Page 1
Pesticide plot
Cannibalism Eelan-Marxism
area
 
 
 

i Senanayake V. P. VitaCli Debate ends

Page 2


Page 3
Trouble with Harry
Who's the Tost young MP in the NSA Crily the 'Daily News' knows. The 'Sum' quite rightly, led aff with
Harry the budget
quick-Witted
Miri ister Jaya Warderica's
b|75f cari for it is not everyday that a senior minister di Itrick S his own Collegg Lig, the Finance Minister, on so Irilportant a Tidtter (15 the budget. The CDN reported parts of M. D. H. Jaya worderia's speech but beautifully balanced it off with a quip from:7 ar ur der ti fed Picar
l'artientary Wit.
The Planti tigris MIIIg ter WF1) erribarrassed the ggyernment Wos compared to one of those doddering old foloss House of Lords who make speeches in their
sleep.
in the
Yet there were same backbenchers who were secretly happy =t sømẹ 0f the thẳng 5 he said — Su Ch 15, 5 Q1 Irinig prices. They kry Way" fike =
Cedre but a few of the 17 se: T1
| tg || y :
zo si lently Cry “God for Harry! England drid St. George'.
Re - shuffle
The Te — 5. Fı Luffle TL rīcur refuses
te 5 W eft Gripet.
a Fiere E t e Stre W1r
Lirid ser tille
- the Plantations Ministry, +-+ = Fr Esser sind Minsst:F me trighting in
the principe of
w = responsibility. In a pre
E
isle, the LG reported a
p, '&' 3 istefır ruriğa,
Yg5 MJ asia –
Cornfrí83 førser.
Ka 17bLa rupīti ya
rier I righe
"rit W է:Iggt!",
fi I d to be or 77
W7 & Strine Id | k
yQLI ng South may be
bulss) eS5,
di I presude to
February March.
1: If riff.
טח n ex = CCSם.
drid tյոցt fit:r Աl
tap party post
het&.
JWP vs The R
The WP not It is the biggest L. third Strong est ir lief17 y es Is ff it
so. A new WP
Puya th" (Carripus
the LSGP Grld CPS
''Seri i se decay". racle" in the 5-p front", the NLSS
"of uda – Jeft". Hoł
ЈWP papers like (Red Lanka) and
(Teachers'
described is
Woice
fost le to tf, e gt
et ) Ige 17:53s.
rg united frti

MM,O,HI.
High
Lur that
3) Li mill Is
gave the governas ce to hring in
EL , Albert 3 Jiyu
riddled. There
fstof a dynamic
the
וחטfr חm:J
giver the seat, I portfalia circa
If there is s Luch
dulce rew ficc5,
w in a key post
NP'er holding a
Jack like good
St.
any boasts that eft party and the
1 the 3 |drid fut
actually believes
paper "Sarass wi
Mews) speaks of
L (75 in a state of
sts The " " " ca T
1rty "Eītīgi P (Was Ludewa) is
oport Lori is tio, pseeyer JVP or pro
"""RiffL Lillk'''
' ''(G. rLI Hlandg""
) are far less
|Sr Left parties.
ige is deur —
5 I'll :
Opec and Oil | refer to your item SLFP and OPEC. It is good that
the SLFP did not fall for the "petition to OPEC' stunt. Blamic the oil prices for everything, black guard the Arabis! That's the western propaganda lirë with a lot of Zionist fuel. Why should we, a Third world deve|oping country, follow that line? What is the price of a gallon of petrol in the US? Is it not Co. dollar or about 5 riPee 5. || hawa ju 5 t read in today’s "Daily Ncws" that the cil complı mies arc SC || ing a barrel for 40 dollars in Rotterdam when the average CPEC price is 23 dollars approx. Why not send | a petition to che
M. A. Hass
i Fi 15
GÜARDIAN
yol. 2 No. 15 December 1, 1979 Frict 2/50
Publishe for Liglty by Lika Guardia FLublishıig (Cico. Lt.i., First Flor, 88, N. H. M. Abdul Cader F. Bl, oluti oli Club 1.
Editor: Mer wyn de Silwa
Telephonic: 21 () (9.
CONTENTS
News background Foreign ng ws Cannibalism 9. Exhibition O Milicaragua Ecology 4 N|| 5 Religion |W Ce bate 9
Literature . As I like it 24
Printed by ', and Press 825, Willi. I Strect, t_till rlibւմ 13
Teleplicile: 3575

Page 4
efron
for
 
 
 

it with the tOn.
From modest beginings the People's Bank has become the largest growing bank in Sri Lanka with over 230 branches islandwide.
Our total assets have recorded an increase of 33%, in 1978.
Our Savings Deposits have accounted for 56% of the total savings deposits of all commercial balks as at the end of 1978.
Our programme for the future involves several new sche Iines which are designed to help uplift the ecoInomy by loan and credit facilities to cultivators, fishermen, industralists, house builders, importers and exporters
These facts and figures speak so eloquently about our growth and the success we have achieved in national finance, that today we can proudly say that we are in the forefront with the nation.
اسقا۔"T.-----
A People's
Bank
the Bank the nation - حسيحجتخ=
banks on

Page 5
Waiting for Mr
he news that Mrs. Bandara
naiko would call on Mrs. Gandhi during a pilgrimage this month to India was followed by another report, from usually reliable Sources but as yet un confirmed, which set DPL tongues wagging. A top UNP emissary, a "Sri Kotha' Kissinger of scrts, is reported to haye met Mrs. Gandhi in Delhi.
The old Nehru-Bandartā naik: connection was greatly strengthened by the even closer Mrs. G-Mrs. B 'special relationship'. The political parallel was extended to the second generation when In di rå-Sanjay saw an obvious analogy in Siri||13-AN, n u T3. THE UNP propagar dists pounced on this relationship, reinforced by the fact of long emergency rule, when Mrs. Gandhi los L the ellcction in early 1977. "Today Indira, tomorrow Siri ma' was too rempting an election slogan for the UNP not to exploit to the fu || .
But UNP thinking was not entirely propagandist and negative There was a parallel in reverse. Positive affinities fortified the JRMorarji connection in the mass mind. Besides the crucial fact that friendship with India has been the cornerstone in "Jo R. Thought“ (the idea can be traced from the earliest years of J.R.'s political career), both men are pre-independence veterans. In the declared philosophy and public behaviour of both there is a strong moralistic (dharmista) strain. The Election platform of both gave prominence to the restoration of democracy, human rights, an end to emergency rule, matriarchal power and family bandyism. Both are conservative rightwingers, and their "nomalignment" has a clearer pro-Western element than the policy and Het 3Ti - cf Mrs. G är Mrs. E.
It was J. R.'s Indo-centrism that 2 de him choo5 e | rn dia for his fr=: cfficial visit. Again, significantly, It was part politics, part pilgrimage, This is Te long and firmly held Ef in the priority of India in
e
Sri Lanka’s fore as a counterva il first year of the was a Strong PL|| a ten J2ncy Suppi of Sri Kotha-F. ignoring the mas scale and ual un tidilly wirile (Sri Lärmka) and a soules s city-sta mindcd lobby . vis. iam cf ar e wwhich Colobo Comporium, a Alley."
Career non-alignment d
dipllor
Lefti; III" rither as the real ide the pro-ASEAf disagree. 'If remarked a mi should try to the US rino. Singapore or S
Though cr | tit Foreign Minister ba: Iter gräsp | world politics a more ge nuin non-alignment the ASEAN ". a wider regior idea also che ri Jayewardene,
 
 
 

G
ign policy acted ng factor in the UNP ynë i ti gre
Lloywyllir d5 ASEAN! rtCd by a group ) . 'Է right sparks". siwe difference i ity between an country-in-depth clinieally managed :e, thi5 A.3 EA, fltubscribes to the ii Iii ii r i f'Wall i 1
S.
is some ga: Ic: ded "Change
gla rified
1lts vh ir crpret ifferently sco "antieconomic models ! cological SoL rice of ^ group. Others that were true' d-carcer Tı Tırn" w 2 roc a neo-color: my cof a neo-colony of cuth Kyrgä."
ised for his travels
Harse ed 13: a far of the realitics of and diplomacy and 2 - 11fr i II: T1 C) He has resisted 3ul" by advocating hal cooperation, an shed by President
Anyway, Desai warmly reciprocatcd J. R.'s sen timents and gesture 5. He was the chief guest at the February 4 celebration, mot only praising R as an outstanding states inar but helping the governLLLLLL S LLLLLLGLL S L S S S HHHHL0LLS S LLLLLL HLLLLLLL internatiomal is SLC, the Tarı || peoblem, by taking a public stand against separatism and the TULF. Taking the cue from Desai, the Indian High Commissioner went along to Jaffna itself to reiterate the Indian position.
Meanwhile. Ms. Går dhi WW13 writing from her Delhi home to the Tamil Coordinating Committee in London, the propaganda centre of pro-TULF Tamil expatriates. SHg cļ the T1 ha. I 51 E Yyä: "horrified" to read the material the committee had scrit her, it was no point she said to ask Mr. Desai and tha Janata Party to do anything about it because the Delhi government had a special affection for the regime in Colombo.
And now thic Spectre of in dira is haunting India. For obvious reasons, It is also ha un ting Sri ankan Politics (The CDN recently published a series of articles by a 'special correspondent' on JR's early political career, stressing his long connections with the Indian Congress and Mr. Nehru personally).
It is this context which Takes the recent visits to Sri Lanka of BD President Gerneral Zia ut Rahman and Indonesian President General Su här to specially in teres Iing to the student of foreign affairs, After Colombo Suharto visited Bangladesh. Old regional relationships are being revived as new relationships emerge. All this at a time when Pakistan's political future is clothed in um certainty, when Iran's un interr Lpred revolution takes bewildering turns, and the Kabul regime is in the grip of turmoil.
(Carr ir read Jr Page 5)

Page 6
Campuses - JV
his view of Regis Debray
Inay well be an exaggeration but it does contain more than a germ of truth. If the current round of University student courcil elections are anything to go by, then, Rohana Wijeweera's claim that his party is the biggest within the Left movement and the third biggest in the country seems to be well founded. The recent campus polls saw the JWP's student arm - the Socialist Students Society - emerge as the dominan I political grou Ping in the student councils at Widyalankara
(Kelaniya), Colombo and Peradeniya. The upcoming polls at Widyodaya are also cxpected to
See a JWP victory, | hawe talked to students and toachers at all campuses and this report is pieged together from these conversations.
Pro-Gcy ernment dors ärid students had expected the UNP afilited "Samawa di Students Union' to cmerge victorious through a judicious use of carrot and stick, The carrot comprised an extension of the new consume
rism into the car Tipus es as we|| as the promise of employment even in the junior ranks of the academic Staff. This. howey er, appeared less than credible to the general student body owing to the spectacle of hard-core
UNP Student unionists of yesteryear loitering about jobless or employed in capacities well below their qualifications and expectaΓ Π 5
Meanwhile, the stick was being wielded too vigorously, February 1978 saw the expulsion of 8 students from Peradeniya following a one day token boycott cf le ctures in protest ar the seizure of half the populations rice ration books. March 6th wit essed the armed ons||aught on the left-wing students of the Vidyalankara Campus following the latter's narrow victory at the university polls. The government's interpretation that this was a clash bet
여
ween the studen youth' was render wHgn. WIP's atter of a well-known area who was ki Radical students campus and Hey of Fine Arts victims. Se veral these campuses we from CTB buses "interogated” a t ters. Wi dy o day a Gangodawilla, N. 5 cere of a lissiv several hund red students were su E ded fron Widyod (Katubedda) Ur left-wing activists up' by unidentific saw its student and twelve others Weeks ago. Al gether with the of promises to improve the qual residential faci|| ręduced all ch vlectory,
Tęs SLFP w Even with SL in office, the par a significant basc carpuses sinca ch youth hawe alw; "pragmatic Politi Now, in opposit leading youth figu nalike i 5 Lundet even within party pro–5LFP stude purged. SLFP campuses are at
The old L.SS if anytning lowe SLFP sinco its Lanka Studer deserted еп bit NLSSP, which tairs he highes versity acade Tnic. than any other Fonscka is the L. recruit under 45 is its sole symp Crack c d E NILS !

