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Front
The Foreign Office, a strong bastion of male chduvinism, faces an invasion from a new quarter.
Feminimist
Traditionally its main enemy was the political appointee,
When the world's first woman
þremer presided ower its destīnies, the F.0. feared a femininist faгay, But the perceived danger passed. In the past year however, the threat has re-appeared in a dead. Ili er guise. 3 women ha ve been appointed to London, Washington and Canberra and all three are "o Luts fiders".
DPL News
The DPL set Is stiII discussing the poor DPL representation at the
| GUJAR DAN
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd., First Floor, 88, N. H. M. Abdul Cader Road, (Reclamation Road) Colombo 11.
Edicir: Merw yn yn Si Iwa
9.
Telephone:
CONTENTS
Letters
News background 3 Hawa na Diary 5 Ortega speaks Insurgency "7 9
Eсопспісs 4.
Debate 5
mfOTTation 8 Ecology O Literature 22 As I like it 4.
Printed by Ananda Press S5. Wolfendha | Stree, Colobo 13.
Telephone: 35975
Wol. 2 No. 12 October 15, 1979 Price 250
Bandaranai ke Di Horogolla. Wher ke was prime
limousines turne the heavy mori In opposition, th saw numbers dr. The only amba the public this from Belgrade,
patro r1s Were cons Was it because totfons had been
And why was minister present gaters and the Colombo celebrat Foundation Day.
Super-Star
Rohang Wijew theatre would b Super-Star buť | hr fred dor of the older Lef he upstaged the af the WP's mas, his late arri ya Pieter Keurem, Was Interrupted , rOLIS applause of: ЈWP cheer-gangs
Once it with wh read a book Irtí Came dJong. An Said the book wi 5 to be done '' is now heng brash yoLung mdn
Too Many C,
Is Maoism on the land of Mao The Fridri vya wiya. millions was hari the October st bratfors.
While the M. Trotskysst, Japsed. dnd unrepentant, sink their long-sta the Jocas Maoists Jing to Corne Lond Ard recently th " Yettan" Malofts Wien Nanda ET with an organisat Ratrapura "revisic

y ceremones dit Mrs. Bandarand iminister, as the up transporting rg-Suited CITrgo, SLFP organisers b or rank lowered. sador spotted by er Wú5 the rTT sı Eyer Pol Půtos | Cuous absentées. no formal in Ysent out
there no ranking when the KoreaSeoul Brothers in 2d South Korca's
eerd's Sense of e envied by any t is not winning g his new "allies" ... At Hyde Park rest with the help sive poster display, in the middle of n's speech which by the the thundestrategically placed and by the casual ich he chose to his turn to speak fra 5cf Eble LSSP'er 15 Lenin's "What — a question that sked about this
ontradictions2
its way out in ? The name of s once deified by dy heard during anniversary celle
iscovites dnd the , late developing hy e startcd to inding differences, are still strugger a Single barner. ey lost another to the opposition a weld teamed up ion dominated by inists'.
Missions abroad
Ratinasir li WI Jesinghe, pinpoints, the pathetic state of affairs, in which, our missions abroad are, In a letter to the Lanka Guardian, of August list. As one who had first hand experience, of the activities and antics, of those attached, to our missions abroad, especially in Europe, I can fully
endorse, Mr. Wijesinghe's CritiCis TTS.
I need only, state that even
relatively junior staffers, of these missions, behave as if they are fully fledged diplomats and make it a point generally, to treat Sri Lankans, visiting the countries, to which they are attached. with con descension dis dain and even contempt, especially, if they åre in some 5 ort of distre SS.
It is indeed, most disappointing, that the present U. N. P. regime,
despite its general election piedge, on this matter has as a whole failed to improve the
calibre of the personnel of Sri Lankan missions abroad.
Kandy. F. Bertil Ranasinghe
Pharmaceutials (etc.)
Mr. M. M. S. Fuard in his letter of Sept. 5th implies that free market forces are ou T good friends, and that the real willian of the piece is devaluation and the Continuing depreciation of the Ceylon rupee. At the same time he reminds us himself that devaluation of the rupee proceeded liberalization in that fateful November of 1977.
Yes, it was de valuation that blasted the gap in our economic, defences. Now the free market forces hawe swammed Ir. It is these free market forces that are continuing to beat up the rupee and, with the finesse of Somoza's late National Guard, beat up the masses of Sri Lanka in the process. The beating up, Mr. Fuard will see, will commence in earnest, sone what later.

Page 4
In the meantime, import prices, contrary to what Mr. Fuard says, keep floating up at a rate much steeper than the floating down of the rupee, showing that devaluation and depreciation are not the only weapons of extortiO'n.
The chanelled recycling of credit from devloping countries back to the developed wi|| en su te a double return to international ursury. After all, the same banking circuits service investment in developed countries. They collect their profits at both ends. It is to ensure this that we Tust pay the prices that Mr. Fuard is shy to talk about. It iš to er SLTP this too that computer flashes in New York and Brussels electron cially spell out the changes in our tariff structure, and direct certain consumer items like pharmaceuticals into our country free of duty.
After all, sad to say, their computers are programmed оп
their GNP targets and not on COU T5
Colombo 15, U. Karumatileka.
N. M. - the Working Class leader
All assessments of N. M's Ife and work hawe been fawourable and in the general set-up of Pl: life in Sri Lanka today e stands up well. He has been
compared favourably with DS, SWRD, Sir DB, and even Anagarika Dharmapala, I agree. But these men served their class
wel and the success of that class in contemporary Sri Lanka reflects their success.
NM was a working class leader and his life and work must be judged on the state of the working class movement in Sri Lanka today, More than 40 years after the founding, in which N. M. took a leading part, of the LSSP, whose aim was mainly to serve the working class people of Sri Lanka, the Left movement is in considerable disarray. The Trade Union movement, the chief if not the only working class activity of the LSSP, has not succeeded in
고
inst III Ing the first cessful working
unity - and every Ca ment In power is encourage worke Left Unions and ment-sponsored
It is not pleasa cal of a man This is specially where a people, munity activity, Sel tunity for joint person who dons political leadershi self or herself to sIs of his cor her
times.
In my consid reason for NM's as a working cla: of contin Laus ant grant many servi ation is due to the Parliamenta Government, Wh in capitalist Coun designed to prever I am calling i system of Govel Parlamentary den elections Lo par capitalist set up, וח וחr forם eוחaח guarantee of fre tlons. Indeed, møre often trựÐ: - and special inter pressurise voters
selfish interests,
Desha W
Wo Writ E. LG
errors concerning to "Desha Winuk "Left Unity : pro pects' in the Isl I. You Say we dis weterans Chandi and Ananda Pri |leading a gro LP
urge close affili: S.L.F.P. We pre: referring to an

benefit of succlass action - pitalist Governeasily able to
rs to desert | Jain Gowerin
TIO FT15
nt to be critafter his death. a5 in Sri Lanka stårwd of COTI
every орporaction. BLIT 3 the Tontle of p exposes hima critical analypolicies at all
red view the
lack of success ss leader, inspite i I am willing to generhis a dhe Tence to ry system of ich as practised tries, is carefully it radical change. t Parliamentary
"r" ment and not mocracy, because llaments in the
whatever their ay be, carry no e and fair electhe reverse is - wested interests asts of all sorts to serve their
R. C. T.
"imukthi
point out two reference made thi' in the article blems and pros: October issue. closed that LSSP a Gooriesekera 2 mas Inghe were of members who a tlon With the sume you were
article which
арреагеd iп page 4 of our July— August issue. What we said in
it was that a group of leading LSSPers led by Ananda Premaslinghe and Sarath Wijesinghe
had already left the party and
were likely to join the S.L.F. P.
(No mention was made by us of Chandra Goonesekera). We arte however not disputing here the correction of your analysis of trends within the L.S.S.P.
2. Your reference to "the "De 5 ha Vimukthi' group of the P.D.P" is also extremely misleading. We believe you had in mind here certain leading members of the PDP associated With "Desha Wim Ukthi", who recently servered connections with it to form, together with many others the New Democratic Party with A. M. Jinadasa as its General Secretary. It must be emphasised however that "Desha Wimukthi' is not the Journal of this Organisation either, It is in fact edited by a number of political organisations (including the N.D.P.) committed to Marxis Tll-Lemi lmi ST.
R. Wickramasinghe.
Ed|| || Carl rm | te
"Dasha Wi Tukchi"
Lenin's last gasp
Chintaka in the October LG (p. 26) refers to "the crippled and debilitated Lenin' In March 1923 who made the dreadful bunder of distr Lusting Stalin the Immaculate and Infallible. Strangely, this crippled and debilitated individual, according to p. 8 of the same issue, was capable, also in 1923 of Taking a statement about the fu Cure of Socialist revolution which "not merely displays remarkable prescience, but marks a definite rupture With the Ercentri viw of World revolution then do I inant within the International Marxist movement." What Tak 5 this Lunsigned comment all the more interesting, in the light of Chintaka's picture of Lenin at hl5 last gasp, Is that It comes from a fellow-thinker of his since it is followed by a characteristically
ritual quotation from Comrade Stalin. Colombo 5. Reggie Siriwardena

Page 5
Budget and Cal
hile the government's economic experts now putting the
finishing touches to the UNP's third budget and waiting expectantly for the Finance Minister's return and any good news he may bring back, have been studying the la tost figures and current
trends with increas Ing dismay.
One stark figure stands out : the huge trade deficit of four thousand Tillion rupees in the first half of this year. This must be considered along with the total import bill for the same period of over
0 billion rupees.
Thanks to tea prices, 1977 gave Sri Lanka that rarest of rewards, a favourable balance. What with import liberalisation as a key element in the new government's Somic and budgetary package, 1978 produced a loss Pleasing picture. However the government and its advisers, both local and oreign were not unduly perturbed. Recurrent balance of Рауments problems had put such a squeeze, on imports, including essential items liko machinery, rawa materials, commercial vehicles and spates that liberalisation did produce some benefits. But what of the impact on national industry, especially nascent or fledgling enterprises? Did the tradé benefit at the expense of Industry, such as it was? And what of the Plurge Officials keep saying that luxuries and semi-luxuries (the Singaporean spirit of consumerism) account for a negligible fraction of the exchange spent In 1978-79. If this is really true, why is there talk now of 'bans' and cuts on luxury imports? As for the long-term effects on our so. ciety that of course is a larger FCTal - political question.
Sut importers are aready panicky. They have ordered goods on cey borrowed from banks at Fish interest rates and already ce expensive items are not, as telected businessmen keep grumis moving.
Oil, Inflation
The Eovernment's nightmare of Else is oil prices, and inflation.
All efforts to
import bf || at
prove futile and t energing strong of top spokesm mainstream med cation of grow Propagandist dl, Skful carnot era age Consulter's signs of day - te inflationary cond bank places inf 14%, and trusts exceed 20% пех
Oil and tea the reported Pa tea purchase5 from Bangladesh) and panic in th official circles. BD war) Pakist: become our No lodging Brita fin frc position. It is Pakistan has deci of policy to buy 5 B. D. The teatra freely but it is Whether this is Step in a Paki favour BD ultima реп5е,
WHICH PA
2 nabbt
S.
TWO pers arrested by t in :dnnectinn Larilբ:lign agai
Publii: Serwicę. TCCovered I5
In KIT It Sin3, who disp. this bill were Police opposit
III AT1:ll 50 persons gi With pistics against this b pers Ecd by piculi Reports re: quarlers yesteri stutions r'çycale il ( incidgets alır bılc locku for
“Daily Neil 辛
LIBERTY iş agail a, hır

