Page 1
Special report
Gail Omvedt
GAMINI vs T 8 Reggie Siriwardena on ဗွိုင္ငံ Brain drain by Mervy 8. The Jaffna Tamil by
 
 

INDIRA AND THE LEFT
HE SYSTEM
problems of translation
1 de Silva
K. Sivathamby TOR

Page 2
Ano specialise from
Deposit
Protect your valuable je People's Bank SAFE DEPOS The People's Bank offer locker units in three different staff for prompt individual at This unit is situated at th floor of the People's Bank, H Rent a Safe Deposit Loc valuables really safe.
Contact:
The Manager, People's Bank. Headquarters Branch,
Sir Chittampalam Gardine ColorTbo 2.
 
 
 
 
 

Lockers
Wellery, documents, etc., in a ST LOCKER.
S WOU Separate safe deposit sizes and with specialised tentiOn.
le fully air-conditioned second lead Office.
ker and keep yout
:r Mawatha,
PLE'S BANK
FICE COLOMB02, TEL: 27841–9
محلے

Page 3
United May Day is
The ISSP wants a Joint May Day Rally with all the Left Porties and the SLFP. But the SLFP does not want the JVP and many of the other Left partles refuse to appear on the same platform as the SLFP. So the SFP will probably go-it-alone; likewise the WP. Meanwhile the UNP Will Walk-ft-alone, In sence.
Angther stronger move for a Joint Left rally is being sponsored by the CPSL and other Marxist parties with majority backing from the JTUAC in which the SLFP trade union federation is a member. A similar proposal as also come from the newly formed 5-party "bloc' of Maoists. While serious divisions exist betweer these parties at the political level, the main tendency at the fra de un for seves is for the closing of ranks, with common economic demands as the cementing factor.
The question of a joint May Day will probably be the princi. Pa topic of discussion at the JTUAC-sponsored National ConvenffOm On March Ft Ind / Oth.
Another Queue?
The GMOA's tacticians are busy on deciding the Association's next move. In the view of the dmendment to the Estabisment Code on sick leave for doctors, the old strategem won't work. So lawyers may help in discowering a new loophole.
Any doctor who falls is must get his leave chit approved by an official specially authorised by the Health Ministry's Secretary, Supposing the authorised Individual is the S.H.S. of the ared how can d doctor in some remote rural hospital reach him? Can he, poor sick man, under. take a Journey of many miles?
Since the doctors have been asked to "present themselves' at the authorised official's place of work, will a couple of hundred doctors present themselves at the sa me time dit the same place and form a queue? Would this be Within the w?
JSS Trouble
It happened 5 till. . . The UN, has quickly acqu feud (for note of is unfortயா the President h, the SS from a Recently, two clashed at the An
Елошgh"s еп Transport Minis; cracked down of other work p where officers ol have been abus Will the word the re that u JSS or not, shot firmly.
Lonely Backbi
Cabinet Ministe Ministers, Deputy trict Ministers Ministers. With Diskret Developr there could bey 80гy enjoying t) soos e title. In the backbencher he, like the esep species.
LAMRA
GUAR
Wol. 2 No. 2 || March
Published fortnightly
Publishing Co. Lt. 88, N. H. M. Ad (Réclamation Roak
Editor: Morvy
Telephoпе:
COWER PICTUE ; Fonscka's "Uit human
CONTE
Letters News backgrou An Olympian tri