takes all
s and the 'village !d highly suspect ded the funeral 'Lough' of the led in the fracas. at Coolbo wood Institute became the ext students from re even hijacked and reportedly party headquarUniversity at gegoda was the e raid in Wolving Police Ten. | 20 isquently suspensya. Moratuwa iversity whose were 'roughed d thugs last year, :ouncil president suspended some this, taken to: non-fulfilment reduce hall fees, ity of meals and i tęs, seriously ances of UNP
S A 1 : 1-35 FK " ", FP governments ty has never had in the country's e Igre ducated y's regarded its :5' with dig dain. ion, the party's "e Ari Lira BamdaraSY gr2 Titici 5 Tl ranks, and some Its hawe becn ortunes on the heir lowest cob.
P's strength is " tham that of the tudent wing the ts Federati or1 c to Wasudeva's significantly cornurT1 baser of Lun| — in its leadership eft party. "‘Carlo SSP's only recent whi e Po di Athula thizer um det 30"" P do.
by A staff writer
"A university election (where frr:Lud cannol intervene), which
is essentially political, is an EidYanked report not only on which political tendencies predominate within the Revulution, lut aliu || OII the İnler ev olution of th e political life of the country if 5elf , ...The university Campus es ure key puintis for registerin the latent pulitical temperature of Ih: Cuuntry - not its pre5ent ur Lrage temperature, Certainly, bIIt that if the crisis ti corne."
- DEBRAW
Maoism, which swept the canpuses in the 1960's has suffered enormous reversals due to interal friction ard di wision and International disgrace. Widyalankara University, the last Suryi Wing Maoist stronghold of recen years crumbled with the graduation of its charismatic student leaders Indrawan sa de Silwa and "Pod' Cooray, Peradeniya retains a Maoist tes||due in the for T1 cof a group of ex-JWPers presently owing allegiance to the Janatha Sangamaya. The Maoist five party New Peoples' Front, recently for Ted, could make headway in the campuses once again
as a rII i li ta In t alternati we to the
IWP and the old Left.
For this multitude of reasons
the main contest at the current
series of university elections was between the CPSL-affiliated Ceylon National Students Union and the JWP's Socia | is Students Society, which emphatically rejected the former's repeatod appeals for a "united fighting front." The JVP's un equivocal refusal has a significance beyond the ambit of campus elections.
It reveals that the newly formed "5 party bloc' has not extended beyond leadership level. It has not yet fulfilled the hope expressed by Bala Tanpoe at the Bogam bara rally in October and shared by the CPSL and NLSSP wiz, the creation of militan t 5 -plidarity between these Left forces

Page 7
at the base level. Grass roots unity of even those 5 left partics (i.e. in work place, Campus and farm) remains an unrealized goal.
ls this goal not merely unrealized, but also a receding one? The JWP's propaganda during the campus polis was as antileft (and anti-CPSL) as before the formation of the "5 party
bloc." The inaugural issue of the JWP studert union’s official organ "Ginistilu" ("Flame") carried a
message by party Gen. Sec. Daya Wanniarachchi which charactarized the current period as one in which 'the LSSP and CPSL which are partie 5 of the Uppar petty bourgeoisie are going from Crisis to Crisis." In Anoth er article the paper said that the main questiom today forto all Workers, poor peasants, youths, and progressive intellectuals was whether or ot they would be deceived as they had been for the past 30 years by 'upper Petty bourgeois oppotunists in Left garb'. The paper which carried the stamp of Was Tillekerat ne, head of the par ty's youth and student sections, attacked the LSSP, CPSL, Wasu's NLISSP, PDP, and Dhia san a gck ar a'5 DNF as "traitors to the working ciass', who participated in the 1971 repression proletariat. For this it is imperative to rally rgund the WP.
Why then did the CPSL, which despite set backs and vicissitudes, contirh ue to main täin a substantial presence on the campuses, lose to the JWP Though it has made a gen Luine and deep going self-riticism this sti|| rerTains internal and is largely unknown to the public, unlike say, the Janatha Sånga maya's, Self-criticism. Nor is the public fully aware as yet of the CPSL's new, militant anticapitalist line. So, the old mud of coalition politics still sticks cm. Ewell the CPSL's studem: wing is still staffed by those intimately associated with the 'great
betrayal' following the Weerascoriya shooting when the CP, then in Government, tried desperately to put a brake on the
en 5 Uing student-Work Cr struggles. Finally, years of coalition politics have "rusted' the CPSL's organisational apparatus while also effec
Notewc funeral
N.I.:
arriversary the student W. shot dead on campus by the dent demos, th and thc: mður til armounced che UF regime. The ties, notably at fident UNIP, ma Weer 35 ooriya is the 1777 May the election carr
On Nyy erTbar Kandy's street te ted with proti poster campaign do with the We ersary. But it did ki||ing, which had "," gi Ftt T1 e5 T rm sa H i a which columns to the export Chandra: Rus5cI |rngra m1 5p for the young work Cer, Palam i'w a shot-gun bla guard. In the the shooting an to hospital, he Elgyen day's anc tions later, he
Palan iwe | wa: Rajawela estate, aged by NADS Agricultural D Settlement à Uth:
Trade Unior thcre is a pārā Peradeniya and dents - the a instancas did ni danger signals. had bach at occasions wher: mostly Sinhala, ta te work ors. M, was injured.
Ett fritio 1 ! workors and se tau 52 i TČ i det 5 '
ting adversely tive, polemical capacity and ow of the CPSL's

Drthy
th, was the third of the death of M. Weera sooriya,
the Peradeniya Polid:se. Tha sirue railway strike
| E | lb itu um 25. lying gasps of the
Oppoosition par
increasingly conde much of tho 1 cident both in Day parade and paign soon after.
12th this year, vals Werte plasest posters, The hid nothing ta erasooriya annivCor.: rm rother dangerous racial
II i ri : Te Ti have devoted diths of UN ge:k era Dias ard A Ted TI ft i word
TarT1 il| eçC3, [g :: | why die d of st by a security hors between d his adrission ad bled profusly. I sew era l operadied.
a workeit on
Paekele, maiA. the National versiff-åtion and
rity.
sources say that llel between thc:
Pallekelle incİthoritieš II both it read the clear
Evidently, there last two previous
security guards, had fired on esbody, it is true,
etween plantation :Lurity guards tän hich may explo de
12 Sense of Initiability, theoretical rall style of work dung militants. 9
in ways that can endanger lives, communal peace and normal work in a vital sector of the economy.
If Weerasooriya's death saw an
LI mp recedente d demon stra tio rn of Student solidarity, Palaniwel'5 funeral on November 4th saw a
display of working class sentiment Strong enough to transcend raCal prejudice,
trade Joint
Representatives from | 2 un i 15, memorts of the Corn Titte of TU's, spoke at the funeral. Among tham were the CFL (LSSP affiliated), United Front of Labour (NLSSP), the Ceylon Bank Employees Union che Lanka General Services Union, the Maliyaga Macka | ly ekkl nm and the Cazordinating Secretariat for the Plantation Areas. The unions which spearheaded the protest has called on the govern Irent to hold an immediate inquiry.
Waiting for . . .
(Čtvrtfir Head froy Page 3)
Oil US and western interests, the Sino-Soviet conflict and the Indo-China situation makes the entire area a challenge to the most resourceful policy planners in the world's capitals, India is too big a a factor to be ignored in a power-equation that will be writtan gut in tha 980's - India and mira.
LANKA GUARDAN
Fe'i sef 54f5 Tirript for i'r rai fes. FFfrh Fort froy Isr Jarl Hary 1979.
One year
Six oths
Local Rs. 60/- Rs.. 40Asia Rs. 300- Rs. 150
US $ 20. USS O.
. 5. Foreign Rs. 450- RS. 300
US S 30 USS
E 5
Checies. And Iloiley orders to be Tina de out in Taiwa LI r of Link: G1i rdi in Publishing Co., Ltd.
The Cotin Tiercial Mainziger, Lanka Guardian PLiblishing Co. Ltd. | No. 33 N. II. N. M. Abdul Cader Road (Reclarnation Road), Colombo II.
5

Page 8
India
DESH BACHAO. IND
— Save ndia, call indira
pea sant woman e nters a colth shop in this medium sized village in western India.
"I want a dress for III y daughter". The mercha mit shows än eightrupe e dress. "No, a nicer cine.” A two lwc. Tu PE e dres S. She rejects It and settle 5 fort än eyes gran dier
cine. "Twenty-two rupees' says the merchant. But the Woman Pulls out a fift een rupee note. "Lock," he protests, "I can't
even afford to sell it to you for that. I'd be los ing Toney !" But istead of ente ring int on of the normal, extended bar gå ining processes 50 familiar in Willage |ife, the Wycoman pockets her money, L. Fi rows down the dress im a h Luff and walks out. "Yo I people think you can get away with anything
Under Indira's rule this could
newer happer "
Indra's rule
In Bombay, among militant
workers and cynical slum dwellers, the mood is slightly different. "They're all crooks, El || alike, Indrabai brought in the Emergency, threw people in jail, brought in wage cuts. Under her rule there was police firing inflation, repression. But under Jär atha, there has been the sa Irie thing-police firing, wage cuts, repression Hindu-Muslin ricts, inflation. The Only difference is that these Peo
ple can't even run the Country, At east Indira could do that, And you need some kind of government."
Such sentiments a te widely
shared among the poor and labouring classes in villages and towns throughout | rn dia a certain no Stalgia for the Emergency; a ficeling that she has done or is trying to do something for them; a conviction that even if she is not, all the other politicians are ower wor 5ë ; Ar d — in the absence of an alternative - an overwhel
&
Trig feeling tha' scile lind of st and only she ca. is on the basis that Indira Gamt tais to Ywin, a Taj soluto majority, parlamentary el And so the wor" Emergency rule, Te 55 in of thc:: and forced scri again return to Ywith a massiv E on on hand and tert Scarı dal-Su Tr: Gandhi and his goon Squads on
But when this be not simply people's fondne5. because of their
with the politi been ruling the | March | WW I
wated down the E
dra herself forms and givin to the Janatha Crioed til i 5 : |iBgratian" fram
L55 tri 'y','r later the sårne apart for the fi |99. By then opinior polis 5. of a yer 200 PE in four cities thi were corrupt',
did not "play : Ճ4%, thought "ւ und Er the Erner rural figures we
54%).
Th
lndira e: going downhill ma55 iwe i filltir WE, E. failur 25, 3 5 loo'W do’Wr1 i FI pr0 before this, the eight months ha by a rising stri trations, brutal

FRA BOLAVO!
by Gail Omvedt
there ha s to be able govern IT ent in Pro wide It. It of such feelings | H | is al Tost ce:r-
GLi (T1 vedL II
jastire profesor s
ology of the l'FIFE
| Caf (cylifornier 271 FFF for a several till Wrgé'†††ùg ዖ (ቧሆ Ih¢ fiff==" Filard of r h ': , Ti
Terra FFF SCIJF, r" i'r rkir; " | This arriele 1425 F =
ority if not an ab
in the Indian actions in January. mian who brought dictatorship, rep
working classes lizatiri ww || || 3:2 power in India,
popular finandate with her un repenunded som Sanjay Youth Congress the other.
happens it will because of the 5 for lm dira but near-tota disgust cia iš who hawe country after her, the Indiar people :mergenty, booing ff election platg their support Party, which dasdias "5ecord dicta toriq| TL|(:. ty-eight months anatha regime fell hal time in July, CI E CIf I di '5 howed that éé% :ople interwiewed bught "politicians 62% thought they i useful rolg" and hings were better gency' (equivalent re 55%, 45%, and
on orthy has been ręcently, with , drought and ha rrid a near-tota duction. But was
Janatha's twenty ..We been marked ke wawe, demonspolice killings of
Hori fer for The La (GL13 rd E: 1)
the poor, ugly Hindu-Muslim riots, eyer hastier killings of CX- untouchable agricultural labourers in villages throughout the country and above all political factionalism and instability. It is the latter, political in fighting, resignations, charges and countercharges, the continuing air of corruption around all the top leaders and the seeming inability of the government to formulate any clear policies that may be remembered most about this regime. It is this that conwinced people on a massive scale that what has been going II "at the top" is simply the antics of a Eurch of clowns incapable of ruling the country and alming only “for tho i chi tir'', i.e. the prima ministership and persona power.
Why could't the Janatha Party, whlsh was elected with sich high hopes, put it all together. How ls. It that the forces which cảm ữ tøgether for the restoration of democracy have failed so thoroughly that now Indira Gari dh dan Lake up the slogan desh bachao, Indira bola vo ("Save th0 country, Call Indira") as her thema: ?
Was it because vyf their disparaten ess This Is the argum er L of Indira herself. She has said from the beginn ing that her oppositlQn was nothing but a kitcheri, a "stew'' of elements so wa ried that they could not possibly de yelop a common program. And it is true that the the Janatha Party was formed from an opposition including the Congress of Democrary, Bharatiya Lok Dal, Jam Sangh and the Socia