binet
Tashta in the di
1979 levels Tla he anti-OPEC in y in the speeches len and in the İs: 3 clear" | Indi. Ing helpless me 55, ersions howeyer Se from che avermind the impres2-day living in
til Orl S. The world ation i 1979 at that it won't t year.
A one-two blow? Xis ta II de Cree on fall tea imports Caused confusion he trade är in Since 1971 (the in has gradually tea buyer dis2m its traditional
now said that ded as a matter % of its tea from de breathes more Still not certain
only the first Sa Fi no We to itely at our ex
re-shuffle
BACKGROU
Cabinet Re - Shuffic
The "scoop'. In the opposition press about a cabinet re-shufflecirca the budget has set off specuIation in DPL circles because both the Progress of the Mahavel i project and our foreign policy POSICHavana figure prominently in high levet political discussion. There's also the un confirmed report that Foreign Minister Hameed may get a top international job.
Diplomats who had expected S. L. to 'abstain' on the Kampuchean issuse at the UN found S. L. oining the pro-Pol Pot majority. The SLBC, as the LG noted in its last issue, announced that "ASEAN Joned SL" in this wote. Will changes, if any Indicate de facto 'Aseanization' So far there has been more of Cabinet exрап
sion than re-arrangement. Will there be a real re-shuffle this til 2,
There is also speculation in lobby circles about a Diplomatic appointment in South East Asia for a senior T i T1 i 5 ti",
E OF THE DALLY News' Do You REAd :
ed, posters eized
on 5 were yesterday le: WikiLiniya polict
wittı , the priser inst th: Essential s bill. Police alsta
(1815.
823 llall, Hbour 25 perilk yed Polist2 is Eıgı ins
discrsed by the * the pust office.
ng83 d:It down a hollt billig in procession 1d shoutirag slogans ill were also dis.
l
lching police head. day from the out d that here were I di police wcTe on
trouble makers.
*" Sept. 27, pager
On cour soil today mill right; Dot a
1ST CICC:ssiiCJI I Idoyayed to hranity through the patronage or codescension of some poserful ['t-ilitician.
Mel are free today to protest against State decisions, ta çhillcrage them in Court without fear of adrillinistratively devised Ieprisi ls, Men and wornen were once driven is the wall, virtually forced to dig their own graves in the name of Exchange Controls, What gcoul did that policy of Iuthlssness, that harshness do for the nation
Conoll' All that resulted was Inasterly initation of a Foice State if we did not altogether erect is prototype in turnids. Refined tortures were the order of the day,
The flower of our youth was crushid underfoot in the same Period. The dark shadows of despotisin hu ng over the culty e','ETYY herë,
"Paily News' Sep ar, age o (editoria)

Page 6
EPSB DEBATE : Dem
Development
Major Jayawick rema :
Současť čo Ffrie F för fr"Fife
LL LLLLLL TLGL LLGtrt LtB TCTT T LLLLLL LL TGGL LLLLLL
Mr. Anura Bandarana ike :: Major JaynYayick rela :
Those are l'orkers' gove *e fag crre Workers" gaFerri
T LELGLGLLL MLLLLLL LLLLL LG TtGT TrT LT CkkCTLS
Prime Minister: les
of the people
While It's no secret that the Prime Minister is a hard worker and probably the most hard-working man in the Cabinet, one cannot be certain how many of his colleagues will be able to claim over time if such a practice prewailed. The more Interesting point In this sem-se rious exchange Confirms an oft-duoted French adage. The more things change, the more they are the same,
Even a hurried reading of the parliamentary reportage wil reve al the familiar "THEN-AND-NOW' pattern of discussion. This is what you said THEN ... and this is what you are doing NOW (Opposition). And the govetin ment's main line of argument is "This is what you are saying NOW.... but look at what you said and did, THEN".
It is not just the argumentative style which is so recognisably o utworn but the actual phrasing and the formulation. The Workers in the public service represent only 2% of the population. . . . they cannot be allowed to hold the country to ransom....strikes are legitimate but must not be politically motivated (that simply means the leaders must not be your opponents).... genuine trade union is okay but wreckers and saboteurs must be punished etc.
There has never been a government in this country which did not se terms as part of its propagandist armoury just as there has not been a major political party in opposition which has not ridiculed these arguments with a noisy show of self-righteous scorn.
Again, it was the goyern ment's top sharp-shooter, the prime minister, who got ex-premier Mrs. Bandara nå like in his Sights by
4.
faday Hye üre
orking over
suggesting that a one of her broa. made a perfect EPS Bi. But te was newer short when its speaker from UNP speec And why not been workers' ch sides of the Hou of ''efficient 5oci aanduwa' 'Peopl "national govern EET
Behind these t of debate, there tal question whi was not preser the Seriou 5 TE SR expression it c in the flickeri light of this disc could only be the quest Ion Col and PerPlex all til of Third World leaving many of a predicament see no intellec tragedy it se objectionable o tio 15. It Is the cracy and DewE םfaw םחמוח טth assum is antithe til cracy vs. Devel. the possibility democracy or de way, we are b familiar friend o de wil which appe exorcists of parties, "a little miš Ti".
As the e como sens (and this rative) and par and morte diffici

locracy
= q 5er y fate25 улгriт.
፶Fዘዞi(፪፻፵፪ኛ
||||||||||||||||| ஐ"
FrPs
irre ofi bestaf
(CDN report)
in excerpt from dcasts would hawe preamble to the n, the opposition
of ammunition is also drew freely hes lin oppos i tion. A II of them hawe ampions on both se, from the days alls m'' to "ареу e's government' ment” and what
gdious Cerem Örı ies was a fundameich unfortunately ted with either or the charity of leserved. Though ig and faltering :ussion, this issue vaguely glimpsed, intin Lu es to absorbo houghtful students discontents ofter them trapped by from which they cual excape, the ems of equally r unpalatable opissue of DernoIlopment. Indeed, ured formulation cal term 5 -- Demo3pment or, making of choice easier, velopment. Either ack. With another If the past, Satan|c arently defies the II oLur political bit of totalitaria
T1- 33lts WOf“- Is the main i Tipetie 5 find it Tore Jlt to match per
and/or
formance and promise, they fulfil the compelling need to explain matters to the people by magnifying the malefic powers of a
foreign devil. However plausible,
the Woter seems reluctant to accept the alibi. It used to be "the world market'. Now OPEC is the Inhospitable demon ha Lunting our households.
The word "stability' the customary companion of 'development' did not make as frequent an appearance in the debate as one might have anticipated. Development requires stability and if the constitutional and legal structures are evident obstacles then these Thust be changed-parliament's term, system of government, the centralisation of authority, the elevation of the executive and so on. As the LG ricted in Its CCITT e It On the new constitution early last year, the 'stability equation' is now a standard phrase in the parlance of the Third World debate.
Since parlament represents the sovereign will of the people, parliamentary approval Justifies what are admitted to be unpleasamt but necessary restraints and restrictions. a justifies, a two-third majority Sanctifies. It was left to the Opposition leader to question this argument. “It was not merely parlament which safeguarded democracy", said Mr. Amirthalingam . . . . . . . . . . "there Were other Institut iOS too . . . . when trade Union 5 Werell muzzled, democracy died quickly".
While "development", "democracy" and "stability" frame the debate, what is significant is the increasing frequency and sharpness with which the debate itself is fought out. What it suggests is that systems and structures are more crucial than parties or their pro scriptions, and that economic:5 supercedes politics. Seen in that way, other questions, deeper if more open-ended, emerge : Stability for whom and for what Purpose ? What sort of development And, in whose, temporary or lasting, interests 2

Page 7
Presfaderaf Wayeyardere
TYLE is the man. JR's aplomb
or, as the Anglo-Saxons would have it, un flappability, is now Parlamentary legenda Any sessoned lobbyist will recall that in recent times he lost his cool only once. That was when he Sal po P2d at Finance Minister FDB and asked him to shut up.
But even a veteran parliament2 rian would have been overawed by 2:n assorted assern bly of world figur= r har ranged from monarchs and shekhs, to generals and guerrillas. this was JR's debit on the NAM's stage.
the dozen or so Sri Lankans who thed the inaugural ceremonies at Havana, el presidente's performance as a characteristic tour de force: mius Rex at his regat best. He Eit have been presiding at a NF group meeting Such Washis P** and the wit and skilI with h he negotiated a tricky moment that nobody could have anticipated, she dealt sweetly but surely with - PFTS istent Butros Ghall, ' Kurt Edheim on JR's left could Scarcely Tess an appreciative smile while crandante Castro, on his right Ek was hugely delighted. SропtaEli cheers burst forth in the of the chamber as Chairman
JR's ruling not a grained Ghali
allowed the hu 慧 back to the or à late Iun
The noisy TW Wre 25 kgd | diplomats, armec Sa un tering about lazily (just as in t this is also a club knows everybo rem inded that already behind is Wå 5 banged onc was forced to ge
briskly. Tricky momen
THE TRCKY Castro's speech Woles of thanks. Tı Circle 55 in his
When Chairma close the Thorn SOL Fids of delegi their papers and g could not quite dr at the far end o The Egyptians wel the Cha | Tman's finally the sourc disturbance. JR's s Inquiry Was a su composure, "Yes want "". (He n addressing the சனr T7 frofoter" fOr" La f OfFood StarInps in Llo
It was President Tam, Butros Ghalli, were quite simpleright to reply Fide you will get such as aSSLI re:S the Clairmai returns to the attac point. "My country In public... I want În an open session,
"I ha Ye rio doubt OPPortunity will be
"Yes, but I want a guatantee.''
"lin a short while n be over and I shall of you down there.. Outgoing Cha Irman. I
 

Summit
ly put the crossn his place but gry delegates to will as and hotels
"ews and pressmen ) leave, young with attache cases, and chit-chatting le UNDPL lounge, where everybody iy) were firmly he ceremony was :hedule, the gavel and the House down to business
oment came after and the formal Castro had been attack on Egypt.
m JR was about to ing session, the ates gathering up etting up to leave own the susurrus f the third row. re trying to catch eye. Detecting e of the minor eem ingly puzzled dy in controlled ...what is fit you night have been g reputy district ree distribution wer Harispartu).
Sadat’s 5 pokes
and his wann L. ... the immediate l. "I am sure 1 opportunity', n but: Mr. Ghall k with another was criticised
to answer him
that such an tiven to you'.
you to give me
ny duties will be joining all ", says the laughter, loud
HAYANA
| DIAR
SUMMIT
applause and the inauguration is over with what might have been a ran corous rumpus deftly averted. Warm handshakes all round, and a bear hug (oops sorry)... comradely em brace for IR from Fidel.
In the afternoon Castro, the new Chairman starts the session by inviting his critic to reply. The un suspecting Butros Ghall walk5 straight into an ambush he ought to hawe an tlcl pated. There arte at east half a dozen guns trained on the poor man - the PLO's Yasser Arafat, Syria's Assad, Iraq's Saddam Hussein, Iran's Ibrahim Yazd I, etc, Ghali's speech was not only interrupted by sardonic and snide remarks but was quickly torn to shreds by the anti-Cairo group.
Angolan affair
3000 SOVIET" "combat troops' in Cuba threatening the security of the US. In the last issue, wrote about how the Cubans handed that propaganda move. The Cubans had a readymade reply to a much older charge. The Cubans could not be regarded as truly non-aligned because they were "interfering" in frican affairs. We heard t here in Colombo from Congressman Wolff. Only he put it more racily, so to say. The Cubans were "kling black boys" (LG Sept. J. Support for liberation movements was a basic tenet of NAM and the Cubans were prepared to respond to any appeal for help at the risk of Cuban li Yes.
But who "interfered" first and on whose side?
On proud display in Havana's bookstatis was John Stockwell's "In Search of Enemies'. Stock Well,
5

