana WijeWeera's extreme personal antago
nism towards these elemants, constitute an obstacle, the CPSL and LSSP should include them, since they will counter-balance the WP. "If not. the ULF runs the risk of having chunks bitten off by the JVP, Podi Athula's
book is a shocking revelation of how utterly unreliable Wieweera can be', said a member of the LSSP's Educational Bureau. However, the old LSSP leadership's invetera te hostility towards al II "New" Left groups ("We al || ook alike to them“ quipped a Stalinist) seems to preclude such a subtle and differentiated approach, even if it is in their self-interest to adopt one.
The old LSSP's intransigence, its quarrel with the LSSP-NL, the existence of "minorities" within both parties which lean towards the SLFP, are therefore the most immediate obstacles in the current round of discussions, Even If these are satisfactorily and swiftly resolwed, the success of these efforts ät Left unity wil|| require serious efiort to overcome long standing
(Corfinited of Paget gå

Page 8
No way, Jose
CKNOLASHES 0UT" read a drąrmatic headline In a daily paper. But upto now readers of the ma Instream media hawe been dem led the pleasure of readling a speech that received a standing ovation from several hundred Sri Lankan lawyers and a distinguished gathering of jurists and academics from this region at LAWASA. It is probably the only keynote address given at a international convention held here that has been "blacked out'.
Professot of Law, ex-Senator and ex-Minister of Justice, Jose Diokno is one of the outstanding intellectuals of the Philippines. Professor Diokno was kind enough to give the L. G. a copy of his address. Regretting the absence of Jurists from the socialist countries and expressing the hope that LAWASA will correct this mistake next time, Dr. Diokno said:
Asia is in turmoil, but it is the turmoil of life; not death; of the movement of people struggling, sometimes successfully and sometimes not, but always with single-minded determination to create a better, TinCore human -- and morte humane - society for themselves and their children; and if we of the law are to play a meaningful part in this struggle, we must use every resource of knowledge, of experience and of skill that Asian lawyers have to offer.
record of our
The геgion iп protecting human rights is not en viable.
Of the 6 countries from which
we come, only three have rati
6
fied the Interna on Economic, Sco Rights; only one on Civil and Pol none, the Optio would authorize
Committee of th
tC e Certi COr viduals against t for violating th freedom. All ot awo w respect fi but none se em mit its perfo scrutiny of its
No nation, c perfect record. many of our cour ment is admittei If not openly dit is папаged от с cal parties have or outlawed; elec and dissent is t the extent that
In far too ra subjected, with to arbitrary arre detention, unde conditions, Witho torture; to deb: official execut sanctioned.
In får too ma and associations men, urban po are undermined, hounded or irn are exploited foi kept cheap as a multimational linye freedom Is Ser whole communiti to facilitate milit economic project lions are spent and on infrastrL and for commerc ses of the peop to live but in

tional Convenant c|al, and Cultura , the Con Wenant |tical Rights; and nal Protocol that the Human Rights e United Nations Implaints by indiheir governments heir fundamental ut governments pr human rights s willing to sub"mance to the
peers.
if course, has 3 BLUI t iiri far too tries, the governdly authoritarian, :tatorial; the press on trolled; politi
been erm3stulated tions a Te a farce; olerated only to
it ia ineffective.
iny, little people brazen impu nity, 2st; tO prolonged :r deh uman Ising Jt trial; to brutal
1: TEIL EL LIIions, officially
ny, trade unions of farmers, fisheror and students
their leaders prisoned; women
r wice; |Abaur is r attraction for SCT ent; ad TT ic: “iously curtailed; les are uprooted ary operations or S; and while milon the military ture for tou ri5m e, the vast masle haye no-where miserable howels,
numb with hunger, wracked by disease, condemned to a nearmindless existence.
With some notable exceptions, We of the law have refused to see or concern Ourselves with this stark reality other than by prowiding free legal aid-the lawyer's way of giving alms to the poor. This is no longer enough.
Change there must be. Change there will be both in our nations and in the international order. Yesterday, we lawyer's faced the question: do we stand for change or against change? Today the question We face is: what kind of change do we stand for: change that Will enable the Wast masses of our people to approach closer to their aspirations or change that will convert their dreams into the nightmares? And always we will face the question: do we stand with or against the people?
The elimination of neo-colonialist is not only "a pre-requisite for development," it is also a prerequisite for protecting and enforcing human rights. The key to neo-Colonialism lies in the Congruence of interests among the ruling elites of the dominant and of the dominated nations, Congruent interests that are pursued, more often than not, at the expense of the rights and well being of the people of the dominated nation, This congruence thus creates a conflict between the ruling elites who control the Instruments of Power, on the one hand, and the people of ehe dominated nation on the other. Eventually, the conflict becomes so deep that the dominated nation either becomes a police state or is. C'Werth Town; in e I het case, human rights are sacrificed. Time and again history has shown that no nation can be dependant on another and still remain a true democracy. So the struggle against
neo-colonialism is not only a struggle for developinent but a struggle for human rights. And it
is that sama right of self determination of peoples that our predecessors In law established at such heavy cost that gives legal justification to the struggle against neo-colonialism today.

Page 9
TUs unite
66 t looks as if the UNP has 1ရှုံးဂျုဓိုမ်ိဳး the impossible" a Central Bank Staffer commented
half-way through the Hyde Park
protest rally organised by the JCTUAC against the Essental Public Services Bill, the subsidy
cuts and the rising cost of living. It was not merely the unusual array of speakers on the stage but the size of the crowd and its Tilitant spirit which occasioned the surprise.
There was Dr. Colwin R. de Silva, plainly enjoying his new role as LSSP Union boss. It was in tra de union is rin that the youпg Colvin had made his first foray into national politics fifty years ago. With him were Bala Tanpoe (Trotskyist), the leading figure in the faction that broke with the LSSP in 1964; and Mr. N. Sammugathasan, hardline Maoist; and G. Sawanadasa, of the GCSU
which Wasudeva Nanayakkara's 'new' LSSP Wrenched from the LSSP three years ago; and the
MEP's Dinesh Gunawardena, son of the redoubtable Philip; and the SLFP's Alawi Moulana, demonstrating that whatever the bitter squabbles between the , Left and Mrs. Bandaranaike, working class solidarity was paramount.
The rally came at the end of 3 week-long picketing-cum-poster campaign in Colombo and the Thail towns.
Though ther was no formal JWP presence at Hyde Park, the JVP's young activists had thrown their full weight behind this campaign. A pro-JWP voice was also heard at Hyde Park in the Person of the Ceylon Teachers' Union president, H. N. Fernando.
The CFTU's L. W. Panditha, also on stage, had reason for special satisfaction. This 'ingathering' of forces long hostile to each other was the result of mony months af tough and treky backstage egotiations in which he and his
It had played a key role.
If ever incre which touch as segment of societ laws compel a opposition tC c police may finally:
The "SUN" ik pictures. While reporting somew
the police wer posters and taki Custody in AmE Anura dhapura an the SUN showe the police in ful sector employees &W en toLiTStS II; that there was a offing. Helmeted with batons, wic rifles were de numbers, that Walkie-tal kies cre sion of a full-scale Central Bank en in during the lunch with jeers that c. the heart of the Citizens Were the brusque manner ;
As Bala Tamp speech he had "Yuddictada" (C Near me at the girls, both Corps agreed that they Joined the picket needlessly rough police.
Bes||des the hi, the sightest tr; The Speeches wel the slightest tr In fact the Em North was stro Secondly foreign prominently, references to ra Nicaragua.

2a sing hardships 1 ewer-wilden ing y and tough new fiercely divided :lose ranks, the Seal the pact.
es to te|| it in
the CDN was that shyly how a pulling down ng persons into
Jalangoda, Galle, d other places, d us pictures of force. Private
, shoppers, and ay have thought in uprising in the policemen, armed
ker shields and -ployed in such Patrol cars and
lated the impres! operation. The 1 ployees, locked hour, responded ould be heard in
Fort. Ordinary Wictins of the and heavy hand.
De said in his asked an ASP Song to war?),
rally two young ration workers, Tight hawe not : line but for the
Tanners of the
gh spirits there Ace of interest. Te free of even aCe Of racialism. Iergency in the ngly denounced. capital figured with repeated n, Singapore and
NAWAZ DAWOOD
The special number on the Havana summit is dedicated to Nawaz Dawood whose death at the primc of his life shocked and saddened his many friends and colleagues. Nawaz was
the first director of the Bandaranalike Centre for International Studies. All
of us who worked on that
project admired his devotion, respected his intelligence and his unwavering
concern for academic standdards.
He was cinc of ou T ablest analysts of international affairs. Though we sometimes found ourselves in serious disagreement over interpretations of non-alignment in the present global context there was never an occasion where his commitment was open to doubt. He was a prolific contributor to the "Nation'. Our journal which always received his encouragement and critical advice regards it a privilege to have published what proved to bC his last signed article.
— EL).
EPSB and professionals
he Civil Rights Movement which
urged the Bandara naike government to withdraw the emergency regulations of 97 which affected "general civil liberties' now states that it has once more to "voice grave concern' over the EPSB. In a 9-point analysis of the Bill, the CRM says in a press release that an "extraordinary Punishment" contemplated by this bill is exclusively aimed at professionals - doctor, lawyer or accountant. On a convic tion for ANY offence, however trivial, under this law the professional will have his name erased from the register of his profession. The offense may have nothing to do with the practice of the Profession. He will be fined, and/or imprisoned, forfeit his property and be taken of the professional register.

Page 10
International news
China at 30
“ዞ the last analysis", wrote Lenin "the outcome of the struggle determined by the fact that will be Russia, China, India etc., account for the overwhelming majority of the population of the globe. And during the past few years it Is this majority that has been drawn into the struggle for emancipation with extraordinary rapidity, so that in this respect there cannot be the slightest doubt what the final outcome of the world struggle will be. In this sense, the Complete victory of socialism is fully and absolutely assured" (1923).
This statement not merely displays remarkable prescience, but marks a definitive rupture with the FuroCentric Wiew of World reWolution then dominant within the international Maxist now emert,
Earlier in 1928 Stalin had pointed CL that "the Octobert Revolution is the first revolution in World history to break the age long sleep of the labouring and oppressed masses of the East, thereby drawing them into the fight against world imperialism."
"The gunfire of the bctober Revolution brought us MarxismLeninism” (Mao Tse-tung).
The world revolutionary process initiated by the birth of Soviet Russia in 1917 advanced decisively to a new stage when the Chinese people led by their Communist Party headed by Mao Tse-tung ower threw the semi-colonial-semifeudal-comprador bourgeois regime. After the Great October Socialist Revolution, the victory of the Chinese Revolution is the most outstanding event of the 20th century. In 1917 one-sixth of the land surface of the globe, and in 1949, one fifth of the human race, broke away decisively from the world capitalist system.
The victorious Chinese Revolution
dealt a heavy blow at world capitalism by breaking its eastern front. It further strengthened
8
the socialist cat of the great Which tilted th
forces on a worl of national in socialism. Thus Revolution has fu national important significance for th in Particular. T the Chinese
accelerated the liberation, since geographical immi of people and
became a bastion World revolution. bution in rolling aggressors froT
parallel in Kori example of rews nationalism. T successes of Wiet Kampuchea again: destructive US hawe been Imposis direct and Indre spiritual conditior October Revoluti Chinese Revolutio latter positively aff
Situation In Indo
As the first suc; in Asia as wel
important of a|| liberation struggle the historie wicto well as the great 5 tions affected b gawe immen sc | generation of Asia until the heginnir of the 9WO's Party was a great, s of countries fighti independence, in liberation and pec Tevolution. In thệ | 960'5 Mao's Chr Wietriarth and Cul and symbolic ce revolution. The ( nary experience w factor in the the revolutionary "Third World" ly

np and was one |istorical events correlation of scale in favour lependence and
the Chinese ndamental intere and an in mense e peoples of Asia he libertation of beple in turn rocess of global China, with her ansity, multitude potential power, of socialism and China's Contriback the US along the 38th ea is a shlin ing utionary interhe subsequent nam, Laos and it the cruel and ggression would ible without the ict, material and 1s created by the on of 97 and in of 949. The ected the military -China.
cessful revolution as the most the anti-colonial s (until Wietnam) ry of 1949, as ocial transformay that victory, oy to a whole ns. Furthermore, ng of this decade he Communist incere supporter ing for national ations Wanting ples fighting for a decade of the na, together with ра, was mога Inter of World Chinese evolutioas an important development cof
consciousness of outh (including
the Sri Lankan youth). However, the profoundly opportunistic direction taken by Chinese foreign policy throughout the 1970's has reduced to naught the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party's once credible claim to be a moral leader of radical forces in the "Third World"
Stil it must also be recognised that the fact that China was able to beat the imperialist blackade and obtain recognition of the international community including the USA, ls a manifestation of strength which that great revolution has deweloped. Like W | 5e, whatever the deviations and wlci55|tudes, socialist Construction is continuing to make successful headway in China.
It is certain that in the long run, the opportunistic foreign policy of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party cannot succeed, and objective factors such as China's basically socialist character, will eventually prevail over the se distortions. When this takes place, as it inevitably will, China's rapidly growing economic and political power will render her an important factor in strengthen ing the power of the socialist camp in Asia and the world.
Support welcomed
C蠶 on the First World to support liberation struggles in the Third World, Jamaica's Michael Manley said in Havana :
"Let the Countries of the developed world understand that we will not change our wiew so as to avoid a coincidence of views with the Socialist world... or any other part of the world. And for those who are concerned about the fatt that there are increasing examples of a coinciden ce of view between the NAM and, say the socialist group, about matters like liberation struggles, the matter can be simply remedied by the developed countries changing their position and Jaining us in what would then become a truly internation r consensus !"