Page 9
ists who had idCologies run nirg from parli 3.mcn tary socialism to free enterprise and social bases among all sections from Hindu faritics to Mus|| III minorii:S and my corchants to p3a samits.
Yet the previous Congress Party, which ruled India for twenty eight
years compared to the twenty eight months of Jä Tata, was almost as disparate and just as
notorious for its factionalism. lsi fart almast Ewery warring porsonality and faction within the LLGLSS HLHKGL H aCaS S LLLLL K LGGLLLLSSS ring faction within the Congress, The basic question is why their attempt to live LOgeth Er ins de Janatha within a democratic framework broke: do w III so fast, why they managed to only reflect the antagonisms of society rather than integrate them. And this is the question of the the develop front of social and economic coiifli CI5, With i ri li dia in the last three years, Let us then, lay bare the disintegration of the Janata party. . . . . . . . but first a quick took at its warring leaders who in the end pulled the goverment down with their quarrel S.
The janata Warriors
Ex-Prime minister Morarji Desai ha 5 be come World-fa Ticus for his brahrtaric moralism, which includes vegetarianism, sexual abstinence and the famous Uring aure, but which has apparently not preverted his open sheltering of the shady business de als of his 5 cm Käfiti, Ta Tany In dians, however, he i5 tetter known as a Političal conservative, anti-working class and 3 relative of Some of the biger capitalists of western India. When the Emergency was proclai Tied in fact, the Communist Party (If India (CPI) which was then supporting it, threw a great dä -f - 2nfusion into the BQmbay working class by the simple techniof reading out the names s-me people ar rested, includMorarji along with well known le T3. Läter thig sama work, et 5 massively for Morarji's party, was out of their rejection
Emergency, mot for any e reason. Morari himself Em 2 suborn moralist bu.
really popular, and his lition to the leadership of the
다-도
또
e
드
party in fact shado'w 5. || LIrking thic people gawe i
Charan Sirgh, temporary Prime thę leader of the DI BLC) facia" * וךrנfr ל&=387 || חן the Congress pa the rich peasant India. He calls hi tati'ye of lı idi.ını is called by e. "kulak |cıder'. with him this its bid for politi. of his is true, behind Chara
cür | ||rı d i ş ı r LIII Ti (Jets, Ahirs, Ku trully have a peas fought previously and higher la T di against the Britis they hawe given b section of capit: is no accident "" ku lalk''" i 5 : :co T in India - who caste ties and P. to rally poorer that. What Wa: that the "Chau he is called, re new and relative thrust of this glas in South Indi: power for a lon morte Sphisticat: to Take polit
Jagjiw:ä rı R arT1 for Democracy the political
Iltutläbils, E truth. He has the "Congress ble." His org: castes un der thc: in the mid-1930 ta courter th : mi froverTor. Then the leadership of
"ת E ו 3 והוH"י נתון ח Congress party dominated by capitalists' and . of Hinduism alt og of a few agr unions at the s opposition ta til ed by Sociali: ists which wer strong challen
 
 
 
 
 
 

symbolized the in th2 mandate
坑。
who is Minister, Was Bharahya Lok which originated defections fronin rty of most of groups in north Iself a represer"peasants" and o criyorı: 245 e 1 It is said that cla55 is rm1ki T1g :al power. Most TH3 5 Clio 15 Singh are the iddle castes rmis, etc) vio arc tradition and against merchants ards as well as h. Now, though, irith tt ä, yligerous 1 list får i 2 r g — it that the Word ning widespread it Se ea samt traditið f13 peasants behind to be added is ohry Saheb" a 5 present:5 à fairly ity crude political s; similar sections hawe held local g time andare ld in their ability ical adjustments,
of the Congress is usually called cader of India's ut this is a half been, historically, Party's Untouchayn isation of IQ W Congress barner is was an attempt | italt un tatu chable going on under Cr, B.R., AW, b 2 dk4 T, which hai te id the itself as a party "brahmins and alled for rejection ther. His forming icultura│ │abour: "
alle time wa 5 i ne pea5апt leagues
t5 a d corTırı1, LJI T1 - e then Poo 3 ing ge to Congress
hege Tigny. From that ti T12 - TI "Jagjiyan babu" has been a man who ha 5 ser w:d will ingly L. In der conservative Hindu and Capitalist leadership, and his reward has been the longest un broken hold of ministerial posts in independent India.
He went with Indiri in the Congress party split in 1969, and ם חa
his support was significant;
hic broke away from Congress after the Emergenay in January 1977 to join Janata, and his act was a decisive one in helping that party win. He is India's
political survivor. ... and
greatest
Inay end
wher |n dira, Wim5 l: 3 up with her again,
The most contro versi al political component of the Janata has been the Jan Sangh, which produced on the one hand th = III 25t 5 22fni-1 gly suayg and modernistic of Jarı ata's politicians, the capable foreign Tminister Atal B:hır| Wajpayeg, and on the otha s' hain d his at | tg coise the darkast of all India's political forces. This is the Rashtriya Swayamsawak Sangh (RSS, 'National wounter Organization''), [h c "wolunteer' organization now grown into over a Tillion drilling, khakiclad stick-wielding activists dedicated to 'making Hinduism 5 trong''. In its 54-year history it has been responsible for many crimes, including the Turder of Mahatma Gandhi (largely for being "soft" on Muslims) and III gerous Hindu-Muslim riots, |ts natural social base2 h 15 b -- El merchart, petty bourgeois and high caste elements mainly in the north ma heartland L. it has i Tipre33' 2 organizing powers and has been spreading itself recently, Looked at in one way, the Jan Sangh was a "political front' of the R.S.S., Which als 3 has its Student front, trade union front (now the third largest in the nation), women's frot and numerous cultural organizations with vast membership and funds. Many have charged that it was the R. S.S.'s effort to turr! Th = eft|re Jan 1 La Party in La a front which was a prisillary cius of the recent crack-up.
Finally, the Socialists, dominant among the RSS's enemies, their own di Sorğını ization contralisting with the mechanistic perfection of RSS
(grI rirr ired rari f'arge żr')

Page 10
East Timor's to
(On Norther 2, the U.N. reafirmed Ele ript of Selfdeter liltin if the people if Eust TiШшг li Lп HI ILI 1 vute)
he skeleton in the Indonesian " ཡ་་་་་་་་་་་ kcc 5 rattin E. Though little of what's going on in East Timor gets into the world prieš 5, the issue of Eå St. Timor's liberation struggle is by no mans dad.
are sole 6),
to Dr.
Ehs
Dad, ha'w: wr", 000 people, according Mochtar Kasumaatmadja, Indonesian foreign minister, who ACCOmpanięd President Suharto to London, Colombo and Dacca,
In 1975, three years after Portugal withdrew from East Timor (as it did from its African colonies) the Indonesian army launched a military action to crus; H FRETILIM), the East Tiror |ibę ratic ΠΠ - γΕ Π. Ο Π . Under
Indones iam patronage, a new administratior Was estabishi bi
the resistance goes om. Since thc im was iom, 5ome ÉÖ,000 people have died as a result of starvatic TI Qr war. | ) r official gst|- mates, the Financial Times raported last week, Place the figure a II || 00,000. Thig tgtal
population is about 6 lakhs,
The FT also reported that during Suharto's wis it to the UK the Indonesian delegation was
"purgued'' by da:m) f'15 trators, including supporter 5 of FRETILIN.
Fretil in spokes Ten claim that the vast majority of the people support their resistance fight against the Indonesian invaders.
One of the slogans shouted by Lhe Indonesian dèmonstrators
8
("Butcher of Dji Tiirid Teaders of ! Tärze Witachchi”: tien if the Timur subsequent Tässä by the present
September-Octob RATION STORM Tā de-nā cly managed mas! S3 ft 5 of immo were arrotted
by the light of
brand-railed "St. r:5:rched Studia book placed th: 400,000 a 500, than the Wictnam
Thousands of pi Field without tri: a decade, haw: E T1Cst in human COf ted islands, accor lnternational. Th y Cers, teachers, wr and trade union some story was SUNDAY TME Thost prominent Subandrio, Presis foreign minister the INDIA-CHN ference sponsored naik E in Sé.
Desh Bacha o .
(ட்:tic fr
"discipline", have the most well-meal ted Ten and we With a noble a Lite And his III and Socia times III ||itant c: n Seds af Tira riti, strategy of treati as the fiia | rn | enem" again and again int forces that should ideological terms enemy. Torn apar by Cheir distas te their desire to Fa to cppo3e Indira, perhaps the most d in thic current II:

1 karta") will reSri Laikal dit
wwd reconstrucderous coup a trid tre presided over Djakarta junta In er 19é5. "CPEK|MG' ywyd 5 - the he of this brillianacre where thruent Indonesians
in paddy fields a petromax lamp, Irmiking". BAIC er 5 ftar Wah Chi'5 death toll at OO), or dead
ኸ 'ዶኒ'Šl[ ̈ .
alitical prisoners, ll for mỡ r"t: tham » ccm kcpt in the diLiOS in des Er"ding to Amnesty ese include lay. i ters, polit i cians ists. The gruepublished in the S, London. The Lyf ther I was Dr. erit Scę karri" s
wht atterided f. || FTN b ) :: Ilby Mrs. Bandara
(ל אPrig. ניילז"
been probably ning and frustraJTEr in Jaf13 Ld. 2 Tipt to combine lisn, with sørneific: Trı for the 25, their political ng the Congress Iy has led then alliances with | hawe been, in , their worst in thic moths for thic RSS and we a strong party they hawa: ben is credited group 1 102 JWrings.
FITEI
TILNE
COMPLIMENTS OF
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OF
CITIZEN
WRIST WATCHES
& CLOCKS

Page 11
Cannibalism - W
he WASP-Zionist press is at it again - this tire trying to make out that the deposed "Erin
peror' Bokassa of the Central African Republic is a cannibal. There does II tot seerim to be any
reliable ewidę rcę for this charge beyond Bruce Loudon, the white reporter’s ipse dixit. Loudon met the Honorary British Consul in Bangui, name of Copperman, who said he "believed' that human flesh had been found in a deep freezer in "one of Bokassa's residences'. The last time they tried this wya:5 whern ildi Amin was running Uganda. Here too. Lhe charge of cannibalism was based om the most II:n LCLS kind of "evidence' - a political enemy had accused Amin of hawing eater human flesh. The idea appears to be the well-tried principle of giving a dog a bad nama.
Now, although mg | ther | di Amin for Bokassa can bc said to adorn the image of the African race, and no doubt between them killed off thousands of innocent human beings, they certainly did not achieve the levels of flagitiousness of a Hitler who counted his victims not in thousands but in millions. But Hitler was white. Despite Well-documented eviderice no one believes that a white can be a cannibal whereas in the case cf a black all you hawe to do is show an unusual degree of Wickedness in him for everybody to be ready to believe he is cannibalistic, Howeyor ha ted and revi ed Hitler was in his day (except by the true - believers) no one ever thought of accusing them of canniball5m. Among other predatory whites who rower faced the charge of cannibalism may be entioned Adolf Eichmann, Martin Eormann, Lavrenti Beris, Menachern Begin. Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon. AS for İdi Amin arıd Jean Bokassa the ir blackness Enders the charge of cannibalism
Tediately credible,
If a black African reporter were - 2 ke up a story that L B
Johnson had a fricassed Wicts: his deep frc C27Cr consumption no the tale - not e Who aro, ironic to belic we such A.T. iii ard Bak 3.s human (and t black African) has not to doubt th Cannibal propaga II i... : "L Illi * thick-lipped savage who has his mose and a mi for boiled clergy human history, h carnibaligri has mostly been ams of whatever pigm of Irms other" and TO T n CCC 55 Aril
(as the term is stood) who di better. Contrary
Tiany of the b Instinces of ciān Ti among whites : Eigen cases of W right up to the
In "Mysterie Crime' (1899) Griffith 5 Tets one Jeffries wi hangman iri Ed a ter transported irim Me w South W Jeffries escaped colony and becai and took to ca Wi || CF" i "" JA C: (1963) tells of . carın ibals. A. *lexander Pier: one of the canyi: with fiy e çthe in the bush t food and ore o that he could idea tak root Cre of the meri heart was fried few days later ki Fled, and their cater. Whe mig three collap tion, he: was ki

