Page 1
socials an
RELIGION AND
ROKSIM AN
 

ADICAS
R

Page 2
"DUCO' Paints are manufacturgd in Sr. Lanka. in strict corrpliance with PO3) Formula of the Paints Division it
Ltd., UK, The "sama Formula is
used by FC Paints Factories in UK., Australia, India, Malaysia, SingaDOTC, li li rilesia and Hrh Tiarny other tourities. This Formula, backed by Lupto-date technological advanCesir pairits production has made these trusted paints extremely popular for refinishing cars all over, the world.
All the "DUCO Arcillaries that go to Thik,C} hi: "DOC" Syster-prir Tirs, putty, filler, and thinner-have been carefully forrulated to ensurd complete compatibility. HowGLCCS aaL aOOE aL LLLLL LLaaL LLLLL LLLLLS and ancillaries supplied by other sources,
(CNWorld quCalify af
 
 
 
 
 

The familiar DUCO - DULUX-PENTALITE signboard ensures yrau är dĖaling with A Luthorisid Distribu tOT. OLT distributor network provides a steady supply of quality "DUCO' paints and ancillaries at fixed prices. They A will be happy in providing other }=> services such as Cr:løur – matching rid solving applicational problems. Send us a self-addressed stamped envelope and learn all you want to know about the "DUCO' system,
CHEMICAL INDUSTRIES
COLOMBO LIMITED, P. (), Box 352, Hemas Building Bristol Street, Colombo,
త్ర= your door-step
ms

Page 3
Pandora's Box
Galle has proyed a Parndora's
Box for a the partles. Since the constitution has virtually wiped out by-elections as a needless nuisance, the ruling
party can III difford to lose Crny. Arnd whaI te yer self-Kongra tula tor y utterances may be made on public platforns and however a wish the pra se that gushes forth day from di star ry-eyed press, the UNIP seder 5 rigs the Sri Kyth experts know that the electorate's riood is far from fī wat rable.
Hence the fierce debate over Daha. With his personal following Da ha Should be abe to ride home safely on an elephant's back. What of a pure' UN Per? The UMP 5 elector 5 know that II Could make things a bit diacy.
On the other hand, the UNP's failure to field its own man (Albert Silva) will be read as an open admission of its diffiđence. If Albert Sĩlva was not good enough for some reason, how about another party Tian For a party that advertises itself as the most powerful elected government in the World the nomination of the man who contested its candidate only two years ago is Obviously a public embarra 55 ment. Whdt would ft do to the party's image? And party TTartale?
The argument went back and forth. A “pure' UNP candidate had a strongly led lobby. The clincher came with the question: “dre you ready to lead the campaign and take personal responsibility in case of defeat?"
Sa its likely to be Daha's day.
Caught Again
The Lake House papers have been the victim of many a sensational stunt of hoax. First there was the obituary of "D.E.M. O'Cracy', a close relative of "L.I. Berty". The next time the Editor of the Observer (not the ANCL Advertisin ng Department) raised a horse laugh by "resurrecting' three womer who showered praise on the First Lady, Mrs. Bandar argike, and 2 other editors (male) were sacked by the les ser Freddasa.
Now te Ad. it again. On th the first page
Nationus Day SL, half-page a dyerti &lng di rew boť Bardu o'r Sayfe One-time junior le Egrid is not in in the USSR, but confined- to the , Asylum. The pric ss besng fn west highest levels, V nearly 10,000-f And why did the the name of the
Foreign Policy
A post-Ha wana may be asked question Should b We are, after non aligned and pri to remain so, if authoritative pror the subject. But has been publicly author of a fairly which deservedly r ence in the CDM's
Though much the heavy gir of the author and beer widely discus:
circles. Dew ridd is a student at Աrlly, Ա5, (Ind :
of Sri Lanka's di óth Su Tritt. As the Conference, It
crit for Sri Larika frivolved" in Inte Now that we or responsibility we
more "dynamic' I 1980's. Suth a reflect the gov
eCo)ri arm i c 5 tro teg main line of grg
On this bass closer ties with rid Nepas, Japan an ASEAN should importance.
Since it was th first wrote of the ". of our foreign pol WFlether the "trams or 115 arl of Wi
(jfr fined' )

Dept. has done e other side of of a Sowet pplement was a 5. Πη ΕΠΙ Π Π Π Ο LΠ -- ok by Orr wela Et prison Jffe. icturer, Oru wyela ja i II, here or he is certainly Angoda Lumatic Faganda stunt gated at the Who would pay or such a 5 tunt? : CDN Conced
advertiser?
"trar 5 stor"? It why such a e posed dit a II. a II, steddfastly Ssumdby Intend one goes by OLIČIÉTÉS
the question " raised by the sertigtfly article eceived pror ineditorial page.
of it carried tutorial, both he thesis dwe ied in diplomatic R. Subdsfnghe Johns Hopkins is a Te Ter Elegation to the Chairman of WOJS mot expedito get 'actively "rnation | Issues. e free of this ! Carl pld ri a policy for the policy must erformer f'5 me Way 'y. That's his
Lument.
e recorrends ld, Bang alidesh, South Korea. giver special
is journal which ASEANYATION" icy, the question ition" is already LIS, rele y de.
Pt Page :)
vol. 2 No. 4 November |5, 1979 Prica 250
R DS ETTERS
EPSB debate
The article entitled, “EPSB DEBATE: DEMOCRACY AND/OR DEVELOPMENT' (ocT 15, 1979) in my opinion, would have been more rigorous in its coverage of the EPSB " 55 ue" had it played down the trivialities of the parliamentary debate (noise) and given more emphasis, instead, to the democracy andor development syndrome and particularly, to the politico-economic content of the "stablity equation'.
The "stability equation" is much more than "a standard phrase in the parlance of the Third World Debate". On the contrary, the 'stability, equation' is the wery essence of the "Development' efforts of the nations of the Third World which have embarked on the capitalist path towards "development",
LANR
GUARDAN
Published fort nightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. First Floor, 88, N. H. M. Abdull Cadet Road, Reclamation Road) Colombo 11.
Editor: Meirw yn de Silwa
TEltրհԼյոE: 2. 1 t] [] 9.
CONTENTS
Letters 2 News background 3 Foreign news 凸 Research | Religion 5 Debate 7ן Literature O Symposium on Left
Printed by Ananda Press 82/5, Wolfendhal Street, է լյltյIliէ: Լյ I3,
Telephone: 3 5975

Page 4
Whethet ble It of the "State Capitalism" variant or the "dependent Capitalism wariant", or a judicious combinition of both. "Stability" in the above context simply refers to the politicoeconomic conditions Orpre requis
ites for "accumulation' by a bourgeois state in accordance with Capitalism's own vision
of "development"-and, a fundamental and a necessary condition for the capitalist "olodel' of accumulation is an highly discip| imed and a docile Work force. The means that a bourgeois state adopts in creating such a condition are d5 nLIII erou5 a5 the class "intensity' with which these instruments are used depehds to a largo exten on the politico-economic environTent and the social basis of the ruling regime.
Kethesh Loganathan Colombo é
Caste in Jaffna
Caste means an exclusive social class. Every service in the feudal system formed a caste. Distinctions in services and functions emphasises diff. erences in social status and occupational groups formed themselves into separate social units. But under the levelling influences of modern economic & sociological forces and with the tendency for everyone to do every kind of work, casteism is on the way out,
So one cannot but agree with Mr. Gamini Dissa mai ke when he says that "Shan grossly over plays the castic factor." This is very obvious when Shan refers to "un touchability as practised in Jaffna' and thinks" that caste oppression is man's greatest (emphasis mine) in humanity to man."
Then how are we to describe the fate of Lin Piao, who for nearly a decade was waving that little red book behind Chairman Mao, the humiliations undergone by the victims of the cultural revolution, the Bokassa's subjects, di Amin's Vugandan's, the deaths of thousands recently on
the China Wietna helpless victims
Chile and other
countries
Cas Laism Is diT but it is on th
Jaffr13 N
Quoting
Touchstone writes: "the or for quoting an Corse of a debal' point you want already been mad by another write be a wa 5 te of t find the words i
it yourself".
This general is: be qualified. Mu
the nature of the Jthikumi, Ku 1re NC) e termination' but Marxist-Lenini: that issue, obviously need LEI in etc. in Cr Cu o Ynyr til interpretation Leninist is the
Concerni
Stalin's body ing in the grawi Kremlin Wall, I Len ir Mausoleu fr goes marching on breast. He writ distrust of Stain the latter's Tole not ower the mo | issues affecti of the Sowjet UT gathering to a time of Lenin's ill in wigw of Chi about "other' say that adherence to any Trotskyist or an don't regard hi of heroes and
"Hansa I wrote one pa ing that Mr. H, had "jumped the Wilak, and tw.

Ti bordet, the of torture5 in La til American
ty and in human e way out. . Deva Rajan.
Scripture (LG. Now. I )
ly justification ybody (in the te) is that the
to make has e so effectively " hät IL Would ime for you to which to say
tion needs to ch depends on debate. Here, 11 r David and | ting 'self-dethe correct st position on Therefore we :o quote Marx, der to Support Tls that ou
gf Marxismright one.
Chintaka.
ng Lenin
|e5 3-Thoulder2 (beneath the hat ir15 de Ehe. i), but his soul - in Chintaka's Ըs as if Լըmin's was only over as "mur semaid". mentous politing the destiny hion that were head at the ress. However, maka's remark, heroes', I must write without cult – Stalinist, y other - and story in terms villains.
է WiIak"
ragraph regrettA. Sene wira Lré gum" on Hansa
3 page 5 saying
what I thought was wrong with h is rewiew... Mr. Semowira Ene takes nearly a column to justify writing about the film before its release, then remarks enigmatically in one sentence that I have "misunderstood both his te wie W. and the fi|r71. Where and how? Shouldn't he have spelt this out - at least in respect of the first, if not the second Reggie Siriwardena
Colvin and EPS Law
It figures that Dr. Colvin R. de Siwa should consider a propas al to confiscate private property as cruel and in human punishment; what does not is that he should purport to be spokes man for "all progressives".
The death penalty, I submit, is far more cruel and in human than any confiscation of private
property. But Dr. Colvin R. de Silva does not appear to consider this relict of barba
rism worth his powder and shot. Dr. Costain de Vos.
"Not an organiser'
On page 4, column 2 of the "Lanka Guàrdian" Wol. 2, No: |- there is a reference to Mr. H. A. Senevil ratne as having been my "top t-u. organiser". This is factually incorrect. Mr. Se ne wirātme was the e di tot of the CMJ Sin hala bu || etin "Arambhaya'. At no time was he a "t-u organiser".
Bala, Tampole. General Secretary.
( Carrired of Page : )
Trends . . .
( Currir red Irarri Page | )
Recently, the Third World countries introduced a resolution in the UN on the TNC'5. "On controlling the activities of the transnationals, the response of non aligned COLr tries is as automatic as ar apartheid" a ni African ambassador remarked after the vote was taken. The beg four of the ex-Chairman of the NAM, 5 rĩ Lanka, rais [:d TqIly an eyeb rũw In the UN lobby.