Page 11
Obituary
Agostinho Neto (1922
gostinho Neto was born on
September 7th 1922 and grew up with Methodist missionaries in Luanda. He was one of the few blacks to complete the Licen Salvadore Correla, the secondary school. In 1947, supported by a Mathodist Church scholarship, he studied medicine at the University of Lisbon and Coimbra thus becoming one of the handful of blacks to obtain advanced education. As Neto studied and tra Well2d in Europe, he found, like others of his generation, that Marxist philosophy alone offered an alternative to Portugese oppression. In addition to moral strength, Marxism gawe them organisational skills to develop a revolutionary movement. Capitalism was at the root of Portugese colonialism, while the USA supplied Portugal with arms through NATO. Thus, Agostinho Neto's hostility to the Portugese matured into anti-Imperialism. Dr. Neto's orientation towards Marxism may also be explained by the fact that ideologically, Catholicism supported Portuguese rule while
Protestant missionaries taught passive submission.
Neto's poetry, political views
and active participation in opposition politics had him in and out of Portuguese jails from 19521958. He received his medical doctorate in 1958 and returned to practice medicine in Luanda. On June 8th 960 he was once again arrested, flogged in the presence of his family and taken c to jail. His intellectual ability, ld personal sacrifices ensured is status as the leader of the HFLA
The anti-imperialist, nationalist IFLA was politically the best -E sed of the three guerrilla
movements in A
high the banne independence. Idem
reform, cultural and African unity. Neto presided ov mation of the M MPLA-Party of proclaimed itself Leninist wanguard Working class.
Western Civilis
Til sheets II ailed t fixed in the carth mak: a house. Rags complete thc landscape. The Sun pentTat ing i awakes Cach occupa ni Wfterwa Tris twelve hill bгеak stone
cat stic break stonic cat stic in the sun in the rain break Stile cart stone Old ag Cornes early, A Co:LIse III . t in the SusiCES EL die grateful
lld h. Lungry,
Realization
Fa il L: i
Ön C3 ch STEt Carė wigillant sentries light ir in Cal Chl hlCOLISC. Hasty Icplacement of of the doors. II1 Elch Lons-LielLL Seethless the fer of it: History is a ble to Fear in Llue EiT It happens that I hLIFT1bole I14 rı, 3 Lill I Lore I LI Il bl im CEE blck to Asiç to Irtyšelf with dry eyes.

- 1979)
ngola, holding T of national ocracy, agrarian
decolonization In 1977, Dr. the transfor|PLA into the Labour, which as a Marxistparty of the
sation
polės
Cricks
“s of slaving work
dark light
cendiary glances
the Old Ellis
ning to itself. I am cw!
rry black skil
DRINK
TEA
AS
Ν
TANGANA
Berded ard
distributed by:-
SHAW WALLACE &
HEDGES LTD.
P.O. Box 84 Colombo 3.

Page 12
SUMMIT
'Wag the bell rang Tito didn't come out of his corner fighting'. This snap епdof-day verdict by the Latin American bureau chief of a leading US journal wasn't all that neutral. The Puglistic expression Certainly sounded authentically American and the tone professionally distant, with just a to Luch of the weary cynicism which is supposedly an occupational habit of a tough hard-boiled tribe.
Yet a sense of personal dis
appointment, of hopeful expectations thwarted, came through strongly too.
Tito ws Castro. The Fight of the Decade. The weste Tin Tedia build-up in the months before
the sum mit could hawe done a World Heavy-weight championship proud. It was as if the media had a stake in the duel and were In fact promoting this thrilling contest between the undefeated champion of non-alignment and his brash young challenger,
It is a temptation to see it all as the stylistic idosyncrasies of a sensation-hungry press. Readers of this journal may recall that one of our earliest issues (July 5-1978) had a large picture of Tito om its cover, with Castro and Lee Kuan Yew in Sfmalert size. Singapore's Mr. Lee absented himself just as hic did three years ago when the Colombo summit was held. However his aggressively articulate spokesman, foreign minister Rajaratnam, was not merely the ASEAN activist at the Havana meeting but one of the participants in the very thick of the anti-Cuba battle.
The year-long media campaign was very much a part of the West's Counter-attack on a moverent which was not only getting too large and fari too Wocifero U 5 but showed strong signs of taking
O
The fight
a direction ewen to the Western
cast in regard bility Ch ina sha 1 wings fully. As "S. ငိုနီနိုုငhfh up the attacks after Deng Xia from his historybranded Wietnam As la'.
By presenting der of the "r publicly pushing With the "*radio western propagar plainly serving W Ambassador Prof. described as a "ba goal" i.e. the tact ment of the N. TE
TURNING PO
Tito's speechw the turning poir rence which was point, in Pham Wa In the TowerTent's
In reply to Cas liant, impassioned Tılsing speech, Ti and discursive. was non-event. W of theories, the the diplomat's le obser wer a fair fe gent speculation.
Tito funked it crudest of explana age ing patriarch summan the Carl match the dynam he could, he had ded that a reas more suited to t founder of this m. he felt that an Tight leave him charge that he pro Yoked a cla. wreck non-alignm after all would be
 

Havana Special Report
: that never was
less acceptable Campo. And at to that last possiTed Westc. Tn misa direct Conseese press stepped תם ס5 n Cubaם opling, return ing -making US visit, as the "Cuba of
Tito as the dea
Thoderates' and him into battle :al' Castro, the
Ida campaign was hat America" 5. UN . Moynihan once sic foreign poiicy lc of dismemberin-aligned Move
NT
aS, In that Sense, it of the confe
itself a turning in Dong's phrase 8-year history.
:tro's sharp, bril
and un comproito was subdued The great fight hy ? Never short press Toom and obby offered the ast of self-indul
That was the ions. Perhaps the simply couldn't bative vigour to it (Castrø. Cr if Ion Ethele55 deciured gravity was he so te surviving ovement. May be y other stance open to the had needlessly sh which could ent. Its unity ... the best monu
The editor of this journal Wisited Luba drid covered the
óth summst on the invitation of the CNOSC, the National
| Committee appointed by Pre
mier Fidel Castro, to organise
the Hawa na conference.
ment to his own pioneer achieve
S.
The real reason, in my view, was somewhat different. Tito, the old partisan, his reflexes still sound, must hawe Sensed that the line-up, the balance of forces not merely in numbers but morale, the terrain, and the prevalling mood would make a frontal assault a near-suicidal operation.
What was the actual balance and what does it signify? Assessing this, the measurement of welght and counter-weight, cannot be a simple, mechanical exercise. In this loose-knjit, diverse collective, consensus and not division bells or secret ballots, is the decisive mechanism. An active, articulate member-nation carries more Weight than a dozen "token participants or half a dozen feeble others, disabled by their own uncertainties and wacillations. Quality over quantity.
LUS PRESENCE.
So far from god and so near the US. This oft-quoted Mexican lament (attributed sometimes to the Canadians) is as good an introduction as any to an understanding of the historical significance of the sixth summit, the political Content of its weak-long debates, and its future course.
The summit was held in Havana, the capital of revolutionary Cuba, 90 miles from Miami. The first such convention in Latin America, it took place only a few weeks after the triumph of the

Page 13
Sandinistas, and the downfall of Somoza in Nicaragua which had proved one of the most durable of US-installed dynastic dictorships on the continent. The conference was held at a moment in history when the centuries-old struggle of the Latin American people against US domination is showing signs, inspite of successive setbacks, crushing defeats and cruel repression of renewed vitality. Of the six nations admitted as full members four (Nicaragua, Bolivia, Surin ma and Grenada) are from Latim ATmerica and two (Iran and Pakistan) from Asia, While Iran's popular uprising has also meant the downfall of a dynasty which had Britain and US
as its patrons, Pakistan's entry was made possible by the collapse of CENTO. In the
idiom of conventional strategists, Cento, the successor to the Baghdad pact, protected the "northern tier' of a wl tally important West Asia.
Finally, the Havana summit came a few months beforte the UN will discuss an economic strategy for the 1980's, the third development decade.
The first two de cades heve been characterised by Consplcuous and self-confessed failures and the rising frustrations of the poor nations whose fervent agitation for a re-structuring of an unjust World econ (nnn ic system, a system fashioned, controlled and managed by the US and its allies, has proved depressingly sterile,
The western economy is in trouble and in the opinion of many knowledgeable and orthodox analysts, including the Brookings Institution; the crisis will deepen. While the demands of the poor nations will increase the West's capacity to accommodate such wants
w III diminish. therefore get agitation fiercer.
LATIN AMERI
With the d tantial of resou regained snifficier to give public e antipathies and In the heyday of sionism, the US expanses of M The Mexican p at the state ban ter earlier this } half-hour for th F| del Castro wa welсопе а попt
Though Latin till the late sixt by so much US tion that the U ubiquitous symb pansionism neve form of classical south of the Ric came instead a lage and system The wealth of L dra Ined in to the of Wall Stres Eduardo Galeano weins of Latin A neo-colonialism, abstraction a dorn of Third World Wor-L. T. of the radical ir way of life, scer day by the lati ple.
For here, in the government: by the oligarchie geoise and the in open and dir North American nationals and til the dictator, CW been placed ther lives by the grac
Fram rhe “Ceylor Daily NeI''
 

The
eesher",
conflict will and the
A.
scovery of subsces, Mexico has t self-confidence spression to old fresh grievances. American expanannexed larger :xican territory. 'esident's speech uet to Mr. Carcar was a torrid
US leader. But given a hero's h later.
American history les Is punctuated military interwenS Tarine was an | Američan exr assumed the colon ||alis Tı fart i Grande. It be:ontinent of pilatic exploltation. atin America is "blood banks' st from what calls the "open merica'. This is but it is no ing the Thetoric ទែរ៉េ TOT 3 in the patos of tellectual. It is a and felt everyn American peo
Latin America, are controlled i. Both the bourlandowners are ect alliance with :apital, the transe banks. Here, in if he has not 2 by the marines, of Washington.
Ο
Here, immense private riches and vast latifundias, a blg bourgeios ie which affects the finest graces of European cosmopolitanism, the private airlines, the mansions and the casinos exists side by side with abject mass poverty, Illiteracy, slums, and malnutrion.
Here, where the struggle against power, and privilege and injustice is sharpest, protest automatically earns the name of subversion and Justifies the existence of the 'torture state', a phenomeon which American academics prefer to call the "State of National Security'. Here, in the sanctuary of fug|- tive Nazis, the torture techniques of the Gestapo have been perfected by a more sophisticated technology. Here, the policemen who run the "death squads' are educated gentlemen trained in the International Police Academics in Washington. Here, the officerelite who man the repressive, infernal machines of the torture state, all the local "Savaks", hawe their expert instructors in Fors Bragg, North Carolina or the training School in the US Panama Canai Zone, while the suppor
ting lintelligentsia of the oligarchic or neo-fascist regimes, the bu reacrats and the professor5,
draw their inspiration from Michigan University or the Eaat-West Centre.
The nature of society and state determines the character of the popular struggle. What is at issue is not this or that party, parliament or "democracy" but human dignity, and decency. And this struggle, despite reverses and increasingly merciless repression, continues and as the circle of protest and suppression gets more vicious, the popular movement draws into its own ranks every patriotic and public-spirited organisation, from human rights group to national-minded businessmen, from social conscious intellectuals to pastors. God may be far away but even the servants of the Church, once a firm ally of the Establish ment, join the advance guard of the people's struggle. (Why the church joined the revolution" L. G. Sept. 15).