Page 8
the chief of the CIA Angola Task Force, lays bare the whole sor did story, including the great deception practised on the US Congress, of US and NATO arms to Portugal to crush the Independence struggle in Angola and the liberation movements, of secret US funds for the FNLA's Holden Roberto (brotherIn law of Zaire's Mobutu), of Chinese arms deliveries and of Chinase adwise T5 for FNLA and UNITA of the arrival of a Chinese general and | 12 advigers with Mobutu's blessings, of the gradual Collus iom of the US, Zaire, China, South Africa in trying to install an FNLA "independent government" in Angola after the Portuguse leave,
A 5 W3-4. The first So Wiet and Cuban a dw i gers arti wed in March | 975, after the FNLA, prodded by its assorted patrons, "destroyed the prospects for peaceful solution by attacking (the rival) MPLA forces in Luanda and Northern Angola". Cuban troops arrived in Angola in October 1975 on the invitation of Augustinho Neto, MPLA chairman and later Angola's first president.
Just before that a US A 55 stant Secretary of State had resigned his jab in protest against the US paramilitary operation in Angola, financed by a 4 million dollar grant approved secretly by Kissinger's 40 Committee.
Stockwell's book, by the way, throws new light on the murder of Patrice Lumumba.
Chamber of horrors
THE GRUESOME Orrors of Fo Pot's Kampuchea didn't make the tastiest topic of conversation at breakfast. Finding myself at Wilfred Burchett's table I simply could not let the chance slip by. Asia has been Burchett's "beat" from the days of the Korean war. In a way, the mantle of Edgar Snow has fallen on this veteran Australian journalist Whose des patches on the War angered Canberra so much that he had his passport confiscated by the Australiam consul in Canto to become a non-citizen un'til Prince Sihanouk made him a honorary Cambodian ! He has li wed in PhCom Penh for many years, covered the Wietnam wat and was ons of the
first foreign corri the final "push" t Chi Minh city.
Butch ett wis I te weeks after Pol "Believe The, frit In an his voice, was no need for documents or stench was enoug a Five", sea YW2|| ... . . e Wory wher . . . . the legacy
Surely there w: some logic how explain how a g men who had fou try's liberation systema. tically bu people?
Yes I have b that question too, an answer yet. A part of the ans could be traced to up of the leadersh of their i de ås. was a Weird Colc ches' brew he a of fre; file ITor|E a chill through really macabre.. out-and-Out psycl Some of the T1 ha of re-moulding Ki and finding instar nomics, social rel; ect. from the Fi from anarchism, what they underst K|| || the Ti 5 t order down the all the intellectua ewerything was pli . . папе, age, pla be ki ||ėd, Tårn & Minor functionari to spot an intel them wear 5 pe books, especially kill them at Once. authoritics hawe file5, and || hawe C and hope to writ thā Tiber of Horr the peace and meditate on the bers of Sihanouk'; victims of this
Burch ett his sanctuary of sort

spondents to join o Saigon, now Ho
Kampuchea a few Pot was ousted. and' said the old
qui vering "there facts and figures, interviews. ... the
h...there was not caria | or field or 'e rotting corpses of Po Pdt. ".
as some rationale, 2 war Ewisted to roup of educated ght for their councould then to her their own
een intrigued by arı d hayerı't found Burch ett replied. wer he suggested the mental makelip and the source he suggested. It Ctil . . . . . Widded as the pain s seeTed to send his body. It was . . Pol Pot was an hopath...a fascist. got their ideas ampuchean society T 15 WE" | Eations, population ench revolution, Trotskyism and :ood to be Maoism. :05, was the first ine ... the murder ls...Like the Nazis, Јt dowпоп рарег Jce, the order to r of death etc. es Were told how
lectual ... most of ctacles and read foreign books..
The Phi P. montains of such :hecked hundreds e a book on this 3rs, if | ewer hawe the stomach to grote2sqL 2. Memfamily were also genocide..
found hitself a s (a small town
off Paris) but whether he will write that book only time will tell.
Disheartening
WE WERE all staring dutifully at the TW set - a journalist from Miami, an Iranian TV producer whose brother had been tortured and killed by SAVAK, a Moroccan just out of journalism school, the ubiquito us Yugoslaws and I.
Well, there he goes again. Beard, battle-dress, cap, pistol and all. Walking tall and e rect, Perfectly at ease, welcoining yet another head of state at Jose Marti airport. Um mistakably the Commandante himself.
The man from Miami exploded. The night before he had a hot tipoff from his head-office that Fidel had a heart attack.
"If that sonowabitch is a cardiac
case, man, I'm a Wietname se refugee!"
- M. de S.
“Ya nove y la keep,
struggling, to keep fighting to keep practicing solidarity, to I keep practicing internationalisn't Because everything that is dore for others, e verything that is done for other peoples, everything that is done for hurrianity is what gives meaning to da revolu riorary's i life. It is the only thing that car nake us feel tenhers of the human family.
“This Confererce has giyen (”Hr Colin Iry great prestige.
has given us great authority. But that prestige and that authority will rever be sed o herefit Cha. We will se all of it to struggle and work | for others, Cuba vill rror benefit irself in the least from chairing the Movement over the Flext felly years...”
- Fidel Castro
(Closing speech)

Page 9
N. much was known by the world outside about the Sandinista leaders although their movement, named after the Nicaraguan patriot General Sandino, had waged a long, bitter and bloody struggle against Somoza's dynastic dictatorship for over a decade. It was only after the cold-blooded murder early last year of Joaquin Chamoro, the editor of Managua's only progressive paper, (a killing which almost overy Nicaraguan believed was planned by a 'death squad' of Sornoza's notorious National Guard) that the people, regardless of their own beliefs and alliances, threw themselves selflessly and wholeheartedly into the revolutionary struggle. As the Nicaraguan upheaval thrust itself onto the front pages of the world press and the accelerating crisis moved rapidly to its climax (L.G. Aug. 5 Sept. 15) some of the now familiar figures came out of the shadows.
One of them, was the 35-year old Daniel Ortega. Like his younger brother Humberto, he had been a key figure in the FSLN's High Command. Incidentally, this personal fact, inviting as it does as obvious comparison with Fidel and Raul Castro, does tend to strengthen the case of those who See a Cuban parallell.
Students of Sandinista strategy in this critical phase (L. G. Sept. 1) hawe correctly identified Comman der Ortega with a ocertain tendency" (a question of military tactics) which finally gained aceptance within the FSLN and proved itself in the total success achieved in July this year. Although leaders like Thomas Borge are equally well known, it was no surprise that Daniel Ortega, the only Sandinista Commander im the ruling 5 – member junta, was chosen to speak for the new Nicaraguan goverment at the 6th summit. (A fortnight after the Hawana conference, Otegs led a Nicaraguan delegation to Washington, and had talks
ORTE
with President US leaders.
In their olive
red-and-black FS young leaders o gua Were Lundo colourful presc Palace of Conver hardly a single 5Um mit who d victory of these TI en and welcoi the NAM. Orteg greeted with a th
In his speech, made an explicit threat of subvers tlan.
Did he mean tion by or from Country or US Int .nחhI
A: Cur inte||| ted the ma55 ing Q On the borders,
ராச
of the National Gu CCT) tacted the H mft and mäds it Peace with cour ni 0 r1 0ur" boTdg r 5. |t sibility to take See that no such efforts are perr People . . . ."
 

GA SPEAKS
by Mervyn de Silva
Carter and other
reen Luri i form, with LN arm bands, the f the new Nicaraubtedly the most 1ce at Hawana's it iar 15. There was
speaker at the id not hall the
courageous young me Nicaragua ta ga's address was lunderous ovation.
Daniel Ortega, reference, to the ion and Interwen
military Interwena neighbouring erference, I asked
gence has detecf Somoza Soldiers - - Sof E. "EIT II a IT
L}rfegu
ård. . . . We hawe on duras governlear that we want 2ighbours, peace
is their tesponall measures to | intervention ist nitted by their
FOREIGN NEWS
Q: Can Somoza mort a carmiPaign from all side?
A: Somoza himself has no 5 UpPort anywhere in Central Americ.
2. How about US intervention rick ar II er?
A: In our history we have seen three US military Interventions. We are a People who have sacri ficed thousands of Ives in քightIng the aggressors. When we militarily defeated the barbarous Nາໄ Guard we were also expelling the last US marine from the soil of Nicaragua.
Q; star of interial threats? Esperially in the final stages, Ραμπ revolution had the broadest popular support, gathering in also various social groups, diferen organisations, sard disco Vited sections. All tiese flo ha ve heer artired in their haired of Somoza but will they all support the policies of your governneif and always agree with the Cozirise you take?
A: Ours has been a humane revolution ... considering the Sruelty with which Somoz, his National Guard and its foreign fasters forced upon the people, the FSLN has been generous in
Tilitary victory .... the world knows that ... even the western press which has distorted our
views and maligned us cannot deny this....but let me make it very clear, Just as we have been gene. rous, we can also be very firm. We will be inflexible in the defence of the revolution.... its enemies Will feel the fist of the revolution
As a symbol, Perhaps, of the collective nature of the new leader. ships, Ortega was flanked by two other spokesmen of the Junta when he ans wered questions from foreign journalists. With him were Sergio Rem frez, Information Minister, and Fr. Miguel D. Escoto, the Catholic priest who has been appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Page 10
Q: What ha ve you identified as your main tasks?
A: Qur first task is of Course national reconstruction. ... that is the name our government bears ... ... rehabilitation, is the most urgent... ten percent of the dwelllings in Managua, were destroyed... about 50,000 lost their lives, mainly children and youths. . . . factories have been bombed..... we needed 300,000 tons of food.. Tedicine... we newer had decent medical facilities... as a result, you might be surprised to learn that when we had an anti-polio campaign for half a million kids, it made history in our part of the world... internatiomal aid was slow in com Ing but it is bettet now. . the har west was also interrupted and we have put through an agrarian reform program..first we called on the peasants to sow the grains...we had enough beans for 8 days and corn for 2 weeks. we took over the lands owned by Somoza and his family and there again you may be shocked by the fact that 60% of the cultivable land in Nicaragua was owned by one family. Much of it was NOT cultivated... Peasants to the fore, that's our slogan, but it's not just Propaganda... We are creating peasants' organisations, genuine grass -roots structures for active popular participation... of course these are not merely "work-units' but to strengthen the base of the revolution to consolidate it. .
Q: Corld yr ar a Triplify that ...' ?
A: In the factories, in every workplace, industry, and utility.. women and young people... we are creating democratic mass organisation 5 . . tra de Lun ion 5 and defence committees...we are organising and mobilising the people for national reconstruction. . . .
Q: Arad the army, , ,
A: Yes... that's to transform a guer a regular army...W. ... both at the col the Centre, dire regional units... a S rall Staff, with loca and then institut Todern is ing the an air force, armo artilllery units etc re-vamping the pc have the problem course: at the last got weapons fгопп I of the weapons a need spares..
Q: On the Frana you I of facing very,
A: Our difficu mous. , firstly lig left is debts. dollars... mainly to many and Japanese Lihat we Willi hoc but they must not wall becausa som e gawe Somoza's sh: short term loans, months, at 14%. A arms sales a few the collapse of S openly we will need money despe essential imports..
COC.
Q: You ha ye aligrTed rano y'er 7ert f.,
freigh pory, , wh
trade inti particular f'
A: Our strugs because of the will However we cann who helped ... Inte rity was a weapon We cannot farget til Lü5 'whern ScarTnoza"s was butchering in but we hawe trium to be an independe reign Country whic to build our societ if the US respect can be friends ... wi start a new on the and mutual respec neo-colony or as :