Page 5
Galle — Nominati
peaking as the topic of "The
Proletarian solution to the present Crisis" at Kandy's YMBA Hal last month Rohana Wijeweera berated and ridiculed the conception of a United Left Front. As his point of departure he took the article in the Lanka Guardian of Oct Ist on "Left Unity : Problems and Prospects', Denying that there were differences in the JWP concerning relations with other Left parlies, Wijeweera rejected the nation that there was a need for a programmatic unity of all Marxist organisations and asserted instead that the building up of the WP as the strong revolutionary party of the proletariat was the task of the day. He made it perfectly clear that the present 'coming together' of 5 left parties was for the strictly limited purpose of agitation arid propaganda om the basis of the three key slogans. It was a joint effort to protect deliocratic rights and was in no way a united front. Using a favourite metaphor he said that the JWP 'bus" would halt for five minutes and those of other left groups Could dis embark from their own buses, leave behind their drivers, and hop aboard the JWP bus where there was some room at the rear for such Passangers,
Contrary to the hopes of the other Left parties and rank-andfile progressives, the '5 party bloc' is turning out to be exactly the kind of limited de tente that the JWP leader spelled out in Kandy. The most painfully obvious proof of this Is the un Seemly squabble among the Left Cỵ Cr møminations for the Galle by-election, "The five parties launch a pair in Galle" cackled the SLFP's widely read Dinakara, using a catchy Sinhala headline that los es much in translation. "March separately; strike together" is the Trotskyist conception of united action, but these chaps seen to be marching together and strik ing separatly, or rather, speaking together and voting separately" said a bemused Macist weteran.
The trouble st weera, with a . announced at a of the 5 partie: tiom Lo field a c He also sought to what hor th put forward Wasu Them con Septem addressing a larg: dasa Stadium on Journey's End o WEET ) , of Lionel Bo member and de der. In Kandy he told the cre Politburgau had to handle the
The Other Le ded belatedly Already Wijews diplomatic condi 2nd Hyde Park
CDE 5: -- Te eyebrows and Mr. Bala Tam Wasudewa Nama: mide the Sens
writing on Octo other 4 parties With a wieYy Lo a single Left ca the NLSSP [bbi who would be the working cla be backed by t Corre e CPS was mercioned
Predictably, t de af Sårs as th ted In Its issue (III winds from un i lateral mow c. p. Strengthen the the "old" LSSP i5 far morte in lition with the unity. SLFP-LSSF held to settle acceptable candi of the 'national cer Präsiära Dh of W. Da hanaya up. But SLFP in 5ion has caused Organisation at ( other hand press. left partners in

on problems
arted when Wije;tudied Ca5u all ne55, top level meeting ;, tha JWP's intenam didate at Galle, Confirmation as e NLSSP W II || d dewa Nanayakkara. 1 ber 26th, while a crowd at Sugathathe issue of "The f the SLFP Wijei the condidacy Jage Politbureau facto deputy leaa fortnight later, Wd at the WP nominated him Galle campaign,
ft parties responand confusedly. 2 era's rather unuct at the Oct Teeting (L. G. nds) had raised -empers including Joe's. Only Mr. yakkara's MLSSP i ble response of ober 8th to the Lurg ing discussions putting forward ndidate. Privately ed for a caridate
representative of 55 and who could I e JCTlJC) Action. L's L.W. Pand tha in this connection.
he appeal fell on e L.G. Commenof November 5t, Galle) the JWP's Aradoxically helped fraction with im leadership which rested in a coaSLFP Thàn in Left o discussio were on a mututally da. Le and the nama ist“ ex army offiinayake (a nephew ke) ke PC crepping ner party dissenrifts in the party Galle and com the tre from the LSSP's ounted. And so,
NEWS BACKGROUND
the "deal' fell through, especially
When Prasanna murred.
SLFP is said to hawe decided con Sarath Dias, a former Police officer who had earned a very "tough' reputation in April 1971.
Daharıayake '-de
Then, in a dramatic move, the
LSSP played the "Po di Athula' card. "This is the smartist manoueve the LSSP has staged since 1964. I didn't think they were capable of this kind of
tactical flexibility" said a usually anti-LSSP campus don of radical persuasion. By any standards Podi Athula is a very good pick indeed. A student of St. Aloysius College Galle and former Jesuit 5eminarian, he Was conce a prominent JWPer whose right hand was
In angled in an accidental bomb blast. At the CC trial he was one of Wijeweera's foremost
detractors and the CIC trial judges were so impressed as to remark that he was the most colourful personality to stand in the dock. Sentenced to 8 years R.I. he served 6 of thorn. Athula came to the atten tion of the LSSP leaders with his book on the April Insurrection which was a searing polemic against Wijeweera (L. G.
Oct 15th; November 1st An independent Marxist with strong principled wiews on the National
(Tamil) Question (L.G. July Ist) he has cordial contacts with all sections of the Left, including the NLSSP and JWP breakaway "Janatha Sargar Thaya". A prolific reader and polemicist, who ha 5 also published articles recently in the "Aththa' as well as the (Maoist) Desha Wilukthi, Podi Wula has friends among radical Christian clerics, too. Born in Akmeemana, he has local support and is something of a hero to the youth of the area.
Clearly a candidate capable of rallying broad Left support as against the UNP and SLFP ho offers the LSSP a chance of giving the "sectarian' JWP a suitablo
3

Page 6
riposte. But old habits de hard, and the LSSP, which was earlier deal ing with the SLFP, "launchedo Pod Athula without any consultations with their ULF partner the CPSL et alone the other Tembers of the 5 party bloc and those Left groups outside It, thus throwing away the opportunity of gathering the considerable SU Pport enjoyed both by the CPSL and Wasu's LSSP In the Galle
TE
Taking unbrage, Mr. kara's NLSSP has threatened to to 55 its own hat into the ring if no agreement is reached before November 21st. Dinesh Gunawardela's MEP has followed suit, The NLSSP has no objections to Po di Athula but rather, to the old LSSP's conduct, firstly in contacting the SLFP and then in paralleling JWP sectarianism. The LSSP desplte the considerable support it has always enjoyed in Galle, stands in danger of repeating its experience of the Colombo Local Polls where the JWP pipped it to the post for 3rd place.
Nanayak
Furthermorte, relatio 15 with the ULF are strained since the LSSP Informed the CPSL of Pod Athula's candidacy IO days before it was publicly announced but only after the decision had been taken. The CPSL is in a quandary. On the one had it considers the LSSP and itself as the major working class parties, which means that their bilatered relationship shouldn't be damaged. On the other hand the CPSL does not want to jeopardise the incipient detente Telationship with the JVP. The sectarianism of both LSSP and JWP seen to render these two objectives hard to re
concile, at least, in the short
But more Im Portan ty, ths
ugly electoral bickering among the left can only make a dent in the political credibility of the '5 party bloc', while the electoral advantages will doubtless accrue to the SLFP, despite the latter's own divisions and weaknesses.
4
Socialis
": is frony
the Left mic brought together Nation I (Tamil) Jesuit priest' Assistant Secret; who was making dress at a semina the recently foi for Inter Racial dus better known MIRJE. The Jesu Cooray was refet Oxford-educated Caspers z who M|RJE. H5 effor hlm a centre på: inaugural editon Sinhala paper (Motherland). M findings of a MIR by Fr. Paul, on ation in the N this year, were MP Yogeswaran gency debate, & reply from the UM Sir Ce thern Sir Se ad FT. TI addressed an appg ment on the Sam
Addressing the Cooray presente. sophistlticated re: Marxist position Question, locating Marx, Engels an the backdrop of phases in the Evolu capitalist system. Leninist emphasis recognise the prog the bourgeois natic ressed nation, Coo siwe plea for the the right of the the North and E self-determination tion Was the sin the cooperation me at the class eneri
Rajan Philipl with an analysis evolution of Tant right up to the for Eelam. Thoug United Sri Lankar best framework fo historic aims of

ts and the Tamil issue
of history that vement has been to confront the Question, by a 'emarked CMU ry Upali Cooray the keynote adr sponsored by Inded Movement tice and Equality, ly the acronym it priest that Mr. ring to was the sociologist Paul Is Secretary of :S have merited ge blast in the of the militant "MathTubhoomi* ore recently the JE delegatlon led Civil Rights violorth since July quoted by TULF }uring the Emerarning a strong IP's Har Corea. narat GunawardeBalasuriya hawe all to the govern2. Thatter.
seminar, Upali :l a clear, aпd icate lent of the on the National the views of d Lenin against the changing |tion of the world Placing a very on the need to ressive content of nalism of an Koppray made a persuarecognition of Tam|| peoples in ast, to national 1. Such recognie qua non for cessary to combiy, h8 Said.
pillai followed
of the gradual il consciousness present demand h he considered a state to be the 2r achieving the both Sinhala and
Tamil working peoples, he was not willing to recommend the maintenance of a unitary setup under the present situation. Ex
amining the class character of the Eelam slogan, the speaker com - mented on its dual aspects. It was Progressive in so far as it mobilizes the broad Tamil masses and especially the youth.
Expressing the views of the JWP breakaway group 'Janatha Sangamaya' (Peoples League). Patrick Fernando said that when they were in the JWP, they too had shared that mowerment's social chauvinistic position on the Tamils. This they
recognised in the spirit of selfcriticism. Now however, they considered the Tamils an oppres
sed nation and defended the right of self-determination I. e. the right to national independence. They did not support or advocate secession, and were of the view that unity between the two nations could be ensured only by a twofold process, namely, the defence of the Tamil's right of self. determidation by Sinhala Marxists and the advocacy of voluntary union with the Sinhala working class by Tamil Marxists. The latter task was renderad difficult since the Sinhala Left had not provided the Tamil people with any serious show of solidarity after 1964.
O. W. Ramaiah of the Pro — Peking "Red Flag' Union argued that every effort should be exerted to solve the Tam il question within the existing socioeconomic setu P. This would be a short-term measure but should be pursued even to the extent of supporting the UNP govt's initiatives if these moves were objectively helpful. He also warned against external (especially Superpower) interwention on the side of secessionism.
Reject Ing this line of argumentation, a spokesman for the Lanka Social Studies Circle said that he had no doubts that the UNP
leaders would like to defuse the Tamil crisis through reforms and and cooptation. However the dep
endent under developed capitalism of this country, caught up furthermore, in the vortex of global

Page 7
economic recession rendered this a non — option. This was not a question of the UNP or SLFP leadership but rather a stuctural question, a question of the structural crisis of capitalism. The speaker also regretted that the symbols of nationalism which the Left should utilize as in Nicaragua, to mobilize the masses against imperialism, were today being used, albeit in distorted form, for anti-Tamil chauvinism,
A representative of the well known radical Tamil journal "MANITH AN' (Man) argued that he stood for the Eelam demand not because he was hostile to Sinhala-Tamil unity but on the contrary because he stood for such unity. Genuine unity can exist only on the basis of equality and such equality could be achieved only if the Tamils stood up as a nation equal In politseal status to the Sinhala nation.
Saatchi Ponnambalan, former State Counsel in Lusaka, Zanbia and a radleal economist as well, said that what the Tam il people wanted was quite simple: equality, This demand for political equality should be recognised as a basic democratic demand.
Perhaps the most important intervention of the day was made by Bala Tampole whose Revolu - tionary Marxist Party (of which Upali Cooray is a prominent member) has taken a clear position on the Tamil issue. (In this the RMP is at one with its rival, Edmund Sama rakkody's Revolutionary Workers Party). Mr. Tampoe made a distinction between the situation of the Tam il plantation Proletariat and that of the Northern/Eastern Tamils. The problems of the latter have resulted inevitably in the Eelam demand and the i right to rais e his demand should be umequivocally recogni sed. The former however faced different problems to which Eelam was no solution. Tampoe flayed the JWP which was re-resented in the person of Indika Gunawardena, for failing to defend
the right of the TULF to
clitical existence and activity, the there was a threat De tam that leadling opposition PET.
He argued per Impact of the e Fr. Paul Caspers. underestimated, lift the Emergen and Combat thị and "Tiger" Bills by MIRJE at a met Left organisation Then these den taken up by the Committee. Tho oldest Left party the outset, the ci of other trade un Committee had its objections, Left Parties had demands as the point. The JCTU at Hyde Park on well as the 5 pa 5 аппе venue caп C mass working cla dors ling the se fnt ans by prolonged ovations. This significance. Now Trade non fede ed these slogans as CTUAC Tembe them into conflict leadership who h; maintenance of th the North alone.
Mrs. Kusala stressed that wh: in the North to tably engulf the as the intensive of the economy
Among those seminar Were W the Ceylon Ce Student Christiar presentatlwe K Katubedde Uni Council Presider (Presently und . Uyango da f University, CPSL
representative Sa Annathi Abeyseke
tlãm Workers Kumari Jayawarde Scientists Associat which was organi nated by the inc krishna of the M was chaire d by

suas vely that the forts of MIRE and Z should not be The demands to cy in the North 2 'anti-Terrorist" Were first raised ating to which all 1S Wate. Wit. 13, nds had been J (TUC) Action ugh the country's had demurred at oncerted pressure on 5 in the Action
aused it to drop Finally the 5 taken up these Tnan rallying O AC meeting Sept. 20th (as
rty rally at the "ct 2nd) witnessed SS audiences enernationalist slog.
and thunderous was of historic
even the SLFP tration had adoptin their capacity rs, which brought : with thơ, SLFF" ld argued for the he Emergency in
Abhayawardhana it is taking place lay would Inevirest of the island
neocolonization
proceeds apace. Present at the
Ratnayake of mmunist Party,
MOYement rgmudhini Rosa, 'ersity Student
t, S. Walgama r suspension), om Peradeniya
Youth League
ath P. Llya nage, ra of the Chris
ellowship, and na of the Social on. The seminar 2d and coordi2fa ti gable S. BalaRE Secretaritat, r. Caspersz.
SLFP and OPEC
he SLFP is most un likely to
support the government-sponsored petition to OPEC. The government which hopes to collect3 million signatures has Invited the support of the opposition parties. Only the TULF has so får responded.
Judging by two strongly worded articles in the SLFP's "Nation", the SLFP will not extend its support to the NP mawe.
The OPEC petition campaign is described as a "figleaf" with which the government hopes to conceal the real reason for the country's economic policies framed on the dictates of the IMF, the World Bank and the multinationals. The nation's special correspondents also say that the petition is part of a propaganda effort launched by the western mass media and other US agencies.
A second Left Front
hile the Galle by-election has WE. SubSurface temsons, specially between the LSSP and the JVP, in the newly formed 5 party "bloc", 5 other Lift organisations which style themselves Marxist-Leninist have banded together to form a new 'peran una'. The five organisations are the Ceylon Communist Party (N.Sanmugathasan), the Janatha Sangamaya (Premapala Hewabatage) the Nava Lanka Communist Party (K.Wimalapala) the New Democratic Party (A.M. Jinadasa) and the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party (Wimalasiri Navaratna).
They hope to form a single Left party in the future. Meanwhile all decisions will be taken by a Secretariat representing the five grouբ5.
Internationally, they are opposed to US imperialism, Soviet social imperialism and the policies of present Chinese leadership. Ideologically, they cricicise the 5 party “bloc" and revisionism, Trotskyism
and Gueva rism. They reject the parliamentary path.
They are anti-UNP and are
opposed to the SLFP "rightwing'.
5