Page 14
Regardless of regime and national frontier this Surging Continental movement finds non-alignment meaningful only in terms of its fundamental anti-imperialist, anti-necolonialist, anti-fascist character. Nice distinctions like "nonbloc' or polite phrases like "genuine non-alignment' or 'strict equi-distance' sound fanciful and remote. The people know their enemy ; they hawe seen its face.
Declarations can be read and studied, changes. In the draft noed, the cosmetic touches, the ambiguities and the periphrastic compromizes observed, but such an evaluation of "Hawana' will miss much. The sprit that Perwaded this summit, the psychological climate in the conference hall, the political tenor of the speeches, the self-assurance of those spokesmen who felt at home in Hawana, the discomfiture of those who did not find the environment congenial, the timid hesistancies and the silences, are equally important because "Hawanä", its true significance, cannot be grasped if it is removed from its authentic Latin American albience,
OTHER SUMMITS
Comparlsons help. The ceremonies of formal Inaguration, the manifesto and the mandate in 1961 in a period of strong coldwar tensions, accord Belgrade its proper place in history. In Algiers 1973, the collective voice necessarily had an Arab accent. OPEC's
price hike, the first successful trade union action by producers on a global scale, had reduced
the West to a state of panic and
produced tremors in an international economic and monetary system, a shattering experience from which it is still struggling
to recover. Military preparations were already complete, as we now know, for the Egyptian crosscanal attack, the first defeat for care Irly met ble Israel. The New International Economic Order gawe notice to the developed capitaIIst nations, and the first stirrings of the current battle over informatlon made Algiers memorable. By comparison, Colombo was an orderly tea-party. Latin America
stamped its disti om the 5th 5 u
CUBA, US,
The non-aligs wana, Cuba, in Let a Caribbear us to What it r said Jaraica's Micheal Manley extended expos. of, or proximit than Latin Ar Caribbear'.
Cuba was all interest' of th pleasing cando Lur John Quincy Ad State to the au roe Doctrine almost in sight from a multitude has become an cendent im Portar cial and politl, our Union. ... it ble to resist th 2 1 1 E::ati OI { in dispensable tc and integrity oft
Interwer tion
Cuban war), the which Tade th: territory", US IT a constitutional
posed "treaty' ob ather Conce 55 lo to the US, å pÉ (Guantanamo) d as part of Americ tiny'. Economy
trade and comm by twenty giant tish ing business natural beauty : island (crime, wi run by US syndic Cuba into a neodry civilians co Corn tractual jcb
there was always who pulled three ned Cuba's Sofi Lum til the Tevoluti
It was of this facio Byrne wa 5 t
""Back ho Te,
I see the flag that is Ulfuried, but S another hoister

nctive personality Irm iC.
USSR.
gd met in Hathe Caribbean, I woice irtroduce T1eärn5. “ʻMo q, rea"
Pri Mji
"has had a more ΙΓΕ L experieпce
y to imperialis in nerica and the
ways a "special e US. With the
of another age, arms, Secretary of Hor of the solonwrote : 'Cuba, of out shores, of Consideration5, object of trans1ce to the commarcal interests of t is scarcely possie conviction that of Cuba will be the сопtiпапсе he Union itself.'
(the US-Spanish3 Treaty of Paris 2 island a 'special lilitary occupation, process and imligations, naval and ns" (as in Panama) errman erit US base ecided Cuba's fate :a's "manifest desinvestment (sugar) erce (monopolized US firms) and flouexploitating the and charms of this ce, hotels, Casinos :ates) transformed colony. When sunuld not do the efficiently enough, Sergeant Batista, coups, and remaihoza-type dictatot on 20 years ago.
period that Bon IQWrite:
with heavy heart
my pride
till mot free, i by its side'
o Havana Special Report
When attempts at economic strangulation (sugar purchase), blockade, diplomatic Isolation and al|| other pressures failed, the US launched the Bay of Pigs invasion. When that too failed, it was cloak and dagger, a series of assassination attempts alsTed at the Cuban leadership, plincipally Fidel himself.
But the Cuban people refused to submit. Instead Cuba spat defiance at the imperialist colossus next door. For a nation of its size and economic strength, It dd the impossible. It not only rejected all compromises on national sovereignity but began to build a society on a political philosophy that Is an athema to its giant enemy. How was this possible 2
When Kenneth Kaunda, who presided over the 4th summit, was invited by Sri Lanka's Jayewardene to propos e a wote of thanks to Castro, he referred to the inaugural address as "an extraordinary speech in an extraordinary place by an extraordinary man." In 1961, Nehru, as soir) isL2“ solishra raminded us, called him simply a "brave man'. Yet personality alone, however exceptional, can mot account for Cuba's remarkable achievement.
Addressing what was, among other things, a convention of frontrank politicians, Kaunda said that they all knew (and probably envied) the secret of Cuba's success:- The Cuban leadership knew the art of mobilis ing the masses. While this fact of internal strength founded on popular participation and comInitment is certainly important, the impact of Cuba outside its own borders and its influence in the in Lernational Community, as symbolized by this summit, draws sustenance from other historical and political Considerations.
Using the double image of "rock and catalyst", Premier Manley said that the balance of forces in the world shifted irrevocably because there was such a rock and Çatalyst, the October Revolution and Lenin. Admitting the vast difference in scale, he said that "in our hemisphere" the forces commited to the Struggle grow stronger and the balance keeps shifting because there was Cuba and Castro.

Page 15
Three years ago Cuba's influence spread dramatically to another continent - Africa. The Cuban interYention (see Hawa na Diary) turned the tide of war and won the day for the MPLA against the combined forces of FNLA-UNITA, aided by Zaire, the US, South Africa and China.
Cuba explained its action in three ways. (a) support for a genuine national liberation mowerTent which had been fighting Portugese colonialism for over a decade (b) commitment to the Principle of inter nationalist solidarity, the resplendent banner of the Cuban revolution. Che ha di died fighting in Bolivia, and young Cuban soldiers were ready to fight and die in a just cause, said Castro. (c) it was a natural expression of the Afro-Latin heritage of a country which is a fine example in racial equality.
The triumphant defence of the MPLA when anti-MPLA forces were 20 miles from Luanda and the unexpected defeat of the powerful South African armoured couns put the Cubans strongly on the global map. To her implacable foes, Cuba's defiance seemed limitless. Et was after the African interwention that the anti-Cuba propaganda drive outside the NAM gathered T. D.III. E I ELIT1
Though Cuba had received largescale Soviet support from 1960 onwards, had been a member of the NAM from its inception and had been elected to play host to the summit by the heads of state who met here in Colombo in 1976. the campaign sought to cast doubts CT Cuba's Credentials as a nonaligned country because (a) it was sia to be a Soviet satrap and (b) "interfered' in African affairs.
Never finching in the face of a Erect challenge, Castro said: "We
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are very gratef people because t operation helpe OWN TOT GOTTE "FI in our people's even in danger out, No people be ungrateful."
Does gratitude subordination T idea is unthink revolution, the inspiration and indigenous and those who think firin, if sarcastica 'There are sot an art of oppor China or Yugos "we Cubårns ww || || what we sald ye we say one thi something else
"No one told to make the Country, nor CC done so". (Read Cuban CP before "Throughout Dur no one has tried do."
The Hawana Soon Castro will General Asse T1b man of nearly a thirds of the w No Wondër sa hostility have bi this small island Castro understar We:– "Ths t rewolutionary Pec mished conduct cannot be bribed dated . . . . . is give ists" ha tred".
AFRICA, ASIA
Europe has (Yugoslawla, Cyp tha NAM. (O 5: has been given to and Spain but e become full in
II.
Moderates disappointed by T
Ilir Ilir intry
Frail fire "Firstricial Tries, Laridun
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

to the Soviet heir generous cous to Survive and ry difficult periods fe, when we were of being wiped has the right to
imply servility or a Castro, the very able because che timate source of lower, was totally independent. To otherwise he had ly oblique, replies. e who hawe made tunism....' (read lavia or both).. .. never renege On sterday, not will ng today and do
tomorrow. "
us when or how 2volution in öUr Iuld anyone have Moscow and the the revolution). . . revolutionary life, to tell us what to
summit was held. address the U.N. ly as the spokesO) countries, tWor orld's population.
much hate and een heaped upon
and its leaders. nds this only too "ue measure of a ple. . . . the un bleof a country that , bought or in timin by the imperial
anly 3 members rus and Malta) in rver/guest status i Rumania, Portugal wen if they ever ambers European
ito
r
O Havana Special Report
representation in the movement will remain negligible.
The authenticity of the tricontinental character of the NAM is beyond debate although the Yugoslavs would be the first to Contest this view for reasons which hawe been fully examined in previous issues of this journal.
A critical historical experience (the confrontation with Stalin), geo-Stratego consideration (between NATO and Warsaw pact,
in Central Europe) internal politics, and anxietles about a future San 5 Tito hawe introduced
an anti-Sovletism into Yugoslav thinking. What Yugoslavia tried to do (and failed at Havana) was to rationalise Yugoslavia's own foreign policy Interests and have it accepted by the NAM is the
only correct interpretation of non-alignment,
In1 short, the theoretical exercise was an attempt to externalise Yugoslav 'national
interests' and to impose this as the larger community of adherents as non-aligned orthodoxy. The Watican is a tiny state but its influence is enormous. This could well be Tito's last summit. Yugoslavia was seeking to multiply its international influence by making Belgrade the doctrinal
centre of non-alignment, interpreting the gospel according to St, Tito.
With the Hawana Summit, the Latin Americans have not merely injected their spirit more forcefully in to the NAM but te inforced the movement's tricontinental personality.
Acting in concert, a sizeable group of countries, even of little importance individually, can make an impression on the discussions in Committee, and thus influence the content and tone of the final
outcome. They can therefore become the "leading force', assuming a vanguard role in this
global united front,
These general impressions of
the African group may offer some profitable lines of inquiry:
3

Page 16
l. There are some fundamental political issues involving crisis -areas which tend to influence African responses as a whole in a way different from the politics of Asia. These questions unify the African group resulting in a common view at least as a public posture.
The issues are the unresolved, problems of de-colonisation and racism. To make the Whole question both complex and explo
sive, these issues are clearly Intertwined. Settler-colonies and racist enclaves rather tham
straightforward old-style colon les or "modeTn" neocolonial dependence, they have created problems which the African people see in black -and-white terms, in a very obvious way.
Even those African governments which have open or secret links, mainly economic, with (Rhodesia) or South Africa feel compelled to make common cause with the black liberation moven ents. Colour and pan-Africanism become the irresistible rallying point.
Ewen "conserwatiwe” and “moderate' states which entertain misgiwings about these movements on ideological grounds support them
publicly because the continued failure of "peaceful" negotiations will only intensify the armed struggle and radicalise the movement further. Contries like Kenya note what happened in Angola, the radicalisation of the Zimbabwe Patriotic Front and how the "internal settlement', even with British support is
becom Ing untenable. A "moderate" like Zambia is pulled into the imbroglio, willy-nilly, and forced by geography and Rhodesian retaliation into a militant stance.
2. Settler-colonialism and racism establishes a natural link between a major African cause and the main Arab cause, between the African liberation struggles and the PLO.
The other side of the coin (a counter wailing factor vis-a-vis African militancy) is Israeli diplomatic influence in the black African countries and IsraeliJewish economic links with these countries, and the strong Israeli
-South African c South Africa and two economic-Illi the West at the extremes of the
3. All the liberi which hawe won || (PLO, Polisario. BABWE Patriotic are In the Afrik ln their own righ of psychological member-states, represents a radic element with In 1
4. As a counts balances of thi Africa is a sti Western influence The Francophone countries which dent on the W. along with a ha states on the A (e. g. Egypt, Morocco) constit a fairly solid righty
5. The energy the surface cert Arab sentinents
Since what İş U is the collective of the single big NAM, a more search ing analys However the a broad impression. confirmed by ty While group a conference re-aff support for ALL struggles, OAUPolisario had practical result. out of the join Polisario's fight in the Western S its territorial Morocco in the Sadat, King E come to Hawan: attend the COA Morrow a either And it was this African conservat — bloc, which foi
guard action a League's move te Sadat seems t.
correctly that backing within must hawe know,