/hite
habit of keeping ames E bables in for his priwa te One Would be:||2'w c2 wen black African5 illy, ready enough charges against sa. The average is includes the b22m Ceri di titre le portrait of the ted by the white the black-skinned heavy - paunched a bone through marked preference Tian. Throughout Lowe wEr“, wherewer occurred it has Ang human beings, C:n tation deprived Source: 5 of food y among "savages' popularly underon't know any to popular belief, Est äuthen ticated | bilis T hawe been 1nd there hawe hite cannibal i5 m present decade.
s of Poliçe and Major Arthur the history of to had been a inburgh and was to Port Jackson ales a5 a convict. from the penal me a "bushranger" nnibalis T. Colin cbock of Murder" other bush ranger
I "" it Γarη a c ce escaped from [.. pri 5 Corns together me II. Hiding out hey rail short of f the III remarked eat a Tin. Th: and that night was killed. His and eater. Å to ill. We liver and hearts na of the remailsed with exhaused with a blow
and Black
by W. P. Wittachi
of a hatchet, and partly eaten. The men who did the killing strapped the hatchet to his body in case Piercg a totacked hiri with it in the night. Pierce, however, managed to kill his companion and carried off an arm and a thigh: Recaptured, he escaped again with a mam na med Cox. Cox's di 5 membered body was found a few days
later. When Pierce was captured; the Theat and fish he had taken when he escaped were still
untouched-hc cxplained his pre ferred the Last of humi är fl:25H
A man na med Dignum, a bushi ranger in the Port Philip area around 1837, decided to murder his eight companions when food ran short. One of them a young Tham named Cornerford woke up
as he was about to start and had to be taken into his cofidence. The two of them killed
and a to the other seven.
In Duke's "Celebrated Criminal Ca 5 es of America" there is an account (referred to in Das hiel Hammett's 1932 nowe "The Thiri Man") of the arrest and conwiction of Alfred G. Packer in 1874 for murdering five men and eating their flesh. This was Packer's cowri "wers iom: "" Whieri l ariti filiwe och ers left: Ouray's damip, we estima tcd that weë Hiad sufficient provisions for the long and arduous journey boforo us, but our food rapidly disappeared and we were soon on the warge of starvation. We dug roots from the ground upon which we subsisted for song days but as they were not nutriticus and as the extreme cold had dri weën all am imals arid birds to shelter the situation begarie desperate. Strange look5 came irito the eyes of cach of the party and they all became Suspicious of each other.
"One day I went out to gather wood for the fire and when returned found that Mr Swan, the oldest Ilan in the party, had been struck on the held and
וה: "Fire זd grש#חfiד?Ch )

Page 12
EXHIBITION
a Falki
An exhibition of paintings in oil by Jayallkshmi Satyendra Lionel Wendt Gallery on November 27.
Cannibalism . . .
(Curuffrarer fra fri Page g)
ki||od and the Termain der of th: party were in the act of cutting up the body preparatory to eating it. His money arTouriting to 2000 dcllars was divided a mong the remainder of the party, This food lasted only a few, days, and suggested that Miller be the next victim because of the large amount of flash he carried. His skill was split open with a hatchet as he was in the act of picking up a piece of wood. Humphrey and *Corl Were the Text victims. Bell and then entered into a scle in compact that as we were the Only ones left we would st2nd by each other whatewer befell, and rather than harm each other we would die of starwation. One day Bell said "I can't stand it any longer' and he rushed at me with his gun, 1 Parried the Ellow and killed him with a hat
che I. I then CLIE hi5 flesh into Strips which carried with me as I pursued my journey. When
| espied the Agency from the top of the hill threw away the strips I had cft, and I confess
O
The Exhibition is entitled "MOMENTS OF AWARENESS..." ed to thic Public fra 11 November 28 to D Ece TıET 5
- 3.III. t
did so reluctantly fold of hurian that portion aroun
The most recent case occurred only ago. On October chartered airplane The Ilbers of an Ur tea, 25 of the relatives and 5 cr the Ades on a va snow. The majorit board survived the days later officia were abandoned by World as hopele55 organised a band raries' to rake a obtain help and wh the II waited for hit of their friends Principal source of Were 5 quearTish tr but inevitably most harden ed and progre almost every part body. It is of rec; of these well-ad middle-class whites psychiatric treatinen the trauma of human flesh.
 

P 212 i ut the
t yYiII be aper8 p11. daily.
as I had grown esh, especial y the treast".
authenticated a few years 13, 1972, a carrying 15 guayan rugby friends and eW crashed in st sea of deep y of those or
crash. Eight rescue efforts the cutside The Survivors if 'expedition a tempt ta ile the rest of 2P the corpses became their food. Some begin with of thern grow 55ed to eating if the human 3rd that none ucated upper had to undergo
() "It having eaten
3 or 3/ectrical
9nstallations
designed to meet
Jyotif" exact needs
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Page 13
Nicaragua (5)
The national
bc
problems of me
he presence of bourgeois
fractions in the national-popular bloc that took shape in the last phases of the Nicaraguan revolution, poses a problem to the Marxist analyst and practitioner. It is of course possible to evade the issue by ignoring the fact of this bourgeois presence. After all, there are Marxists in this country and elsewhere who claim that the Cuban revolution was socialist from the OutSetonly that the Cuban leadership did not recognise it! Needless to add this interpretation is cortrary to the views of precisely those people who are best equipped to understand the Cuban revolutionary process, namely the Cuban revolutionary leaders them -5ely e5, Che Guevara for in 5 tance tells us that the Cuban revolution is: "an agrarian, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist revolution, transformed by its internal evolution and by externa aggression 5 in to a socialist revolution, and 50 it proclaims itself before the American's-it is a socialist revolution. "Thus, di Che explain the character of the Cuban revolution in his famous speech 'On growth and Imperialism' at the "Alliance
for Progress' meeting in Punta del Este, Uruguay, August 8th 1951. Again in an article to Cuban socialista, No. 3 September 1962, on "The Cadre, Backbone of the Revolution,
Guevara 5 peaks of the “transition from a liberating national Tevolu
tion to a socialisto One" al 5 a chief characteristic of the Cuban revolution.
For those im Laculate ir termationalists of the local Left, who, despite their os tensible nom
Trotskyismo, adhere to a Mar delite mis inte protation of the Cuban
revolutionary pr. configuration of rewolutionary b | Problem at all. Marxists who irc a better knowledg of the CH ing 52 Mao ard the hi
Wys a "wyork, 2 ris can simply clos the bourgeois I
Nicaraguan rewolu it dQes not exis
HgYever, A th exists är id it IT .
TI E 5 Er'ii) LI : Marxist-LI in i5 Hi5 position mot of the scheila tic also, and equal that cof the R Right-wing revi and locally, will the presence of in a Nicaragua to rei force an ridiculous theori the progressive geois Ee alcon g t path of develo State of Nati towards, sociali5 hawwe yer that experience affor the Khrusch chữ: "ự aoist atti Ludes a-vis the nati just as it provic wariously disguis the Permanent
Our point o' be the recognit ficity of the N
tion, Althusser LiCl to Ler insistence of t
the law that "a thing develops

purgeoisie : Some
ethod
cess, the Social the Nicaraguln oc, pro WC:s no
The 5 e sectarian : Identally possess of the character rewolu I io rm th 3 Til linese CP (China stare" in 194|!) e their eyes to resence in the tion and pretend
2ore tical proble T1 ust be confronted.
ind the creative Tu5t do marcite only from that it se tarian, but y clearly, from ght opportunist. sionism globally s g a k to u tilizé Jourgeois factions m popular bloc, d reiterate its es of "plIshing national bourhe roll-capitalist pment, win the →nal Democracy, 1". We shall see the Nicaraguan “ds no sala.ę to ite and pseudoof "tail igr" wigna | bourgeoisi 2, des no Comfort to ed ad herents of Revolution,
f departure must on of the specirewolu
lica ragan
dra','s out at të Ilin's and f“Maca"
he universality of lbsolutely everyun ewenly" Althus
by A Special Correspondent
ser's best pupil Regis Debray tall 5 u 5 that un ewen dewel TT1 ent renders the conception of "Latin American revolution" in walid in the Strictest, Tost rigaratis 5 en 5 2 of the word, since the clock of History keeps different time in Mon të video, La Paz, and Sao
Paulo. (One might go So far a 5 to Say something that Debra y has not and most probably never will, namely that such an all
embracing continental perspective was one of Che's few e Tra r5.)
A firin grasp of the significance of uneven development is necessarily linked to the recognition of the relative autonomy of the
nation-State arid of the SpèČificity of a socio-economic format on 'enclosed" with in a giver national State 5 truELIre. From this understanding we proceed La recognise that the role and function of the "nacional" bour
geoisie is altered by spatial and temporal dimensions. The role and function of the 'nutional" bourgeoisie varies fra Tl national entity to another, Contingent upon the position it occupies within the given "national" social structure. To fail to understand this mgang (in Nicholas Krasso's phrase) to be guilty of a kind of sociological IIIonism, which a 55 une 5 a planetary social structure 5 ola ring ) Werhead devoid of any articulation in a concrete national Space. (This sociological monism and concornmi ta nt umdere 5 timatio rm of the nation-state's relative autonomy was Trotsky's central error, says Krä553 im his cc-brated debate with Ernest Mandel in the pages af L1. NLY, Lef. R= wie W. K_5 T5 Mavrakis links this in turn to Trgtsky's inability to grasp the law of une wen develop Tent.)

Page 14
This error of sociological monism ha5 characterized the debate on "the national bourgeoisie and the stage of the revolution' which has raged so fiercely in the Sri Lankan Left during the 1970's. The pro-Chinese and pro-Soviet Iodern revisionists held that the "national' bourgeoisie played a progressive, patriotic role in all colonial, seni-colonial, and dependent countries throughout the epoch of Imperialis II and this was necessarily true of the Sri Lank in case. The Trotskyists of course rejected 'stages theory' and the idea of a bloc with the national bourgeoisie, while Haunting the tattered ban mer of permanent revolution. In the late 1960's the JWP correctly identified the necessity of anti-capitalist Struggle and socialist transforTination in comte FTPCrary Sri Lanka, while recognising equally correctly the historical wal İdity and and applicability of the concept of revolution by stages (e.g. in the case of China and Wietnam). This understanding though essentially Corra C. was nebulo Luis and impirical at the time. Instead of being deepened by analysis and rigorous conceptualization, it was tragically dissipated in the early 1970's to be replaced undër u fläck II o wledged Mandelite influence by a veiled version of permanent revolution. Breakaway groupings from the CPSL and CP (ML) gathered up the broken conceptual thread " circa 93, but their efective existe e proved ephemeral in a few short years. At present, sections of the CPSL seem to be arriving at a generally correct position on the "national' bourgeoisie, but a tactical policy shift could well render this short lived, just as the correct line of the 1948 3rd Congress in Ature|iya was negated by the 1950 4th congre55 in solatara.
Facile and sweeping generalizations, mechanistic extrapolation from one historically concrete setting to another must be avoided in grappling with the question of the "national bourgeoisie. There are no Luniwersally wil id for Tulae, abstract scherine or eternal recipes | Marxism. Ai eyi luation of the rolle aud function of th is Class Tust rest upon the concrete analysis of a specific socio-economic formation, the modes of production that co
2.
exist within it, th these Illud e5, the of the Internalizat Socio-econd II f. the capitalist worl type of analysis Others the questic dominari t. по је . production? What nate relations of p are they combing rectly, articulated is the given nation ated within the system and its regi: If the external link: economy are those dependence what ties and mechanism dence? It is only concrete analysis to fo Timulate the: provisional) about t and behaviour of bourgeoisie in any it is only s Luch am will enable us to po the basic questic thro is such an 'national" bourgooi country!
Such a methodol has informed Cuban and equipped it wit rentiated perspect America in the Symptomatic of t Castro's speech on year in commemora anniversary of the tion. In the clos this speech Fidel the La Ciri Armeričā into three categor feudal colligår chi ès Paraguay), hic nec dent capitalisms -democratic "liber: thirdly those with | Inies, but nelo -- f structures (Chile, instance). (Those Šr Lākā hers revolution who ref the fascist ratur tegime should tak views!)
Fidel Castro's takes cognigance development which gua With its ossi socio-ecolor. St. frg III tilg III i der

it articulation of degree and form ion of the given 2rmatları Within d system. This involves among Is; What is the rig relations of arg the subordi"gduction: How id er more corHow and Where al economy situworld capitalist anal sub-system? !ges of the given of domination are the modali. 1s of this depenthis type of that enables us tes (necessarily ha rac, surcian Tha "maticom|" :Country. Indocid, approach that 3S and års Ww2r I of whicher entity as cha Sic in any given
ogical approach foreign policy h a subtly diffe
:i W2 or1 La tir1 resent decade. his was Fidel
January 1st this tion of the Oth Сшbап геwolшing passage of Castro grouped in states broadly 'iğ5: The 5emi(e. g. Mlicaragua, |-ČČla rial de poemwith Pseudo al' rcgim C:s arid similar econda 5 cist political Argentina for self-proclaimed of the Cuban use to recognise if Pilot's Its of Fide's
Categorization ון סיים חf Ljס renders Micarafied traditional ictures different ized" dependent
capitalism of Mexico, Wenezuela, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay or Chile. His classification further differentiates this group of "modern' capitalisms according to the type of state structure, i.e., the political for in of bourgeois e: So Tie är "| i beralם חaחniחסd) -reformist" pose Ludo — democracies while others are neo-fascist. The ter T neo-fasi cm implies a discernment of the specificity of de Pendent fascism as distinct from "Classic" metropolitan fascism,
The stal, ELS 3rd role of the "national' bourgeoisie is different in each of these three broad gro Lupings of Countries. TH political behaviour of this or that fraction of the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie must therefore be seen against the backdrop of that country's 'semi-feudal oligarchy' (Fidel) its archaic ossified socia— econo finic Structures and its "quasi – monarchical" (Tricontinental) Ed|- torial note Aug. Sept 1978) patterns of political power. This is what meant when I said at the outset Lihat w 2 mLISI, recognise the specificity of the Nicaraguan experience. Mechanistic extra polations to the Sri Lankan (or any other) context would be misleading in the Xtree.
Cm the questlQn Cf the nation n| bourgeoisie, as on any other question of Marxist theory, it is necessary to counterpose a dialectical conception to a mechanistic omie: a dynamic view to a static one. Althus58r rem inds us that the materialist dialectic is always concrete and we have stressed the reed to locate the national bourgeoisie within a given socio -cconomic formation. History teaches us that the bhawicur of the national bourgeoisic is da Carmined not only by the dimension of space (its location with in a gwen national entity) but also that of time. The varying positions taken up by the Chinese national bourgeoisie (and indeed the stratification within this class during the pro tracted revolutionary process in that country best attests to this. Two important speeches made by Stal in in || 925 (important, but strangely neglected by Lankan Iolaoists) provide a fine model of how the national