Page 8
POLISARIO
victo|
(An interview with MoharTed Sa sem Sasek, mei Politburg of FRENTE POLISARIO, and Information M Saharouf Arab Democratic Republic)
Q : How would you chard cterise the present situation in the Sahara and the prospects of Saharouf independence ?
A : We CCht|rue to WIr victories in both the diplomatic and military spheres. The government of King Hassan which has illegally annexed our land on the other hand has faced a series of defeats.
Q: What factors have helped to bring about the situation you have described
A. : Several factors . . . . . . . . the main reason Of COUrse 15 the Wil of the people. The right of selfdetermination has been recognised by every relevant organisation - the U.N., the non aligned movement, the OAU. They all support our just cause. But to have a
right to self-det thing; to be real to struggle for i fices i 5 år other . the Saharou i pea sacrifices has be every passing mc factors are sup who sympathise
refer not only opinion as such materiál support
is our diplomatic Mac, Cur chi the situation in
Q: When you lation of Morocco Io e A dei Hassar's disence
A : He was ab 5 5UTT lit to . . . . . .
“Pire keep
la rufiffary i
 

ry in sight?
by Mervyn de Silva
mber of the inister of the
"Til få 0 5 fe dy, if necessary, it and Take sacri
. . . . the will of ple to make great en prowed with
Imth. The Chor Jort from those with us. . . . . . . .
to in terra clornal but to direct. . . . . . . then there effort to isolate ief enemy, Finally the battlefield.
spoke of the isoare you referring cision and King hore fro Haydnd
ent at the OAU ... He could not
ones NEWS
face African and Arab condemnation just as he feared the deluciation of his policies here by
thë non aligned countries. But I was referring to more definite developments...... most impor
tant of which is the decision of Mauretania to give Lu P | ts claim to part of our territory........ so that Morocco was left alone. This forced Morocco to Take matters worse by forcibly occu. pying the area which was earlier claimed by Mauretania, King Hassan was in a dilemma. He thought We might be satisfied with half our territory and have a governInent there. At the same time, he wondered whether we would do this and fight for the rest of the land, which is now claimed by Morocco. So he has now occupied the whole of the Sahara. Militarily, Chls suits Lus fine..., .. | recently read in a US magazine
that some American general had told the correspondent that no
F7 iar f' sa' e
FFFF...**

Page 9
Msafarrea Salerri Salek
army can fight for
Cor Werto 13| long in this terrain......T agree only the Saharoui people
know their land. . . . . . .
There's One other advance in
the diplomatic field........as
you know the U.N. recognised
our right to self-determination by an Over-whelm ing majority . . . . . . now we have formed our government and one by one other governments are recogni sing us.
Q: Could you give me a general account of the military situations?
A : I'll start with the last point made in that connection ... ... during Spanish times, it used to be said that it was really impossible to fight a war in a de sert like ours..... ... but you see each every people know the sec. rets of the ir own land, ther own territory...... those secrets are not known to foreigners.... those secrets could not discovered even by French intelligence which
was placed at the service of Morocco and Mauretan ia at the start of the war. Those secrets
cannot be found by US 5 Urweillance King Hassan.
sa Collite and handed over to
Yes, let me give you a general Picture...... first, we have organised our liberation army to make it more efficient ... also politiCal education goes on... . . . . of the
dres, of the officers and soldiers ...then we keep the military titive all the time. . . . . . . . WAF Bake mot only territory but a large inter of weapons...... we get the weapons from the enemy who
gets it from his ters . . . . . . . . froIT West......
gets them from West, and now today hawe bet Positions. . . . . . . . effective contro
. . . . . the Mor Positions. . . . . . . . 562 TIO LI5 attacks
the first to flee low morale..... their supplies a their barracks
in the nlght th In the desert, frighte med men . . Can See a quali between the Lib the Moroccan air
Q: Will King Peace. . . . . . . . will negotiations......
A : We arte re ........ of Cours Independence can . . . . . . . , but the the war, yes.... cuss but Hassan
. . . . . . . . he impo us and in a way tania into it bec
to find a so-calle ture the imaginat of his people : TT1lrlds frøTT1 thể problems but the the situation mu do not ask me, : . . . . . . . . there are journalists here,
the econom Ic situ goods in the si about wil In the universitie: in Casablanca... Strikes and so on does not end th be in the same
tugal was when liberation struggle: colonies.'
 

5 foreign suppor1 the US and the from Egypt which the US, from the China. Our battles corne battles for and our army has of large areas Ccan army defends
When we launch the officers aro this causes
- OIT W'é CUt Off ind they live in
holed up........ ey are all alone . . . . they are
. . . . . . already we Cative distinction eration army and пу.
Hassan sue for he be ready for
lady at any time e, the right of not be negotiated
erTTii Th3 tio, f . . . . WW2 Ca' di 5ls in deep trouble 5ed the war on dragged Maurea USe he wanted 2d cause to capcion and feelings Lind d Iwert their ir own serious War" ha 5 made ch worse. . . . . . Isk any Moroccan ! some Moroccan ask them about ration, about the hops and prices hat Is happening S im Rabat ad
. . . . . about the . . . . . . if Morocco E2 Will", it "WW" | || Oo5i tion as Por
there was the in ther African
THE SRI LANKA SOCIETY FOR
ABOUR LAW & SOCIALLEGISLATION
TOLICS
PUBLIC SEMINAR
TRADE UNIONS AND FREEDOM OF ASSOCATION IN A DEVELOPING ECONOMY
t
The Sri Lanka Foundation Institute
24th November 1979 at 9.00a.m.
Keynote Address:
CAPT. C. P. J. SENEVIRATNE Min istor of Labour
Chairman:
MR. W. TENNEKOON Chairman, Law Reform Commission
Speakers:
MR. K. RAMA MURTHY Chief Technical Advisor (ILO)
MR. BATTY WEERAKOON Secretary, Ceylon Federation of Labour
MR. ERNEST APPADURA Secretary, Employers' Federation of Ceylon
MR. H. L. DE SLWA Attorney-at-Law
MR. N. SATYENDRA Attorney-at-Law
All a re Welcome

Page 10
China - Wietnam
History's secrets
he revelation of History's
secrets has a fascination of its ow. What Journalists like to call the "inside story' is all the more enth talling when the narra Lors credentials are not only impeccable but unique. Such was
the rewarding experience which students of China's zig-zagging foreign policy and its dramatic
about-face in recent years drew from Enver Hoxha's book, The Albanian leader was not only the first to denounce "sowiet reWislonism' but remained for long Chima's stad fast friend.
Whatever their own ideological procliv|tles cr partisanship in the raging Chl na-Wietnam conflict, students of foreign affairs, particularly the making of policy in a country as important as Chlma, will find their intellectual curiosity more than satisfied and ther knowledge enriched by a new book put: out by the Wietname se government. It is called "The Truth about Wietnam - Chima relations over the last 30 years."
The case history is especially rich in its pointed lessons because Peking's 80 degree turn in world affairs has no parallel in modern history. As the introduction notes, no "other leaders in the World have on the strategic plane reversed their policy of alliances, turning friends in to foes, and reverse, so quickly and thoroughly', The USSR, China's principal ally at one time, is the main enemy today. US Imperialism whose "character will never change' is now a major ally. So much so that Wice President Mondale told his Peking University audience in September that an attempt by any one to "weaken China' would be a threat to the security interests of the US. China which advised the Shah, du Ting Hua Kuo Ferg's wis it in 1978, to strengthen CENTC now parades herself as an 'eastern NATO" when 20 years ago it branded SEATO as a US imperialist design to "encircle and contain' China.
B
China which Ha "revolutionary stc
during Chou En
Wisit to the CO active collusion with the CIA
Mobutu and Sout ting the MPLA it
The authors of only affirm the of the Chinese peoples in their
against Imperial is phase but freely China's assistanc.
liberation struggle Yet a quarter ce king proudly an World that it wi a les son and a h. crosses the bor Sald Russia was an in mystery. The Is surely an obje ater mystification,
Using Wietnam's with China ove new book strive the help of his herto unknown The analysis is cer global strategy miri ded pursuit i mate art of "t status,'
Mor m1ernts or be"
Marking out fo in China's relatic the book ident torical Torments (a) China faced sion' in the nic in the south China) and the of encirclement. breach this "Wall" the Wietnamese f up to Dien Bien ped the North F B3-k the LJS – | China newer wä LInified Vsetnam Indo - Chima for in the way of tional "expansion Yis South EasĖ
crowded with "o"

iled the coming r' in Africa, - lai's historic til Et, WWE a decade later finlärded FNLA, h Africa In figh
Angola.
this bok mot close solidarity and Wię tam 25ę common struggle m in the early
concede that E to Wietnam'5 was tremendous. intury later, Penounce 5 to tha teach Wietna Lige Chinese force der. Churchi|| Eпigraa wrapped Chinese puzzle ct of even gre
own experience r 3 decades the :S to golwe with torical facts hit
to the student, tred on China's and its single - tof Peking's ultiird superpower
trayal
ur broad phases Ins with Wietnam, ifies three hisof "betrayal'. "wars of aggresirith (Korea) and (French Indogeneral US policy In order to
China helped ight the French Phu and it he|-
koreans to throw ed force 5. But inted a strong, r an Independent this would stand
Peking's trad |- ist“ ams v|s – a –
Asla, a region werseas' Chinese,
(b) This direct participation and assistance gave China the chance to Come to the Genewa conference (talks on Korea and Wietnam in 1954) and take part as an active negotiator of equal stand Ing with the Big Four. But in drawing up the Geneva agreements, the Chinese position was closer to that of the French than of the Vietnamese delegation. It suited Peking's purpose to We
aken the French but to "limit" the Wietnamese victory. Thus, they advocated along with the
French the Korea - type solution
of partition. It would "divide" Indo-China, give the French a presence in the area preventing a total vacuu in which the US, thern China's main enemy, wou|d promptly fill.
Since after Diem Bien Phu, the balance of forces was such that French colonialism Could hawe been completely wiped out from the region, this agreement, engineered II ainly by the French and
the Chinese, was a gross betrayal. (c) After the Nga Dinh Dlem
regime collapsed, it became clear that the who la Cof Wietnam could baile liberated but China's reall ain was to maintain the political status quo in the Country. It would help the Vietnamese to fight a long war with the US, which had now stepped in, but not to help the T liberate the south. The solution to the partition, said Mao Ze Dong may take 10 years but "we should be prepared for 00 years'. Thus, the Chinese recommended the i policy of prolonged ambush', of "defending the
7th parallel", of "lying low" of "mustering strength" etc.
A prolonged war would bleed the US. Accord Ing to Hassan ein Heikal ("The Cairo Documents") Nasser's intimate friend and aida, Chou told Nasser "the Inorg troops the US sends to Wetnam, the more delighted China is for we know we hawe them In our hand and we can bleed them. . . . ..lf you want to help Wietnam, you must encourage the US to send more troops....'
Second betrayal
Meanwhile Peking was exerting strong pressure on Hanoi to