Innection, with Israel as the itary bastions of two geographic fria COI tret.
tjas Is GWEILEf ES AM recognition SWAPO, ZIMFront, ANC) an-Arab group. di 15 a SourC2 pressure this presence til and radicalizing he movement.
r-weight which i radicalism in CTIg. pervaslve notably French. group and other are highly depenst (e. g. Zaire) Ildful of Moslem frican continent omalla, Sudan, ute, in practice, wing Counterbloc.
issue brought to ain i latent arı ti— black Africa.
nder examination Jehaviour pattern gest unit in the detailed and is is necessary. ccuracy of these $ арреаг to be wo "test' cases. ind the whole rmed un equivocal the liberation backing for one substantial Mauretan la opted t opposition to for im dependence ahara, renounced claims and left cold. Like Egypt's H3SSar) did not 1. He dld not | July Summit in
But Sadat did. loose all lance of iyes, this counter ight a hard reargainst the Arab 'suspend' Egypt. have measured he had majority he OAU but he rn (and his fears
e Havana Special Report
were justified) that Egypt would be battered in the conference itself. The support of a majority of , the largest single grouping guaranteed the eventual outcome a blistering attack on the Egyptian -Israeli treaty and Sadat's treachery but no expulsion or suspension. A clear-cut decision was made impossible by the delicate balance of forces on that Issue.
O
The post-73 "energy problem seemed ideally suited to the West's general plan of splitting the "emerging block of Third World countries". The Trilate tal Commission recom Tended the use of the new term "fourth world" to make a distinction between oil producers and non-oil producers in the larger community of developing nations.
Increasingly conscious of this strategem, the poor nations resisted the western move. They hawe not only understood OPEC’s actions but commended its first 5uccessful essay in getting a fair price for a long under-priced commodity that had been wantonly wasted by the industrialised rich. But they realised that the west had a better capacity to absorb the blow than the non-oil producing Third World flations. In fact, the industrialised countries simply passed on the burden to the poor by including energy costs in the ever-increasing prices of their own exports to the Third World. The sesult is atute payments Problems and imported inflation.
Nonetheless, the poorest of the poor (the least developed and the "most seriously affected') have refused to break ranks. At Manila, UNCTAD had to Waste Weeks as the Group of 77 debated whether "energy' (an item not on the agenda) should be taken up for discussion as proposed by Costa Rica and Columbia a US-inspired nove to throw a spanner in the works.
But as the burder becomes more oppresive, the poorer nations Watch with disma y COPEC's new wealth return to the West

Page 17
as investment. Surely those petrodollars can be in wested in the developing countries 2 It makes both economic and political sense. and it could keep the present grand coalition alive. Countries as different as India, Zambia, and Jamaica made the same point and the sentiment was echoed within OPEC by Iraq which has always
recommended a special Fund to help the badly affected.
India which has newer raised
the issue publicly did so at Hawana, 50% of India's import bil | in 1978 was accounted for by oil, and the estinated additional expenditure for this year - Is 1.6 billion dollars. The NAM refuses to play the the west's game and attack OPEC but it is trying to persuade COPEC to divert investment and aid, at concess foral terms, to the Third World.
Such feelings especially among the smaller Africar Countries, helped Egypt to stand up to the Arab League-led attack better at Hawa, a than im Colombo Where Egypt was handicapped by the fact that it is not a bureau member.
ASA
Though there were passing references to the East Timor, where the Indonesian army presided ower a genocidal repression (L.G. June I) there are no recognised" Liberation movements ön this continent. The pattern of politics and economic development (or the development of under-development) strikes one is more settled, more
formally accepted. Wietnam and Laos ( Kampuch Fa was voiceless) were an exception. India which
has always enjoyed a special, autonomous status was less assertiwe inspite of the continuity of Indian foreign policy as practised by the bureaucratic and diplomatic elite. The political confusion in India and the hiatus in Delhi influenced India's comparatively modest contribution to the 6th suit. ASEAN and the military regime. of Bangladesh and Pakistan set the Asiam tcnc.
The performance of North Korea, a communist country, which Ordinarily should hawe gone along ... with the Indo-China states, turns
OL " Etter to t. derations that F behaviour with hawe in mind N sent Talations "" поге important geo-political fa the new US - Ch
Though over-s times misleading Servative radici "militant”, hawe here to equally P
"pro-U.S.' and " use of these lat observers outsic
Lunderstandable perspective can and self-deceptic of the rowers character and P rely be the prim
Thills does mot SLIT:s from ou linkages should minimi5gd. Crl steady growth c its significance relations hawa d greater interest WEST ) ES yed a casual co alignment. The g tion and concer temptation and fluence thë NA multifarious ways, Which ofter är phemistic designa Certainly, Washi Peking, not to Thajor powers, to see that the the NAM favour ir "25 t5 cor, a: coption, does in interests of its
ECONOMICS
It was the ou J. R. Jayewarden out that 80% o loped countries" "most seriously a are men Tilberts of nomics is the c tor. Whate yer - t regimes, or the
lations of eak groups, these n together by a past. They find helmed by a ht

o external com Sihelp explain Asian in the NAM. I orth Korea's prewith China, and ly, the massive it of China and ina link-Lup.
imple and so The, terms like "cona', 'moderate' and
been preferred opular labels like "pro-Soviet." The ter categories by e the NAi 1 Is although such a lead to distortion in. The dynamics int, its internal rocess Should Sunary consideration.
mean that pres:side or external be disclaimed or ..he contrary, the if the NAM and in interfläLlanal rawn greater and from even tho; o Which conce resernternpt for nonteater the atten1, the keen er the felt need to inM In all those , open and covert, "y the loose, eu - tion of diplomacy. gton, Moscow and In ention other a we endeavouted basic thrust of 's its own global a second best ot promote the
riwalls.
tgoing Chairman, e, who pointed f th9 "least de yeand 80% of the ffected countries"
the MA Eco-Inaוחם חde חסוחחחכ he nature of the
ideological incliHers and ruling ations are bound
shared colonial Themselwe5 over2st of problems
e Havana Special Report
which hawe their origing in that past. It is the proble of underdevelopment and its oppressive, many-sided consequences. For the mass of the people, it is the problem of poverty, a poverty that has its foundations in economic structures are still Integrally linked to a world system, fashioned, controlled, and managed by the US and its allies.
These legacies produce discontents that have become a terri ble burden cast on the frail shaulders of the poor in the poor nations. Their strivings and struggles in turn produce presures on governments and dominant social groups. who hawe to respond to such pressures and fight the oppressive system or be co-opted by it and fight their own people.
Now the socialist countries are not part of this past. History therefore will not allow an 'equat' distribution of guilt and responsibility; mor will present realities allow an equally apportioned attack on the West and the socialist community. There are thosa within the NAM who echo the familiar western argument and Say “if we are genuinely nonaligned we must attack both camps equally'. Rid of its intellectual embroidery, this is the plain
meaning, of “non-bloc" “equidistanco" etc.
This is not to say that the
Third World has no criticisms or complaints against the socialist countrië5. Grie wances about trading practices, the quantum of aid, conversion of currency etc are constantly aired.
But one is a structural problem, the other touches on particular practices and specific transactions in bilateral or multi-lateral economic relations.
This has nothing to do with the US or USSR, Tito or Castro. it has to do with the fundamental features of the international system.
Inspite then of sharp differences on specific issues (political and economic, Kampuchea, Egypt,
(Cofffffsrecs of Fge 7)
5

Page 18
SUMMIT
OR CUBANS who are only
too familiar with Fidel Castro's oratorical track tecord, h is 90 minute speech, part philippic, pārt trenchant ဒုmal;းဒုံး it is a slight surprise. is favourite "distance" is three to four hours. "But he is like our Juan terema... he takes everything in his stride"
remarks young Carlos Diaz, of the Foreign Ministry's press department and one-time Inernber
of the national baseball team, as we take the bus back to the hotel. Juanterema, the Olympic gold medallist, is of course Cuba's best lowed athlete.
Of the record thousand-odd accredited pressmen, the Yugoslav continent alone numbered 30, earning the otherwise friendly Yogoslavs a caustic comment from an African editor. "This is Yugoslaw hegemonismo in, non-aligned journalism" he said to the great amusement of the Cuban hosts.
Among those patiently attending to the many simple but highpressure professional needs of the invading journalistic task force was Gladstone Oliwa. We all took him at first for yet another Infor. mation Dept official or pressman co-opted for the job, Dr. Oliva is in fact Director of Cuba's Insttute of Geo-physics. Hundreds like him had volunteered to work for the Conference in any capa - clty.
This participatory spirit is surely one of the secrets of Cuba's outstanding achievements, a view enthusiastically endorsed by an ABC (Austrailian TW team which spent a month in the islandmaking a documentary on "Cuba after 20 years'.
In the first post-revolutionary mass campaign to eliminate illite. racy (there is 50% illiteracy still in I countries like - Honduras, EL Salvador, Guatemala) highly edu
I é
N
THE CUB
by Mervyn de Silva
cated Cubans sper mauntalms and th {{In့် old peof write. 20 years Grant, Chairman Overseas Dewed and arden adwic Tarwelled at the poor Country, ha! problems of educ health. Some Siti who came hundr Hawa na to talk ti had nothihg but health services.
education is such of their professor in mechanical an the students' host tice his English.
MAXIMUM SE
WHEN || CONI), mandante, almost a hero-worshippe covery though a Le and som C:tim macy with whi Cuban speaks of ly and in the col ers, Here iš 10 or cold, distant CoTi Tiš5 r.
Many Cubans amusing to see C man and forced than a dozen sp five days, while accept for him hawe seermed i s||ence.
Cubans who p Square to listen tions or 5 at glu sets for three to scarcely conce al vously disloyal "jefe maximo" ha maximum punish
DAUNTILESS
THE PASSION, sincerity of the

otes from a Havana Diary
AN SPRIT
it months in the a remote villages le to read and ÇIT, Mr. Jārmës of Washington's pment Council cate of POOL
way Cuba, a lastered the :ation and public Lankan students eds of m illas to o our delegates praise for their The hunger for that eye Cre 's (an instructor igineering) wis its :el daily to prac
INTENCE
es to the Comevery Cuban is r. A happy disis the affection25 delightful intiich the average
him, quite Ճբenmpany of strang
sacrosanct deity
idol or faceless
found it hugely Castro play Chairto listem to morte eeches a day for : compelled to Iself what ITU 5t an eternity of
acked Revolution to his peГогаed to their TW four hours could their This chiehought that the d been given the
t
OU O
ATE
I7151 I1
and patent (I know
hawe been “somewhat un diplomatico not quite in the line of protocol but no one should doubt the coplete loyalty with which spoke")
conquered the "neutrals" and overhelmed even his known critics. After the richly deserved
ovation, Sri Lanka's J.R. Jayewardene proposed, in keeping with custom, that the speech be made part of the record. It will surely adorn the NAM's chronicle.
The feeble Pham Van Dong, helped by a young aide as he hoppled along, went up to the rostrum to give Castro a warm embrace. This unexpected gesture
of fraternal solidarity between two countries that hawe won Worldwide admiration for their
amazing fortitude in the defence of their independence was greeted with yet another round of tumultuous applause.
It al 50 draw an interestling observation from a leader of the Puerto Rican Socialist party. Man Sri Lankans will recall the PSP's tactfully low-key role as guests at the Colombo parley. It was a different story in Hawaaa. Dr. Riveral of the PSP's Politburo told me : "No two peoples hawe in modern times made such impossible sacrifices for their freedom and yet these two nations have been selected specially for a slander campaign . . . . Surely that means something 2'.
When I reminded him that Deng Ziaoping, on his way back from the the US, had Called Wietnam
"the Cuba of Asia", he said "I am sure that both took it as the highest compliment".
BEARS AND BASES
"THIS IS the third time this same question has been asked and my answer is the same. I
am here to brief you as conference spokesman and not as a Cuban