Page 15
bourgeoisie should be taking account of its (evolutionary) character and its internal stratification-all linked to the extremely un even development
analysed, changing
of capital is in under imperialism. The speeches refer to are Stair's address to the X With
Conference of the RCP (B) on the "lm Thediate tasks of the Communist
elements in the Colonia and Dependent countries' (May 9th 1925) and also his May 25th speech on "The Tasks of the Communist University of the
Toilers of the East in Relation to the Colonial and Dependent countries of the East.'
Our understanding of the Nicaraguan revolutionary process must rest on the dual recognition of the specificity of the role of the 'national' bourgeoisie (which we have dealt with) and of the subaliternity of this rola. Some ultra-Trotskyist sects (e.g. the International Spartacist League tendency) tend to over emphasize the role of bourgeois fraction so
as to denigrate the depth and significance of the Nicaraguan revolution. Modern revisionists,
marginal though they themselves are to the Nicaraguan revolutionary process, also tend to overstress the part played by bourgeois segments, with a view to validating their outdated and indeed suicidal theories. A third deviation which we discussed in the opening paragraphs of this article, ignores or glosses over the presence of bourgeois section 5 in the popular bloc. But no less an authority thar the Commander-in-Chief cof the Sandinista People's Army and member of the Joint National Leadership of the FSLN, 32 year cld Humberto Orgeta Saavedra, refers, ir his ir portant "Gran ma' Intervicw, to "the anti-Somoza bourgeois sectors'.
Incidentally, the reader would bs intere sted LO Know that th is interview conducted by Jorge Tinossi, special correspondent for Prensa Latina, and published in the 'Granma' issue of September
2nd |9/9 contait of Sarı dimista which fully and 5 the analysis rea by the author C 5 et out in tha ar the Lanka Guardia Ist – Editar.
The serious Ma mise the reality of an ti —Somoza b
While sultaneo tha Subaltern t th CS2: Sector5.
this, which is li of the point mac paragraph, of the tiation and chang the bourgeoisie, we into our analysis the "power bloc' Gra: T15ci, this C currency and ri Althussor's student
zas. Tha concept bloc" is coLunter vulgar Marxist
do min a nt econ Onn automatically and political ruling cl his argument wit examples from hist C: x te Siwe ITCC us ! Engels' subtie anal development in and Germany, Poul trates convincingly cally dominant c exorcise its poli directly and by it does so through of mediations inv of other classics, (pr"e-capitalist) cf; fractions of the and the inter media II. Classes and or clas exist is a Co structured power relationships betw groups are charact mon y subalternity. baliance that exis moment within is subject to ch configurations tak expulsion of the signalled such a powar bloc in instance). A rew Crystallization of Power-bloc with i of hegemony sub

an explanation
litary strategy
ikingly confirms |ed deductively thi5 serie 5 and :le published in of September
ist must recogthe existence Irgeois sectors sly recognizing le played by To comprehend kod to a gra 5p in a preceding internal differerng character of must incorporate the concept of Deriving from ncept o weS . Its fined form to : Micos Poulantof the 'powerposed to the notion of the it classes being directly, the a55. Bu Ltre55irng h a wealth of .ory and making to Marx and sis of capitalist Britain, France a Titz as der Thorn;- hat the economi - lais 5 does not :ical hegemony elf, but rather complex series alwing fractions including older sses as well as xploited classęs ! strattı. These fractions coplex, un 2'w 2nly bl root and the on these social rized by hegeThe deteri Tiinate 5 aC al given he power-bloc nga and new place. (The LSSP in 375 hinga in thc: ri Lanka, for U LICIl Ča U525 31 radically new to wyn relations ernity,
AS
N
TANGANA
Blended (tid
αίνιγιόμι είί ί ν:-
SHAW WALLACE & HEDGES LTD.
P.O Box 84 Colombo 3.

Page 16
A PESTICIDE
Pဗူးငုံဖုံ hawe long been treated as a panacea for all man's problems with other organisms. Often the problems are artificial ones, created by greed and the worship of profit maximization. In agriculture we have some good examples. In the Past a degree of crop loss was always tolerated. The acceptance of this loss was manifest in tradition, from European to Asiam. The reason 5, in tradition were multifarious, varying from the appeasement of Gods to the sharing with beasts; But the underlying Principle has a strong Ecological base. Man, much less his crops, does not exist in an Ecological vacuum. We interact constantly with the world around us, and that world is composed of a multitude of other organisms.
When we look at a natural system be it fortes, stream or seä, It is wery difficult to find huge quantities of only one species of organism so that the presence of that organism stresses the system. What would be normally seen is a high degree of diversity i.e., many different kinds of organisms. When one organism increases in quantity it essentially acquires a sharp profile that is subject to "levelling forces" i, e' Predator 5, Parasites etc., When a high diversity of organisms are present the "levelling forces' are readily at hand. Thus the lower the diversity the more susceptible is the system to attack.
Agricultural fields are systems of low diversity; However, over the history of the evolution of Agroecosystems, the practices that were lost conducive to a stable
system were tetained, till man had evolved highly productive, stable Agro-ecosystems. The bio
logical balance was wrought by such subtle III ethods as timing, crop diversification, hedge maintainence and physical Control. Bu c as man's agricultural fields were also a part of nature there was Some crop loss to pests. If this was a t a culturally and econominically acceptable level it was part
|
PL(
of the norm, C. loss Was above there a perceived
It will be unde discussions above, the diversity in : more prone it becc This is the evil wre es. They reduce any system that ti this in turn mai morte prone to dis ting the use of A truly vicious cy not mean that pe: beneficial Luses. Pe valuable, potent the pests of mar's ( as is the case w weapons, they s sparingly and only y of losses is above an ly Acceptable Los: pesticides for Luse ir ble situaticorn is tik i në vitable depende
When we ask who uses pesticid the question who de 52 ||t is relative who gains and w Promotion of th Sri Lari ka the fai to indulge in prop I. e. SPraying in ad. appearance. It w Do 5ee the ration Such a stance an Pro Tolgs it.
It may be th have been truly vicious pesticide If this is so whic for starting it? F
T גם ים
Water Planık tarı Minc y Big Fish Fish eating birds
(Rasti

T2
y Ranili Senanayake
ily when the This lewell W345 danger,
5 dood fra Til the that the lower y system the mes to digastet. ight by pesticidhe diversity of gy are used in, cs the system ster recces5 itahore pesticides; -le. This does ticide 5 ha Ye ṁČ ;ticides ate Wëry weapolis agå inst rops. However " ich all potent hould be used when the volume Environmental;'. To promote every conceiva
2 promote the : Incy cycle.
the question,
es? followed by i romotes pesticily simple to see ho ||oses by the ese poisons. Ilm mers are a 5ked hylactic s Praying rance of any pest ill be interesting alle that Suppo IS d to know who
be held responsible for a sinister malaise that effects almost everyone, The malaise of Pesticide Accumula
tiO T1.-
Pesticide Accumulation refers to the tendency of some pesticides to concentrate along the food chain. This tendency is also referred to as "Biological Magnification' when other materials such as radioactive isotopes and heavy metals are considered. The Ecologist E.P. Odum states "Biological magnification has come as a great surprise to physical scientists and technologists who were enthusiastic about the idea that "the solution to pollution is dilution". In other words, the belief that poisons would be quickly lost in the vast confines of nature."
The table below indicates measurements made on the concentrations of certain pesticides and radioactive materials along the food chain. However the effects are subtle and often sub-lethal, thus people are not immediately aware of the effects. A fact not overlooked by the promoters of pesticides. have personally witnessed a poor individual who attended a conference on pesticides a few years ago. As a demonstration of tle "Safety" of pesticides, he stood up in the audience and are a handful of DDT. Of course he did not fall down dead, but now as he gets older I wonder how healthy he is He was doubtless an employee of a pesticide salesman or promoter.
at by now we The mere fact that they Can LISe locked into a humans as "demonstrative subjects' dependency cycle, in this manner speaks Wolumes was responsible for their concern about human or they have to safety.
Radioactive Radioactise Phosphorous (::p) Strontium (0.8) "War Wit. ፳፻፴ù |5חEEt" S di IT E TIES 고DD | | ğÜ0 Salays. "SC00 Water Plants 300 3„ÉG!! Duck Eggs 200000 1's
Large Fish 3000 97ՍՈՐ Mim Tuls
concg nitration fa CEPT3
io amount in organisms to amount in In Wirni fm sin E)

Page 17
N M - A writer's
his is not an attempt at eulogy, an exercise in using the resources of prose to show
how good a man was, when praise or blame are of no personal consequence to him. There is no reason to talk of the dead as though they had liked sycophants. N. M. played a substantial role in the public life of this country and has to be seriously assess cd in terms of the impact of his personality and actions on society. It is also not written fron the point of wiew of a partis an socialist nor wlth any personal animu5 against the subject, I myself have not had any personal contact with Dr. Perera. It is written from the viewpoint of a journalist - an obserwar of rich and cwents in society, And Mao Tse-Tung's dictum mentioned below is as good a guideline for our profession as any other - observe the subject in action and deduce conclusions from what you observe.
| hawa tead of how'Y Mao Tse - Tung is once reported to have said that a sure test of a true revolutionary is to put him among workers and observe his reactions. A bourgeois mind will have a certain aloofness. This was a characteristic of N. M. from which We cannot but see his total career, in sincerity is not imputed. It was rather a personal and political incapacity. In a recent article in the Press, a few days after the leader's death, Dr. Colvin R. de Siwa stated that N.M. had succeecded in "declassing" himself. The point is that he could not and did not do so, and that this incapacity had
serious repercussions on his
Party and the direction of
Socialism in Sri Lanka.
N.M. was comfortable in the
to urgeois World. He was at home in the World of cricket - a game
associated in England (as opposed
to the proletari ball) with "class He was comfort and ended up as the Sri Limka Board, He was bourgeois social parties and the 3 bourgeois class a table with N. M. him as being . them, though intellectual quirk He was actually how a riddle 5 hould be hawe. K "warsity' students for making a no of the them poli to their home t bourgeois Profess play safe but oc a pin kish hud : Lor demned the behavio uit by say not hoot' N. M. touchstone of C and all the con r which incided fum boys, but da. apple cart." N. this. It is sugg gultiwa Led, urbo (Augustan virtue tlerman left thẹ island in 1956 or "yahaos" se finally wised up of things. And that this acadc Trotskyite "theo
 

view
perspective
by Patrick Jayasuriya
as Sport of foot. and 'the club." ble in this milieu the President of Cricket Contre CCITI ft r: ble i Woworld — cockta II it Ciaf round, The lso felt coin forThey accepted siri imit.al - oma of with a slight for 'socialism." the epit me of clas 5 gentleman ince when some g0 C fronto trou Eo| a se during a visit -fCall panjandrum rritory, a very Ir who | ikgd to Hi Q ni fly sported hirt Coro tie, Fad young men's ng "N. M. does was thus the *rect behawi our tations of that e feeling "hawe "t you upset my was very much Ti've thit this Ը and wltty Academ iç genShores of this en the "yakkos" med to hawa the appearanco Writoratic too c's acolyte, a ician" and close
friend of N. M., also refused to intervene in this fracas because, he said, he did not Wish to disturb his good personal relationShip with the Vice-Chance or of that time with whom he Shared
the condition of a lo Pięcia. The punishment meted out to thig students was excessive and unjust
and de termined obviously by the
personal political ambitions of the Vice-Chancilor who it was rumoured, wanted to be th: Governor-General, So we see
everything jiving
with Petty per5onal (
bourgeois) Politiking.
"Pêr SCnality" can also how far orne has declassed oneself. It goes without saying that worker can be very polite, refined and considerate in Fis speech and behaviour. But bourgeois conduct is quite another thing and can be affected Whe one is being most rude and in considerate. When Len Spoke to his colleagues he was known to be very considerate, trea ting thern as equals in a ... 1 endeavour, who could be CCT'ainced, when nec 23:Şairy. In alı intelligent manner. Max h. aid that even the most complicated theory of political EC-f1JfT1igs Cu be explained to "Cirkers. But N.M. had the problem of bcing unable to bring himself into 5 μ.ς ή a relationship with colleague or with workers. with the exception, of Course of Dr. Co R. da Si wa Who was as brilliant as himself. N. M. always ga Y e cha impression of arrogance and COTj 35cension and "class." Leni հըd # sense of his intellactual r"igh tre 5; and could be de vastating in demishing ideological *2 P}ה בי חסנts , Bם ש it was intellectual TagimCE Eo eta 5 of his single-minde Ideological purposiveness. N. M. failed to show
indicate
such seriousness in his total Personality. We had the Pi — bald Fabian. His nutlerous conflicts
5