Page 11
reduce its reliance on Sowict arms aid. The book unravels the knots in the Chinese reasoning. When a politically and economically beseiged US had no other choice but to pull out of Wietnam, it would have to turn to China (rather than the USSR) for a face -
saving formula. The Chinese, Wietnam's supplier, could put pore55Lute om Hanoi. Ch Ima çould
extract a price from the USrecognition, and a deal on Taiwan
With the gradual worsen ing of Sino-Soviet relations, Deng Xiao ping offered Wietnam a billion yuan if Hanoi turned down all aid from Moscow.
The Chinese long-term plan succeeded when Nixon wanted an "aut“. Mainly for domestic Po||- tical reasons, Nixon had to bring back the US forces as the first step to an ešca pe from the Wietnamese Imbrioglio. The Chinese had encouraged the US bombing of North Wietnam, had blocked any diplomatic effort at a HanoiWashington understanding, and had fought the US, as General Maxwell Taylor put it "to the last Vietnamese". By reducing aid and by threats to cut of relations between the two parties (China and Wietnam), Peking prewented any scal Ing down of the War or any US withdrawal until the US was ready to deal with Peking. r
Ping — pong diplomacy started as China prepared to turn westward. Kissinger himself had spoken of a "multi-polar world' replacing the "bi - polar World". This fit neatly into China's own grand design to become the third sшрегромег,
While Mao himself admitted that Nixon would never have come
to China but for the Wietnam War, China's true aims were revealed on their "advice' to
Hanoi not to liberate the South. In recorded conversations with Le Duan, both Maio and Chou advised that "the whole of IndoChina should relax for some time, five or ten years......"
Finally when the Wan Thieu Teginne did not horo Lur the Paris Peace accords, the Chinese, who had been reducing military and
ecom Čimic ald to to back the li South. This was гауаI. Final betrayal
With "quotes' tive US sources, to establish the had told the U yourselves to Vietnam, änd n force 5 form Sol Already China tified the USSR a and begun to fi of Chinese enper distant opропеп enemy nearby". was part of the using one super the other or as 5it on the mont the tigers fight"
The Sud der Saigon regime,
Sahaгa King Ha
Oroço"; Kir M:: th: Saharan Independ edged weapon. attempts of his 1972) were folla Period of Soci Unrest, dramatise student troubles, the Standard ars But he thought useful weapon - part of the we Sahara. The other by neighbouring claims were conte the Saharoui Libe
In 1975, King his discontented single rationalists Morocco ' and sier opponents by laur "Green March". his patriotic app Tillion Moroccam iriit wester Sahhal of this wave of Hassan announced ralisation' on cc opposition partie Socialist union of

Wietnam, refused eration of the the second bet
from authoritathe book seeks fact that Peking "mot to allow be defeated in it to pull out th east Asia'. ad open sy iden; the main enerny low the maxim rs-- "unite with s to fight the And this in turn ultirInate alrm of ower to combat Mao said "to aln top and watch
the liberation of
collapse of the
the South, the fiberation of the whole of Indo - China, and the unity of the peoples of Vietnam, Kampuchea and Laos in the course of a common struggle, incensed and dismayed Peking.
Since then it has pursued the consistent policy of weakening Wietnam and spoing relations
between Wietnam and her neighbours. Evidence is offered of how
China pressured other countries and even international agencies to
refrain froT or limit economic aid to war ravaged Wietnam, When Wietnam went a head with its reconstruction, China "attacked' Vietnam through Pol Pot in Kampuchea, When Pol Pot was ousted, China committed the final act of treachery against a smaller, socialist neighbour - and tried to teach Wietnam 3 lesson, as Dang Xiaoping said publicly on his way back from the US and Japan.
issan-tomorrow’s Shah
ng Hassan is disit the issue of ence fis a doubleTwo unsuccessful
life 1971 and wed by a long al and political d by strikes and
King Hassan had wer: repression. he had another - the claim to !stern (Spanish)
part was claimed Mauretarnia. Boch sted by Polisario, ration Moyennent.
Hassari Tallied people on the logan of "Greater ced his donastic ching the famous Responding to al, nearly half a Kiwillians marched *ặ. Qn the crest popularity' King l “ political II beand it on that the s (notably "the Popular Froces')
the leading trade unions and student organisations would support the "patriatic war" against Polisaro. The UN has voted in favour of Saharouf independence and Polisario is recognised by the OAU and the Nan -- aligned Movement. It is actively assisted by Algeria and Libya.
Once a rallying cry and source of domestic support for the embattded Hassan, the wat has now become a major burden under which the monarchy may ultimately Collapse.
The price of phosphates. Morocco's sole export, is less than half it fetched five years ago, inflation is exceeding 20%, and the external debt is devouring 30% of the export income. Defence Spending (one and half bl|lllon dollars last year ) is a third of the national budget. More and more of it goes to fighting the Polisario. Far from unifying or mollifying the people, the war has begun to exacerbate political conflicts and social tensions in Morocco.

Page 12
South Korea
THE DOUBTFUL M(
F. all its wildly Improbable and cinematic features the gun duel in a KCIA - run restaurant which ended in the killing of President Park, leaw es behind 50 Tn. serious questions unans WeTed, Was this a well planned murder and the necessary finale to a political plot to cust him? Was there a hidden hand behind the coup?
For other reasons as well, Park's bloody demise will porpt sombre reflections among students of Third World" and Asian politics.
in the 1950's South Korea's foreign investinent-based, exportled industrialisation was held out by Western experts and likeminded Third World specialists as "model' for economic development. Like Taiwan, it was ardently advertised as a "miracle." At other tlines, Brazil, Pakistan, Iran, Indonesia, Philippines, and Singapore were put on display in a show
case arranged on IBRD - IMF expertise.
With equal assurance, it was
argued that South Korea's policcal stability was the prerequisite for this "take-off" and "prosper ty. " Certainly, General Park who oLusted the ageng Synghnnan Rhee In 1960 created the required conditions of stability. But what did it really represent Reporting recently from Seoul, Newsweek's Asia Editor, Andrew Nagorski wrote of the Country's "seemingly endless cycle of repression, protest, repression."
The North Korear threat and the Communist men ace te Inforced Park's ritual defence of his repressiwe regime. The Strategic importance of the Korean peninsula, US Security interests and the presence of about 40,000 US troops helped earn Washington's unblush Ing patricorn age of harsh military rule.
The South Korean miracle has begun to lose its magic. Pusan, a majar city, and Masan were
O
rocked by strike dem constations. T unemployed womer a protest at the ( office. The palce only too familiar. the Women and рагcy officials.
Though many o had lost their E opposition party :
R kimi” too troubles ame for which the slig disagreement was subversion. When the expulsion of leader from parlia decided to boycol indefinitely.
With riots, m indiscrimin ate arti found itself trap familiar dilemma over - simplified as between a tугапп own huTnan rights in foreign Polis debate in the fir: Carter administrat clouds the real i strictly political.
When the accar or client (natior government) is ol a repressive ruler, tee the stability the Protec | om o interests. But what of his 5 tay, the i TI invites protest, ar wokes greater re. each turn of the the protest becom Thore organised a lar, often ga th broader and broa This is the lessor from the downfa from the Shah t at a certa in point or ally, far from in terest 5, 5 in f: them. It is not
ČETIrLJer d

ODEL
5 and student *C months ago, workers staged Срposition party response was They beat up the Opposition
f Park's critics 3 Tye, the main ind its autspoken g Sam became
for a regime ghtest word of
that to Park man Duevred
the Opposition ment, 66 MP"5 it the assembly
artial law and
2st3, the LJ. S. ed In a new which is often
a painful choice ical ally and its -redo, "Morality y,' a popular st years of the -ion, conce als or 55ue which is
n modating agent a leader or so becotes he des garannecessary for f the Patron's 2wer thg durarior "epression iself 1 d protest proPression. With screw however, es more violent, nd more popuering together der Social force 5. the US leart ll of dictators O Somoza i. e. : the local client protecting US act endangering a choice then
7 Page 2)
37or éleetrical
9installations
designed to meet
your exact needs
Please caract:
LIGHT ENGINEERING
ENTERPRISES
(ENGINEERS & CONTRACTORS)
E . : ;
8th FIAT, Pau I W Centre,
Front Street, Colombo II.
Telephone; 36 657

Page 13
insurgency "7 - Two new studies (3)
JVPS DEOLOGIC
H器 thus analysed the conditions that led to the Emergence of the J. W. P. Keerawella briefly describes the alternative ideology and policy put forward by the JWP and some factors that Influenced its organisational methods. As far as Is ideology was concerned, KeeraWella notes it lacks of clear cut and definite ideology: "Their's was not a Marxist-Leninist ideology but an eclecticism consisting of warious shades of Stalinism, Maoism, Guevarism etc. iHe characterises the ideology of the WP, however, as antiimperialist, апti-feшda! апd anti-capitalist but as essentially not an ideology of the working class.
The eclecticism and confusion of JWP Ideology went so far as to include eleTerts of the Sinhala chauvinism that had earlier aff. ected even traditional left parties. As far as organisations went, the petty bourgeois nature of the Thembership and the manner in which recruitment was done-mainly on the basis of an expanding circle of per 5onal relations-is s een by Keerawella as having resulted in a number of charac. teristics:
I. The membership of the movement came to be based prlmarily on students and unemployed educated youth. According to
figures given of a survey of 0,192 suspected in surgents, students, unemployed youth, casual labourers and cultivators -probably unemployed rural labourers-came to 67% of the total number.
-The organs of party manage
ment were i not democratically elected and in the course of
TE became authoritarian,
Because these organs were also gely the result of personal relationships, factionalism was
3.
3. These organs
tively immatur rfierced.
Kaerawella sup clusions with an the class origins : of the polit-bur: lt may be desir conclusions of Keera Wye ||a” 5 own
"The petty bo in the cont 1 il e Como T1 it trä stituted the soc JWP. The petty necessarily not force . . . . Blu t I r talist countries where the econ aggravated D 13 ta bourgeoisie could
force as clearly Lanka in 1971. and the 97 U
defined as a L of the younger of this risis ridi geoisie.
''C'n the other traditional Left d social democratism class was deprived leadership and tails of the “e|| The work Ing cl; control of the did not Coma fi the Folg it was t Thus it was that ments of the PE came forward to f
In assessing fin the WP, Keer that though the un comptomisingly and anti-capitalist use it lacked leadership. This as a characteristi bourgeois nature
圭
Kee Tawella’s (which this article

AL ROOTS
by Charles Abeysekera
were also relae and iпехре
ports these conexamination of and the charactor :au of the JWP. ble to give the this study in
Words:
Lurgeoisie originaext of the colonsformation Cor:ial basis of the bourgeoisie was only a leftist peripheral caplike Sri Lanka omic crisis got ntly the pettybecome a Leftist 5ri וIf חיילטsh
TH te WP prising can be eftist challenge radical elements
den Petty bour
hand when the egenerated into .... the working of revolutionary became wagging
tist' leadership. ass under the traditional Left
orward to play 2xpected to play.
the radical elleitty bourgeoisie || th iš w acculum"
ally the role of a Wella believed TOW’ETT YF55 anti-Impersalist , it failed becaworking class itself ha sees c of the petty of the party.
valuable study : has summarlsed
with some comments), thus lays bare the roots of the JVP. He answers effectively, but sometimes wery ບໍ່ the questions he has set hitself.
The evaluation of the JWP and
its ideology in the context of Sri Lanka's movement towards socialism has not been his aim
but incldental to his main thesis. What this study however throws up is the necessity for further research in a number of related areas; for example, the developInent of capitalist relations in the economy, the growth of the 'comprador" bourgeoisie, the reasons for the lack of a "national" bourgeoisie, the impact of capitalist relations as the village and the growth of class differentiation In the agrarian sector.
The general conclusion drawn by Keera wella is that the JWP was in essence an organisation of the petty-bourgeoisie and that its characteristics and failures stem from this fact. One should, however, also study and verify the claims made by Wijeweera in his evidence to the Criminal Justice Commission that though "the JWP was in planted in the rural proletariat the lumpem proletariat and certain petty-bourgeois layers", It had begun, by 1971, to expand
into the urban areas and that some sections of the working class had been drawn in. Edmund
Samarakkody, writing in May 1971, appears to confirm this claim: "Also included in the fold of the JWP were young militant workers drawn mainly from the state industrial corporations and the state agricultural sector, e.g. the land Development Department, the Survey Department and colonisation schemes". Rather than relying solely as available statistics regarding the 10,000 or sa who surrendered to the state at the declaracilor of än Åmnesty, one might try to probe a little deeper into the membership composition