Page 19
official. I hope tiппе
will be wasted... .
TO TO TE
The speaker is Lisandro Otero; the place the Casa Di Prensa at the Palace of Conventions on the 2nd day of the summit.
And the oft-repeated question posed almost exclusively by US correspondents? Were there Soviet "combat troops on Cuban soil." It was the crudest of propaganda stunits. Cn the openlng day, thẽ US press, radio and TV highlighted the sudden "discovery' of Soviet troops and Senator Church was urging the Senate not to ratify SALT 2 if the report was true.
Obviously intended to divert attention from the summit, the sensational story found the Cuban government indifferent to provocations of that sart. The Prensa Latina however had something to say. Every US President from Eisenhower to Carter, a political editor wrote, has known of the presence of Soviet military advisers training Cubans in sophisticated weaponry. As for "foreign' troops, the correspondent added, he himself knew only of 2,800 US personnel at the Guantanamo base, an enclave forcibly occupied by the US inspite of protests by a sovereign government for nearly 20 years.
When a squad of tired US scoop-hunters returned to their own temporary bases in Hawa na’s hotel area after a futile Chase, they were understandably tightlipped about their breathless expedition out of the capital. Lazara Penones who teaches journ2.lism at the Hawa na University cffered this del Ightfully far-fetched theory. "Though this is a sub tropical island. I am sure those -s were looking for 5 cme polar Be3 Ts"".
The only polar bear visible was the label on a popular Cuban
HETS HERS
FEGIS DEBRAY who followed Che Guevara on his final and Eel journey to Bolivia and spet tome time in jal himself, === In Havana to gather materlal for = new study on the Latin
American revolution after Nicaragua.
His two-volume in the Revolutior of Arms") is wi the best con til tells me that t to the new bic com i "Le Mond
Meanwhile in
rooms and the
Palace, the youn: un doubtedly the show. In their fatigues, with th Sandnista arrn
guerrillas (Nicara
sador to Cuba much like the that knight err
emporary revolut Che Gueva ra.
And so a long once a familiar scene from Paris Lives is alive of
COMPANERO
THE NON-A steadily resisted to Institutionalize The majority ir Corporation susp structures. Yet wholly dead. Ir has always lobb ariat. It may ne if it gwar does for the post of would be Sri Lank At Hawana, he companero. And flattery. They w by the patience hu Tour with wF h15 dut le 5 a5 CF exceptionally tric two years,
Thg natsvg5 oi un impressed by F in international the T. non-align Träyellers' Club passport. Hame endless jokes a stride. He told mische w||ous play A. C. S. or All
Hameed iffբ: E HeםחEםםחוif wisited Seweral ng he assures us. believe him. A he has not tou for instance.

work ("Revolution h' and "A Critique dely accepted as is theme. He :he introduction ook wil appear e Diplomatique'.
the conference corridors of the g Sandinistas are stars of the jungle green e red-and-black band, the young gua’s new Ambasis 2) look so gallant sons of ant of the Conionary movement,
forgotten slogan, aart of the Street to Mala, Che
S TE
SHAUL
LIGNED hawe the temptation
their movement. I th| s loose knit ect bLITeaucratic the idea is not aq, the next host, ied for a secretlver happen but strong candidate Secretary-General a’s Shaul HaTeed. was everybody's | |t was rot Tiere vere all impressed tact and good Ich he performed hairman during an cky and turbulent
COLITSe Trail lameed's progress diplomacy. For Tment Is h 15 pri Wate and diplomatic ed takes the 5e ind Barb5 in his us the latest, a ' com hi is iriitials, Countries Seer.
t an injured has NOT yet
on-aligned capitals
an inclined to As far as I know "ed Cape Werde,
ο Η ανατια. Γιαrν
SUMMIT STUDY
AN ANALYTICAL survey of world press coverage of the Colombo summit has been published by the Latin American in 55 itute of Trans national Studies, Mexico. Headed by the brilliant Juan Somavia LET has been an en lightened activist in the Campaign for a New International Information Order. The original work which is in Spanish will be translated into English and French soon. A synopsis in English was made available to those attending the Hawa na conference.
It was nice to find the authors of Traps and Neoclonialism', the News Agencies and the Non-aligned quoting quite extensively from a series of articles entitled "the Third World's quarrel with the western press' which
the Sunday Observer Colombo published just before the 5th SLITI ITIL,
The fight . . .
(Corried fraid Pagers) o etc) there was more a convergence of views than confrontation.
In Havana two roads converged: the road from Colombo, the 5th
summit, and the road from Manila, UNCTAD W. Since the "Group of 77" was formed in Algiers 12 years ago, these paths
hawe increasingly owerlapped.
As the UN prepares to discuss a "development strategy for the 1980's", the peoples of the non -aligned world will hawe to mobilise their collective will to advance their conflion cause. The extent to which such mobilisation is effective and the degree to which popular pressure will influence the governments of these countri 25 Wi il determine the spirit and direction of the NAM In the 1980's. History contrived an interesting coincldence. The NAM is only Just a bit younger than the Cuban revolution which is 20 years old. As Robert Manning noted shtewdly Castro's speech symbolised a new phase, with Hawa na marking the beginning of the
se generation of the '##
ל[

Page 20
| Perspective
N M - the work
alliance
by Hector Abhayavardhana
under NM's
that the LSSP taught the working class how to combine trade union and political struggles. The
as leadership
we apоп of the strike did not always end in victory for the workers. Defeats were at least as
frequent as victories and the consequences of defeat were very exacting. It was essental that trade union struggles should be backed by political pressures on the Govern: ment to inter wene on the si de of the workers, both in parliam tent and outside. Even more, it was necessary that workers should use their democratic rights to elect those who would align themselves with the working class as Members of Parlament. As T1 a SS Wictimisation of Government and Corporation employees became the familiar outcome of strikes, workers focussed their attention increasingly on the need to return a Government that would be responsive to their
8
pressures and neg action became a of Crado Unionism
The criticism
rade that in de WC his title and effort tion of abour, N. needs of Lhe Peo arca 5. This. it is One of the teasc was clear for the
as the cha Tmpion of In the Sinhala taun itself as the princi the UNP. NM deal Sm In an article er
Fight among th "The Natic' of
975. Hg Yrʻtg
"Although the designated as a w and its main base class, it will be v that the peasantr the concentration
 

(er - rural poor
Politi
2dings. i important part in the country.
has often been sting so much of : to the organisaneglected the ple in the rural contended was ins why the way SLFP to emerge the rural masses try and constitute pal challenger of t with thi5 critici - i.e. "The LSSP's e Peasantry' in 9th December,
Party is correctly 2rking class party is in the working Y Tong to a 53 UmC y did not receive and the import
ance that it deserved. In a country where over 75 per cent of the [[:၀ဗူး live in rural areas it will e both wrong and meaningless for an all-island Party to neglect the specific weight of the cultivator and the rural Worker in the economic life of the country. Therefore, from the outset the programme of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party provided a prominent place for the demands of the villager in Sri Lanka.'
He mentioned five problems of the rural peopic which had always received the attention of his Party: Land for the landless; Grazing Land for cattle; Liquidation of Rural Debt; Fair Prices for crops; and Abolition of the Headman System. He himself had crashed his way into the State Council through an election campaign that was an upsurge of the oppressed against the feudal families that preyed on the people through the Headman System. Persistent pressure with in the State Council and sustained attacks outside forced a resolution through the Council in 1937 annulling the posts of Rate Mahatmayas, Muda liyars, Korales and Widane Aratchies and requiring the gradual abolition of the rest. On the question of Land, NM pointed to the take-over of estates achlewed by the Land Refor IT of the United Front Gowern
Tent as providing the basis for solw|Ing the problem of landlessness in the village. The plantations were a high-productivity base for the re-organisation of the entre rural economy. Unfortunately, the SLFP was not interested in planned agriculture of any kind. He summed
up what remains to be done very briefly:-
"A radical re-orientation of rural life in Sri Lanka has yet to be achieved. Remnants of feudalism that still linger have to be washed away. The exploitation by middlemen and Powerful ஃஃ: ha 5

Page 21
not been eliminated. The mental approach to modernism, with all its implications, has yet to be fostered and developed. This is the task of the Party in the coming years..."
In terms of actual day-to-day activity, NM was not merely leader and organiser of the urban working class, but he was also leader and counsellor of small cultivators and wage-labourers in large areas of Kegalle District. Large numbers of village poor from other parts of the Count wrote to him every day for advice and assistance in their problems. NM made it a point to read every one of these letters and reply to them. Even in the busi est tilmes he would see that some attempt was made to remedy the grievances of his correspondents. The major village problems, of course, demanded radical political action - which in turn, only a radical Government could provide.
Reflected in his utterances and his actions throughout NM's political life is this perception of the basic identity of interests between the urban working class and the rural poor. In the rural areas which comprised Kegalle District he could see clearly the crganic link that bound workers and cultiwating peasants. It was easy to see that the working class and the rural poor throughout the country provided the axis of
the revolutionary transformation of the country, if the tasks of rewolu tlom in Sri Lanka werë
looked at concretely, rather than as the mandate of doctrine, it was the duty of revolutionary leadership to consolidate this axis and centre all Towerient around it. In conditions of the suppression of democracy, it is possible that the developing movement round the axis of the working cila 55 and the rural poor will be the monopoly of a single well-organised Party. In conditions of a democratic political system, however, this movement of the masses can never be the monopoly of a 5іпs!е рагtу.
NM cale to the realisation of this fact out of actuai experience, Playing a lone hand he exerted himself to the ut most to make
the LSSP the em worker-rural poo country's politics. of a rural bourged hls task. He fou to broadern the all
wider strata. In t order to de al bok Ils rm and its
colaborators. T even a trace of
this. His sights
truly aimed. In that he introduce 964 or from 97 were smashing bil italist class. In t that he introdu
for the year 97. for the increase to 8 per cent : exceeding Rs. 90c other proposals were new er impli provided the F throwing him an of the Gower. In surprise to him. proposed that th of Wealth Tax 5 to 5 per cent ar brought down t and reduced the Ywas nowy the tur protect wealth by his party out of t That itself is adeqL che lack of love lo and the capitalist
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Page 22
Cinema
“Hansa Vilak”
by Reggie Siriwardena
general, I am against the prac
ice of reviewing Sinhala films long before they are released for public wlewIng, since this means that only a few privileged people who have been able to attend a private viewing are able to make up their minds about the rights and wrongs of the critic's judegments. However, since M. H. A. Se nevitate ha5 |ტუჩქ the gun with his article on
harmasiri Bandaran ayake’s first film, Hansa Willak (LG, August ), I feel prompted to express my own view of the film although know that in doing so I am committing the same offences of which I have complained. My excuse is that Mr. Seneviratine's article seem 5 to Te an Lunjustified depreciation of a film that is one of the outstanding ach le Yements af the Sinhala E|ngma. || don't want at this stage to attempt a total assessment of the film (the proper time for that will be when the film is due for general, release), but I should like to make a few dissenting points in relation to Mr. Senewiratne's article, at least for the purpose if suggesting to future spectators of the film that an alternative wiewpoint on it is possible.
1. Mr. Senevi ratne concedes that Dharmasiri Bandaranayake emerges in Han sa Wilak "as a film director who has mastered one's craft in his very first film." However, the tone in which he goes on to speak of the technical achievement
of the film is such as to under Walue that ach i 2 Yement - in fact, to "damn with faint praise." My re
is Tuch Tote enthusiastic. opinion, Hansa Wilak, as as far as its handling of the cinematic Te di Lu T is ConCermed Is the most original and inventive film yet to reach the Sinhala screen. In deèd, its achlevement in this respect is almost incredible when one considers the fact that Bandarama yake has newer made a film - a dual role which imposes
to In my
마
Ca
i Teisė 5 trg bilities of the also his own Scr
2. Mr. SETI EYİT as It is, of the is virtually canc obserwator that spectator "is sure whether all these necessary to deal ject-matter of the to suggest that of Bandaran ayake": and structure art micry imposed o no internal neces: its content. Thai Crue. The "Te CE should realise th: the for that he and participace i ment and angul: and no "straight' the narrative cou a Comparable inti
3. Mr. Senèwir: the "separation and reality in th distinct," and tha the effect of con tator himself. I seen the film on | hawe any prior | director's intentic Of di wis lor betwi reality in the fi always clear, and bacause the direc WE Lf1.“ of doing. (Of course tasy" and "reality" since "fantasy" ha inner psychological is, fron the poin film, just as "real of material and and exterrial ey er
I suggest that it tor who has "l traversing the re and {ုlit!!! as suggests, but th certail that he ted the ending o'