Page 18
with colleagues, trade unions and associates gawe the impression of a personal centre of gravitation to IT any of his political decisions Conflicts with Philip Gunawardena, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva ( at one time), Bala Tampoe and Wasudewa Nanayakkara all involved the personality of N. M. to a greater externt than Ywa Luld a n | T1 personal ideological tussle. They see Ted to spring from his inability to achieve a socialist impersonality and diwest himself of the Persona of the London School of Economics double doctora te holder.
N. M. was of the upper-middle class. He Ywas 3 ble to a fford är extended education in England and to even give personal loans to less affluent Ceylonese students while there. But he was not of the big lamdo wming cla 55, He Continued to have the tensions and "paise" of this class position in politics and personal life. That is why he was considered safe by the ruling class. He was, by his unresolved personal ambivalences impelled to play a bălancing role which assured the maintenance of the status quico. As Galbraith said of econd Tlists of his type, they help the extant system by pointing out its weaknesses only to the extent that the system may strengthen itself by making the non —
radical adjustment here and ther.
, , "5 trade unionism had
this effect. It corrected certain social and economic irritants which may hawe made the working giant of burden bound up and upset the systerT entirely. It provided a safety valve. And when he was Fir,5 H-2 °inister, Trad C Linian rights were considered irrelevant and moth-bacd in the Statuto books to be cruditely quoted at Some other till ' 'la 55 disTi5535 displayed the personal nature of N. M. 's Political maka — up: "when | am Finance offris Ler, no Strikes.“ In high office his conduct was To Te like that of a Colorial Secretary than a Socialist. Efficiency, a la Colonial Civil Service, in maintaining the status quo was more important than consistency in commitment.
Another aspe double-headed P. tion Was his à boro Tastering Britis procedure. It w; pronounced obses: Socialist. The fir m gyert This sed är his palate the wintage Parliamen was the absolute this deliquescence ages under Engl Incidentally, it a per5oпal opportL his LSE erudition Parliamentary coll mot Fiad the char Appadorai's summ the last lap in P Cimbrid i a with a Irada un the doctor's tr; Parların en tary Pro almost becomo compulsive habit ll:33, e a certa im 5cm The Sabbath was people поt peopl Sabbat FT!!! That ac Politics, Sir wor after meeting N that they were I a species of Fabia
Another piece tragic lack of th his personal and was his manner political rallics. London School of tellectual talking dingly to the less There was an hiu the “smiling publi tak er tiTi ff ; The flavour of his p was eminently th; 'mahat maya't talkin CF de 5 voit 10Ut hi accent. This was ir Colwin R. de Siwa" Wyliere i II är tt|| he had declassed a rha, Iurålized Procoupled with w Si Inhla weer 3 içm af Iwing a locomotive imb5 which am L133 him to the peop natural standards and speech are "stiff upper lip." urbe to ach jey

of N.M. 's litical configura – ormal avidity in Parliamentary 5 his abnormally iom foro a Marxian a points were
he savoured on efined taste of :ary wine. He
connoisseur of distilled for long
and's Big Ben, ;o gawe him a nity to display
Lo the view of eagues who had | ce to di p in to la ries. Even con arliament he was un seemly tussle an personality of 1 de u rn ion ower rogative. It had
a co E; & E55 iwe = which made him se of perspective.
mad: for the made for the Lito obscerwer" of Jennings, said
M. and others lot Marxists but n Socialist5.
cof Dr. Pe Tora's e resolution of nolitical dilemmas of speech at t was again the Economics indown con das Čemfortunatic masses. teur of manner, ic Tnan'' who had In eet the people, olitical speeches st of the kind g to the lower ding a 'classy' contrast to Dr. 5 style of oratory be said that hinn 5 elf and Luses letarian speech hat may b2 a the Roll inwopropulsion of s (and endears le, whose own of deportment far from the N.M. was sadly e this rapport
and that, while not particularly important in this a spect, was symptomatic of a deeper and more significant incapacity.
One need not omit mention of N. M's a chie Wernent 5 — the establishment of a well - disciplined Party, the organization of a widespread trade union Towement, the Personal kindness, albeit of the paternal kind, during the malaria epidemic, the courage in standing up to the British colonial government (though it was the courage of a brown Sahib in which the big landlords also joined ), and his personal charm. Bụt the sic are corruscations in terms of the large political movements engend cred by men of the stature of MaoTse-tung, Mao was able to brush aside the trivial and concentrate on the major probler. N. M. was too often distracted by the trivial and even the frivolous in his personal and political relation. This was a defect of intelligence and character. In his political expositions he was more often what Galbraith was in economic theory - a bricklayer, who some. times dropped bricks, rather than an architect.
It may not be fashionable to follow this sort of psycho-political
personality. But it may be that on tho rolatively short-torm view, the personal qualities of
political leaders do give a noticeable tendency to movement of politics. It may also give a clue to those who may have tailored the Insel wes in the image of N. M, as to where adjustments may be necesssry. Some Marxists of course may not agree with me and assert that the individual counts for little in the novement of impersonal forces of history. But what about Lenin's warning in his last testament about Stalin's personal qualites? Anyway, this approach may be more productive in understānding current issues than would be to lay down ideological terms like a railway line to no conclusive end.
The air or is a Peralderri'a grad Lie fo Erglish si si per

Page 19
Religion and Radicalism (2)
Mahinda - Poet
he Wen S. Mahim da Thera || 5 T. type of the liberation fighter that sustained the struggle in the past and can inspire it in the fire. He came from Tibet and settled down in Sri Lanka and idem II. i fiicl HiT 5 elf with the freedom struggle here. We quote below frçTi his ''Nida ha se Dehana' (Frce dorm Meditations). It would be difficult to find any book of Worses a Tywhere with 5uch sugtainad radical con tant frorth start to finish. All Tost czwory werse sparkles with fire and yet rings out with crys tal-clear simplicity and clarity. Limitations of space permit reference only to five verses. They a wait a competent translator. What follows is only a rough, provisional (though accurate) translatic TI :
යටි ඕෆ් ඞී
හිටපල්ල:1
1. ෙපර ක්රෑඹියස් හැ
යන් දුරූමියේ
էլ ::: - ( ) ඊශ්‍රාව උරුමයේ අපටත් හිමි දෑය. % 1 (3) ෆිෆයි සහ රූපී ජස් කි = ? සටන්ටු
සෑරෙසෆ් ලා
Understard that there is no
t
in that dharma which proclaims: "According to your Past Karma So you jus II m. L S L be'" ! Let us der T1 and that
iri the earth's in hieri tance, which belongs to us too.
What Karma can prevent us Lct us get ready for the struggle
r. ...- 2. උස් තැන් කපා ඇද වීධී තැන්
- تقييم : نت. نتية في نة
උස් ටි ටි ටැං දුක් මි විද්දෙක් 1ට ඝ ඞී
ඝරැලීෂී.
උස් ෆිනු දෂ්කී
උස් හඩ නැංඝ:
Casting dow
and filling u abolition of and II king That is. El
that is trug Raise high y. and spread
= = === نہ آناً آیت :اننت: [:آیت
|-
ශ්‍රී:1ඨක්‍ෂ විද්‍යාත්
සපයෝරක්‍ෂා හත්ත
| T. thự: năm =
who are half from the opp Cif 5 tfull är facing all de I am ready T1ct mc rc:.ly s but a thousal
Confronting t
with the spir des traying Th

ry and Politics
the high
I Lr Lair 8
the walleys oth high and low
| equal. highest doctrine,
humanity ! u Wice 5 it a broad
everywhere !
බි ෆුකු අයුපග් න්‍යා පූරු : ::: 7
ජනතාව දහසක න්හි පී
·守
of the oppressed -dead
וולםr = 55iר
cracked cadars,
yd y disasters,
:D I'll til | || 1.
"El
ld scaffolds, with love.
-ద - 311
දීපයට
දිරිය
。
"""
لا
he at täcks of the attackers
it of a lion, e destroyers
by Yohan Devananda
and going forward, un til libetation comics to this islä Find of Lafı kı, that to me is the SJ In
of pries thoryd and of all
religion and preaching.
5. ෙලාක්කන් යයි කියන් හෝ තෘමුක
::- දුක් මිස අපට සැප නොයොදැන් බඩ ඇත්ත නැත්තට න‍ැති වුනත් නොබලා ඒ පැත්ත එක්වමු අපි අපිම කරනට කළ යන්න - These so-call cd leaders, this carnal caucus,
they bring us no joy but only sorrow. Though We may los e our al
let us go forward regardless,
| et u5 write on C2 with arnot in Er to dico, courselwes, what must
be done
Something must also be said of the conservative side of religion, if the whole subject under discussion is to be viewed in proper perspective,
Thc Priest
Reference has been Tiade to the essertially radical role of the
prop het and the monk, They are both, at their best, vocation 5 that run c0 unter to the
E5 tablish riment am d lhe Stati | 5 2 Jo. They are essentially critical, picreer roles that chart the future.
howCCTSE 『도 "E Stabilising role
The role of the priest, ever, is essentially The pries I has a To perform in 5ociety, H= has to help sustain community life and human relationships. He works through a variety of social and cultural forms such 25 Symbals and
7

Page 20
Sacra T1 e 1ts, rite5 and Cerc morie S, hymns and chants, codes and laws, Through these the fundamental truths of religious and social life hawe to be rey e al cd discussed, taught, and made real to ordinary people. The priest thus performs an essential role that is camplementary to that of the prop het. Further, both roles can be cornbined in one person. In practice, there is, and needs to be, a Imixture of rolos... Jes LJS Christo is oft 2n Spoken of as both priest and prophet, servant and lord. The true man of God or man of religion combines the various roles as occasion and circumstance and the needs of the people demand.
Law
It would also be relevant heric to ment for the relative roles of laws and codes on the one hand, and spirit and lowe om the other. As history progresses and human life and institutions develop thcre
is a tendency for grow their diep subjection to, and rites and C the Ten Comm to the Cid Testam Testa ment point. higher-the Gosps, fulfills the law,'
make you frce"
spirit of the La liberty'. It is Buddhist pcrs pe
Five Precepts are Buddhist. The hism is in the F and in the Eight (which, basically, even Precept) \, true understandir to the II. rLIII till thic good life that is filled, wholly put
However, prog i 3 INCII a. Ti i utama process mowing f
SRI LANKA STATE FOR
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Payment to be nad
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people to outm dem cc. c. and Ws and codes, remonies. Thus ndments belong ent är id the Me Yw to something of Love: 'Lowe ''The truth will "Whera thé "d is the Te is ne same in th: tive too. The essentially prasi samce of BLI iddor ble Tri Luth:5 -fold Noble path is not law or Where tarc is g or awakening re follows 'the completely full
ress in history tic Grid inevitable orward unifornly
TF : "Eo : ro: 5;io: tTT
Tiel :: Liu IT
3 || the ti T: , backs, and periods of
and stagnation. There, is, still,
a long way to go
RC1 til
When a society, for various
reasons, reaches a stage of dec
line and decay, conservative forces
in such a society become forces
of reaction, bols tering and upholding the establishment and the s La Lus quo and i Tipe ding necessary reform and revolution. Also, the forces of oppression and exploitation domesticate religious person[19| and | m&titutions and mamipu| 4. te the T for their cwm Purpos C. S.
This was the context in which
Karl Marx pronounced his famous:
"Religion is the opium of the masses." Marx was himself in the true Prophetic tradition. His theory of dialectical materialism has open cd new horizons into the future, ånd a new Path of liberation for the people,
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Page 21
Stalinism and
bé hou lookest beaute ous in thy wrath' goes the old line. Dr. David for his part has become biographical in his wrath. He describes The as 'a non-party (or one-man party) journalist who has rho need for guiding programatic cncumbrances, since (he) never intends to get down to political action and struggle". (L. G. Now |st) This is racher curious in the light of his original description (.L.G. Aug 15th) of Chintaka who's "far too good a practioner of the art of current political involwoment." Contradictory characterizations one Tight think. Ah, but then as a Trotskyist he is consistent only in his inconsistency. Though a biographical per sketch of Dr, David is quite a temptation to any journalist | shall disappoint the reader and move on to less trivial issues.
( | ) Considerations of spaco praw cent fine from um der taking the major task of filling the gaps in Dr. David'5 formal edication on the subject of contemporary Russian history. My reply to Reggie Siri war dene (L. G. Now" || st page 2) traces the roots and causes of the subjectivism of Lenin's indictment of Stalin. As for the 5 co Lurces of the incorrect and incomplete information that Lenin received, they were the Georgian communist leaders Budu Mdivani and Philip Mikharāde. Luxhman lotnikuma" in his informed reply to Dr. Dawid (L. G. Oct 5th) underscores the ma trow nationalist deviation of the se Georgian leaders. We may well say that it was a clear case of premature Titoism.
As for Dr. "dÇçtgred”
David's slightly chronology of Lenin's
"conflict" with Stalin on the national
Je: tion, it is interesting to moto =t in April 1922. when Lenin cught of going to the Caucasus reasons of health, he asked T=t 2rringement5 ba made to coded corn Tunications with the Echevik Central Committee
and Stalin. C. because he con: his most loyal the autonomiza Cr"i t.|K.:|5IT15 We r". stylistic, and worded the C Commission's re with Lenin's wis September. In Georgian Corn rm | reprimanded by them to follow At this point Georgian CP co and selt Leni
apology.
""Blt then', University's Prs Ulam, yeterarı second phase interwcnod, and, things, Lemir's the complaints und erwent a ch tçJ Mr. Siri W3 r: er; suing elw cent 3 am lengthy repetitio point is that differences of p Lenin and Salim ques Lion. Tho C a relatively min Lenin's Criticism: strict organiz towards the Geor, Subsequent facts klimar's Cat 15 Dawid ) showed LI Stalin's towards dwiation in Geo Lenir did mot an of these facts second stroke, bility of follow Meanwhile, the fr over the latter regim crı had als {
As for the Congress, Dr. D Lenin's "sharp on the Georg unknown to thi. were kept a g a srinull section o
 