Page 14
of the WP and its class natura and establish both the size of the Influx of the urban proletariat if any and Its Impact on the structure and policies of the WP.
One doubts whether such a study will seriously disturb Keerawela's conclusions, but
the total picture might then be somewhat clearer.
The characterisation of whole layers of rural society as pettybourgeois seems to be also in need of some clarification. The traditional petty-bourgoisie of small producers small traders, artisans Is a familar enough concept; but in the face of advancing Capitali 5 m, this class has steadily dwindled. There has now arisen a new stratum-teachers, government or state sector enployees, techniciaries, traders with links to Luban centres, middle -men who enter into the transactlons beween rural producer and urban traders; some of these have no ownership claims to and or other productive resources and depend solely on the sale of this labour. This class, which has arisen also in the developed capitalist countries has been called by Nicos Poularitias and others the new petty-bourgeoisie-with some difficult characteristics but the primary identification being made as the basis that though they appear quite different at the economic level, both these beart the same ideological relationship to the class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the Working class and that this ideological relationship is enough to merge them into a single class. This formulation by Poniantas has been the subject of much debate, but it is brought out here because it has some relevance to the characterisation of class formations in our rural
society. It can be argued that the economic Interests of the traditional are the new petty
bourgeoisie are somewhat different -the advance of capitalism serves the interests of the new while it works against the interests of the old. In this contact one will have to analyse carefully the economic Interests that are the Ideological standpoints of these two grou P5, ånd this relationship to
the proletariat. hawe to work C L boundary betweg class and this the petty-bourge. analysis is import in an academic because it must the polities and t pārties.
Another aš pēct til investigated at gr the dis || || uson mer E. elements with the The reform Ist poll the CP and th ultimately resulte politics and the policies not only on youth but also on t ing class itself need: To quote Samarakk failure of the work even articulate agair and atrocities of (in 1971) is the disorientation of th that had taken coalition politics Sil the process of ab: trade union appa capitalist state stru been taking place. may ask whether preoccupation wi struggles at the tr was not one of til determ lmed refoi positions.
Another area th åttention is Superstructure. Tl of ruling ideology t base, growth of a 5. in S. Laikā, the traditional Left ar Left-there w|| || ha Y in detail for a prope of the Left II owe The WICl55iudes in Sti
It should also be the light of its past, present structure ideology, compositic and methods of st study might reveal suffers from the organisational draw out in this study whether it stil SL ideological and
(CarIsrred at

Cine w lil also It carefully the in the Working Iew segment of bisle, Such an :ant not merely sense but also surely influence actics of socialist
hat needs to be "eater depth is of radical youth traditional left. les followed by
s LSSP which d in coalition impact of such
the radicalised he urbar wyorkto be studied. ody again, "the :ing class to be 15t th1e mLIr"de T5 the government easure of the e working class place through ricë 1964 and of sorption of the racus into the -tures Which had ' ' |rldքըd Ճոք the excess we th Et:ם|וחם חם ade union we he factors that "mist political
at will require he ideological he relationship :o the economic acialist Ideology ideology of the d of the new 2 to be studied :r understanding nt and its many
Lanka.
: interesting, in to look at the of the JWP, its pn, organisation ruggle. SLIch a whethet it 5 til I Ideological and wbacks pointed might reveal Iffers from the organisational
' Pಷé F)
SELECTED
BY
CONNOISSEURS
KNSYSNP22k,
THREE:STAR
BRANDY.
Blended d. bottled by ROCKLAND DISTILLERIES LTD.,
Under licence to Hanappier Peyrelongue & Co.
Distributed by:
MAHARAJA ORGANISATION (DISTRIBUTORS) LIMITED

Page 15
April insurgency 1971- by Making of
in the first part of the Present of articles, I stated that the ideology of the JWP has still not been subject to serious examination. The account given by Podi Athula, in the Second chapter of his book gives the reader some factual Information on the genesis of the "theories" of the movement. As the author Correctly comments, these theories were mainly concerned with the griewances of the peasantry and the
worst-affected sections of the petit — bourgeoisle, such as this unemployed youth. To take Pod
Athula's point further, the JWP over-estinated the revolutionary potential of the peasantry and the youth (an unconscious influeince of Famon and Nkrumah wila the African Socialist environment of Lumumba Uniwersity) Which was s| multaneously the Ine w|- table result of a gross underestimation of the role of the working class. In the Socialist revolution. This situation may be explained in terms of the class nature of the JyP.
NgW We Carne to an interesting point by which we can identify yet another PCಳ್ಗ of this political movement. Its ideology has been a manifestation of the major grievances of the social forces that were neglected by, or not given due place, In the traditional left IIowerment. In other words, the failure of the old left to organize the peasantry and the youth under the leadership of the working class, had created
a situation where those social forces had to find their own voice in a new "orchestral arransement'. If we accept Pod
Athula's state Inent that Wijeweera Ed a Narodnik-ish Iristinct for the peasantry and that he preferred the rural peasantry to the
urbem Proletariat as the leading force of the revolution, then We neefa reflected not a post
Podi Athula (:
JVP
tive but a negati Lankan Left. He was that this traditional left p presence in the tinent to recall left party in this presented a rev grain The for the måde a serlous & this class, though lip-service to "worker - peasant the lecture en titlɛ Crisis' - the m: which was on of the peasantry it was the lams neglected that fic
The less know variedly interpr: "The Path that it tion should Tak peculiar origin, ; Athula's book. Wije weera had the problem tactics of the only after he hai G. I. D. Dharn: Guna sekera with then over to Dharmasekera ha that the rewol. the nature of a struggle along Cuban revoluti sekera opted f revolutionary wa China. Accordin theory of revo wide scattered struggle - is a two theories. weera's "new th further. In the Lankan Left had pled with the *HoW to maak A technical pr context, the ne against the trac derived Inspira Chinese or C

B)
theory
we aspect of the re, the paradox absence in the artles become a JWP. It is Perthat not a single country has ever 'olutionary pro! pèas antry and :ffort to organise they have paid the concept of alliance". n d 'The Economic in emphasis of the grievances and the youth - Intations of the
und utterance.
In and therefore 2ted fifth Iectute he Lankan Rewolu2' - has had a According to Podi It is said that to gra Fople with of strategy and - ankan revolution d discussions with Lisekera and D. A.
à Wsew to wir his плоvеппепt. di held che view
Elón Should take n armed guerilla
the lines of the dn, Whle Gunaor a protracted
ir as happened in gly, Wije weera's lution - Countryand simultaneous synthes is of these Analysing Wijeheory' one can go : mid-1960s, the been pre-occufalse problem of the revolution' oblem. In this W - left groups, as litional left parties, tiom from el ther Luban reYOlutions.
by J. Uyangoda
Those Who adhered to the “Mao Tse - tung thought" believed in a simplistic strategy for revolution. They faithfully accepted the applicability of the strategy and tactics of the Chinese experience to this country In total. Protracted War, rural base areas (liberated zones) were its essential ingredients. Con the other hånd to those Who Were attracted by the Tevolutionary Tomantics II of the Cuban 'model", an armed guerilla foco, through its gun - fires, could start the Prairie fire of revolution.
In retrospect, it can be observed that the influence of these two schools of revolutionary strategy and tactics upon the Lankan Left
was, un fortunately, in the di rection of Chaos and Confusion. The great debate within and among
the groups of gauche extreme Tewodwed not a Tound the fundamental and basic problems of Lankan revolution, but around the tactics and techniques of the armed revolutionary struggle. Was it to take the form of a SULU ARAGALAYA" MAHA ARAGALAYA". Or was it to be a short - term struggle or a long - term Struggle These concepts of 'SULU ARAGALAYA'' ad "MAHA ARAGALA YA " " am be translated in to English in a wery clumsy manner as "lesser struggles' and 'Single devastating blow' respectively. - They are so unique l'y indlge nous (Lankan) and foreign to the accepted Marxist Vocabulry that there exist no parallel English terms. It is this false identification of the false problem that led Wijeweera to the false - synthesis expressed in the theory of "scattered and simultaneous struggle."
One positive development of the JWP Ideology, in its post97 phase, Is its partial abandonment of It's earliet staпd towards the Tamils. Nonetheless.
3.

Page 16
the new position cannot be considered strictly Marxlan, because the JWP does not stand for the right of the Tamil people in
this country to exercise their selfde termination i. e., political separation. The 'old' JWP Ideology was characterized by a clearly declared aversion towards the Tamil people, including the plantation workers. This antipathy
Seems to be one of the most sensitive areas in the past of the JWP. Though its leaders criticize and attack the other left parties for their "oportunism" concerning the Tam|| problem the WP remains shyly noncomittal regarding its own chauvinistic past. Podi Athula's short but revealing description on the origins and the contents of the JWP theory of “lndilan expansfon ism" Is
basically correct. him, Wijeweera theory (first fo Chinese leaders w|th Nehru's li pragmatically se ing Power of SL. the anti - Tamil : Sinhala masses. pansionist dy nam big bourgeoisle, to a certain ext concept of Indiar But when one a flate the cry of masses for just with the aspirati bourgeoisie, oni go astray. This problem with W of Indian expansi this soca||ed Indi became a useful
No: 7, Station
COLOMBO - 3.
SRI LANKA STATE FLOUR
WHEAT
Wheat bran which is an ideal
food is available for sale at Rs. Mutwal. Payment to be made
Division at the under mention
Asst. Commercial Manager,
Road,

Accord Ing to adapted this rmulated by the in their dispute ndia), since he insed the appealIch a сопсерt to Sentiments of the Given the exic of the Indian one could ha Ye 2nt, justified the 1 exрап5іопіsпm. ttempts to Conthe Lankam Tarmil ce and equality on 5 of the Indian a would surely was exactly the ijeweera's theory pnism. Actually, an Tårn il threat catch phrase to
MLLING CORPORATION
BRAN
ingredient for Poultry/Cattle
1000/- per metric ton ex-stores in advance to the Commercial
ed address.
draw more and Thore Sinhala petty - bourgeois elements to the
TWE TEl.
(To be continued)
JVP's . . .
(Cara fired frary Page F1)
drawbacks pointed out in this study or hä5 been successful ln versaming them; a superficial in P.Te5Sion would be that it still does suffer from the 5e disabo||tes and that It has still been able to extend its influence in a significant way to the urban Working classes.
One hopes that local academics will now that the ice has been broken, turn their attention more and more to research areas that are very pertinent to the problems
of our time.
(Concluded)