ft and
in on the capadirector. He is ipt-writer
atne's praise, such craft of the filt elled out by his : the receptive to ask himself intricaces Were with the subfilm." This tends the complexities 5 cinematic form * a piece of glmIn the film w Ith ity demanded by is simply not aptive spectator' at it is through cones to share the bewildesh of NISS anka, presentation of Ild hawe ach iewed епsity.
itne argues that Jetween fantasy e film is not yery
t this will| hawe fusing the specdi sagree. I have
у опсе, пог фid knowledge of the 15, but the line веп fапtasy and Was to me I think this is tor himself was what he was the terms 'fanare ambiguous, Ta rafe Ts to an experience that It of wiew of the " as the world tangible things its.)
israt the di recst his way' in alms of fantasy Mr. Senayiratne e critic. I feel Nas mis interpref the film - The
COntent
క్ష్* Søparfra Mallakvarachchi and Dharfrossrf Bandararayaka iri Hari sa kilak"
"killing' of Miranda is certainly fantasy, in the sense that she dies only in Nissanka's mind, but the death of the old lady, I befiewe, Es real, Otherwise, one simpli can mot make sense of the flashback to the latter sequence at the end, when Nissanka's son invites him to Come back hote but the father breaks down and s obs, because he remember 5 that something irrevocable has happened. This gives a different tone to the ending from what Mr. Senewi. ratПe's description suggests : the reference to a 'reunion' and the comparison with Duhulu Malak are out of place. The ending, as take it, is tragic, and not the ha PP y resolution that Mr. Senew| - ratne imagines It to be.
4. Mr. Seneviratne says that the spectator "might even leave the auditorium at the end of film not with the impact of the subject Tlatter of the fill but under Lha stress of the complexity of the techniques used.' I suggest that, on the contrary, Hansa Wilak has a Wery serious and substantial theme - the collision between a "free" love relationship based on personal choice and the norms and demands of social liwjmg and farm 1 - ly obligations (the intervention of the police, the claims of the childrem, attitudes of Samanthi’s Ebrother and mother - all these help to sustain this the Ine). I should like to draw attention also to Bandaranayake's brilliantly in nova

Page 23
tive use of song in the filmneither operatic in the mode of the primitive Sinhala cinema, nor an appropriate emotional background in the manner of more recent films, but in sharp contrast against the visuals-as when he runs a romantic love lyric over the sord idness of the divorce court scenes. Here is an example of the fusion of theme and tech
nique that I have been talking at Out.
To return to the conflict between personal low c and Social relations in film, Bandaran ayake doesn't of course, offer a 'solution" to this conflict, but "should
One go to a work of art for solutions, and is a solution in fact possible for the generality of peoPle in our society ? What Bandaranayake has done is to bring home to us, with poignant force what this clash of divergent values and loyalties means to people who are involved in it, and that is for Ine sufficient to make the film mowing valid and meaningful. But think Mr. Seneviratne totally misrepresents the film's intention when he suggests that its moral is that "happiness lies in repression of one's sex and even love in order to protect the disintegration of the family as it exists in bourgeois society." One must have a very naive view of life to believe that in a situation where people who are involved in the web of family relations find themselves torn between personal love and social obligations, happiness is possible either by denial of one's own desires and needs, or by assertion of them at any cost. Which cwer the choice one makes, there is a price to be paid in human pain, to one self and to others. Perhaps one may hope that in some ideal society of the future, these things will be better ordered, but at present that is 3 dream, and the artist has to deal with the reality of things as
hey are. It is all very well to say that the answer is to reject tourgeois morality for one self, itut even among the most 'emancipated" people, under present conditions the break-up of a marriage often involves conflict, suffering and tragic choices, especially where children are involved.
So one has to ap ranayake but to his own Words: as simple as all
5. MT. Seng yr Inent is that importance of th become a landma of the Sinhala sense Reakawa « were." If it was nise in Rekawa lution in the because its sty were so far ahea style film-makin audience had be Han sa Wilak is lutionary today stretch the co sensibility of its its present lim Rekawa did mak the popular all understandable i film during the of the Sinhala Wilak is a film without comprom it the status of
Precisely becal Promis Ing charac ginal and innowa Wilak will be exacting test for епсе “han Reka I don't want to question whethe in commun licatin but the critic's ful welcome and en such artistic dari think there for fortunate that depreciates the f it as "ап орро claiming that I give us 'a new
For my part, advent of a new Taker who with film has excelled of many of his not šo abundan the craft of the can afford to b about technical Mr. Seneviratne Vilak in my wie than sophisticat ship to offer : fusion of form
{Cαιriημει

ply not to Banda
Mr. SEпеvi ratne "Things are not that."
'atne's final judgeIn spilte of the 1 e film it canno rk in the history Clinė Tä, il the Dr Gamperaliya right to recogÎn 955 a revoSinhala cinema le and content ld of the Madrasg on which the 2er brought up, EWE TO " Tf - in striving to rn5ciousnes 5 and audience beyond its. And where D. CT III.E.g5 || (-) || lg | tt | Idience (as was In a pioneering formative stage cinema), Hansa lı made entirely ises, so why deny
a "landmark"
I5 of its uncomtert and its ortive for, Hansa a Wei or
the mass audiya was in 1956. speculate on the it will succeed itself to them, 1ction is surely to courage a film of ng and integrity. 2, that it is unMr. Senewiratna lm by describing tunity lost" and has failed to experience."
rejoice in the and young filmhis very first the achievement eniors. We are in Tasters of Cinema that we 15 supercilious ach i Eymi t as 5 and Hansa w ha5 rTi uch more in of craftsmanit has a genuine and content, I
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Page 24
Regional politics
The Arc of Revolutions - (3)
The US role
he role of the USA in each
of the four countries under discussion has already been alluded to. It is now possible to bring together the different forms it takes in these states.
1. In two of the four countries, Iran and Ethiopia, the need for a mass revolution and the depth of hatred unleashed correlates directly with the degree of US support over a quarter of a century for the imperial despots who ruled in these states. US support for Haile Selassie was cynically based on the des|re to keep the US communications base at Kagnew, near the Eritrean capital of Asmara, and to preserve an influential pro-western regime in power. Although some suggestions for reform were made by the US Embassy in the 1960s these came to nothing. US military aid, totalling S279 millions from 1951 to 1976 was almost half of all such ald to black African states. Much of the S350 million in economic aid was pocketed by Ethiopian officials. One US Ambassador to Addis summed up the official US attitude to military aid as follows: "It was really Kagnew rent money, and if the Emperor wanted it in "solid gold Cadillacs', he could have it that way'. Meanwhile the Ethiopian population lived in conditions of brutal repression and neglect, and when the regional revolts in Eritrea and Bale threatened the regime in the 1960s, US aid, arms and advisers were used in the Counter-insurgency efforts.
In Iran, US military aid dates back to 1942: US advisers helped crush socialist movements in Azerbaijan and Kurdistan in 1946 and in the now famous coup of August 1953, when the Shah deposed the legally elected government of Dr. Mosadeq, CIA advisers played an active role beside the US-trained army. From then on, right through the 1960s and 1970s US advice and support was essential to the Shah's
22
repres
regime, Not only the conventornal Iranian army, but to the heart of S police. SAVAK w with the help c advisers, and mai were trained at 1 training centre at ( A former chief CIA in Iran has inc the CIA trained S torture technique army material fr World War.
Among the man US association w US policy of deny took place in Iran. when the knowled gone beyond re we find Alfred At become responsibl negotiations, tellin torture no longer one adds to this supplies of Weapon Iran the largest weapons in the w becomes easier to responsible for cr in which a pop OCCU Tred in Iran.
2. Many of the have been made provocative acts of its regional allie orientations and crucially depend on The Nixon Doctrin July 1969, has a mill stant counter-T to key third worl them Saudi Arabi the Carter-Brzez backing what are influentials follows In Afghanistan, as the key factor th; downfall was his with dran. The S| stan to be a co could dominate: it in the eighteenth of its population sp

Fred Halliday
sion and provocation
did this in wowe arts of the t also went right AWAK, the secret as set up in 1957 f CIA and FBI ty of its officials ke Marine Corps uantico, Virglnla. analyst with the Iw revealed that AWAK official 5 in i, using German om the Second
y features of the | th | Tan was the 'ling that tortura
As late as 976, ge of to Ture had asonable doubt, herton, later to e for Arab-Israeli g Congress that took place. If the enormous s to Iran, making purchaser of US ord in 1976, it decide who was eating a situation ular revolution
Soviet "advances' possible by the the USA or of s whose policy capacity to act western support. 2, propounded in located a new ! volutionary role d states, among
and Iran, and nski policy of called "regional the same path. we ha Ye Seen, ut led to Daud's growing alliance lah felt AfghaniIntry that Iran was ruled by Iran :entury, a third ak Persian, and
it could provide some of the raw materials ran needed for industralization. The Shah's plan for an Asian Common Market, deliberately seen as a bloc of Aryan (i.e. nonArab) countries including Pakistan, Afghanistan and India was really an attempt (a) to dominate western Asia strategically or, as with India, to form a dominant coalition and (b) to acquire the raw materials and labour ran needed for its economic growth.
The attempt to subjugate Afghanistan led in the end to a Γ ανοί that was In the first place political but had strong nationalist and potentially social consequences. Even further back, however, the role of US policy in laying the groundwork for these events can be discerned. For Afghanistan, ruled by a backward monarchy, only turned to the Sowiet Union fot arms in the mid-1950s after the USA refused to supply it. The reason for this refusal was US support for Pakistan, Afghanistan's regional competitor. It was US obduracy in this regard, including the forced incorporation of Pakistan into the SEATO and CENTO military alliances, which pushed the archaic ruling class of Afghanistan into a reluctant military dependence on the USSR. While the Russian advisers did not use their participation in the army to organize the 1978 coup, the growth of communist sentiment owed a considerable amount to the fact that from the mid-1950s onwards thousands of Afghans, military and civilian, received training in the USSR.
A similar set of developments can be discerned in the Horm of Africa. Most of what is said in the west about Soviet-Cuban policy there is hypocritical and inaccurate, based as it is on the claim that they "cynically' switched sides from Somalia to Ethiopia in the middle
(Corrinited an Page 2)

Page 25
ن کے
eg.
 