Eelam
by Chintaka
bviously this was sidered the latter, lieute marit. As for İğırı plan Lerılı'5 :: | th Ti | T1 Stair himself reentral Committee :Sol Licor in accord : ''Ys. Thi5 was in October 1922 the Jnist leaders were v L2 ni in who til Stalin's directives,
the CC of the Electively resigned 1 a telogramin of
5nys Harvard 3fe55 cor Adam B. Sovietologist "the of his ress as I some other attitude towards of the Georgians ange,' 'ty reply l2a. Qutli ries the d da not consider n necessary. The thore were na rinciple between On the national ieorgian affair was or incidit and Were of Stalin"5 ational policy giãT1 'CC Tr1 frlunis ts". (5utlined im Jathi
h reply to Dr. i åt this Policy of the nationalist
gia were correct. d Could mot know beca LISY after his le had ho} possing thaso events. iction with Stalin 3 Stri. Te it.: ||
Interwood.
|2th Bol ghee wik awid asserts that bukes of Stain a issue were
congress. They arded secret a
the leadership."
This, I am constrained to $ау, is nonsense, Robert C. Tucker, Professor cof Politics at Princeton and Director of its Russian Studies Programme (no Stalinist falsifier, surely) tells us that the Bolshevik Politburo decided that instead of being published as a congress document, Lenin's notes on the Georgian incidents should be read to the various delegations in closed 5ession, and this was dorte. Thus the material was communicated to the I2th Congress wia Lhe d2 legation 5. Furthermore, Dr. David overlooks another 'trifle", namely that the issue was raised by the Georgian dissidents Mdiwani and Makharadze, Chief Commissar in the Ukraine Rakowsky and Ukrainian Bolshevik leader Nikolai Skrypnik. Mikolå i Bukharin || 5 'yiaced criticism of Stalin. However, the 12th congress as a whole endorsed
Stalin's propos als and did not condemn Stalin on the Georgian issue. So much than for Dr. David's account of the 12th congresi pro-22 dirings, The "Small section of the leadership" that
Dr. Dawid in dicts wrongly, incidentally hal PPC:n 5 to be the Bolshevik Politburo and Central Committee! The point Thade in the L. G. Oct 1st reply, thus stands-the leading grgans of the Bolshvik party (its P8, CC and Congreis), which were in a better position to judge the issud at hand tham wä5 the bedrid den Lenin, endorsgd Stalin's position. So, the stone |aunched by the Sling of David passes harmlessly overhead......
If Dr. David cares to road Stalin's Works Wol 5, he wiII see that the latter's speech to the 12th Congress, contain 5 a strong con demnation of Great Russian chauvinism. The various local chauvinisms were largely reactivo in origin he said. Certain quarters wanted "to accomplish by peaceful means what Derikin failed to accomplish i.e. to create the so-called One and Invincible," warned Stalin, who Went or to state in no uncertail

Page 22
terms: "owing to NEP, great-power chauvinis T is growing in our Country by leaps and bounds, striving to obliterate all that is inct Russian, to gather all the threads of government into the hands of the Russian element, and to Stific everything that is not Russiam.' Thus, Stalin at the 12th congress.
(2) Dr. David ha s taken umbrage at my "references to mandatory reading". If how cycr, he had pursued this task with the requisite diligencic, he would hawe se en the subtle differentiation in Lenin's attitude (post-1917) to the secession of Poland, Finland and the Baric countries on the one hand, and the Ukraine, Transcau. Asia and
Central Asia on the other. Finland, as Jothikumar televently notes, (L. G. COct 15th) hård special privileges of internal
a Lutonomy Owen under the Tza rist, Empire. Having strong bourgeois leaderships, Finland, Poland, Es tctia, Lithuria and Latvia chos: tC 5ecede... |r1 the ir1 terc:5ts of the class struggle and Socio-historical development, Lenin sent the Bolshevik armies in 98 to Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia with a view to SEtting up Communist governments. The Bolshevik armies were thro yw'r clut är d in || 320, Sowiet Russia sig red a peace treaty
with these 5tä tes. In the face of LLLLLSLL S LLLuLuK S S LLLLLCSaL SL S S000S0SLLS however, the USSR's need to
extend its defence perimeter enabling it to hawe 'defence-im-depth", necessitated the invasion of Finland and the Sovietization of the Baltic states). As for the Ukraine, Lenin's Collected wark5 Wol ?? (Fr addition to Dr. David's reading list) provide us with his views That the strength Cf bøurgaci& notlønalism thẽ5 ẽ wa5 a shor run testimonial to Bolshevik wcakness. In 19 9 the Bolshevik army extended des erwing ald to the Ukra lar II asses which resulted il the for ration of a Ukrain iar Soviet uni|t, yw hiti i turi består Tię: closely associated with the RSFSR. It was a similar set of events in Byelorussia.
This is why I say that there was never any serious asymmetry bgtwgen Lenin's and Stalin's positiars on the National Question either in the pre-or post-revolutionary situations. If the facts do
O
mot fit Dr, Dawid" of Lenin a5 her: ewil kmaye, the i regretted. Histo a rè yolu ricomary f Tot leid || Salf ti in such Märich:a.
Stallim's ariti-Ser Kumma Diyid då . tion orħ h Ml: circa |?: T1 paign against an ched its height late 320's and When WW || b Crdri the tra i Jews to safety to so that the armias may ng After the war, the Jey's egnand Tinti both m i Czechoslowakia) ai (in the U. N. s Star Wa: dubbi ter of grael." är tisomitic Perse:
The so-cald plot of the latc. and parcel of a Lichew tel 15 u 5. St in his last years to the 20th C. CPSU Khruschicht the purge take the T1 would Tot hitself include: Writings, notably Ię T1s af Scialisir TI saw gal th;it thit opponents at the Same that Carme his de mise and idency. The hig E-TTL1it Tor been different cost off.
The Wolga Ge republic by the hed as punishme loyalty of its actively assisted in wader's.
Dr. David FEc nomic am d : | tui most nationalitie LIFE II or back y in the post rew:
. . . . ." In some TäIIrles, how (var ach iewed dispire:

's preferred Wiew and Stair as Wai is y, cwen that of movaments does interpretation
"TE
†litis fs is fs-tion. ag Stalin's dewia3 tional Question BC|5, he wik täTIlti-SeerTniti 3. Il rea - however, in the early 1930's. ke It, Stalin sportation of the seytand the Urals, Ina rauding Nazi reach them. Stalin supported for self-deter| | tarily (guns wia nd diplomatically o much so that d 'the God FaStrange kind of ution ...!
Jewish Doctor's 1940's was part purge that Klusalin was plamnlrig . In his speech ongress of the 2. Y si id that had place Tiany of hawe been there,
!, Stalin's list
"EgjigrTij. Prgj. in the USSR." ! wiews of his
time were the to the fore after Krushchev's asign
tory of world ment would haye had the purge
TTT I LUC TOT OLS: way was abolisrint for the di 5inhabitants who the Nazi German
ognizes 'the ecoat advances that s and especially år el carne 5 a chiewed 3 utionary period magical-mystical * å li chi & Hā5 ble e
Salim, behid
the back as it were of the Stalinist party which, let us remem
ber was a totalitarian party in the Gramscist 5 ense of the word. That is to say, à Party
which was the leading and guiding force in each and every sphere of Sowjet socio-political life.
(2) -- (3) Let us wade out of the murky waters of Sowie L history to the much more important terra ir cof the national (Tartı il) question of contemporary Sri Lanka. Dr. Dawid se 25 a Comtradiction of my support of Stalin's practice in post-revolutionary Russia and my support of Tamil self-determination. (I might add that Lim like Dr. Dawid | endose and advocate the Tamils militant struggles to exercise that right to the fu l'est). In seeing a Con - tradiction (and hinting at hypocracy) Dr. David reve als Once
again Trotskyisms Chief charateristic: Its complete incapacity to Take a concrete analysis of a concrete situation. In my reply
of Oct 1st (LG. page 28) I stated quite clearly that "When directed against the infant, encircled
So Wiet socialist state, the phenomenom of bourgeois nationalism had objectively a retro
gressive content." Stalin's article of October 20th | 920 (Pravda) which quoted said " - , bLJI. . . . . . Chë demand for secession . . . . . at the present stage of revolution is a profoundly counter-revolutionary am C." Lan in's refTrks of | 3 || 5 Discussion of Self-Deter II ration summed up), which I reproduced stato that '''Suppose that a nunBC: T of Tati 15 Yyer" ) : tir, a socialist revolution. . . . while other mations ser we as the Chief bulwarks of bourgeois reaction - then
we would have to be in favour of a revolutionary war against the latter. . . . .
Only the nost Tyopic could fail to see that all this refers to cert 3 in concretę tam ditions and circu Trsta fit:ęs; tc i certain balance of forces. refuse to
follow Kumar David and abstract Stalin's political practice from the specific and historically concrete conjuncture of postrevolutionary USSR. Stalin's Practico, ngceš Šåry at the til Te and therefore COrrect, Cannot be