a critical task. . a force into 2 arte doing this 1rmand level, at ctly linked to andinista Gene
commanders. . tionalising and armed forces.. ured divisions.
while totally lice force... We of weapons of stages, Somoza srael... but most te US and we
Fric fra 7Tr ... are serious Frohlers.
ties are enoridity, . Sоппоza War I, 3 billion
US West Get
!... We have sald but these debts put us to the of these banks ky dictatorship SDITEtirigg og 4,5 foT the stagli Tot 15 Eo efo Tg
TE WEB say NOT pay... we rately... to cover that's our major
frafr7éé7 fre Torr. "Wat is your at is your afrii thë L.S.?
:le succeeded of our people. ot forget those rnational solidain our hands. . hose who helped National Guard ocent people.. phed. , we want 2nt, truly sower:h has the right y as We Wish. . is that, then we are ready to basis of equality t but not as a
1 բաppet. . . .
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Page 11
Insurgency'7-2
The J. W. P. and the 1971 பprisingC. B. Keera well a
Material causes which gave birth to the J. W. P.-J. D. G. διαrηΩΡΙη ανακε
he insurrection of 97 has
already given rise to a large body of literature; most of its polemical, but there have been a number of studies that have atterptd to understand the phenomenon of the J. W. P. - its genesis, its social and political background, its ideology and the insurrection itself. Some of these writings have been admirably collected and annotated in H. A. I. Gooneti leke's bibliography
"The April 1971 Insurrection Ceylon-A Bibliographical Comment. ary'.
The bulk of this literature has been published abroad, including many of the more serious and academic studies by both local and foreign scholars.
None of these studies, even b those scholars working in Sri Lank,
* Among these may be mentioned: Si Arasaratnan's "the Ceylon nursection of 1971" published in "Pacific Affairs" Ron Dumont Rest of the Youth without hope in his book dealing with the peasantry in Sri Lanka, Tunisia and Senegal; Kathleen Gough's The Sru Asian revolutionary pa tential" in the Bullet in of Concer. red America Scholars: Free Hajday's "The Ceylon Insurrection" in the New Left. Review: Francois Hout arts chapter in his "Religion ind deology in Sri Lanka; Robert Kearney's chapter in - "Rad lica: Politics in South Asia' and his article5 in Asian Survey; Garanath Obey Sekera's Sorne commenton the social backgrounds of the Арг || 571. in Surgency in Šri Lanka"*" in F= Journal of Asian Studas: Wiswa Warnapala's articles in Asian Survey: A.J.Wilson's article in the facific Community; The ceylon section of 1791 by Kearney 23 JES in s published in the Journa
Commonwealth and Comparative Flitics; "Youth Protest in Sri e' by Howard Wriggins and HS- Jayawardena in "Population, FE and the future of South
has been publis Caspersz's stuк ciological Ana Struggle in Sri Yet Unpublishec an unspoken E; Prevented si CO.Te1 O
It is theref that younger Lanka are now studies and pr the public, in to refer to "Material cause to the J. W. P. W.D. G. Samarar lecturer in th Economics of University ang Wim Lkthi Peram Uprising' by C A 5 Sistant Lectur, ment of History It is Interesting of these young jail terms for the tion in the even bers of the J. Will summarise t El Tg JT 21 IS and a few brief comm
Samara nayake's brief its intenti 5 Corme light corn t 50cial conditions Ti 3:2 of the J. W.P.' intention, Samar with a study of Cameron reform "were designed Sultable backgrou. of Primary capita the abolition of loS5ening of the the stage for t a free labour Prepared to se || th for Wages. He impact of the W dinance of 1840. A Wefe ewicted from they had been cult tions, they still rei or Were still able for Cultivation, ei

new studies
by Charles Abeysekera
|d here. Ewen Paul -"Towards a Sosiis of the Youth nka 97'-reThains It is almost as if }o o existed which ious study and he insurgency.
re a happy sign scholars in Sri undertaking such a senting them to chis article | want wo such studies: which gave birth in Sri Lanka" by ayake, an a 5 sistant e Department of the Peradeniya "The Janatha | una and the 97 || B. Keera wella, an gr in the Departalso at Peradeniya. to note that both academics served ir active participats of || 9W as remW. P. This article the tenor of their ttempt to offer a lets.
study is rather on is "to throw he economic and that led to the In pursu ing this “anayaka begir 15 the Cole brooke15 of 1832 which to prepare a nd for the process accumulation"; ra Jakariya and the feudal bonds set 1e emergence of lass who were eir labour-power hen analyses the Waste-Lands OrI though peasants the lands which wating for genera: :a ined same land to obtain land ther from feudal
owners or by encroaching on the un cleared jungle areas; they therefore did not find it necessary to work for wages.
Subsequently however, land became scarce and with frncreasing population the numbers of those who owned sufficient and to earn a liwelihood from cultivation declined drastically. This motivated the children of peasants to go in for education, because it provided the only avenue for employment, a better livelihood and social mobility. Accordingly, Samaranayake se es the decline of the rural agricultural economy, its inability to absorb the increasing number of the peasantry, the increasing levels of unemployment among educated rural youth as the "objective causes that contributed to the rise of the J. W. P."
Samaranayake sees some parallels between what happened in Sri Lanka after 1832 and the developments in Russia after the reforms of 1861. Actually the major points he makes-landlessness, unemploy. ment and education-have been analysed in greater depth by earlier writers. True that all these factors contributed to the great feeling of discontent and frustration that gripped and continues to grip large segments of our youth population; but he does not answer the que 5tion why these factors led to the organisation of the J. W. P. and did not express themselves through the channels of the traditional Marxist and other oppositilon partes in Sri Lanka. Of course one notes that this paper is only one part of what will be a much longer study.
These precisely are the questions which Keerawell a seeks to answer in his much more substantial study. As he says; 'The basic objective of this paper is to answer the following questions:
() why such a movement (the J. W.P.) emerged within a liberal democratic system which was supposed to have taken even a
9

Page 12
populist trend after 1956, and why it adopted the strategy of a violent capture of power in rejecting ballot -box politics?
(2) why traditional Left partles with a history of 35 years failed to
absorb the forces which were utilised by the clan destine revolutionary movement in their äctivite 5 *
In seeking answers to these questions, Keerawella too begins with an analysis of economic conditions.
Keera wella, rightly, does not accept the theory of a dual economy. The economy had indeed two sectors-a modern plantation agriculture, manufacturing and commercial sector directly exportoriented and the other, the traditional sector of subsistence agriculture, handicrafts and small scale commodity production for the domestic market. But he sees these two sectors as "organically linkėd, for the development of the former Implies the Increasing under development of the other".
Keera Wella next traces the impact of economic development on the social structure. "As a consequence of the penetration of capitalist production relations and the flow
Mof her
21
surgers
of sur plus produc village in the form the traditional
balance was disr sufficiency of the wi as far as the Tha were concerned, W the new consumpt to be subjected to international trad the same time th { capitalist productic a décisive influen CE pattern of land-c w || lage. As land
modity, land ali Concentration in
few became per EgridLJE SOCiD-EED IT the village comml century. It was a grain tax. ... As a
these structura |
labour emerged : production relati
Using village
Yaman, Newton
Tanbiah, N. K. S. se kera, Keera wel! וחםחסchanglmg EC
brought into beir segment which he rural petty bour groups which for r comprised of
 
 

tion out of the of commodities, Socio-economic upted. The selfillage community, jor requirements 'as disrupted and ion pattern came wariations in the ing pattern. At introduction of in relations had e on the existing wnership in the became a cоппenation and its the hands of a -haps the most omic problem of inity in the 9th Iggravated by the consequence of changes, wage as an important -ነከ''. studies by Nur Gumasinghe, S. S. arkar and Obeya shows how the i CITUTStar CO2S g a broad social identifies as the geoisie The chief ned this segment
(I) Shop-keepers who benefit from the new con mercial opportLiLES
(2) Land-owners
(3) Those who benefited from new employment opportunities.
This class had its economic base in the ownership of small-scale Theans of production or exchange, sometimes supplemented by income from employment.
This new class, because of its position, also found it Possible to make use of new educational and employment opportunities. Their aspirations continued to grow as their world-view expanded. They took over the leadership of rural organisations and of state institutions at the village level. And with adult franchise, this class became the most important political ellements in the rural sector.
The characteristics of this class are described by Newton Gunasinghe, as quoted by Keera wella: "The petty bourgeoisie is essentially a class that controls petty production and exchange. On the one hand they are suppressed by the semi-feudals. On the other hand
they are exploited by the middle bourgeoisie. They are also confron

Page 13
ted by the poor peasant and rural workers. It is a vacillating class. In the realm of agrarian relations they supported the land reform laws but opposed the paddy lands act. Their ambition is to rise to the middle bourgeoisie, but the hard facts of economic reality thwart these attempts."
Politically this class was opposed to the policies and cultural values of the U.N.P. which was representati we of the w estern-oriented elites, but it was also afraid of the radical changes contemplated by the Marxist Left. It was their politics that were reflected in S.W. R. D. Bandaranaike and the M.E.P. In 1956. However, the changes, expected by the rural petty bourgeoisie did not take place; many reforms were introduced but these were largely superficial and did not lead to a radical re-structuring of the econdmic or social systerns,
According to Keera wella, the political processes since 1956 had left the educated youth of the rural petty bourgeoisie dissatisfied and alienated. The economic crisis was growing apace, un employment was rife and they had before them the international experiences of Cuba, China, Wietnam and the student movements of the West. Keera wella identifies three Inter linked factors as basic to the shaping of their political thinking:
(1) A realisation that neither the U.N. P. nor the S.L.F.P. were Interested in changing the socio2CO om i struit Lu T.
(2) Disillus lonment about the ability of parliamentary democracy as a mears of bringing about change,
(3) Dissatisfaction with the leadership of the existing Left parties and a feeling that the working class was incapable at present of fulfilling its revolutionary role.
According to Keera wella, these attitudes created "a tendency... where the youths began to search for a violent revolutionary solution to their problems. These youths believed that the revolution was imminent and that an organisation had to be formed and strengthened within the shortest possible time. They began to prepare themselves
for the in mine instead of enga revolutionary st workers and pe
LIke other sch notably Robert Ke EOosti dies the ca the education the: and their revoluti
But It is to hf attempts to go f the "close relat
petty bourgeois a type of education rook place In t looks at the une educational facilit and content of th Was made availabl Ing inability of absarb the man duced. He quote tion tellingly: " keep Ing up the ri. ached. We sa We - passed exa obtained degree trying to overth neo-Colonia syst. up a society, we on that system a Punish ment we loiter in the stre insults and laugh lists'.
It is Keera wella'' "the breakdown tions of these educ One of the faci responsible for ti the J.W.P." Whi| is broadly true, Serious at tempt ha correlate the type the education and With whIch štud educational system been useful if the et had also been an of its ideology and with the processes Another factor th analysis is the imp: tion system on t School-entrants wi the system after a effects that Keera might apply only tc TĖTI. Els ir the e du Up to at least th tp tFh e eʼWan STI who proceed to h education.
(To