at Angada. But P-controlled J.S.S. "ired an un savoury It rely on account fe instals. Ewen as had to tick off public platform. Pго-UNР groups goda CTB depot.
Ough said the ter last week and hard. But what
laces, like banks, * managerial rank ed and assaulted. go right down for Uly un ionists, ld be dealt with
encher
rs, Mon-Cabinet ' Ministers, DisIn d now, Project devolution and nefnt Counciss, et drother citehis delightfully the meantime, may fee that һапt, is a dying
DAN
1, 1980 Price 2,50
Jy Lanka Guardia D d. First Floor, Lul Cader Road, i) Colombo 11.
Fim da Silva
21 OO9.
Still fruTI Gilrrirli
r
:NTS
id
gedy 5
-
= 14 甲一
" Questions
We know that Muzorewa's Abel and that Sanjiva is Reddy but we Giscard rikto figure íf the Ayatollah Ruhollah would be willing to khornelin'" from the cold and settle d'Esta ing that has come up between Iran and the US. Though Bani may not have been Farsi-ling enough will he turn out to be a Sadr but wiset man? WW || 1 Leonid be Breshneff to move on to Iran and Pakistan? Will the ZimbaWeans welcome Joshua with N'Komiums? If the Gang of Four - arte brought to trial Hua the people who'll benefit? Finally, will JR recontest at the end of his term or will 984 (year of portent) bring a new Bosphorus? Here's Xiaoping eyerything will turn out right. Zia later.
Dematagoda. Boyd Almeida
DPL Conventions
As one who served in two of our foreign missons (although na non diplomatic capacity) should like to pose this que tion to Sir Senarat Goonewardene, or any of our other vete Tan en Woys cor even to the Pundits in the Foreign Ministry.
World news 6 How poor aid rich Development 5
Economics לן
Nationality 9 CIпema 2. Literature -23
Printed by Ananda Press 8:25, Wolfendhal Street, Colombo 13.
Telephone: 35975
KÉP
ETTERS

Page 4
Sir Senarat made a loud protest against the holding of US diplomats as hostages by the Iranian students since it was a flagrant violation of international conventions and DFL norms. Did not the Canadians who helped six US embassy personnel toe scape from Iran with the help of forged passports and visas violate the same rules too?
Colombo. K.
Standardisation
I am sure there will be others who will give an extensive answer to Dr. Calvin Gunaratine's Idea of the "best method we have of conferring some degree of reliability to raw marks for purposes of ranking." I am writing this only to show that slogan’s with politlcal imPlications cannot bê Judged by the validity in the sphere of academic arguments. I am sure Dr. G. has perfectly logical arguments to show that this method is the best. But of
Course all that abstråct and fo
TrLuth is r Today the luna the Sinhala Mah are making use arguments mixed lot of non sense hatred against T Tamil Intelligent. Dr. Colwin has but to join th with his "best
We are liv in World and not logical static Wor and developmen important. This Buddha long bị Hegel. Truth of has to be judge its relation to TowerTents and it brings into scene. There is to judge the t interest of fairn
Wickramabah
Colombo 2.
US
O R A N G |
FC
REAL WRITIN
MANUFACTURED BY P.
(M.
DISTRIBUTED BY SHAW W

will be highly rmal.
CTE CF CTE te
:lic elements in ajana Peram una of exactly these up with a whole to whip up 'a mil youth and sia In particular. no alternative e bandwaggon method".
* In a changing In a formally ld. Movements ts are the most was said by 2fore Marx or what one says !d according to socio-political the Influence the political i no other way ruth and the
SS
ш Karunaratпе
Religion and change
First of all, Its unclear to me whether the revelwer was (I) briefly summarizing the Canon's speech or (ii) critically evaluat Ing it. As it seems to me that the first possibility is correct, submit these observations.
It's suggested that "The radicalism of Jesus Christ MUST be the activating force for any realistic structural change of society. While not de-emphasizing one iota of Christ's radcal message, it should be realised that the above formulation
ČEPP fra Pr Page F)
| By an erToT im out Offige, Reggle Siriwardenil made two un intentional appearances in our lst SSL, The ist 5 tie cover, where the review of "Gamini's new film" was wrongly ascribed to him instead of to Touchstone. The other was on i page 2, where the poeti “Letter | to muy Wife” vas inadvertently credited to him as his translation. We apologist to hinu for both these errors. - E.
E PLOT
}R
NG PLEASUIRE
ENPALS LIMITED
ember of the K. G. Group)
WALLACE & HEDGES LTD.