Page 17
Religion and ra
hen Bishop John Robinson
published his book "Honest to God' in the early sixties of this Century, he was greeted by howls of protest from conserwative church. Then who denounced him as a dan gerto Lus radical. He
patiently explained that being radical (derived fron the Latin word meaning "root") meant
getting back (or down) to the roots, By reference to the Bible and the real tradition, he was trying to get at the true mea - ning of the concept of God and, at the same time, expose and remove the layers of superstition, corruption and misunderstanding that had accumulated round the concept, and had not merely made It unpalatable to modern man but robbed it of all potency to inspire action in response to people's need. Incidentally, getting back (or down) to the roots does t TE merely 3 TÉ LJ TT1 to the past. It means getting to the springs of creative living, thought and action.
This kind of re-thinking had been going on for a long time and exploded in the so called Death of God Theology of the sixties. Thus was thé way prepared for the Liberation Theology of the seventies, which has put forward a positive Christian Gospel that responds to the urgent needs of the people, The latest fruit of this movement has been the revolution in Nicaragua, where the Christian poet and priest, and active ally of the cause of the Sandinista guerillas in their struggle against the Somoza regime, Fr Ernesto Cardena| has declared: "This revolution is fundementally Christian. The people of Nicaragua are, in their great majority, Christian, and it was the people who carried out the revolution''.
The Prophetic Wocation
Bishop John Robinson and Fr Ernesto Cardenal arte typical examples of the classic vocation, which is, fundamentally, a cal | from
falsehood to real ence and sloth action for just the oppressed. grows old and matic leaders ar among the Peop tical Insight int. of the old socis LO E YW WSIO 15 actions which challenge of ci human needs. A tion that is corn
The Monk
What about thi 3. Sti. YOCation is a negative flight Such has often But this is a monks wocation the true IIlonk the World but the world. another way, he away from socie Status quo, The history, after a of society, came alone, to conten stand the truth. ciples gathered they for Ted may went back to ch society. Here, Wocation that is religions.
True men of I True mem of religions - have both action and their iyes. Thi: in the Buddha, Benedict, Francis Luther, The prc Swami Wiwekana Rama krishna Mahtrima Gadhi Tha Pala, ånd : And all their tries had a clear In their own på Situati,
Liberation Typ
The Liberto Latin America has

dicalism
by Yohan Devananda
ty, from indifferto compassionate te on behalf of When a society corrupt, charisa raised up from e who with crlthe corruption ty call them out and new creatlve respond to the rcumstances and ind this is a vocaon to all religions,
- חיסוח iםnk? Thסm : ften thought of as from the world, been the case. perversion of the Fundamentally, does not give Lup the corruptions of
}r to put it in does mot turn ty but from the
great monks of ripe experience out of it to be plate, to underBut then disround them and w communities and e world to reform
again, this is a aII ם:t חס וחווחםc
"eligion
religion - of all always integrated contemplation in is clearly evident Jesus Christ, Saint of Assisi, Martin op het Mohammed, nda, Paramahasa Sri Aurobindo, Anagarika Dharountless others. lives and minisy radical content, rtlcular histor||cal
E5
n Theology of i, in recent times,
publicised the radical character of Christsanfty, and this has aroused interest in the liberation types or figures in Christian history, going right back to Christ himself, and even before him, to Moses and the Prophets,
But it is not yet widely recognized that Buddhism, too, has a profoundly radical character and that there are in numerable examples of liberation types or figures in Buddhist history which illustrate this.
The liberation theologians in Latin America discovered the Liberation Christ as they became
personally involved in a revolutionary situation and committed themselves to the libertatlon
struggle. So they read the Bible with new eyes and woke up to fact that Christ himself had lived in a revolutionary situation and had been engaged in a struggle for the oppressed against the oppressors. They are thus able to draw great strengh in their own struggle, through solidarity with the Liberation Christ who ha 5 been before them in the struggle, and whose presence they $ense still with them In the power of the Resurrection that triumphed over evil and death.
In Sri Lanka, Kuliyap Ft Iya Fernando of the Democratic National Front is an outstanding and powerful interpreter of the liberation content of Buddhism, He is a graduate of Peradeniya University. deeply versed in the Buddhist Texts, and has been involved in revolutionary politics. He spent 4 years in prison camps consequnt on the 1971 Insurrection, though he was not actually involved in it, having belonged to another revolutionary group. He is often called upon to speak on this subject but has not had anything as yet published. There is obviously a need and a demand for this kind of thinking and approach, But it cannot be claimed, yet, that it is widespread.
5

Page 18
Kumar Jayawardene has made a study of the Labour Movement in Sri Lanka during the past certury, which has been published, and much used by working class and peasant groups. She has also made a study, of the Buddhist Revival Movement, Recently, when she wrote a series of articles in the Lanka Guardian on 'Bhikkus in Revolt', Reggie Siriwardena, who had earlier claimed that there Was no radical movement in Buddhism, wrote again to say that the revolt of bhikkus has been purely to protect or recover their institutions and Wested 11terests, and insisted that this cannot be equated with true radicalism. He claimed that bhikkus have not stood for the rights of the people and ideas of equality as Christian and secular radicals have done. He pointed out that Kumari Jayawardena had not quoted any radical pronouncement of the bhikkus she wrote about and sa Id this must hawe been because there weren't any to quote! He concluded that the radical movement in the future in Sri Lanka connot expect any Buddhist contribution
In a country where Buddhism
is still strongly entrenched this is indeed a dismal prospect for the revolutionary cause. But, of
course, some so-called Marxists confidently expect that the hold of Buddhism on Sri Lanka will disolve into thin air when the capitalist contradictions duly mature, and the trade unions will then duly usher in the new era! They hawe been expecting this to happen for the last forty
years. However, it must be em Phasized that true Marxism does not depend on such naive
and shallow predictions. Nor does it require ruthless extermination as Some others lmagi ne. We may quote here the Russian Marxist Parfio Cwich;
"Well, didn't Lenin say that Marxism, far from repudiating the past, should absorb and Work on it as the only sure foundation of a Proletarian culture?. . . .
"Who can deny that Buddhism has been not simply a religion, but a way of life for millions?
6.
That its cultural values have пoul heritage of mank
We may add uotation from . J. of Sri Lank a deep study of
"Buddhist mon: fore, newer në Lui -political reality. between withdr world and in Wol, world-or contem -is nowhere so as In the poli splritual men pla culture'.
The Buddha
Illustrations of of Buddhists in begin with the The Buddha was Towerment that of the Kshatriy domination of Through an ins with reality-depi of the signs-the realised the nee way of liberation This in Wolved å ra Home and 5o tie the wilderness the awake ning t beration. Afte the return to soci the Sangha as pattern for a ni Sangha had to t among the peopl deed-"Go, now, the good of the happiness of the compassilon for t involved struggle denounced caste
o Wer and hon eld without T. service to the F turn, provoked him. The Patte ar d actic is cli
Illustrations
This was not cannot be, just air lt is a pattern deep impact Termain; 31 g of options and ch human spirit. The

and historical ded the spiritual ting?"
, al5ք, here a
Fr. Aloysius Pieris
:a, who has made
Buddhism:
sticism is, the retral to the socio The dialectics awal from the rement with the lation and action clearly atte sted tical role that ly in a Buddhist
the radical role ust, of course, Buddha himself. art of a historical witnessed the Tse
"as agal inst the the Brahmins. plred encounter
cted in the story Prince Siddhartha d for seeking a for the oppressed, di C3 I breäk from ty. Then came experience and o the path of r that followed ety. He founded a nucleus and aw society. This aks the dharma le, Fr Word and and wander for : people, for the people, out of he World." This 2. The Buddha and positions of cout that WeTe esponsibility and people. This, in opposition against in of radical life
a.
II, and in fact 1 isolated example,
that has had a history and חכ
the fundamental allenges for the reare innumerable
examples of those who have responded to it in Buddhist history.
Sri Lanka has had an ample share of liberation types or figures. In the recent past, too, there has been a rewiwa of Buddhism, and there has been a long line of liberation fighters, which Kumari Jayawarde na has mentioned. There are of COUTSE, Certail spurious апd un fortunate features of this mico y ėmėn. Such as cha Lu Yimism and račal Intolerance, which must be expo
sed, opposed and eradicated relentlessly. But there are also, clearly, genuine radical elements,
not so well publicised, which must be diligently searched for articulated more clearly, encouraged and developed, and organised for the revolutionary tasks ahead of us. As the revolutionary situation ripens in Sri Lanka more and Tore of this will corne out to the front. The masses of Sri Lanka, especially the peasants, cannot be properly mobilised for the revolution without an Imaginative and creative use of our BuddhIst religious and cultural heritage. The new society which must emerge will desperately be lacking in health and wholeness If the radical Buddhist contributton is not made.
(To be continued)
LANKA GUARDAN
Revised subscription rare. Fifth effect frari is artiary gy.
One year Six rionths Local Rs. 60/- Rs.. 40Asia Rs. 300- Rs... 150
LUS S 20. USS O.
O. f5. Foreign Rs. 450- Rs. 300
USS 30 USS 20
E 5 ()
Cheques and money orders to be mäde Out in fayour of Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd.
The Commercial Manager, La lika GLardia E) PLublishing Co., Ltd. No. 83 N.H. M. A. Edul Calder Rad Reclamation Road), Colombo 11

Page 19
Empiricism, revi and revolution
cnin, Louis, Althusser, and the
Chinese Marxist - Leninists, correctly identified empiricism as one of the fundamental philosophical bases of Right opportunism. Jothikumar (singular or plural?) bears this out. In his first paragraph he resorts child -
shly to the device of reductio ad absurdum, imputing parallels I never drew - as the reader would recall. His main point
however is that "there is nothing or little in common between (their) conditions, problem and ours'. I thought I had replied this adequately on a previous occasion (L. G. Aug 15th) but it seems that I have to underscore the point. It is certainly necessary to grasp the specificity of every national situation and make a concrete analysis of ConCre te conditions. However, one must never lapse into the kind of vulgar empiricism that Jothikumar and hi 5 ilk do.. This approach fails to see the wood for the trees. Or if you prefer, in terms of, Marxist epistomology, this exclusively "case - by - case' approach renders it impossible to move from the PU rely preceptual level to a the conceptual level in the process of cognition.
In my reply to Kumar David (L. G. Oct. I st) l identified the very hub of the Marxian frame of reference, applicable also to the National Question:- "It is right to rebel against reaction'. (Stalin, Mao). Let me explicate further, borrowing some terms which the discipline of bourgeois sociology itself borrowed from the field of cybernetics. Ils one's perspective that of system - change or that of "system - maintenance'? That is the fundamental question. If one's perspective is one of System – change le, revolution, then it is imperative to locate and identify each and every contrifugal factor operating with in
(A rejoinder
the system. Tha necessary to loc each and every destabilize the 5 the idiom some Y that revolutionar locate the multi unevenly structur within a given formation, with tening the “fusi sation" of all the to the point of as the struggle nåt lons in Tzar prison - house of gravely undermin revolutions in th colonial and de attacked World rea. Be it at 1 or in a local cont liberation strug the right of se opens up a Sect speak against t chief foe, ie, the ruling bourgeoisie
The working and the oppres ferment are each allies, just as, USSR and the peoples are natur; struggle against working clas 5 mc. national moveme| sed, should li reinforce and other's struggles.
kuma is correc sense when "Marxists are E
problems from c. chauvinistic and
of Wew" he f: pitfall of a redur one which woul reduce the Nat "mere class fact: sary to compreh tical interrelatic and class strug tionary na tlo nalis

sionism
to Jothikumar by Chintaka)
is to say, it is te and identify orce work nig to stem. Changing hat, we may say Marxists must le, complex and ed contradiction5 Socio - económic a view to ha5on' or "CondenSe contradictions "explos lonʼ. Just Df the oppressed ist Russia, "the the nationalities' ed Tzardom the |e colonial, semilendent entities mperlal Ism in its ...he global level ext, the national gles to exercise lf - determination 3rd front so to he common and class enemy, the
class movement sed nations in other's natural or example, the "Third world' Ll allies in today's Imperialism. The Werment and the its of the oppresgically seek to adicalize each Though JothiIn a general e writes that xpected to view ass and not as emotional points Ils to See the tionist approach, mechanistically onal situation to rts. It is necesind the dalec1ship of national le, of a revolum and i scientific
socialism, of national liberation and Social revolution. Marxists therefore, must extend full and
consistent support to the struggle of the oppressed nation for selfdeterm fination firstly because it is right to rebel against reaction and secondly because the opening up of new fronts and formation of new alliances fs of fundamental strategic significance for the revolutionary struggle.
Of course all this holds true only for those who, IIke Lenin, have gra šped the actuality of the rewolu tlon; whico, like Stalin, hawe a sense of revolutionary realism. But then, Jothikumar's perspective is clearly not one of 'system change' but one of "system - Thaintenance' and "conflict management'
which is why he is hysterical about the possibility of India, Burma, China (2.) Pakistan, Yugos
lavia and Several other countries being torn to pieces in the event of the recognition of the right of self-determination. This is also why in the same article he so feverishly seeks solutions to the problems of the Tamils 'within the bourgeois state and the United Sri Lanka' (L. G. July 15th). It is to make the contrast with this perspective of system main
tenance (reformism) that I drew attention to the line of those genuine Marxists in these and other countries who are in the actual struggle for radical, qualitative 'system - change'. Their
position on the national question in their own societies flows consistently from their revolutionary perspective. Maoists many of them may be, but in the best sense of the word - quite unlike those local acolytes of Deng Hsiao Peng who denounced the railway strike
of 976 as a counter - revolutlonary plot; who graced same platforms as Sirima Bandaranai ke
and called for support to the SLFP In the 1977 general elections; and
W