ant "big struggle ging. In long-term uggles, among the is als.
Iolars before him, ! arney, Keera wella I r nettlor between ie youths receved onary asplratӀоп5. s Credit that he urther-to look at lonship between spirations and the all expansion that he country". He Yèn expansion of :les, at the type e education that 2 and the cantinuthe economy to Power thus pro5 a J.W.P. PublicaWe studied hard, ghts till aur eyes or examinations. Tiators. W. 5. But without row this corrupt 2m, and build up built gгеat hopes itself. Finally as
Were forced to ets and face the ter of the capita
5 conclusion that of the aspira:ated youths was tors that were he emergetice of e this situation wish that a more d been måde to and corrent of the world-view ents left the lt might hawe ducation available alysed in terms its relationship of Social change, a should repay ICE of the educahe 40% of a II 10 drop out of few years; the wella describes ) the 20% who cational system E 'O' level or er percentage gher academic
be continued)
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Page 14
Personal fad
Ipsurgency of April 1971-(Sinhafa) by Victor Ivan (Podi Athuila) Published by Lake House rest FE Liried, Colombo-April gறு Price Rs. 3a/-,
he decade of 1970's is now
at its tall-end. After the next couple of months, we will be saying 'adios" to this decade that witnessed more than one turbulent development, as far as the social and political history of this country is concerned, one may single out the year 1971 as the stormlest of this period. The insurgency of April 97 is still fresh in the memory. The effects and impact of the insurgency on almost every aspect of the Social and political life of this country is so vast and decisive that it will remain the most controversial political event of post-war Lanka for many years Lo Cone, unless a decisive change takes place in the direction of either counter-revolution or reYolution.
But those who are genuinely interested in knowing the origins and development of the Janatha
Wimukthi Peramuna, the exact situation and citcumstances that prevailed within the movement
that led to the armed encounter with the state, stil find t extremely difficult to get the neces. sary factual information. This is due mainly to two factors. The first emanates from the clandestine nature of the JWP at least in its formative stages. Unlike other socialist or communist parties in this country, the JVP in its pre -97 phase, never had any documentary records or reports pertaining to its history. This has led, even today, to the somewhat
grotes que situation where even the leading cadres, et along ordinary part TËT Ebers an SYT" Pathisers, know Yery little, about the real history of their Own Thowerment. Thu5, the researcher finds himself at the
mercy of various contradictionary explanations of interested indivi. duals. Secondly, even the available
lIterature on Published, are different kind Added to thes In difference of its re-organisa past. It is in опе уошId ha Athula to give "inside story',
Having read paragraph of th the book, the down confort: Se rio US account which the auth leading member tİ T. But, u. reader, without begins to feel t gone wrong. Is of facts No. or Wention of of that sort. If Here, the whole a Wry inct beca recording of hist but because he allowed himself his personal at not exactly unh towards Wijewe of the moveme himself makes against the pro Chat they are ti of their blind and to the leader in of political matter TOYe Tit. If th Correct, what co garding the othe closely associated ment, Pod i Athula With Wijeweera bulent and traui of the insurgency. Political reasons. back, not exclu within the move an, un compromisin tu de Fine. Critic of past events, it comes to revolu is very important
valuable opportun -understanding and It is essentia, the
Precautions not t

tor
he JWP, so far othing more than of "analysis". difficulties is the he JWP, even after on to its oW his context that e expected Podi an account of the
his work.
the tery first a introduction to eader would settle bly to get a of the WP, of r himself was a for quite some fortunately, the going too far, hat 5omething has it the inaccuracy Then suppression events? Nothing so then what? : thing has gone I5e Podi Athula's ory is not correct, seems to hawe to be driven by titudes-which are :stile in nature3ra, the leader nt. Po di Athula the allegation -Wijeweera folk nin king in termis faithfut allegiance their evaluation "s concerning the is extrémne i 5 mot uld one say rer extreme? Once with the Toweparted company during the turmatic aftermath mainly due to He now looks iding his role Tent too, with gly critical attia Fe-evaluation especially when tionary politics, as it provides |ties for self self-rewelation. refore... to take o allow one's
overstressed
by J. Uyangoda
Pm di Athula (Victor Ivan) a prominent JWP member was sentenced to 7 years rigorous in prisonment by the Criminal Justice Commission. His book is reviewed by J. lyanagoda, JWP politburo member, who served six years in jail and is now a final year student at the University. Both writers were published for the first time in English by the Lanka Guardian.
prudence to be overwhelmed by various kinds of prejudices.
It seems that the author has given major consideration to the impact of the personality of Wijeweera and the nature and the characteristics of the movement as a whole. I would not dispute
this thesis. But I believe the serious reader would be somewhat reluctant to accept the
contention that Wijeweera's influence on the WP has been exclusively negative. Dialectics teaches us that any phenomenon in the universe is many sided and con
tradictory. The suggestion that Weweera had only ulterior motives throughout his entire
political carreer is not only easily questionable, but also falls short of objectivity. One of the major mistakes, i li dare say, commonly committed by most non-or antiJWP commentators Is that they give too much weight to the so -called "bad" qualities of the leading personality of the movement, in their critical evaluations. In all fairness to both Wijeweera and Podi Athula, il must say that Rohana Wijeweera was and ls, the best personification of some of the major, ineScapable contradictions of the contemporary leftlstand revolutionary movement in our country, dominated as it is by the petty bourgeoisie. The negative qualities which are said to hawe been dinherent in the characters of individuals-dishonesty, ruthiessness, je suitical pragmatism, ego, -centrism etc, should not be given over-emphasis when one looks at the past for the sake of the future. This is all

Page 15
the more so because such a practice would easily lead us to self-deception and misleading conclusions.
The writing of contemporary history is not an easy task. Writing political history, (especi
ally when the writer himself had been involved in some events and incidents, the totality of
which constitutes at least a part of the whole Phenomenon) demands greater care and precaution. Pod Athula seems to have realized this and this may be the reason why he describes his own role in the third person, History writing again demands a sense of fair judgement, when one has to 5ort Out What is essential and
important out and events.
Athula is not instance, What devoting doze describe, in
squabbles as t a love affair o counsel solute a leading par only point t ha'we made.
Scandals at ei that Wijeweer: genius as man prefer to bel
What are th and political author has had This question the mind of
 

of a myriad facts Here also Podi invulnerable. For is the meaning of ! 15 of Pages to detail, such petty hos e arising out of r of a light readers !d by the wife of ty member? The he author wou |
in exposing such hormous length, is à 15 mot an infallible y of his followers iewe. e real theoretical differences the
with Wijeweera naturally comes to reader,
the but,
alas, he Is 2 gall åt a loss. I do not say that Podt Athula should have given a detailed account of these matters in the present Work. Nevertheless, his treatment of the whole subject should have been such that it could have Provided some insights as to the nature of the reai issues under dispute.
The ideological evolution of the JVP provides a very interesting field of study for the research. One of the criticisms against the movement is that it lacked a well-defined and coherent political Ideology of its own, firmly based as Marxism-Leninism. the pre-97 phase, the JWP deology had been a vague con fluence of ideas coming from various ideological streams of the
World C) fil IT | Lust Welt. Yewed ex-post-facto it may be observed that the TO Welt
never had trained and disciplined Marxist theoreticians in the ranks of its leadership. But, to dismiss the JWP's political philosophy— рге5епted in the famous " fiye lectures-as a mere hodgepodge is as un balanced as its unquestioning acceptance. Amidst all the glaring shortcomings-Incoherence, over
in Plition and sheer vulgarization of Marxism-the JVP ideology still had some positive a Welcome features too, Firsty its total rejection of some of the hackneyed theories of the Cold Left. Sic condly it had the courage to maintain a kind of ideological non-alignment within the si contending faction of the Yorld Communist movement. While quoting Mao, the JVP TETäited uncorrmitted to “Maoism' and while rejecting Krusch evite revisionism the JWP never rejected the legitimacy of the socialist system of the Soviet Union.
These and other positive aspects of the JVP ideology, though they do deserve consideration, are not subject to any kind of investigation. This is another reason why the Present Work can be con sidered less than rigorously analytical.
Incide II f iirt kurr arrack on an frts firger εΩκεr" ήίκητε.

Page 16
Seers on prosp employment
by Jayantha Somasunderam
uring 1970 an ILO team of DE headed by Prof. Dudley Seers, Director of the Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, carried out an investigation In to un-employment in Sri Lanka. Their report Matching employment opportunities and expectations has been acclaimed as the first exhaustive study of the problenn.
Eight years later, in 1978, Prof. Dudley Seers and a team from the Institute of Development studies returned to Sri Lanka, to reassess the employment situation. This review has been conducted in the light of Sri Lanka's experience in the Intervening eight years. It was made in the aftermath of an election in which a large number of young people placed in power a government that had promised to solve their economic problems.
The Seers team estimated that around 1.200,000 were unemployed when the new government came to power in 1977. They project a net addition of 600,000 to the labour force in the current five year period ending 1982.
The Mahaweli Development Scheme has been accredited by the Government with the capacity to absorb a million people, around 600,000. In consruction and the balance as settlers. The New Seers Report, recently released, draws attention to the shortfall between expectations and achsevements in the other colonisation schemes. Uda Wallawe which was expected to provide irrigation for 8,000 acres to be cultivated. When it comes to flowing down the channels, water somehow never seems to go as far as it does on Paper. The estimatos of awaf lability for the Kala we wa area of the Maha weli is an average of 7.5 feet of Water, whilst at Uda Walawe, actuall usage is three times this figure.
|斗
Permanent em that will be awa settlers, not the kers, depends o government's : beer.
Unending Rec
The investmen arte also regarde ment as prime 5 frient, Prof. See
Prof. J.Hid
that PZ industri in the stranguiati outside the GCEC may throw peop jobs. In aпy case as to the amount
that the PZ at
attract. The zone Malaysia, Singapor "Were set up
conditions of the du ring a world re there is no end in abour becomes a In a age of Increa es Pecially when cc tİCal Security and ac
Prof. Seers is ske official estimates
 

CtS
loyment, a benefit able only to the Coltruction Worhow realistic the sumptions have
55ion
promotion zones | by the governurces of employvoices the fear
ry Seers
es might result on of industries zone, and this le cut of their there is doubt of capital inflow Katunayake can s in Hong Kong, “e, Taiwan etc. in the booming : Sixti e 5, 10 D. cession On which sight" Cheap oor Inducement i ing automation, impared to policess to markets.
ptical about the which reckon
of
that by 1982 25,000 will be emplayed in the Katunayake | PZ he points out that many long-established zones employ less than 0. 000. What is relevant he concludes '' is that the scheme could hardly make a significant addition to employment by 1982."
After assessing the Colombo Urban Development project, which he commends in other respects Prof, Seers says that the implementation of the projects "does not necessarily imply a big dent in the unemployment figure.
The Investment demanded by the above three projects is considerable, estimated to run into Rs. 5,000 million a year. The effect that this could have on inflation is sobering to contemplate.
School Leavers
Prof. Dudley Seers cautions that in return for what might well be a very high level of inflation, the above three projects, the Government's principal employment generators, may only provide 285,000 jobs - 200,000 in Mahaweli 5,000 in the PZ and 80,000 in the Colombo Urban Development. In any case, only the PZ jobs are those that will meet the aspirations of the present generation of school leavers.
The prudence of diverting towards, and concentrating in, three rojects, a significant part of awalable resources, is also questioned
by Prof. Dudley Seers.
Another area of Government policy that he criticises is the
Indiscriminate import of subsidiary food crops that have been successfully grown in recent years. This includes chillies, con ions and dhal. Losses in income and employment opportunities are the result.
Prof. Seer's draws attention to halving of the Decentralised Bud
(Солrfnited oл Page Ig)