Page 5
DOCTORS' DILEN
he confrontation between the
GMOA and the government has ended. But is it only the first round On points, the
government may claim it won the day. The government refused to accede to what remains the most controversial of Issues - the post -graduate examinations and the GMOA demand that its members be allowed to sit the UK exams locally. The government says that the new Institute of Post-graduate Medicine is one of the regime's most Progressive measures. On the question of academic standards, it has the authoritative verdict of the three visiting UK professors. They said that Sri Lanka has followed the example of "advanced' countries like Canada and Australia, and the standards the Institute will maintain compare favourably with Canadian or Australian.
the GMOA retired from the ring? Is it licking its wounds? "Not at all......this is only a tactical withdrawal... the union action proved that the association had the support of the membership whereas the former Committee which was negotlating with the Ministry had lost their Confidere'
But has
observed a source close to the GMOA's new leadership.
Trade union solidarity, though Important, is not in itself effective if the consequences of collective action do not make a sufficiently strong impression on the employer. In this instance, it is the government, and the government is particularly vulnerable to public reactions in an area as sensitive as health. On February ||th, hospital services in Colombo and Kandy came to a virtual Standstil. By mid-week, the services in most hospitals were paralysed as hundreds of doctors reported sick. The undeclared "strike" spread to the provinces.
The government did not invoke the provisions of the tough new Essential Public Services Act. The draft law, challenged in the courts and criticised in the NSA,
had attracted opposition of t Lnion 5 ånd gårn Condemnation Council, Civil an Organisations etc. could even lose
"We are all depresslon.. . . . . " COT Tent lade spokes man to th asked to explain had Sudden ly si GMOA's member
2
evidently, was a ssion; the oppr. State. While
public steeled in to Wonder whi diagnos Is Was šo joke, the medici Tiraculous recove to make med Ica union, history.
By the time til themselves fit government has p
Tiracle too. | r hours the Gower out a gazette
Secretary, Public
anno un ed ari a T Establishment Coc XII). Any governs feels unwell must before a medical by the Health Mi no more 'sick not
On the same reported that bo and the Health fused to meet the Its new CoTi Tittee direct action if II not granted,
Will the GMC), fight against a dete Të n t or bide i TRENDS)
While an uneas it is already clear action is a sh;
ܩ ܲ

MA
the un animous le major trade ad itself strong TOIT1 the Bar | Human Rights A professional his licence.
In a state of was the curious by a top GMOA SUNo, when
the wIrus that ruck down the ship. The cause,
d the
NEWS BACKGROU
manifestation of much deeper problems, both peculiarly local as well as Third World is and international.
Of all professionals, doctors constitute the most powerful lobby. When he tried to introduce the Idea of state assistance to the poor, President Kennedy was shocked to see himself denounced as a communist. Here the "licence to kill" was the passport to privilege and high
Govt’s too
sense of opprees sort being the
a long-suffering cynicism was left et het this selfmething of a sick ne-men staged a :ry that is bound l, if not trade
he doctors found for work the erformed a minor less than 24 nment Press put in which the Administration, endment to the le (Sec. 6. Chap. Tent doctor who present himself officer designated nistry. In short, es", the easy way.
day, the CDN th the President Minister had reGMOA because I had threatened is demands were
A give up the : rm ned Gowernts time? (See
calm prevails, that the GMCA агрlу геyealing
income, within the state and more so outside it. The first Bandaranaliko government, bravely supported by an enlightened GMOA, abolished private practice.
The recovery of lost and restricted privileges (private practice and chan nelled practice) was the main issue in the long drawn-out battle which marked the 1970's. In this, the AMS (the specialists) formed a profitable coalition with the much larger GMOA. Though numerically weaker, the AMS was the dominant group which exerted its enormous (and often subterranean and dubious) Influence at the highest levels, including the national press, specially the English-language newspapers. The medical-mudalalls had access to the top rungs of government and soon won many a concession.
Watch ing the AMS-GMOA coal - tion at work during the last phase of the U. F. regime, it was increasingly evident who was the organ grinder and who the monkey. Under the new dispensation, the specialist must echo the sentiment expressed in a medical journal patronised by the drug firms: "Happy times are here again'
The GMOA story is significantly different. As the social complexion of the average medical graduate changed, so did the corporate personality of the GMOA.
system
B