Page 20
who attack any form of Left unity in the pages of the SLFP
Mudalali Press.
Those who supported the SLFP at a time when it was jailing and torturing Tamil youths in the North, while burning and looting estate lines in the guise of land reform, hawe no moral right to speak on the Tamil issue. Those very elements who passed resolutions calling upon the UNP government to combat Cuba and Wietnam within the Non-aligned Movement, have no moral right to cast aspersions at heroic Wietnam, that unshakable outpost of the Socialist camp in SouthEast Asia.
As for the National Question, a vulgarly empirical 'case-by-case approach bears not the slightest affinity with Leninism. Lenin's formulation contained in the Resolution of the London International Congress, 1896 is one of absolute clarity: "this Congress declares that it stands for the full right of all nations to selfdetermination and expresses its sympathy for the workers of every country now suffering under the yoke of military national or other absolutism. This Congress, calls upon the workers of all these Countries to join the ranks of the class - Conscious Workers of the whole world in order jointly to fight for the defeat of international capitalism and for the achievement of the aims of international Social Democracy." (my Italics).
Furthermo Te, in the same work "The Right of Nations to Selfdetermination' Lenin says:
"The policy of Marx and Engels as the Irish question serves as a splendid example of the attitude the Proletarlat of the oppressor nations should adopt towards national movements, an example which has lost none of its immense practical importance. It serves as a warning against that "servile haste" with which the philistines of all countries, Colfo Lurs and långuages hurry to label as' "utopsan' the idea of altering the frontiers
(ffĒ F ge )
8
 
 
 

Goldfileaf
for goOdt
جyيr Pطصل.{ށ/ ೨ck Leaf« " می به ۰۰ن
oTIOUS Curid the world For its goderivraria tobacco and
8ਟr
good taste.
LLLLLL LLaaLLL LLLL SLLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLS YM MIG DAN BE HARMFLL TO HLEH

Page 21
f you want HIGHT MONTHY
INTEREST and
HIGHEST SECURITY
ON TWO YEAR FIXED DEPOSITS Then the place to go to is MERCANTILE CF The largest and strongest Fina
GROSS ASS ESTS OWER Rs. 116 MW CAPITAL AND RESERWES OWER R PUBLIC DE POSITS OWER Rs. 75,00
AMMUN RATE of INTEs AOUNT OF DEPOT PLUS BONUS PAYABLE DA
IRL 7 500 t undar RK. 25,000 18%
R. 26,000 to under R. 50,000
19%
24%
R. 100,000 and bowe
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

24.
PER ANNUM
PAYA ELE MONTHY.
ON TWO YEAR
EPSTS
REDIT LIMITED
nce Company in Sri Lanka
|LLION i.7.200,0000,000/-
E.T. Fordtails, play contact:
THLY MERCANTLE CREDT LIMITED
FMCWN 51-53 Jindhipa ihi Mswatha, Colombo 1.
Talephort: 265 1 1 .
Erdrick of
JAPri 11ri. Biaran Arsi Tilhin E ET M#THH4+ #7 tựT, Dharmagulu Mimoghin, Tipha ;
H
MADHAPURAE . Hirschen Kuth, T.p.hr
APř: 14, Pardan Ad. Tulphen II
in Ill her importanton,

Page 22
“Literature and R
a reaSSeSSment
orಳ್ದ literary criticism has undergone the same fate as his strictly political writings. Buried in un merited oblivlon orobloquy by his antagonists, it has been turned into an object of uncritical reverence by his adherents. Even Isaac Deutscher, though not an orthodox Trotskyist, was overadulatory in the chapter on Trotsky as literary critic. In The Prophet Una Tned.
Literature was certainly one of Trotsky's life-long and contral interests, When, in the 1920s, a Soviet literary group complained that the te were “no Soviet Belinskys" (Belinsky was the great Russian critic of the mid-nineteenth century), Trotsky answered: if Wissarion Belinsky could be transported alive into our times, he would probably be... a member of the Polit-bureau." It is possible that Trotsky was thinking of himself in writing this sentence. He un doubtedly had some of the equipment for a “Sowjet Belinsky"-a keen sensitivity towards literature, a Marxist awareness of the Interrelatlans between literature and society, and a rich and incisive prose style. But not only was his literary criticism fragmentary and occasional, as a marginal activity engaged in during moments of respite from his political life; it seems to me also a blend of brilliant and penetrating insights, blind spots and partialities of vision,
All the more reason why an objective and impartial assessment should be made of Trotsky as literary critic, and the present Centenary would be an appropriate occasion. Writing in Sri Lanka, however, one cannot attempt this in a comprehensive Tanner, not having access to some of the essental material-for instance, the rare volumes of Trotsky's Collected Works published in Moscow in the twenties of which two were devoted to his Wrtings on litera.
O
ture and culture hawe confined th :| h סst part tםm revolutionary Sc Literature and R was his most su literary criticism
In Literature
(1924) Trotsky w as a Tember of in the Soviet non-Marxists a Märx|sts hawe
Impressed by t his stand on the policy towards
The party exe in the working : the entir Fhlstoric area 50 The fields directly and im are other fields i wises ... and still can only offer There are finally can only orientat a breast with what feld of ar. is fl the party is called
While this p still as walid as w Trotsky's estima | Iterature of the revolutionary ye surprisingly widt "The arts hawe TE hel Plessness, as at the begin ming Trotsky argued t of energies in P spared little fo drew an analogy ne55 of literatu of the French Rey adopted also by
I think on tE in the Soviet decade after th be seen in Per been a bril'ian arts-certainly in

evolution':
by Reggie Siriwardena
That is why I ls article for the -stסק חk Gסםs b viet literatureRevolution-which stained Work of
and Revolution was still writing the ruling group
Jոion, and both ld non-Stanist been favourably
e libera Srl of question of party teause:
rcises leadership class, but not ower a process. There in which it leads periously. There n which it superothers where it its co-operation. fields where it :e itself and keep is going on. The tot one in which
om to Command."
toucester is when it was made, te of the Sowjet immediate postars appears now 3 off the mark: wealed a terrible they always do of a great epoch." at the absorption olitical action had the arts, and with the barrenre. In the years "olution (an analogy
Deutscher).
he contrary, that Union the First e revolution can Spectly e to hawe բeriod in the literature, algo
critics of the se media have suggested) in the
perhaps (as qualified
theatre and pointing, while the cinema was about to blosson when Trotsky wrote of the "helplessness of the arts (the Battleship Potemkin belongs to the next year). Trotsky’s analogy betWeer the FTeh ard Russlar Revolutions is misleading. The immediate impact of the Russian Revolution on the arts was vivifying: the decline didn't cone till the bureaucratic regimentation of the arts at the end of the twenties.
Why was Trotsky sa depreciating in his view of post-revolutionary Soviet literature? A re-reading of Literature and Revolution sugge5t5 that this W a 5 due to a combination of different factors. However II beral his approach to literature may have been in comparison with that of his successors of the Stalin era, his judgments on some of the nonMarxist Writers reflected the limitations of a political activist in the range of his sympathies and responses. Hence, perhaps, Mayakowsky's epigram on Trotsky; adaptling the Russian proverb, Pervyi blin komom (The first pancake is a lump), he wittily turned it to Pervyi blin narkomom (The first pancake is a People's Commissar), Em Polylng that even as a critic Trotsky couldn't help remaining a commissar,
On the other hand, Trotsky was too good a judge of literature not to look critically at some of the extravagant claims made for the pro-revolutionary writers in his own camp. Thus, on different grounds he tended to find both the revolutionary and the попrevolutionary artists un satisfying. Specifically, as I shall suggest, he wa 5 wrong about Blok and Akhmatowa, he was both right and wrong about Eisen in, he was right about Mayakovsky, and he failed to take

Page 23
motice of Isaak Babel, perhaps the finest writer of prose fiction cf the early Soviet period.
Trotsky devoted a whole chapter of his book to Aleksandr Blok the only writer so honoured). Dismissing all Blok's pre-revolutionary poetry (a rejection which is too sweeping), he hailed The Twelve-that astonish ing work written a few months after October, and drawing its iife from the stormy life of the streets of postrevolutionary Petrograd. “But none the less," wrote Trotsky, "The
Twelve is not a poet of the Revolution. It is the swar-song of the individualistic art that
went over to the Revolution."
Trotsky found justification for this wiew in two elements of the poem. The killing of Katka by Petrukha, the Red Guard (Trotsky said "Wanka", but that Was an error: Wanka was the bourgeois officer) seemed to him an act of Individual hooligan fsm which revealed Blok's failure to underStand the sobriety and ascetic character of the revolution. And of the apparition of Christ carrying a red flag and matching ahead of the Red (Gua Td5, which climaxes the poem, Trotsky wrote: "Christ belongs in no way to the Revolution, only to Blok's past."
It seems to me thap time has vindicated Blok's poem against Trotsky's criticisms. To Blok, who responded enthusiastically to October, a naive ideal Esatlon of the revolution was as alien as it must be to any genuine artist. In celebrating the heroism and self-sacrifice of the revolution in spite of the fact that Petrukha uses his rifle to settle a personal vendetta, Blok was conveying a Tealisatfon of the fact that re yolu - tions are made not by angels or supermen but by human beings with their imperfections and weak
TEGGE
Trotsky's reaction to the Christfigure at the end of Blok's poem Tereals a similar Incomprehension. He could see Christ only in terms cf the exploiting character of Crganised religion and of the Cressive and reactionary political ce of the Russian Church. But it = Perfectly clear from Blok's Poem
that he set Chr Church-Christ at Red Guards (whic and who di 5own well-fed priest o of the poem.
Perhaps today, the theology of li appreciate Blok's than Trotsky co Christ-figure ha several centures specifically, Russia ory. Serget Hack of the poem h consciously Blok fact that his Chilst not of the but of many gene heretics, dissentĘ Blok, neither Marx
effected in his significant literar modern It Tatu
two traditions.
In farne SS It m оп Blok's poem " the company of a critics (e.g. Luni too remarked rat an acquaintance i Lurderstard the li The Twelve (th Christ). But or points raised by criticist of the has shown a more of the signific; пnasteгpiece. On birth-centenary in TWelWe doesn't a song" that Trotsk A comment by Se calls it "the poe revolution', may w Eth Trotsky's a literary sphere, be and Russian re' French revolution "found no compar Out of its throes mas terpiece was
(To be co

ist against the the head of the | don't See hlm him) against the f the early part
in the light of beration, we can
insight better uld, But Blok's 5 behind hill of Christian-and Christian-hist:el's recent study a 5 5 ha un ho W
underlined the Christ was the Orthodox Church rations of Russian irs and rebels, list nor Christian. oem the most y confluence in e between the
ust be said that Trotsky erred in ther early Soviet a charsky). Lenin her iron cally to that he couldn't ast two lings of e apparition of both critical Trotsky Sovlet Post-Stalin era |ust appгeciatiоп ance of Blok's the eve Bloks ext year, The ppear the 'swany took it to be, rgei Hackel, who T of the Ruš5 län be contrasted nalogy, in the tween the French fo|LItİöış. "The ," says Hacket, able spokesman: по сопрагаble borm."
included)
INVITE US TO CATER FOR
YOUR PARTY
6
o
6O
g
Ole
PACODA
Catering is our speciality. We cater for any function large or small: weddings engagements, cocktails luncheons, dinners.
PACOOA
RESTAURANT too
is available for your party.
Phone: 23086, 29236.
། NSR, l
PAGODA
05, Chathan Street,
Colombo i. Cyril Rodrigo Restaurant Ltd.