Bank he
ith the
ton.
From modest beginings the People's Bank has become the largest growing bank in Sri Lanka with over 230 branches islandwide.
Our total assets have recorded an increase of 33% in 1978.
Our Savings Deposits have accounted for 56% of the total savings deposits of all commercial banks as at the end of 1978. Ña Our programme for the future involves several new schemes which ܓ݁ܶܓ NA are designed to help uplift the ecohs nomy by loan and credit facilities to 《 cultivators, fishermen, industralists, ,house builders, importers and exporters ܐܸܠܹܓ These facts and figures speak so ܓܔ Na eloquently about our growth and the SJ- success we have achieved in national
finance, that today we can proudly say that we are in the forefront with the nation. ྾ཚེ་ཧྲིའི་
W. W ቚ 1 ኛ 'ತ್ರಿ ఫికే ශ්‍රී
People's Bank
the Bank thenation banks on

Page 26
Arc of revolutions . . .
(Corfirilled front Page 22)
of 1977. The role of the Soviet Union and Cuba is leaving Eritrea aside, a creditable one. Each tried an accommodation between SoTalia and Ethiopia in the first months of | 977, when both Sowjet President Podgorny and Fidel Castro visited the area. They failed, mainly because western and Arab encouragement led Somalia to believe it could gain the Ogaden territory by force and did not need to negotiate, The Soviet Union only began to giwe substantial military support to Ethiopia after the Somalis invaded Ethiopia in June 1977, and the real build-up in Soviet and Cuban forces in Ethiopia came after November 1977, the month in which Somalia expelled the Russians and Cubans. Hence the record shows that the Soviet-Cuban policy of supporting the Ethiopians developed by stages, each stage being preceded by a provocation from the Somalis and the west.
The Sonalis, on the basis of understandings given them, believed the west would come to their aid and support them in their attempt to hold on to part of Ethiopia. In the end this did not occur. The west, alarmed by the decisiveness of the Soviet-Cuban response after June 1977, a response which they had themselves brough about, retreated and worked to prevent Ethiopia from wil ping out the Somali regime in a counter-attack. No doubt the Sornals are now bitter, but it was they who raised the stakes in the first instance. Even now, in early 1979, the same issues apply: the reason why thousands of Cuban troops remain in Ogaden is than the Somalis have refused to abandon their claim to it and Continue to back a guerrilla campaign against Ethiopia. Those like The Economist who are so upset about "the Cuban army entrenched in Ethiopia' should also turn their criticisms onto the militant Somalis who persist in trying to redraw the boundaries of Ethiopia by force and the Saud is and Egyptians who support thern.
South Yemen is another case of similar western and Saudi provocation. Since independence in 1967
4
the Saud Is hawli encouragement, c sed the South Tment and hawe regime into fur
imposing | L | regimes in Sou smaller neighboL and Oman. The
brief war with 1969 and they art were sent into t| out sabotage mis Imposed an aid South Yemen is ar. se oll to South world prices af their normal rhe brotherhood." F: regional threat, western ald and recognise it until pendence, South rely increasingly c for military assist Saudi response to 1977 has made essential, as has to coase all diplom Aden after the de: Alī.
3. The tone | symptomatic of position also imp and Its alles no policy. It is, we Russians who ar. these countries. a lie of such eno perhaps stun th USA has so far no up an active polic new regime in Af immediate resp and British Emba: the revolution v Tendacious b campaign through claiming, un justi sands had been k Some of the jour "well-informed so admit what had US ally Pakistan support to exile acting under the counter-revolutic since it can onl time before Afg a-wis the Pathan in Pakistan wea
In the Hon. played any major

e, with western onsistently harasYemeni governdrawn the Aden ther conflicts by iter-revolutionary th Yemen's two its, North Yemen Saudis fought a South Yemen in led titi besmen whe the South to carry 5 lons. They have blockade on the ld ever refused to Yemen at below ter" | 973, despite toric about 'Arab aced with such a with a denial of a Saudi refusal to years after in deYemen has had to rm the Sowiet rilor
ance. The hostile the events of June ths gven more
the US dagson a tic contacts with ath of Salem Rodea
of hurt innocence
the right-wing [ ies that the US W have no active are told, only the e a interwen ing in This is of course mity that it may e unwary... The tapparently taken of harassing the ghanistan. But the inse of the US
sies in Kabul to as to spread a ack propaganda
the western press, fiedly, that thoufled on April 27. |alists so duped by Irces' We relater to happenend. The
|s giving covert Afghan groups, Janner af Islamic ni a foolish policy r be a ma tter of nan reštraint wis
and Baluch issues 's thin.
he USA has not
ole on the ground,
but it has used events there as
part of a massive propaganda counter -offensive, designed in particular to split the non-aligned movement and isolate Cuba, Congressional
Sources hawe rewe alled that in the
latter part of 1977 the CIA organised an , international press campaign to discredit Cuba for its role in Eritrea (at that time at least Cuba had no such role) and in the spring of 1978 the Soviet-Cuban aid to Ethiopia in the defence of its own frontiers was portrayed as an aggressive act, threatening detente - in complete disregard of western and Arab responsibility for the Sonali invasion.
South Yement is a continu ing case of active US prowocation and attempted destabilization. First, the sal e of the F-15s to Saudi Artabla, so disputed by Israel, was in the first instance defended by US administration oficials con the grounds that there was a 'threat" from South Yemen. If the jets are to be used anywhere it will be in an assault on the revolutionary government in Aden. Secondly, the USA is now busily arming North Yemen, with Saudi finance, in an attempt to build up the vicious and reactionary government there, many of whose leading members are rightwing refugees from the South. Hundreds of army officers and civilians have been exacuted in the past year in North Yemen as part of a low-level but persiste ut civi|| war that has been continuing ever since the "official" civil war ended in 1970. Finally, the Saud is have announced that they will try and organise an International aid boycott of South Yemen, and will use their new position om the Board of the IMF to try to cut back on World Bank finance for Aden. The consequence of all of this will, of course, be to cement further the ties between a beleaguered South Yemen and the USSR.
Conclusions
Behind the rabid language of "geopolitical decline' and Soviet expansionism' it is therefore possible to discern a very different pattern of events, in which the unity of the right-wing vision is to 5ome extent potes erwed, but in which the principal actors are assigned
(Cίλη Πίπι{Eα αη Page så)

Page 27
Book review
From holiness t
Rich Christians in an age of hunger by Ronal J. Sider. Published by Hadder and Sraughtar 220 pp.
Rs.. 4o-.
or twenty-one years conspicuous
life styles had been under attack in this country. The affluent were there all along, but there was a sense of guilt where ostentation was concerned. And simpler life styles came to be encouraged. By reverting to an exclusively market Economy, попе сагу gain once again becomes the sole criteria of econdmic activity, and affluence, a necessary reward.
Although written with the affluent Christian of the retropolitan countries. In mind, and attempting to engage his conscience where the poor nations and people of the periphery are concerned, Dr. Sider's book is just as readily applicable to our contemporary situation. The challenge of social responsibility cuts across religion and nations--a civilised world presupposes that we are each our brothers' keeper.
Much of the data regarding underdeveloped countries that Dr. Sider uses is not original, Nor even is his teach ing Con Christian social ethics. What is of significance however is that the radical posltion he takes Lup is almost unique to people of his religious background. Evangelical Christians, who believe in the inerrancy of scripture and the transforming power of Christ in their personal life, have for long steered clear of thorny social issues. The social Gospel became the refuge of Liberal Christians, whom some allege, threw their faith out of the window. Since the wat there has been a worldwide Evangelical revival, it is estimated that the US alone holds 40 million Evangelicals, including President Jimmy Carter. Many CCTe from privilieged backgrounds 2nd seemed immune to the political edical is that shook other Chu TheG like the Romam Catholic,
Dr. Sider's be historic Handmark | but the radicallsr underscores its
His exposure pages of the kind experienced by Bra nomic growth that at the expense sers the pace fo deals clearly with t unfair trade, faulty tian, hunger, dis He illustrates the tion to hunger t consumption of gri He also details indices which the 5 ho W.
"God is not ne the side of the clearly and repeat God lis at work ir down the rich and because frequent wealthy precisely hawe opptes sed thi
"Present ecolor in the Worldwide are un biblical, Sin to evangelism and the body and C St. '''
Dr. Side inde struggle of the T Ney International for adjustments aid and debts. President Allend na||or|5 JS CC situation where were physically Ani dgd due to ImadaqU CA 4. overthrow his de ted government."
"He cites other skullduggery of L |r" | 954 the te w Guatemala in the reform in that ch

Jayantha Somas un daram
o action
ok becomes a ay Its wery topic; of the book mportance.
In the opening
of development zil, "a rapid eco
has been largely of the Tasses," the book. It he link between
incorte distribuease and death. North's contribuhrough its heavy in-fed livestock. the meagre ald : "North' has to
utral. He is on por The Bible adly teaches that history casting exalting the poor ly the rich are because they a poor. . . . . . . . ."
mic relationships body of Christ fu, a hindrante
a desecration of blood of Jesus
ntifies with the World for a Economic Order, in prices, tarriffs, He talks about e's attempt to pper mines in a 700,000 childrem d men tally retarate protein. "The
used millions to Tocratically elec
examples of the IS multinationals. as the coup in face of agrarlan эuntry. In 1974
there was the Banana War between US companies and Central American COLIIT t Ti2S.
in what is today the boldest progarn me for social action enun
ciated by Evangelical Christians, Dr. Sider alls for structural changes.
Many developing countries are ruled by despotic oligarchies. "The US has trained large numbers of police who have tortured thousands of people working for social justice in countries like Chile and Brazil. . . . . . the US will su Pport dictatorships that use torture and do little for the poorest one-half as long as these regimes are friendly to US investments." Sider in sist that US foreign policy and a İd programımı es must be fa Wo Lu Table to Countries com T itted to improving the lot of the poor.
He asks missionaries and the church in developing countries to propound a Gospel that will make the oppressed awarte of their predicament.
He calls upon workers in the metropolitan North to accept a just international system of trade even if it hurts the T1. He cites Norway's food policy as a model. Norway has identified and deveoped new consumption patterns. Th2 52 lead to better health, Lower rada deficits and less demands on the World's supply of land,
water and fertiliser,
Finally Sider asks for encouragement and assistānce from the North for de yelopment that actually benefits the masses in developing countries.
Sider has his feet planted firmly in both scriptural orthodoxy and economic reality. And from this wantage point he urges a course of action, quoting Dag Hammarskjold : "In our era, the road to holiness necessarily passes through the World of action."
5

Page 28
Debate
Eelam and Mar;
by Chintaka
his delightfully dextrous interwention, Dr. Kumar David, formerly a member of the Editorial board of the LSSP-run Nation and presently Polit Bureau member of the LSSP New Leadership. thoughtfully furnishes us with yet another myth concerning the National Question. This concerns, and quote Dr. David, the contradiction between Lenin's position on self-determination and that of Stalin. The fact that this myth is widespread and assiduously fostered by Trotskyists does not make it any less mythical. Dr. Dawid seeks to buttress hls contention by producing, with something of a flourish, the alling Lenin's indictment of Stalin et ai, on their rather brusque handling of the Georgian question. At first glance the indictment is ringing and conclusive, but Marx warns us that if outward appearance were indeed reality then there would be no need for science, while the Marxist method itself urges us to seek truth from facts.
What then are those facts? In the first week of March 1923 the crippled and debilitated Lenin dictated a letter to Trotsky requesting him to take up in the Central Comittee, the defense of the Georgian dissidents. Lenin enclosed with his missive, his Decen bert mernoran dum om the Georgian question with it:5 criticism of Stalin. On March 6th Lenin also wrote personally Lo the Georgian dissidents with copies to Trotsky and Kamenev, On April 16th Lenin's Chief Secretary L. D. Folyeva wrote to Kame new, then chairman of the Polit Bureau, Providing him with the full documentation. At thc 12th Cengress of the Bolshevik Party (April 17–23, 1923) the Georgian dissidents raised the issue and referred to Lenin's Decormbero menTn oran dum Which had
26
by then been sh c. gates. The Georgii ded by Rokowky,
sars in the Ukrain of fundamental si, member of the Burean or Cer made cwen the of Stalin. Trotsk fulfilled Lenin's
within the Cent Polit Bureau, in himself from the Congress on the on the grounds ргеParling a Speec The Congress
endorsed Stalin's the nationality pi
Consider: The Bureau which at prised in addit. Karnenew, Stalin, T Rykov, Tomsky, members Bukh: Kalinin, and Kuib from o criticis ing , ! full awaroness of LE Likewise the Ce and the 12th C. Bolshevik party. organs of the were able to as the entire situat the subjectivism Lenin's judgemen was on incorrect second-hand in for be noted en pi the final Bolshevi Lenin attended i. voiced enormous admiration for S Commi55at of Nati els would the Na
Whom els could tatives of any and tell in detal
queried Lenin the
So much then piece de resista a witticism from now leave his

xism
Wr to Some delleCSW 5EԸնI1the chief Commisle. However it is gnificance that no Bolshevik Poit tral Committee faintest criticism y, who had not Ebeh est either al Committee or fact absented 5355||Ons of the National Question that he was !nicsחסחסe C חס h overwhelmingly proposals caп "cobleTs.
Bolshevik Polit that time comon to Lenin, rotsky, Zinoview,
and alternate i rin, Molotov, yshev, refrained Scalin despite a
!nin's indictment. htral Committee ngress of the hese a leading Bolshevik party sess objectively on and avoid if the bedridden E, based as it Incomplete and mation. It may issant that at : Congress that 2, the Ith he trLust ir 3d alin's work as inalities. Whon ionalities trust? the represenlationality visit his troubles? torically.
or Dr. Dawid's ice. Borrowing
Marx, let us rgument as it
- A. reply to | Kumar David
stands, or rather, limps, and move on to more funda Tental issues.
There was never a contradiction between Lenin's position on self -determination and that of Stalin, either before or after 1925. In a birth anniversary tribute to Stalin, Mao approvingly quoted Stalin's epigta matically terse summation of the very essense of Marxism: "It is right to rebel against reaction'. This is tha basis of Lenin's position on the right of national Self-determination. Resistance to national oppression, national rebellion against reaction, always coincides with the interests of the working class in its struggle for socialism. "If we are not to be tral tors to socials T1 we must support each and every revolt against our chief eпemy." (Lenin). Stalin's post-1925 practice apart, the support currentl extended by the LSSP New Leadership to the Tamil peoples struggle is somewhat fitful. equivocal and seems to fa || well short of the Leninist Pre Scription. But why digress?
Leninism also holds that the Warious demands of democracy, including the right of self-deter mination, have no absolute value. It holds that every democratic demand including self-determination is, for the class conscious workers, subordinated to the higher interests of socialism and that the proletariat evaluates Yeye national demand, every national separation, from the angle of the class struggle. Leninism holds that a democratic demand must be considered not in isolation. but on a world scale, and that in a concrete instance where the Interests of the part may conflict with the interests of the whole, it is the former and not the latter that must be repudiated.
It is Precisely in this spirit that Լe nin, Summing up in 1916 the