Page 6
The young gov't doctor is no longer a rich or privileged
individual. On the contrary, he has been caught up in the general process of pauperization of the public service 警 Those who by professional status or adminis. trative rank belonged to the upper-middle class are being pushed downwards to the lower middle class. Real income ensures downward mobility. This is the fate of the young doctor, the wast ဖူ|၀rity of the GMO A T erT berTship.
He has many grievances. Where there are no GP's, a DMC or house officer can earn several thousand. But not where patients have access to private practitioners. He has to share a room with 3 or 4 colleagues, sometimes sleeping on a mattress. Living conditions are terrible, transport difficult, and the allowances barely adequate. All this is a fertile ground
for resentment. He sees UN "volunteers' highly paid but Sometimes less qualified, reside
In nice houses, with refrigerators, garages and fans, and using State vehicles for touristic weekends.
At a higher level, a smaller group is keen on foreign postgraduate qualifications as an escape route to Jobs abroad. Not all the passport restrictions, the bonds and the Compulsory Service Acts of the U. F. regime could stop well over a hundred skipping the country. The "pull" (the reasons are both economic and personal) is part of the phenomenon popularly styled the "brain drain". (See the U. N. Feature "How the Poor Aid the Rich" P. I2
CRM protests
he Civil Rights Movement has
issued a strongly worded statement on the proposed law to control Social service organisations. The CRM describes it as "a gross and un precedented wicolation of freedom of association'.
Observing that the draft law seeks to bring all such social Service bodies under direct government onttol, the CRM motes that "a government official may enter and inspect the premises of the
organisation, m: executiwe COTT T1 i general meeting
such Place and til may attend the and give directlo tive Committee'
The CRM's pri Lakshman Wickte Secretary is Mr. D Attorney-at-Law.
Re-shuf . . . reall
hat was til shuffle that
Whatewer else against the UNP be faulted" for The novelty does is true, in the mo:
Once upon a ' small group of bodies known as experts. Some of w Ing, while oth smartly into wari A few hawe discri
silence. But ews Socrates would E squeeze rational
re-shuffle althoug change may appe; tlcal sense.
The Mister O stration is also Plantation Industri that whatever pl: administer would | The two largest organisations runi tions, the JEDB no longer part o
Everybody knew wiiiiii was f: But whole Wer th: Jump as high as On the way up, Ouser. The new will be called up |aligo to the alm: the United Nat Scientific and Cult UNESCO, headqu
The truth Is morte like the pri tions in the midhis unusually ci

ау WE ttee meeting or to take place at me as be directs, meetings himself, is to the execu
asident is Bishop masinghe, and Its esmond Fernando,
fe y?
ne Cabl net re
S.
may be said it surely cannot lack of novelty. express itself, it it breezy forms.
time there was a intellectual busy
the Sri Kotha * them hawe taken ers hawe swung ou 5 en terprises. eetly su nke Into in a Sri Kotha e hard put to ty out of the gh at least one a to his dialec
f Public Admini. the Minister of es! The fact Is antations he may not be too public. public sector ning the plantaand the SPC, are if hi5 tLuTf.
W that NIssa ka 2r the high jump. ught he would Hulftsdorp Hill? things get Curiu Stice Ministe T on to do justice and ideals of ions Educational. Iural Organisation
rtērs Pārs.
that this looks incipal's observa-term report of owded, weirdly
assorted and not very bright class of 1977. As a hightly intelligent Rector he deserved a better batch of students but, as the man said, aiyo what to do? (Oh for old pals, like N.M. and Colvin!)
Some of those found weak in the sciences hawe been transferred to the arts while a few who hawe shown a talent to play too many games have been put on to the field. .... or to grass. A few prefects have had their badges reTowed; a monitor here and there has had some of his powers curbed and some well-behaved boys
from the back row haya been brought up front,
H. E. works in dharmysterious
ways His miracles to perform. 'JVP split’ alleges K. P.
“Ti is a split in the JWP
leadership on the Afghanistanı issue" sald the Communist Party's General Secretary K. P.
Silva, speaking to a largely student audience at Peradeniya campus' New Arts Theatre, on the subject of "The path the Left should take today." The JWP's public silence on Afghanistan flies in the face of its militant internationalist pretensons, he said, commenting significantly that "the neo-Trotskyist top leadership was reluctant to solidarise with the Afghan Revolution and the USSR, while the genuinely internationalist, non-Trotskyist segment of the leadership wished to declare such solidarity."
Replying to a question from the audience, K. P. Silva said that the CPSL and the WP were at onc in their common rejection of the Chinese characterization of the USSR as 'social-Imperialist.' The JWP had also taken correct positions On the Kampuchean issue, solidarized with Wietnam and supported Cuba. However at a deeper level, the JWP held to a Trotskyist Wiew of the socialist bloc and the world Communst movement, alleging that it had "degenerated into Men's he wism following Lenin's death." Furthermo Te the WP
(Car riffled a Page 2)