Page 24
WHICH WAY FOI
(II) Gamini Yapa - Peradiga Sülanga (Ea
2: Unlike Fost of her Left groups, Joly once succeeded in establishing a fairly strong base in the North, fough this support now seer is to ha ve beer hea vily eroided by separarfist youth Filitants. What is your position of "Tarzil Eelar"?
A: Based on our acceptance by the equality of nations, we also accept the right of self-government of Tam|| nation, hence the right of self-determination of Tamil. But as Lenn taught us we are not to support each and every movement for self-determination, 5İnce Some Such movements will unti mately lead to the strengthening of reaction and imperialism. Though we would accept the concept of self-determination of nations because of its democratic character, such a slogan is necessarily a bourgeois one. In contrast our slogan will be self-determination, for the proletariat and working
TIESE in
We disagree with the notion that there is Sinhalese imperialism to deal with. To say so will be professing a vulgar nation of imperialism not a scientific one.
And as the facts stand, the Struggle for "Tamil Eelam" will ultimately bring about 'd separate state in North and East which will be a virtual colony' of Soviet social-imperialism. This will be a Worse situation than what exists now. Also it will be disastrous to the progressive and revolut lonary movemerita of Sr| Lanka. Cn the other and this struggle undermines the traditional unity and friendship between the two working peoples of the two nations, who organised themselves together and waged dergocratic and progressive struggles together
for several decades. Therefore the demand for a Taṁil Eelam, creates disunity and division of
forges, amongst progressive, and revotionary movement a5 weft as brings the interwention of Soviet Union.
22
In our opinio to subject the to armed sup issue, But as m hope that ther comprollise aud phere Ilust be that they can giv de mand for a 5
The problem c be ultimately sc course of new
ution with the becom Ing their amomgst both Sin populations.
2: For Waye k'o yo rei ir Is I raiti — yığılır? lisi : Adrialysis ; Orestion". PPhat the presenar situa. facing this con the cov text of the policies suci i Sclerie?
A: The polici government are Torte and mor : Hence the long the present dew beneficial to the the path of agri ment as em visage does mot lead ti independence bu Thore ard morte tional imperialis economic organis tu tlons. Althoug the production food items it will our political and për dence and Sç
As shown in of the developing of bourgeois agriculture will class differentiat Santry, being sud and benefits to classes in the c
(2: Hои иvotr! the evolving sifa as a 'hole and I'l the Lefr iira tris

R THE LEFT2
1st Wind) Group – Part II
it is quite wrong Tamil population ression on this latters stand, we 'e should be a a friendly atmosbrought about so e Lup their present eparate State.
if the Tamils can blved only in the
de Tmocrati Tewowork ing people W SES
Hållese and Tam ||
recently published 'hat is projected e Series. A Sociaof the Agrariari
1ւ'Ճաld you say is tiar, and prospect 'ry's peasariry in LNP gover frient's 15 the Mahaweli
es of the UNP 2 ad Ing the Country irmto | m debted ress. term outcore of elopment is not
peasantry. And icultural develop2d by the UNP awards econom İç It will bind us
to the internaEic financial and at lens ånd insth it can Increase if ice and other definitely weaken
ecolonic indewere ignity. the other parts
World this kind development in accelerate the ion of the peaferings to millions I the privileged ountryside.
you caracterize 'tion in the country at are the tasks of
E, o
(The first part appeared in the LG on September I5)
A: The situation in the country is evolving towards a foreignmonopoly dominated, dictational form of political and social structU re as in South Korea, or Tal Warni. The recent trends in governmental borrowing foreign Cool participation and enactment of Draconlan legislation points towards this direction.
The left forces in the country have mostly lost the confidence of the masses due to their past performance. Since they were not thoroughly based Marxist parties, all the way they have degenerated it. bourgeois parliamentarianism, and petty bourgeois opportunism. The tradi
tional partles through their participation in suppression of worker's and people's struggles
and involvement in malfractions and corruption while in power hawe lost the confidence of the masses. Meanwhile the revolutionarian forces hawe |ost it because of their extremist political lines.
The task of the left forces now seems to be serious study of first experiences, resolute work at grass-root level to organise the masses, especially the workers peasants and lower middle class elements and then join hands in the struggle against all forms of foreign domination and domestic reaction. Whatever unity amongst left forces has to be backed by serious political, educational and organisational Work at the mass level.
2: Fiat are the Flair obstacles to Pards Lefr (Prir y ard especially the FerrificatioTI af the Maois ! Proyerrent ir Sri Lanka? No 14 ha 5 pro-AEartiari Maoist groups are said to be converging do you still Pape to build up ari irrdependerat party of your d'r or to integrate Fit like-inde pro-Chiese Maais groups' such do thăf ff Dr. DharFrasekers:

Page 25
A: Concerning the unity of Left forces the main obstacles lie inside the left parties and Organisations itself. There are ideological as well as historically developed differences amongst these parties. Even among groups with the sanne ideologicas basis there will be differences created in their Past relationships.
The bigger parties lack the initiative in this respect having lost the confidence of the smaller ones. And also past experience had shown clearly that in whatever unity achieved the bigger parties will strive to establish their own domination which always creates distrust among the partners. It Will not be possible to ach leve Frye and strong unity among the Left, till such attitudes are overcome.
The antagonis tio attitude shown by these major left parties towards the organisations Professing reyoutionary struggle also hinders the achievement of unity ਹmngਝt the left forces.
As regards to the MarxistsLeninist of Sri Lanka, we believe that a for in of unity can be evolved through closer coordination and co-operation. In ideological and Enisational work. Even amongst these partles there are differences in working styles and organisational Procedures which have developed Suring the past years of experience.
The Pro-Albanian groups canbe considered as Maoists since, the Albanian Party leaders, who Mao's lifetime proclaimed him to be the greatest MarxistLeninist in our era, have suddenly found him out to be only a social democrat devoid of all Marxist -Leninist thInking.
At Present our movement is to engaged in a procedure to The to closer cooperation with Enisations such as Democratic National Front led by comrade harmasekera, and MarxistLeninist Party of Sri Lanka.
Q: One of the notabla efforts of - group was in the field of iterature and literary criticism for * end you published a builgrin Aled "Nata Sahithja". What do - Pink of the present trends and ačo že tasks of progressives in
the field of rசத Critical endeavour
A: Though we
to literary critics period, we musi present our con in this field. Regar trends, We hold by the maga shows a health performance wh encouraged.
But it seems question of the ai between politics One of the basic Sclwed, and der Ideological discus the progressive set
Q: While you UWP is the tarifa that the USSR is eFero Sice e proJ-PYesterra areri" сопtradictory?
It is true
allegiance with imperialisms. In t She has transform capitalist state an Imperialist power, is exhibited Tore her economic,
military performa regions such as A pia and South E two positions arti only in the sense Contradictions bet imperial Isnin and So
(2: Several Mao here formally pr. The Corre quite crit foreigri policy irn Period are every stages of his life-d 57 y, oppdrfurist place. They have dropped the terri thought. (For eg, Wa'r LTFT ka CTP g JYOğir" c"Or7F7Ié*7if 7I T
A: Though there about so-called "ret dewlations" in C polley, we can o long time evolutio Scientific analysis il tertration Suti, Mao. To under policy. It needs or Processes such as,
th;

fw'e and literary
have contributed 5m in the earler adm. It that at :ribution is small 'ding the present that those led :line "Mawatha" y and creative feh should be
to me that the ctual relationship and literature is
issues not yet mands a lat of sions among all tİOS COTICE: rmed.
A Fer for the e, Watt also sfa te the Fair external UNP is clearly these 2 positions
at UNP is in the Western he case of USSR led first into a d then into an in fact which and more by political and 1C2 in WarsöLI5 |fganistan, Ethioast Asia. Our a contradictory that there are :Weer Wester clal-Imperialism.
ĺsť groups Hrh ich -Chiraese, are cal of China's the post-Maofiring the last ring which they de p*ía riorns fook 0ே gradually fa Te-Ting Shan's CCP, fe). What are his phenomerton?
are allegations ent opportunist hina’s foreign nly observe its in based on the
of the actual Din by Chajr man stand Chinese IE tO) ex the transforma
tion of the Socialist Sowjet Union into a capitalist and then to an imperialist state, the evolution of Soviet foreign policy into a hegemonistic policy seeking global economical, political and military domination, the decline of the other superpower, the US mainly due to the struggle of the peoplé of the world during the 50's and 60's, the emergence of the developing countries as a collective force in international politics etc. Of course there are always his interpretation of Chinese policy by those People who make the worst in is take in our times by taking Soviet Union as a Socialist community, more a Cםmוחunfty rigourously exporting socialism to other Communities.
We must mention here that there is a tendency in international politics where the two superpowers US and Sovet Union and colluding to attack and destroy forces. (even im Portant individuals) which are friendly towards China. This was clearly revealed in the case of Ali Bhutto in Pakistan, and the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea. Another aspect of this feuden ing Is the commivance and assistance accorded to the Soviet hocked forces by US imperialism in the Suppressing of pro-Chinese and Marxist-Leninist forces wheree Yet possible.
In spite of the in separation of
China's present foreign and domestic policies as bending towards capitalism we hold that
there is an actual strengthening of the socialist system there and the new measures of modernisation and change keeps with the spirit and essence of Mao's thoughts. It is quite possible that to our Socialists who for a long time had anticipated socialism as a system of beau raucratic Ппапoevегіп, delivering, socialism to the people, it is difficult to understand and grasp che e nriching experiences pf socialist democracy and socialist ideology in China.
The Progress of international events has proved and is proving daily, the grrectness of the analysis of the Chinese, And we must note that whatever step China takes in respect to international matters she does so in an open
Tarar
3

Page 26
The Doubtful . . .
(Confirred fron Fage rL)
between human rights and stability, but between the client's interests and the patron's. In short, at a critical point frequently unforseen (and this is the real challenge for the decision - Takers in Washington) the once indispensable dictator becomes not merely expendable but a pressing danger
Two events dramatised the US dilemma. The US AII) bassador in Seoul was recalled as Washington began to presuade Park to "compromise" But Park, in power 8 years, was in no mind to oblige. The very next week, Defence Secretary Brown was in Seoul assuring South Koreans that US Security interests will be safeguarded as strongly as before.
In such a situation the only available option is to find a "compromise candidate" who will "liberalise" in a way acceptable to the opposition and thus "contain' the situation. in Iran, it was tried but too late; in Nicaragua,
the same exercise failed again. In El Salvador, right now, the dictator has fled and a "new look
ready to "liberalise" has een put in place.
Park has gone. In the idiom
of the Wietnam era, the dominos
fall, the models collapse. Who next? Marcos and his "New Society'?
Empiricism . . . .
Cort tinued frarr; Page Io)
of states that were established
by the violence and privileges of the landlords and bourgeoisie of one national
If the Irish and English proletariat had not accepted Marx's policy and had not made the secession of Ireland their slogan, this would have been the worst sort of opportunism, a neglect of their duties as democrats and socialists, and a concession to English reaction and the English bourgeoisie . . . .“
Il a 55 ure Joth literary colleag quotation is not
(The Chintakabate is closed
Letters . .
(Carr fried
Rejoinder
"If One Wärts t one does not go party" says Mr. in his letter to the in the October Journal.
In his earlier a topic published i Issue, the same says: "I challen prove it by asking were present at a
So, taking thes together, one car that in Mr. P's op unlike the TUL category of a disir
l, for my par further to say to thinks that the dis intere sted par that involves the tatives of the T TULF-and its E statements at the sion sittings revea 'dls Interested' art Mr. & Mrs. A
It strikes as that Mr. G. G. Practis ing the sa his distinguished recoппе по to the most reliablo highly successful Ponnabalam Snr. on proving the
Gal

|kumar and his US that the
edited.
Jothikunnar de-ED.)
"ramTI Page g)
to G. G.
2 clarify a matter, to an interested Раппаптnbalam, Editor, published |st i55ue of this
tter om the same n the July 5th "Mr. Ponna Tibalan ge Dissa na like to
the Polico, Who II our meetings."
tW SS 1 logically deduce inion the Police, F fall into the Iterested party.
"t, have nothing any person who Police are a ty to any dispute elected represenamil people-the adership. Police Sansoni Commisclearly just how e their views on mirthalingam.
articularly ironic Ponnabalam Jr., me profession as di father should Te the Pole as Source when the career of G. G. was largely built 2xact oppos||te.
mini Dissanaika
WITH
THE
COMPLMENTS OF
DISTRIBUTORS
OF
CITIZEN
WRST WATCHES
& CLOCKS

Page 27
GERMAN
GINSTal INASSOCTA ART GINCW LIGM]
ՊPres 9MOME oAWAFR)
AN EXE PANNING
B JAYALAKSHMI
AT Ί LONEL
FRO
NOW2
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

CULTURAL (TYTUTE TCTION GWITH
ESTGMENTS TED
EİS NTS OF ENESS
BON OR S IN OS
Y
SWTWIWI)}{A | HE WENDT DM
28TH

Page 28
The Small Business COMPUTER Thaf Can Grow
MULTI-TERMINAL SYSTEM
CWANG) is inexpensive །
DDGSEA AGE 159, Turret Road,
us
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

G). USA.
WANG) is 21st century technology
Ꮺ?
(WANG) Unique
SINGLETERMINAL SYSTER
ÖSSTTP SS’EST VIS CATED). Colombo 7. Tele. 26245
*SAV