Page 23
abstracted and generalized into universal truth. Such metaphysics and dogmatism, I reject. My
defense of Stalin and my whole hearted support of Tamnil natiomal (political) independence are perfectly compatible and indeed mutually supportive.
My aside about the "Trotskyist fetishization of the programme' derives from the critique made of Trotskyism by Regis Debray and Joao Quartim, who speak of the Trotskyists' utter inability to distinguish between the minimun programmes, recognise the importance of the former and realize that even the "mildest', superficially "reformist", anti-imperialist democratic programme when it articulates the deepest grievances of the masses and is coupled with an armed struggle strategy can prove more effective thān am Qwertly sociallst Cr "Transitional' programme. Drawing up neatly divided "Sacrosant" programmes, Say's Debray, is the kind of hobby only a Trotskyist intellectual can afford the luxury of indulging in, si rice historically
Trotskyism has proved itself incapable of posing a successful or even a serious arried threat to state power, The Trotskyist
topography of the Sri Lankan Left and the arithmetical bulk of the NLSSP can mask that cality only
temporarily. Better perhaps a one-man (Stalimist) pārty Chan a four-man International
So Dr. Dawid supports the right of self-determination, but does not advocate, (recominerd,
put forward) or support the Eelam demand Contrary to Dr. David's sophistry, it is not necessary that a Marxist party's programme should flow from stake as its point of departure) the Eelam demand, if that party is to support the de mand, The Bolshevik pro
gramme did not flow from or take as its point of departure the National Question. Similarly
a Marxist party while having the Proletarian seizure of static power as the point of departure of its Programme can incorporate the Slogan af political Secession om behalf of or put forward by a given oppressed nation.
TrLie, recogni of self-determir Thearn tho a dwcc in all cases, studied ambig obfuscation and t3tion Carinot Leninist charact Lenin spoke of advocacy of sep "a 5 plendid exa tude the pro oppressor natic towards rational example which F its irmmens e prac (Right of Nation Thirtion). In the tion and the Rig Self-determinatio socialists mus. In the un canditional literation of th2 must also render port to the Tic ellerThem LS in the Cratic myye Ten liberation in the assis their upr socialists who f says Lenin, 'defe self-determination and by words
si der excessiwe free political Se: nçit defend th
revolutionary tact of the socialists nations. . . . and Yery question of a state forcefully Privileged mations , they pro: having lost all a Stand the theorie
and prartical u tactic:5 ,^»h ic F1 *llr Ireland as an ex; In his draft National and C for the Corint gre 55, Len in W
Cc3 TT1munist. parti
I Corfinited (),

tion of the right lation does not
A Cy of Separat | om but Dr. Dawid": Jities, deliberate
[Örtu01.J3, argur Then - disguis: the un2T of his position. Marx and Engel's a ration of Ireland imple of the at: - letariat of the
'il should adopt
Ti'''2|T1 2 3 las fost nonă of
tical importance''", 5 to self deter2 "Socialist Rewolug ħ t of Mlations to f1', h. Sy 5 thät Ot Only de mand and in Tediato colonies. . . . they determined supare revolutionary bourgeois demo -
ts for riational
Curtis a İSİ Tığ . . . . . Those
ail to do this, nd the right to hypocritically alone; they conthe de mand for cession; they do 2 hece 3 sity for ici on the part of the oppressor they) avoid the the frontiers of Të tiining under. With in its to Lunds titLitę Marxism, ility to underical significance "gency of the * explained with Imple . . . . ." the sig or The lo Tial questian 5 f' 5 Second Cor
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Page 24
Literature
and
reassessed (2)
-p:#" account of post-revolu־ך tionary Russian literature 35 sumics that the cld culture of the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie died with the revolution, while th c rise of a new culture must be prepared for by the building of the material and social founda riors for it: hence the contestporary hiatus in literature. (Unlike scine other Sowiet theorists, Tro Lsky contended that the new culture when it came in to being would be 'class less" rather than "proletarian".)
Trotsky's view of the relations between class, Individual literary genius and historical circumstances seems altogether too mechanistic, particularly when applied to a time of Tevolution its im mediate aftermith. It is characteristic of a revolutionary era that by rendering social Institutions and ideologies suddenly fluid. it creates the conditions under which the writer of genius can take a starting imaginative lead of thought, outdistancing his time. (Blake's Poetry, written during one such revolutionary era, is a striking example.)
It can be suggested that Blok's The Twelve, as a visionary poem fusing past, present and future, was just such an inspired imagirative act made possible by the se yolutior. The Twel we was at, however, Blok's last word: at the erd of the same IIn onth, January 1918, to which The Twelve belongs, he wrote The Scythians- a poem con which Trotsky was silent,
| hawe no space here to write about this extraordinary Work in detail, but The Scythians, through symbol and historical analogy, in effect holds out to the "old world" of Western Europe 'for the last time, the opportunity to EIT brace fraternally the Russian Revolution. But the poem also foreshadows, In the event of this opportunity
22
being missed, the the Teyatiari III shell and the asc Asian component o' ("We sha | | openi
to the East," wro diary at the sam
C) Ili e càm se: ignored The Scy Eur:centric wis įo hawe se e med eitl Gr Alien, set B: a prophetic mom są w morc clearly ti of the revolution few decades tha theorigt and roman was to be crush ft:(-5, that Blok A proof that the tion can run äh reality!
In writing about ant origin, Serget hi Ti self was to literature need limited in signific
and social contex produced. In a m Prawda III | 93f
Esenir's suicide, tribute the poet': Cla58 background: from the past, i. able to sink his ni C2 w Lirin e5. Eu to rily, he went broader Humar lyrici 5 m. sugges suicide was the thwarting of the which Sowjet sc yet afford:
"His lyric spri Would to the CCIII di tioms wher ious, happy, f period when II:s LLT IICL FI friendship love

Revolution
by Reggie Siriwardena
with drawal of 3. Its national in dancy of its :r the European. wide our gates e Blok im his
rime.)
why Trotsky hians: to his the Poem must ar meaningless k the poet in ent of insight. e Actual cors
for the next r the political of action who d by the yery fores a w III poem. writer's Imaginalead of material
the poet of peasEscriin, Trotsky recogni 5 e that » C necessarily bg. ince by the class in which it is :TI trial article in shortly after Trotsky did atweakness to his he was uprooted ld had not been roots to the
self-contra clici . ue to Ese nin's ng that the utcome of the |yrical İmpulses icty could rot.
could have umnd only un dcr fe was har 17 cmof songs, a merc ruled as combat, but
1 d term derm css.”
forward to a fuller humanity of the future for whom these feelings would core
Trotsky looked
into their own: "The revolution, abovo all, wi|| In lofty strLIggle win for every individual the right not only to bread but to Poetry.
It is mot easy to reconcile the limiting class analysis with the broader human value given to Esenin's work: what Trotsky was
saying, in effect, was that Esen in would be fully appreciated only in the class less society of the future, What he was willing to
claim for Es enim, Fio'wę w er, he wa 5 mot ready to conce de to Anna Akhmatova (because the former was peasant and the latter bourgeois by birth?), though there seems to me no doubt that she was the greater poet, Trotsky referred to her as 'very gifted', but treated her poetry (at this time, mainly personal poetry of love) dispargingly as a survival of the past,
Trotsky couldn't in 1924 have fores gen, Lhe remarkable develoPrent that Akhma towa's writing would undergo in the 'thirties, especially in Requiem, where it. became "the Tiouth through which a hundred million people cry,' However, already in 1923 Aleksandra Kolontai, feminist and Bolshevik, was more sympathetic to Akhm 14. to wa's work, recogni sing that in her love poetry there was expressed the suffering of a woman ower Tian's refusa | To lo ye her as am automomo.IS person. Kollontai found in thilg an cxplanation of Akhma towa's popularity with working-class women readers in spite of the fact that she was not a Marxist.
At the time of Literature and Revolution the most vigorous literary avant-garde consisted of the Futurist5, Whosomçst brilliant poet, Mayakowsky, Was being boosted by some circles close to the ruling party a S the la ureate of the

Page 25
revolution. Lenin, whose literary tas tes were strongly traditional, found the literary axperimentalism and iconoclasm of the Futurists uncongeri ial. Trotsky, morte madern in his tastes, was willing to recognise the mer its of the Futurists' struggle against the old poetic vocabulary and forms, But he was not willing to accept Mayakovsky, as some other Soviet critics did, as the authentic voice of revolution, because hic: saw in his work the expression of a flamboyant individualist who had insufficiently rTerged his personality with the collective struggle.
Trotsky’s twelva pages on kovsky represent his best writing as a literary critic. A few sentences. Tust Serve to Indicatie hiëre their direction and their quality:
The poet is too conspicuoushe allows too little autor oily to events and facts. It is not the revolution which wrestles with obstacles but Mayakovsky who displays his athletics in the arena of Words, som time 5 Performing genuine miracles, but frequently lifting with heroic effort not. riously empty weights . . . . It is impossible to out-clamour war and revolution, but it is easy to get har S2 in the attempt. . , Mayaklavsky shouts too often where one should speak; and so his cry, where cry is needed, sounds inadequate."
In their original context these observations are supported by what was being called at the same Lime in England "Practical criticism". HoWever, for Trotsky the words on the page are not the end of criticis T1: the examination of style and form is linked with the
social analysis, the first being treated as illustration and con- ||
firmation of the second.
But Trotsky, who took an independent view of Mayakovsky, was more Un critical in dealing with the popular versifier Demyan Bedny,
whom he described as "the poet Who, more tha T1 anyone else, " has ||
the right to be called the poet of revolutionary Russia." In Trot
sky's praise of him the commissar
cverhadows the critic:
"Not only in those rare cases when Apollo calls him to the holy sacrifice
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Page 26
The politics
hen I was around ten or
eleven (this was in the colonial era) I used to soak myself in the boys' adventure fiction of writers like Rider Haggard, R. M. Ballantyne and G. A. Henty. The heroes were all white-skinmed; the nati y es ranged from the quaint and comic to the treachercus and blood thirsty. I didn't realise it at the time, but I was being in doctrinated in the political and racialist attitudes of imperialism.
The revelation that a good deal of supposedly innocent and a Tusing children's li terature was drenched in reactionary values cane when, as a young university student, I read in the wartime Horizon George Orwell's essay, 'Boys' Weeklies', Orwell's piece (it is now reprinted in his Collected Essays) was a pioneering study of the boys' magazines of that time - the Gem, Magnet and the | iko — bringing Cut the class and political attitudes Implicit in then.
The kind of analysis that Orwell made has now been carried out more extensively in a two-part study by Bob Dixon entitled Catching them Young (Pluto Press). I haven't seen the first volume, which is subtitled Sex, Race and Children's Fiction, but the second Political Ideas in Children's Fiction, has a chapter. "Empire; Fiction Follows the Flag", which Is a critical s Lurvey of imperialistic chi dram's fiction, from Robinson Crusoe, through Masterman Ready, The Gorilla Hunters, and King Solomon's Mines, to Dr. Dolittle and the new wariations of imperialist adwen turc: in space fiction.
Bob Dixon also has an excellent chapter on Enid Blyton; still the most popular children's writer in middle-class Sri Lankan homes: summing up, he says of her: "What overwhelmingly pervades every aspect of Blytion's work ... is the insistence on consor inityand conformity to the most
7
of chi
na Trow, establish : practices and W Dixon's criticist one of the mos of his book is atter to to which, without Cr excitemen I, C tical view Cof cla and social institl work of Third fighting back agair ideology of Engli tion as well as recent English w civilised wallies.
A valuable ex hope that. Un I wel
55 filt - would be to and George Ory for the study of
Literature . .
Corfferssær fra
does Demyan Bedf in and day out a: the Central Comt derTärcl."
The words wo to acquire a hist few years, with power, other wel Write as the Ce of the Party der TSSults were to Trotsky's taste.
(A broadsheet by the author o the poetry of A One of the W here, has just be
Stalinism . .
( Ċ II I ir ried fri
direct aid to . TTiDVD sig flt 5 årer and under-privile | reland, Americar in the Colonies, condition, whic Important, the

dren's
ment, type beliefs,
alle S.' Not ill
is destructive: t useful aspects Tha L. E dTä YY'S hildren's fiction losing adventure fet 5 i 12 Ciri
is rata relatioms tions, as in the
World Writers st the imperialist sh Children's ficbooks by some titers with Timore
5 r. i 512 – Carl 013
books
tudes promoted by the indigenous comic-books and picture-stories that are now the 5ta ple Trading of many Sri Lankan children.
Pro Hor Corre r
A Palindrome (as many readers may already know) is a sentence or word that reads the same Both backwards and forwards. Perhaps the most famous of all pal indromics is tha Sam Icem cc with which Adam is said to hawe introduced himself Lc Eye: "Madarı, I'm A, där Th."
"sity students of Recent research into the Garden I will attempt it of Eden has established that Eve's LLLLLL LLL LLLGCC S LLLSLLLKLS ELLS LtLaLLLLtS S LLLLLLaaaaS well as a model Can you work out what it was
the Sccial atti - (Solution next timo.)
the te Pression of de pcndon C. gi?t: 2?( nations and Colonies, as well asק נוי. recognition of their right to ly create, but day secede, are but a false signboard, the events and as is evidenced by th "ti littee of the Party II T1 y tine | 5
of the Socond International.
re, retrospectively orical iriomy: i rn a Trotsky cut of "Sift 5 \," e " :) tra. Coi Tittee manded, and the be much less to
of trair 5 latior 15, if this article, of nna Akhmatova, riters di5Cu55 ed en published.)
(תא E".םק rH ::
he revolutionary g the dependent ged na Lions (2. g: 1 blacks etc.) and
Without (this) h is particularly struggle against
Dr. David's recognition of self
determination is yer bıl ad hypocritical. But we should not be surprised, after all in "The
Discussiam of Salf-d2 3. rT i må tio i summed up" Lenin spoke of 'those who recognize self-determination as verbally and hypocirtically as Kautsky in Germany and Trotsky and Martov in
Russia.' In another paragraph of the Same es Say, Lenin Said "as for the Kautskyites, they hypocritically re CogniTe Selfdetermination - Trotsky and Martow are going the same way here in Russia." And
Kumar David goes the same Way herc in Sri Lanka !
(This correspondence is now closed)
TouchStone

Page 27


Page 28
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