Page 7
An Olympian by Sidat Sri Nandalochana
hether the Soviets are in
Afghanistan or Americans in Vietnam or yet still whether there is a repetition of the Bay of Pigs, the Olympics deserve to be held. From its small origins the Olympics have developed over the centuries, engendering rich traditions to become the greatest single sporting event of the world. To allow it to be snuffed out by the whins of individuals would be a tragedy of Olympian proportions.
The International Olympic Committee has shown a remarkable una nimity and independence in resisting the many efforts to muzzle and muscle them by standIng firm in their decision that the games will be held on schedule in Moscow. Qui te unfortunately its views as expressed by Lord Kilanin have been submerged by the welter of opinion calling for an Olympic boycott.
Surely there is great substance in the view that the Olympics is not the private property of the U.S.A. or China or for that matter the Soviet Union. Moscow is only the venue of the current Olympic games, and the decision to hold it there was taken by the I.O.C. after having examined the claims of different nations.
It is well to know that the matter is not allowed to rest there, for the development plans and their progress are under constant review with the ever present threat of the games being shifted elsewhere should specifications and standards not be met. It is therefore appropriate to mention that Lord Klan in has gone on record as saying that the facilities that Moscow is providing for the competitors is exemplary, and that is certainly high praise coming in the wake of Tokyo, Munich and Montreal.
To get hysterical about Afghanistan İS easy., but those who do.
so and advocate a boycott of Moscow must realise that the very exsistance of the Olympic
movement will hereafter be in
tragec
jeopardy. It ne to for see the
the Los Angeles Predictably the retallate and th Cotters there
equally impress is
Therc is no g that an Americal cow will effect the track and si events. For long cans hawe not these events bu the world with record-breaking absence the win be satisfied wit and their achive be of a dublou. China also allow anti-Sovietism t prospect of this n ging as a redo conten der must at least be forg
Many other SI undoubtedly line U.S.A., but this n of the boycotter table will not sa me effect as til U.S.A. and China, tion perhaps if call of Carter W squad, because exquisite natural tilan Coe and S the world would Despite these cr Moscow Olympic be held as plans the Socialist mec utmost to shrugo effects of the Ame absence the gam be devoid of its
What is it th hopes to achieve a boycott in thi year? Could thi: shor Ing up his in his race agair charisma! W II t feel that he is Pressed by his hy
(Солfiлёd

ly
eds no clairvoyant fate that awaits i games iп 1984. Socialist Block will e neup of boyis bound to be 『.
a insay Ing the fact n pull-out of MosWely doom both eld and swimming now the Ameri.
only dominated It even shocked their super-human Pro Wess. In their ners will ha Ye o hollow victories ments will always S quality, With 'ing her present oblind her, the lighty giant emerubtable Olympic
for the moment
te.
mall nations will - up behind the umerical strength st though regret. have quite, the he absence of the The one excepit answers the ill be the British it contains two athletes in SebastaWe Owett that early love to see. Ppl Ing blows the are bound to ed and although fa will do Its ff the debilitating rican and Chinese es | w || || Certainly "
glamour,
at Jimmy Carter by his call for his re-election be his way of dwl nd Ing Image st the Kennedy ile Americans who too soft be imterical posturings
т. Pagғ з)
CONSOLEXPO
(PREMIER G OWERNMENT EXPORT oRGANIZATIon)
EXPORTERS OF TEA, RUBBER,
COCONUT PRODUCTS AND ALL
OTHER PRODUCTS
MANWLWFACTURED, GROWW. AND MINED IN SRI LANKA.
Sri Lanka State Trading (Consolidated Exports)
Corporation 68/70, York Street, P. O. Box 263, Colombo 0.
Sri Lanka.
Cable : “CONSOLEXPO
"Telex : | | 648. 280-Consolexpo,
Colombo,
|367 TE CONCE
Tphone: 25 67/8 2698 1/3