Page 17
Marxism and self-determin
ince the Tam || Problem has
developed into a very serious political issue, overshadowing any other important political problems of our country, Chintaka's ser les on national question naturally attracted critical analysis. My polemic on Chintaka's article was mainly directed against his dogmatic approach in the application of Marxism to the concrete internal national question and the wrong conclusions he drew from the teachings of Lenin and Stalin which led him to support the demand for separation as the correct Marxist solution to the national question. This polemic had provoked two replies-one from Chintaka and the other from Brother Kuma Dawid. I am inclined to make separate comments on these replies as they differ so Tuch in their nature and content, hoping that the "Lanka Guardian' would provide space as this subject generated interest among the people,
While Chintaka's article has direct reference to the current national problem, Brother Kumar Dawid has exercised his energy in wain to willify Stalin, the great Marxist-Leninist by diverting the whole issue and indulging in the favourite pasti me of the Trotskylites who live in haunted conclave blinded by the Trotsky-StaI in controwersy, being Luna ble to understand the issue directly and objectively outside this ambit.
Though the question before the
people is whether the demand for separation in the name of self determination to Tamils is
the correct solution to the problem, it will be difficult for a layman to decipher from the article of Kumar Dawid whether he is for
or against separation since he manoeuvres to turn the polemic into an anti-Stalin titade by
distorting historical facts, hardly hiding his elation in finding what
he calls the col Stalinist by hls Kumar David f Chintaka for ha Yi Står om national Work on national dered a Marxist
other than Kum Trotsky h Imself "Stalin i5 enti
nition as al n O Lu xist theoreticiar retical work M National Quest
So it Wil bi deal first with distortion of B and then his Tamil problem.
Kumar David sisten Leninism ration of Finland via and Estonia opposed to the the mational ques the facts Finlar autonomy even power and it after the Octobe ted Finland on 1917 and proclai of sowie power dent Status of Fi a ter confirmed b As far a 5 the tot wеге сопсегпеd tule, they Were due to the l Ertente Powers, the fold of USS
Kumar David
notes of Lenin as if Lem | rn was sowetation of G Stalin on the sol national question. from the truth. the Union of Soviet Union Wa
fore 92. With the Party and fått at the 12th
Party Stalin's Re tional question a

ation
nfrontation of a fellow Stalinist. inds fault with ing quoted from question. Stalin's Li estion IS COmglassic and none ar David's Guru had said that; tled to recogtstanding Mar1, on his theoarxism and the .""חםi
to Weiet to
Ku Tar David's olshe'wik history outlook on the
states that Consaw to the sepaLithuania, Latia5 if Stalin wa5 ||re of Lenin on tion. What were d enjoyed relative og for the Sowiet was Stalin who :r Revolution wis27th of November ned the degree on the indepennland which Was y Treaty in 1918, her border states after brief soviet outside the USSR nfluence of the but re. Lurned to R i 1940.
by distorting the tried to portray
opposed to the a.orgia or against ution of Georgian Nothing is further The decision for georgia with the is taken long be
the approval of
the Soviets. In
Congress of the port on the nand Georgia was
Laxhina Jothiki Inlar replies to Kumar David and Chin taka
approved and not even Trotsky opposed. Lenin commented well on Stalin on 28/3922 for having
united the Republics. Lenin in his notes dated 3.92 categorically stated, ... firstly we
must maintain and strengthen the union of soviet republics... The Critica ro Les of Lenin teferred to by Kumar David only deals with the manner the dissildents and Mensheviks were handled by Stalin when they attempted to subvert Soviet power, opposed the Union of Georgia and suppressed the minorities in Georgia even by going to the extent of decreeing to deprive Georgian citizenship to anyone who married a non-Georgian. These facts clearly expose the half Cruths of Kumar David on Bolshevik history.
The Boshevks Who Stood for unconditional self determination of nations of Czarist Empire had to revise their programme after the October Revolution. In 1918, at the All Russia Conference of So viers, it was sought to revise the principle of self determination and secession considering the new historical situation and the principle of union and federation Was adopted. This shows that the Bolsheviks worked out their own strategy and tactics to implement their principles and policies on national question and history demands us not to copy Bolshevik experience mechanically to Seek 5 olU tiOn to Our COuntry's national question.
Kumar David again distorts my article by Stating that Jothikumar denies the right of self determi
5

Page 18
Nation to the Tam is. On the basis of Marxist analysis had Come to the conclusion that the demand for separate Eelam is not the correct solution to the national question. Kumar David while evading to state clearly whether he stands for the deman of separation or not un Consciously displayed his opportunism by stating.... "to the extent that this is an alternative programme to the Eelam programme, it may be , said to be opposed to Eelam and I will not at this stage exPlain the programme to be placed before the Tamils...", which means he has two programmesone for the Tamils and another for the Sinhala people. This is clearly seen from the authorised statement of Brother Vasudeva Nanayakara dated 23rd July 1979 (CDN) in which he States that while respecting the right of Tamil people for self determination,........ "it is our responsibility (Vasu's Party's) to show the Tami People that the Eelam struggle will not lead to a solution of their Problen". Unfortunately some of the Left Partles practice the art - of deception on the Tami PeоPle on this question of self determination which is well illustrated by these examples. The Janath Wimukthi Peramuna stated in a statement issued by Brother Bopage on 12779 in Wirakesari' that... "not only we (WP) recognise the right of self determination for the Tamil people, we yYill also grant alI théir rights.ʼ" Similar statements were issued and speeches made during the Local Government Elections. But within two weeks of the previous Statement, on 25/779 Brother BoPage again issued a statement in Virakesa ri' in which he stated that, . , 'the WP totally opposes the Eelam - demand put forward by the TULF or any other organisation (mean ing ewen a Marxist Party)". This shows the double standard and the game of deception played by some of these parties among the Tam it people by stating that the Tamils have the right of self determination while streş sing (for Consumption a mong Sinha lese) that the demand
for SeP2 ratlon is not the solu
tion. This decep Petuated and pl Eelam Genthusiasis publish ing in th the statements clans who claim determination fr the Tamil mass of the Sinhals demand for 5ер:
The statement that the Tails to self-determin his programme be opposed to yet arnother fine craft of deception the unsuspectini When I read th T1 et i T rem Statem erit. Lenin tun list by his w always evade for cleary and unequ Seek a middle Wriggle like a two mutually ex view and try both , . ". Thug F the conjuring tr the right of sel (among the Tam S3. Të tire Stil ti dermand is not t P05 ing Eelam dem lese). whereas Self determinatio Wocal and clear,
opposition agains and Support to just struggle by
hailing from the nity is consider but the gimmick opportunists shot exposed.
Finally Brother finds fault with Seeks possible ПatioпаІ questioп geoisie state as forgetting לוח i5ת On this question. TEt is in di sarr; and subjective col list revolution is the Controversy w Cof rewolucion is Socialist is sti | r ning Left Mowg mr Conditions, in CF İrf The diante Socia || 5 perspective, the

bition is agafn perayed back by the ts by Prominently er Tamil papers of Sinhala polit||- to support selfi order to dupe
2G ā5 if sections Se support the l "3. t|r.
of Kumar David
hawe the right ation and that may be said to
Eelam demand is example of the Practiced among ; Tamil masses. is type of stateInded of Lenin's said, "Ап оррогery nature will mulating an issue Iwa cally, he will Colise, he will 53 kė between :clusive points of to agree with Sumar & Co play ck of supporting f determination
ils) and āt the ng that Eelan he Solution (op
and among SinhaLeslin's line on n was unequiAny degree of t COT T Uralism Tamil people's any politician majority commued progressive, played by some ld be resolutely
Kumar David the line which Solution of the within the bourCra55 CP PortuLenin's teaching The Left Move. ly, the objective ndition for socianot ripa, and hether the stage democratic or ing in the re ThalI erit. If these e absence of revolutionary Left Movement
should welcome the search for solution to the Tamil problem to Whatever degree possible within the existing frame-work of soce. ty as it would ultimately help the People and the Left Move. ment. Lenin Stated that "in consistent democracy solutions to the Problem of national question could be found to degrees possi
ble ....". The living example to this teach ing of Lenin could be found in several capitalist countries and developing countries
where the national question had been settled to degrees possible and at this stage we should link the struggle on national question with the struggle for consistent democracy. Postponing solution of national question to socialist revolution or putting forward the provocative demand of separate Eelam will help only the reaction and not the people, though final and complete solution to national question had to be sought in geniune socialism. The development Of Practical movement wi|| expose the opportunists who practice the craft of deception among the Tamil as well as Sinhala people on the national question. What the Tamils need is Practical and just solution to their problems and not ernotional fodder.
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- - -

Page 19
Marxism and na
What amazing comparisons Chintaka could makel Soviet Unlon to Sri Lanka wia Solomon Islands North Kalimantan to Northern Sri Lanka 2 East Tinor to Eastern Sri Lanka ? SWAPO) to TULF ? Karan Tribalists to Lankan Tamils ? Chintaka jumps from Georgia to Gre meda and Siberia to Solomon Islands Search ing ę w lidence in š Lupport of his theory of self determination, forgetting that there is nothing or little in common bet
ween their conditions, Problems and Ours.
What more, Chintaka with his
amazing analogy hits the pinnacle of Marxist distortion marvelling all his previous records by butchering another piece of Lenin's writings, removing the heart of Lenin's quotation, Swallowing the wital words in the Tiddle of a sentence and presenting the edited quo tatlon as the crown ing jewel at the end of his reply, which shines as a symbol, rather a sample of distortion of Lenin, provoking this reply. After all could we blame Chintaka when it is claimed that we are supposed to be passing the dark age of devils quoting scripture to the enlightened age of Brahmin Priests and the clan of Rasputins quoting Marxism to send the toiling masses to the heavenly kingdom of Lord Indra or Saint Peter to seek sal walion. In the 22 myths series mixture and his reply Chincaka travals far and wide or our globe bypassing Sri Lanka and its living realities, the very target of his dose of prescription.
Chitaka at the end of his reply quotes Lenin, "Nobody is to be blamed being born a slave; but a slaw c who not only es chews striving for freedom and justifies and eulogizes his slavery, . . . .' and omits the words, . . . . for example calls the throttling of Poland, Ukraine etc-'defence of f3 therland,'ʼ' of the Great RLussinas... which was in the original writing of Lenin in between
the Words, "his a slawe". Chi T different meam in of Lenin by co terce afteT o TT i 1 Lenin'5 conteII against those R to war to exp empire, whom slawes of Nicho| been twisted ; against slaves. Tarih ||5 saye5, Ç what he callg t. xists to suppo separation, thu5 the Marxists of tion to fall pre: we list. Marxist view problems not on challwini point of view.
The |ime of c: Parties of India phines etc had by Chintaka, Communists in seek inspiration these Farties question. The those Parties had wictor||ous. The which these Pl completely diffe After all wheth: succeed a fall | carriot The chani re. Chintaka China and India together and W dragged to the nesa Communis follow the Soviet cally on nation put forward the determination of their pre-or-pi period. (Though Lords of Lhasa geoise of Taiwai ratif from Ch i
in Ellions to the the Wietnames a Ti je to třic though about ha wived as refugees many and Wietra the nationality p

ational question
slavery and such taka had given g to the writing ining a new sen - :ting a few words. pt and Wrath ussians who went and the Czarist he branded as the a5. Romą now, had 15 an Inducement
By calling the Chintaka demands he "Tamil Marrt the cry for indirectly inviting
the Siri hala Nay to Sinhala chaus are expected to
from Class and stic or emotional
rEå in Corti Tunist , Burma, Philipben mentic med demanding the Sti La rhka to from the line of or the national line pursued by not been prowed Conditors in ties operate are rent fron our 5. 2r these parties r their task, we cally copy their feels tick lish that had been listed ietnam had been Sceme. The Ch|- Party did not example The cha T i - al que 5 tio f1 and demand for selfnations, during ost; — revolutionary the Corwerth Town
and the Bour1 demand sepcna), Hitlet sent
gas chamber and
authorities sent : ocean Chamber If a Tillion Surti. Hitler's GerI tried to solve roblet In a bar
baric manner. When our bearded
brothers swear to follow the Wietnamese road and shout from the top of platforms that they have a socialist solution to the Tamil problen, shouldn't we sound the alarm and warn the
Tamils to use their wisdom.
Lenin, said that according to Marx, "all classes and all countries are regarded not statically but dynamically, i.e., not in a state of immobility but in motion.'" Further Lenin said, "It is essen
tlal to realise the Incontestable truth that a Marxist must take cognis ance of real life, of Con
crece realities and must not continue to a theory of yesterday". Stalin said that "the national question in the period of second International and the national question in the period of Leninism are far from being the same thing." Lenin and Stalin repeatedly taught us not to use the Russian example mechanically, Chin taka pleads guilty to the charge of dogmatic approach and calls revisionism when we advocate dialectic approach. MarxismLeninism is a 5 clence which dewelops and it has not ceased development since the October Revolution on the question of revotution or the national question. A Marxist approach to the national question in Sri Lanka requires
study of its living realities and not the dogmatic approach of fitting our conditions to the
Russian experience. While appreciating the golden heart of Chintaka for his sympathy with the Tam II people in their struggle for justice and equality, we cannot refrain from sounding the warning that the surgery of se på ration is no solution to thc agony of Tamils and the national problem in our country.
7ן