Page 29
discussion on self-determination, stated with characteristic prescience: "Suppose that a number of nati O15 Were to start a Socialist revolution.... while other nations serve as the chief bulwarks of bourgeois reaction-then we would have to be in favour of a revolutionary War against the latter, in favour of "crushing' them, in favour of destroying all their outposts, no matter what small national movements arose there."
It is in this spirit that Stalin, then Commissart of nationalitie 5, expressed in Prawda of October 20th 920, the following sentiment, with which Len in expressed absolutely no disagreement; "Of course, the border regions of Russia, the nations and tribes which inhabit these regions.... possess the in alienable right to secede from Russia, but the demand for secession. ... at the present stage of revolution is a profoundly Counter-revolutionary one'. This was the Leninist-Stalinist position In the post-revolutionary period. Lenin's Civil War directives and E. H. Carr's multi-volume history is recommended reading for those who wish to pursue the topic, Dr. David included. If there was a contradiction between Stalin's pre -and-post revolutionary positions on this question, it was one that flowed consistently from Leninism, for Leninism has as its essential characteristics, a grasp of the actuality of the revolution, of the concrete analysis of a concrete situation and an understanding of how a given slogan or tactic would affect a given balance of forces, nationally, regionally and globally. Jothikumar makes the at tempt, (as Dr. David correctly recognises) to consistently extend Stalin's post 1925, i.e. post-revolutionary position to the Pre-revolutionary Sri Lanka today. This linear extrapolation is a fundamental error, since, as Stalin pointed out, "everything depends on condition, time and place." The bourgeois nationalism of an oppressed nation is objectively a progressive force when directed agai TSL Teaction mot || 3st because the struggle for self-determination weakens the bourgeois state machine. Marxists should seek to radicalize the nature and course
 
 

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27

Page 30
of the struggle carrying it beyond the parliamentarist-reformist parameters within which the bourgeois segments of the national movement Wish to confire it. This should be clear to those persons and political organisations which have a firm grasp of what Lukacs identifies as an essential characteristic of Leninism, namely: the actuality of the revolution.
When directed against the infant, encircled Soviet socialist state, the phenomenon of bourgeois nationalism had objectively a retrogressive Cote
If one's outlook is mechanistic (Trotskyist) this line of argumentation seems contradictory and absurd. If on the contrary, one's outlook is dialectical (Marxist-Leninist) it is quite clear, precise, and logical.
The theoretical soph istry, fine phraseolgy and the characteristically Trotskyist fet ishization of the "programme' that Dr. David displays, particularly in his closing paragraphs, do not qu | te succeed in obscuring the fact that his position is "opposed to Eelam”, that is, opposed to the oppressed Tamil nation's liberation struggle, its struggle to exercise to the fullest its democratic right of self-determination. Dr. Dawid correctly characterizës Luxhman Jothik Lumar"s Çall to "find solutions to the problems of the Tam || within the bourgeois state" as "a manifestation of crass opportunism.' By the same yardstik, how then are we to characterize ... the following sentiments contained in a press statement issued on the 6th July 1979 by Dr, Wickramabahu Bandara Karuna ratne, Gen. Sec, LSSP (N.L.):-
"Racism Only breeds Tacism, atd banning the TULF will only alienate the Tamil people further and hasten the development of the Eelam movement along more wiolent and intrasigent lines. Although our Party disagrees with the Eelam city we un reser wedly recognise the right of the TULF or any other organization to campaign for this issue by ail democratic lethods. Some sections of Tam|| youth have taken to the foolhardy and relf destructive path of terrorism. There is no way for
B
the Tam Il people a (my emphasis)
Thus the i Tor nothing seems to David's grotesqu caricature of the Ön the national closely, than the p adopted by himsel
Postscript:
-- Characterizing *CG|15.isLETht Sta Well-founded the "old" LSSP Troskyist.
+ Dr. David ref
Stalinism." În year, with ful tion underway ewe the Wes' Eetter than to adjective. I wo "workers state even permit Tr celebrations th
Hansa Willak.
(Cdriffnued Jr.
wish finally that
had found space i at least a line of tI fornTnance of Swar an actress who br a freshness of pe епог пошs power
ally unique when the familiar cellul Sinhala cinema.
("Hansa Vlak' 75 Sri Larkid's Marlem F F gives specja | fr work of young
left unity . . . (CJriffor Fred frt
personal difference Sino-Soviet sp cxclusively elector; la 1963) and ado position on Tamils Still, the importan discussions can be c set against the g increasing econom and assault on c' the age-old Chini “Ewen the longes with a single st

long this road...'
y is evident:- approximate Dr. i ely a-historical Stalinist position
question more osition presently fand his party...
oth iku mar as a linist' is about as as characterizing as consistently
ers to defunct this centenary lscale rehabilitain the USSR, tern press knows agree with that nder how many s" wi|| hold or 'otsky centenary
Is November
JFFr Page 3 r)
Mr, Seneviratne in his article for -ibute to the perna Mallawa ratchi, ings to her role rsonality and an that are virtucontrasted with
oid dolls of the
has been chosen entry for the Festi wid, corne which Tpartance to the directors.)
(5, PHPE ונות
is... transcend the
it, avoid al orie natation (a pt a principlep elfde termination. ce of the present :learly seen when rim back drop of lic privation and will liberties. As ese saying goes: t journey begins ap'.
Arc of revolutions . . .
(Солriпшғd frсалт Page 34)
very different roles. There hawe certainly been major changes in the four Countries - under discussion in the course of 1978, but the underlying causes have been: (a) the progressive development of political and social contradictions internal to these countries; and (b) the responses of local popular forces to provocations and oppression imposed by the west and its regional allies. The Soviet Union has in some degree benefited from these changes, but it is erroneous to see it as the Instigator of what has occurred. revolutionary processes have developed to a point where western imperialist interests hawe been threatened. All four countries face daunting political and enonomic problems which have been worsened by the hostility of counter-revolutionary forces. It is no service to them if the very particular and diverse internal processes are seen in onedimensional, facile terms as part of some reductionist 'grand strategy'.
Letters . . .
(Corfirfired fror Page g)
quarters of this century. They no doubt meam that with in the first few years of the fourth quarter of this century a bigger and more important“political leader and personage' has emerged. I wonder whom Kumar Dawid hawe in mln d.
Deh wela. Felicity Gonsa I T. C. & TULF
I read Gamlini Dissanaike's reply to me. If I knew that Dissanaike's journalism starts and ends with his swallowing hook, line and sinker all that the TULF says at their meetings or at their social conversations with him, I would not hawe bothered to use your columns, but would have treated it with the dišdalin it deserwed.
One knows what happens when TULF ut terances, on platforms or off them, whether in this Island or outside are questioned;
If one wants to clarify a matter
one does not go to an interested рагty;
G. G. Ponna mbalam, (Jr.)
General Secretary, Al-Caylon Tam il Congress

Page 31
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Page 32
TRIBUITES
Britain's HARPERS & QUEEN MAGAZINE The GFH is the only Sri Lankan Hotel Featured in the magazine's choice of “the best hotels in the world,' 1978 Edition, and to quote "The Galle Face is to present
a smiling front to the world, rather than continue to wear the Imperial frown the
Victorian brown paint has given way to lighter colours symbolic perhaps of the lifting of the White man's burden the
capital of this island state will rejoice in a
hotel of which is Sri Lanka can be proud.’
Singapore's
SILVER KRIS In the March 1978 issue of Silver Kris published by Singapore Airlines, one of the most successful airlines, in the world, whose Chairman is Mr Joseph Pillai, with Sri Lanka connection. The Galle Face Hotel and another hotel abroad are featured in the very first article in the series “Grand Hotels of Asia.
AMBASSADORS
The United States Ambassadors in Afghanistan, Nepal, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan meeting in Sri Lanka in Jan. '79 for a conference of Chiefs of Mission, stayed at the Galle Face Hotel. The American Ambassador Mr. Howard Wriggins wrote to the Chairman, Mr. Cyril Gardiner thus:
Dear Cyril, How very much I want to thank you for the kindness you and your hotel offered to our visiting Ambassadors and Washington officials. They all spoke warmly of your hospitality. Everything seemed to run very smoothly. We didn't have one complaint. The hotel is certainly beautiful now, and the people who have been improving it have done it with great taste and vision. Again, please express to your associates and the staff my appreciation.
Sgd. W. Howard Wriggins, American Ambassador.
The GFH had many favourable comments from visitors since the improvements were effected. The UN High commissioner for Refugees, Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan commented “Happiness is the Gale Face Hotel'. Russian Cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin and the American Astronauts, wrote to the Chairman thus:
INTERNATIONAL OVER A (CENTU
WITH
THE BEST IS G YESTERIDAY TOMORROWS C
Dear Mr. Cyrill Gard
Let us thank you for our short stay in Co You and your fine sta thing possible to m during our busy sche
With our appreciatio
Charles Conrad Astronaut.
Alan AStr«
 
 

BUT NATIONAL RY OF SERVICE
- SMILE
ETTING BETTER S CHARM & OMFORT, TODAY
ner,
your part in making lombo a pleasant one. ff certainly did everyake us comfortable lule.
and best wishes.
Sincerely,
Richard Gordon Astronaut. Bean naut
5 YEARS YOUNG
In 1864 before...
1. The first direct telegraphic message from America was received in Sri Lanka 1866.
2. Marx's DAS KAPITAL published 1867
3. Frankfurter Hof & Orienfall
Bangkok 1876 Imperial Tokyo 1890 Tajmahal Bombay 1903 Raffles Singapore 1910 Manila Hotel 1912 Royal Hawaiian 1927 Penisula Hongkong 1928 4. The opening of the Suez Canal 1869 5. Stanley met Livingstone in
Africa 1871
6. The first Australian Cricket
Team visited England 1882
7. Conrad Hilton was born 1887
the GALLE FACE HOTEL (GFH) one of the oldest Hotels in the world came into being 1 l5 years ago.
CHARITIES
The Cyril Gardiner and the Aloysiuses"
Charitable Fund has one of the largest
interest in the GFH. Donations up to 7.7.79 amount to Rs 656,863.
President's Cyclone Relief Fund 125,000 St. Joseph's College 171,993 Ananda College 50,000 Mahila Samithi 58,535 Child & Youth Welfare 55.289 Prithi pura Homes 22,915 Mentally Retarded Children Human Rights Fund S. A. Jiffry Mowlana Trust Ramakrishna Mission St. Anthony's St. Peter's College Christ Church London Vihare
Rs. 5,000 each 40,000 All Saints, St. Judes, Fatima 31,890
Other Charities benefiting Cancer, Leprosy & Tuberculosis Patients, Handicapped & Crippled
Children and the Blind 101,241
Donations up to 7.7.79 Rs. 656,863.00