Page 20
Why
he attempt of the MacBride
Commission at Stockholm to set up a dialogue between the transnational news agencies and the various national news agencies and the non-aligned pool was a failure. The TNS approached the whole problem with an air of self-satisfaction, patted themselves on the back for the great work they were doing and saw the inability of the third world to make their voices felt in their technological deficiency and lack of professional training of their Tnedia men. Above all, as the TNs saw it, the major problem was the tendency of the third world governments to choke off the "right of access' of western newsmen to the sources of news in their countries - government leaders and officials and the opposition elements,
The attack on the declaration and the third World movement for NWIC was master-minded and coordinated by the P whose Paris lobbyist drew up a raemorandum on the purported contents of the declaration and its effect. Columnists and editorial Writers in the West and their agents in the third World, went to town on this basis denouncing the UNESCO and the declaration. While the Chief Edito of the Observer in London was advising the public against reading all the material put out by UNESCO, an Indian columnist was denouncing in the same language and terms the UNESCO for the draft declaration, with the added proviso that the text was not available to the press.
The demand for a two-way flow of news, an end to the present vertical transnational controlled news flows and its substitution by horizontal flows that will democratise the international debates, all epitomised in the
18
Weste f
demand for "b; information' was to freedom, a vio human rights anc state censorship. and its officials cted to an campaign, though out of the bag the critics bri UNESCO"; "sino having equated Racism or Racial Apartheid.
sanction of all media and ot that cones into паtion;
elim fination Europe and Radio with a drastic re broadcasting abilit of America;
a dramatic amount of inform world available and all Americans
O rigid cutbac growing informat the US economy puter manufactur data processors;
O loss of pat tronic spectrum space satellites ar reduction in wital well as loss of by our radar based weaponry;
le higher phon across the ocean
E overseas op
headquarter5 tra becomling un econic
嘯
TEMS four six above were seen ecly out of West to safeguard the

d interests ight NWIO
by Chakravarti Raghavan
lanced flow of dubbed a threat lation of universal an attempt at The UNESCO Were also subjeiften scurrilous the cat was let when many of Ճught up the În the past of Zionism with doctrines II ke
State control of her information or leaves any
of Radio Free
Liberty along duction of the y of the Wolce
loss in the lition about the C go'Wetrh Terts
is in the rapidly On Sectors of including comng firms and
is of the eleclused by the the resultant Intelligence, as equencies used nd electronic
bills for calls
rations of US national firms | iC,
'd seven in the as arising diruropean Towes rivacy of its
citizens, by restricting the transmission of unprocessed data to data banks across international frentiers, and levy of International telecommunication charges on the basis of the quantum and speed of information that can be transmitted through new technologies (rather than the simple time cost basis as now).
The Kroloff-Cohen report (and other studies) asked the US Even ment to get involved in the NWIO movement, shape it to US ends, win over third World governments by providing technological and financial aid to them, get Soviet help and use it to preserve the super-power status and interest in the satellite and radar and electronic-based weapon system frequencies and Communication channels. The US in effect was advised 'coopt and absorb the third World, moveint, and play the third world, West Europe and the Soviet
inst each other and preserve US (and US-Soviet) interest in the 1979 World Conference to
allocate Radio Frequencies, the 978 UNESCO conference, and the 1980 UN special session on
development strategies.
轟 融 朝
THE Western media and goWernments directed their attacks on mass media by Concentrating on Article 2 and Article II of the draft, apart from a general unspecific attack that the entire concept was based on State control of media and balanced flow of information amounted to State Селsorship.
Article 2 was attacked on the
ground that it required media and media—men to obey local laws and sovereignty of States
(and thus subject themselves to censorship). Article I was attacked on the ground that States were
FORMATION
Part 4

Page 21
obliged to control the mass media and make them comply with the provisions of the declaration.
臀 輯
THOUGH the third World's attempt to win recognition for NWO was foiled and the issue may appear to be in limbo, the various decisions and resolutions hawe created an agenda for actions that could bě used to propel the world in the direction of NWO.
There has been repeated acknowledgement that the existing structLures of information and communication are unjust and ineffective. Efforts to work for the establishment of "a new, just, and balanced world Information and communication order" were endorsed.
The Eurrent imbalances and Ingqualities in the production, dissemination and exchange of information both with in countries and between countries and regions was acknowledged and the Director-General was asked to continue work in the forTulation of communication policies to remedy this.
High priority was accorded to In easures likely to reduce inequalities and imbalances In communication, both within countries and between different groups of countries and in particular between developed and developing countries, especially by helping the latter to organise exchanges of information, under satis - factory conditions, between thernselves and the developed countries, and thereby promote a free flow and a wider and better balanced exchange of information between the different regions of the world.
An Inter-governmental pian ring meeting is to develop propoals for institutional arrangements to systematise collaborativo consultation on communications development activities, needs and plans. (This was a response to the US offer to provide technological assistance for communications development, and wanted this to be done in collaboration with UNDP and the World Bank - where the West ad USA hawe a Controlling voice. The ultimate decision of the conference was an attempt to keep communication development aid within UNESCO's parameters
and thus subject nication policies
The UNESCO encourage in-de CUSS lons cin the C tO 011 Lia.
The US and so countries are seek NWIC) i to Tete and technologic; tra in Ing. Some COUti23 a.C. LX inte Tatioma| cli a55 is tam froT 1 matters. This w to further techno Integration of se periphery into th rest continuing te
the Centre.
登 贵
THE centre-p ship is characteri: Technology is no or equipmı erit : Johari (Galtung pro sotial structure : tionally, national a cognitive struct assumptions abou of space and tim of human relatic with nature gow Without them th; not work.
If third world קטrק Centrate on definition of ther cate, and evolw policies, national : this right to comr decide upon the nology to serve they would have bi of the technology other way around the way to NW
叠 塞
THE Stockhol on the right to already created a
The right to C ceived as a bro includes the rightt right to inform, th information, and I to the resources munication. The Cate has war fou 5 right of an indivi or community ley and international

to overall commu.
was also asked to 3th study and disoncept of the right
The of the wastern sing to convert the issues of technique il equipment and of the third Wor| d ious to utilise the na te to obtain easy he West in such ay could only lead logical dependence, lected parts of the e Centre, and the 2 be dominated by
eriphery relation. stic of technology. re than technique irid know-how as ints out. A specific perating internay and locally, and ure of deep-lying t the organisation e and knowledge ins and relations ith the techniques. a techniques would
:o un tries first Coner exploration and right to communi
Cotulicatio ind global to serve municate, and then appropriate tech:hese rights, then acome the rı isters råther han the
and would be on
O.
#:
meeting of experts communicate has tentati we oLutline.
-חםate, CםIחuוחmם ad human right, o participate, the 1e right to receive : he right of access
required for comright to communi
dimensions - the dual at the village all to the societal
levels.
The right to communicate is undoubtedly linked to the specific social economic and cultural milieu, The level of national development and advancement of a country's resources, and its level of economic social and cultural achievements arte closely related to the formulation and implementation of the right to Communicate Within the national context. The right to communicate does not automatically get established within each level of socio-economic development.
挚 事
THE right to communicate is also a comprehensive concept, involving the rights of individuals, groups, coln II unities and States in ther international relations.
Third world countries must hence set out first to define and provide a set of inter-connecting principles and rules and concepts of the comprehen. 5ive right to communicate. Ther they must decide on the set of technologies, appropriate to each country and inter-country relationships, and then look for policies or methods of acquiring them.
(Concluded)
Seers оп. . . .
(Carr fi 7 er frườrr. Page F)
get between 1975 and 1978 and the resultant neglect of minor irrigation works. These could be an important source of employment. Yet when compared with the major irrigation works their Cost is only one eigth per unit
TE,
Likewise, ages the glamorous side the
Prof. Seer's encourdevelopment of less schemes, industry out|PZ and housing. He visualises greater employment potential, particularly in proportion to investmen L, In that kind of development.
The composition of the labour force, its expectations and solutions to Lunemployment, are a fum:- tion of the educational system. Commending the attempts in the early seventies to prepare secondary school leavers for a vocation, Prof. Seers expresses regret that this has now been reversed. ET phasis is been given to open Ing universities and this can lead to graduate unemployment,
9

Page 22
WLD
The follo hyfrig article was Suhr rifted to the editor of the journal of the Wild Life Profection Society", The Loris' if way - Fublished. It is disturbing Wher natiorial, public societies begiri to exclude irriparlar concer is of firl's for a perspectives in their infornation disseminating process, especially if that infor
'Ware the respiterizer, he gives
J'LII
slo 4wers with his right hard
Ord
steals your gold with his left.
remember my first experience with a weed cide, I was a planter then working on a Rubber plantation. I had a problem with weeds, the cost of manually maintaining the old fields were too high. So the new cheap, effective method was used. Good old Sodium Arsen ite. The first things to react were the frogs. The small pool by the stream that flowed through the old field was alive with squirming, kicking bodies. I detachedly observed that they were Indian water skippers. even remember the fishes that followed the course of the frogs, the gyrating loaches who I knew even then, were Noemachelius notostigma; møre tham that is a little Wague except I used to miss the little ferns and the blue and yellow flowers that know now as Chirita. They used to festoon the boulder over which the stream flowed. My morning round was a little duller but the field was clean.
It has been a long time since then . . . . . . . . I have experienced
Flavingoes wading ii I ssir rearr
O
LIFE - A C
FF17 for is pye) objectives of
I giy'e hela 1 lished article the hope that tiori pre5er tead 50F}To Loo fis) 14'ha are ger72 ir about Wild life
- Rani
{ IF77 rraferf af Fisherses Bialag)
Cಥ್ರ!
the agrochemic thankfully bless the population ( in my greеп hou under control;
mellom chal i a thi watching the la: Pelicans winging have also stud that energy all shunted through It seems that he National crisis pective of a col have bem COk. with Nelsonic apl looking gila 55 o'YI
 

LOSER
by Ranil Senanayake
Pr frie:Prif fo file the society.
у rће и прићir fill, irr the infarmaPlay provide hase of IF ely corrcerned .riםaTiיו5ETוזטט
Il Senanayake
k'ild Life ard ", l'ori:Fersify if "Ηέει...)
:als as a user, ing them when lf Scales Insects use were brought to the in escapable strikes one st of the Brown o y er the Pacific. led the Pathways d Tlaterials are this biosphere. зге а. а Еime of (from the persm servationist) we ng at the future, Dimb but with the Er the blind eye
LOOK
One of the greatest
dangers to the wild life of a country is
undoubtedly, the indiscriminate use of insecticides and Weedclides. Unlike the more blatant dangers like Illicit selling and poaching, where one can see the damage
done readily, the effects of insecticides are Insidious, The general public may not notice any apparent negative reactions readily. All the more reason as to why it becomes one of the
most important functions of the Society to act as a keen watchdog on this front.
My open ing Paragraph gawe a dramatic example of the action of a commonly used agrochemical. Other examples are not so instantaneously dramatic but the accumulated effects, cry out for attention. My work on some ecosystems of Sri Lanka, and data gathering for the last ten years demonstrate that (II) over the last five years the Increasing use of pesticides have contributed to a steady decline in the marginal populations of the ende

Page 23
mic lizard Ceratophora tennenti, till today less than 10% of the Pre-Insecticide population remain.
(2) Known populations of the endemic fishes Rasbora Waterifloris and Barbus titteya were completely exterminated by the U5e of Insecticldé5 on the catchTnent a Teas of their stTeams como mile upstream. Similar evidence exists for at least four other species. This brings me to the point raised in my second paragraph. Are we, as a society, looking at the future with a blind eye 2 We are a group of of Sri Lankans concerned about the maintenence and protection of our natural resources. Our primary concern of Course, is wild life and nature. Why then, have we ignored the burning question of indiscriminate pesticlde uso in our land? Cur official journal, "The Loris' has for the past ten years carried only tw0 articles on the subject. Ils this merely due to non-contribution of articles by the members or due to a pathy In rais ing these issues by the editorial committee
If we have to question the philosophy and stance adopted by our committee, to bring about an Increased awareness as to the Very real problems that assail us; then we do have to raise the question 5, i rrespective of personal or other conslderations.
We have passed through an Incredible period of data Interpretatlon from the Urgent Silent
Spring of Rachel Carson. In 96 : to the quantative Environment,
Power & Society of H.T. Odoum in 1972; The information generated between these points should have enabled us to design safeguards for our Biota ; but we hawe done nothing. Ewen now, at this late stage it may be time for us to identify the enemies be it a particular compound or a particular method of application and take action.
 

Players Seaf
gotaste
V
تجGcldL = "سير
famous ord the work for its
Sri Wirri Ictುಟಿದ್ನಿing its golden 8ෆඨෆ් taste.
LLLLLLLa LaLLLLL LLLS S LLLLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLS
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2

Page 24
Marxism, liter
Ost Marxist critics of literature hawe thought with in the framework of the concepts of economic base and Ideological Superstructure, where literature is taken to be part of the super
structure. There are problems In herent in these concepts, as We shall see if we take a look
at one of Marx's most famous sentences : It is not the conscious5 ness of men that determines their existence, but on the con
their social
traгу, ExistECE determines their consciousness.
What did Marx mean by
"determines"? If we give the word the kind of meaning it has in the physical sciences, we shall be
in trouble. The pressure and temperature of a gas determine its volume, in the sense that
given the first two, we can predict the third. But given a knowledge of the social relations of Elizabethan times, could we predict King Lear Raymond Williams has suggested that what Marx meant by "determines' was "sets in its to", which makes for a more flexible relationship between existence and consciousness.
However, this isn't the problem | want to discu 55 herte. What I want to ask is how far the body of Marxist critical writing that is Concerned with explaining literature in terms of the base-superstructure relationship - whether this is done badly, as by Christopher Caudwell, or well, as by George Thornson - meets the central problems of literary criticism, and whether this is the only Marxist approach to literature that is possible.
In what has deservedly become a classic work of Marxist criticism, George Thomson says of Aeschylus's Oresteia that it is 'a stratified piece of social history embodying the accumulated deposits of the primitive tribe, the early monar. chy, a ristocracy and democracy. Thomson's analysis of the plays in Aeschylus and Athens elabor
22
ates this wiew W and cogency. But fundamental proble
The experience of mind of a tea approaching the piece of social hl: Greece are very those of a reade responding to it, in Wolved With it of literature in The readers or talking about ma Same person rega in different way: experiences will st In fact, 5 || 5 ha really two differe differerit Cresti being read or 5
SES
In fact, nothin and Athens ( Marxist criticism kind) answers the
5:EÉIT. tit. ITE. Caill Critis: What to this work,
centuries ago? W to Lus here and in W take the tro
if We aren't so historians?
There is, of cd
answer possible tc which has actuall: 50me ir: lsts - : We shouldn't bol should throw a of the past | mto products of feud: culture, This w; taken up by som militant exponent. in the early yi Russian Revolution similar groups du Cultural Revoluti understands, bat and Li Po hawe bee It is an using to
a Sowiet Commun In 1924 on party literature, that Si a liberal position

ature and time
ith great depth It leaves certain ms unanswered.
and the frame der or 5 pectator Dėstoia a5 1 tory of ancient different from r Cor Spectator moved by it, as a li wing work the present, spectators I am y often be the rding the work i, but the two ill be divergent. I show, they are It works - two eia - that are een in the two
in Aeschylus and in other of the same
: questions which tral to literary Is cur responsa Written maybe, hat does It mean ow? Why should u ble to read it cial or literary
urse, one simple these que Scions y been given by and that is, Lhar :her; instead, we
the literature the dust bin as 4 or bourgeois
as the position a of the Thore s of proletkult 2ars after the ւ, and again by ring the Chinese on (now, one :h Shakespeare in rehabilitated).
read today, in ist Party debate
policy towards 25 novsky, taking on the question,
by Reggie Siriwardena
pleaded that PushkIn "Would Un doubtedly last another fifty years have come and gone, and Pushkin seems as in destructible as e wet - which wouldn't hawe sur
Prised LGen Fn. Krupskaya describes how, on a visit to a Youth Commune, he asked the young people, "What do you read? Do you read Pushkin?" "Oh, no!" someone blurted out. He was a bourgeois. Mayakovsky for us," Ilyich smiled. "I think Pushkin is better."
However, When it comes to explaining why Aeschylus or Shakespeare or Pushkin is still aliwe, there i5 little illum |nation to be found in Marxist literary criticism. In fact, it is strikIng how often Marxists, faced with
this problem, have fallen back on
something similar to the traditional bourgeois conception of an 'unchanging human nature" (which
one would have thought was both un real and un-Marxist), Thus, David Craig, in Seeking to explain the persistence of Certain themes and Totifs in the literature of different societies, speaks of 'the Comparative continuity of human nature', which is an adulterated wers on of the academic critic's Concept of "timeless human experience' Again, in the same essay he says: "What exists in Society is an organism, an animal, a species, na med homo sapiens, which over millennia has scarcely changed. So we can respond with delight to the bulls of Lascaux or of Pita 55o, the stories of Homer or Lawrence." (Towards Laws of Literary Development in Marxists on Literature, ed. Craig.) If that is so, the whole Marxist analysis of literature and culture falls to the ground. In reality, however, don't think the fact that the biological equipment of man as a species has scarcely changed in historical time does anything to explain our response to the literature of past ages, because
literature is based rol on Tian's
biological drives but on our social

Page 25
and cultural experience, which is constantly changing in time,
The other way in which Marxist critics hawe tried to meet the problem of the longevity of literature is by having recourse to aesthetic properties of literature, un related to their social analysis, Even Lenin, In his essays on Tolstoy, never resolves his paradox of the reactionary ideologue and "the great artist, the genius who has not only drawn incorn
parable pen pictures of Russian life, but has made first-class contributions to world literature"
(and what is it that distinguishes a "firstclas5 contribu tlon to world
literature', anyway?).
l must Tnako It clear that | consider the Todo of Marxist
criticism represented by George Thomson on Greek drama corGeorge Lukacs on the 19th-century realists as a valid and legitimate
activity, and, with in its limits, illuminating. But if we regard literature of the past solely in
terms of its social genesis - that is, in terms of the mode of production and the social relations within which it arose, our approach to literature ends by becoming, strange as it may seen, anti-historical. For we are then conceiving of a work of literature as being static entity, having a fixed, immutable meaning given to it by the society within which it was created. The truth, however, is that a work of literature has existence only in a relationship between itself and its audience, and since the audience is constantly changing with time and history, its relationship to a particular literary Work too changes, and with it, the meaning of the Work itself.
Let me clarify this further by taking a particular example. What do we refer to when we talk about "Shakespeare's "King Lear"? We refer, of course in the first instance to a literary text, contained, say, in certain pages of an edition of Shakespeare's Works, and realisable in performance. Even at this stage there is a problem: since we have no manuscript of the play in Shake
speare's hand, a inal printed tex and vary one King Lear, as y ls really a text sive generations there are variou Significantly, som -century readin modern ones, 5 even at the stag a text. We See fronted by a lite changes in time. wer5lorn, when W does not read it face the task of of glwing it mea do We refert to of the "meaning We may mean : things:
(l) The meani speare intended the play.
(2) The mean ir had for the Eliza
(3) The meanir has for contempt audiences.
(l) is strictly even if somebody a diary of Shake what he "intende Lear", that wou problem. Firstly, gap between inti formance ; secon assume that N consciously belie ing by his work
what is actually thirdly, опсе a written. It has
istence independ author Intended.
(2) is also unk may try to appr.
delving into kr Elizabethan socia and beliefs, the
audience, etc. (W -century novel,
fuller evidence fr comments of the
Опly (3) Is di to Lu S. But mot different versions
Ι., III τέλη μετεί ο

nd since the origts are defective from the other, we know. It today, evolved by succesof 2d | toTS, and s wers Ions of it. E |8th a |9th gs differ from 0 that already, ge of establishing that We are con! rary object which But our edited e have chosen it, ::self: we hawe to Intérpreting it, ni Ing. What then when we speak of King Lear? any one of three
ing that Shaketo convey by
ng that the play Ibethan audience.
Ig that the play 3rary readers and
unknowable, and Wêre to umeth 5 Peare reveal ing d to convey by ldn't solve the there can be a en tion and perly, we can't what a writer wes he is conveyls equivalent to Conveyed; and Work has been an objective exint of what its
own, though we ximate to it by owledge about history, ideas rature of the ich, say, a 19th We would hawe bir te wie Wys and
time.)
"ectly accessible inly are there of (3), so that
" Page 2)
WITH
THE
COMPLIMENTS OF
DISTRIBUTORS
OF
CITIZEN
WRIST WATCHES
& CLOCKS

Page 26
The greatest Sri Lankan
couple of years ago, at a ConAi held here, a visiting
British journalist posed during one of the tea-breaks a problem to a group of us. Sri Lankans. Why, he asked, had Sri Lanka, with a population of 14 million, not Produced a single figure with a general international reputation when several other smaller countries had dono so ? Presidents and Prime Ministors, he stipulated, were not eligible, since they would get news Publicity anyway because of their position; he challenged us to mention a single person who was world-famous by virtue of his presonal distinction.
My first suggestion was 'Ananda Coomaraswamy": this was rejectd on the ground that he was born over a hundred years ago, and what was wanted was a more recent figure. I next came up with "Cyril Ponnamperuma', to, which the response was: "who's he 2" Whereupon one of my friends suggested "Emil Savundra' at which the discussion dissolved in laughter.
However, my friend may have been right, for Emil Savundra has 獻 achieved the distinction of awing a biography written about him and published in Britain. I haven't seen the book yet, but learn from a review that the biographer claims that one of Savundra's first actions when he had entered the path of affluence was to endow a nunnery in Sri Lanka so that the sisters could pray for the success of his future business ventures. True or false
Problem Corner
Спе morning at 6 o'clock, a Buddhist monk started to climb
교
3. TOLultati II. the narrow win from the foot Stopped occasic
to take refre. speed of his a til The to tre
degree of steер Having reached
the rest of th Ehere In medit: morning, ålsc
o'clock, he star the mountain alc again stopping f but not necessi places where F the way шр. N rage speed of
greator than tha the mountain,
Prowe that the spot on the F monk was at t day on both the way down. (No TatherTatlics is ne gent reason ing.) time.
Marxism . . .
(Canfried s
We can talk abou Lear, Jan Kott should also be
contemporary rei of the play ine it in the light ing of the world his contemporary
So that the Li SCe today is a w by time and hist
In a later art slder the practic: this situation f literary critic.
Erf Sayur adra
 
 

Touchstone
As he walked up
iding path that led of the summit, he inally to rest and shment: and the Set Ware for depending on the ness of the path. the top, he spent e day and right Atlan. The next exactly at 6 ted to walk down ang the same path, гom time to tlппе, arily in the same he had halted on aturally, the awe
his des Cent was Lt of his ascent of
rė Tı List be some ath where the he Sama time of ! Way up and the
Calculus or other -eded, only intelliSolucion mext
ran Page 5) C Wilson Knight's
's lear, etc: it
evident that a i der or spectator vitably interprets of his understand, given him by Social experience,
2. We read work transformed огу.
lcle l shall conil Implications of or the Marxist
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