Page 8
US – CHINA - WIETNAM
Central role and
n what the International
Herald Tribune described as a "leap forward in US-China relations", the US has granted China full status as a trading partner. One of the Tai results of this bilateral agreement is that US tariffs on Chinese goods will be reduced from 20% to 10%. In return, China will facilitate US business activity in China.
The Congressional decision, the IHT noted, makes the USSR the only major socialist country that does not enjoy such status as a trading partner of the US. The question was discussed as long ago as the Nixon-Brezhnew summit. The Budget office revealed that the most-favoured-nation resolution on China Will cost the US Treasury about 70 miillon dolars.
The Congressional move came soon after Defence Secretary Harold Brown's return from China. The IHT report said: "Pentagon officials who asked not to be Identified said that the Defence Secretary had told the Chinese that the US was prepared to Conslder military 5ales on a caseby-case basis".
In the Senate the same week,
Sen Henry "Scoop" Jackson, the foremost rightwing "hawk' and Peking-supporter observed that
the US had a "significant stake in a strong China that could play "a central role I: the geopolitical balance of power'.
The American conception of this central role became clearer during Mr. Brown's visit. Reporting from Hong Kong, Nayan Chanda, of the Far Eastern Economic Review wrote: "The US Defence Secretary spoke rather approvingly of Chinese "pressure' (meaning the February 1979 Invasion) on Vietnam and admitted (the first time a US official has done so) that Washington has "done quite a lot in terms of urging others.... to impose economic penalties on Wietnam". Mr. Brown Termarked that the common task now was
to "ensure that
355É55ITE Tht:5 ao
effective гespons Interpreted in
Correspondent Cha and coordinated Vētrā r’.
During the Bro' became clear that this joint strategy recognise Indo-Ch of Chinese special China extends act US policles elsew the Middle East :
While Peking blocked negotiatio
Amnest Latin
mnesty Intern A. that a regi of human rights ac mmended the cre: American Human 55 ion". At a foi (11-14 January) in Rica, the " human rI; brought together b national said that t of a non-govern mer organization for t an "urgent and necessity".
The meeting : Competent bodies Nations and the American States t the "internationa right of harbeas ci
The meeting hac to focus on the ni action against the апd "disappearance detainees in Latin

Convergence
Our converging translated into s'. This is Peking, added Inda, as "parallel
action against
wn visit, it also
In line with
the US would na as a "sphere interests' while lve support to here, ëspecially nd South Asia.
has virtually m5 with Wietnam
y International America
ational announional conference tivists had recotion of a 'Latin Rights Commi
Jr-day meeting | San Jose, Costa ghts campaigners y Amnesty Interhe establish ent tal human rights he region was unquestilonable
also urged the of the United Organization of o work towards lization of the згрus".
been convenced
eed for practical torture, ki || Ing
:" of political
Аппегica.
and announced its to resume talks
Lunwillingness with the USSR, China is intensifying its pressure moves on Wietnam on all fronts.
The Peking press has recently launched a new propaganda campaign to justify Chinese claims on the Paracel and Spratly islands. Diplomats in Bangkok are also watching two new developments: the remnant forces of the discredited Pol Pot are now being helped with fresh arms supplies and Chinese military advisers, and trained subversive groups of ethnic
Chinese who lived earlier in Wietnam and Laos are being infiltrated into these countries.
ΟΥ
More than 50 people, including members of human rights groups, lawyers, trade unionists, peasant leaders, medical doctors and others Committed to the defence of human rights, attended the conference.
LANKA GUARDAN
Subscript for rafes. PłVirh effect fram r s Waruary r gåga.
One year Six Tonths | Local Rs. 60/- Rs.. 40(Postigα 7.20 3.60)
Asia. Rs. 300- Rs. 150
USS 20. USS O.
0. 5. Foreign Rs. 450- Rs. 300
USS 30 USS2O E 5 ... O
Cheques and noney orders to be made out in favour of Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd.
The Commercial Manager, Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 88, N.H. M. Abdul Cader Road (Reclamation Road), Colombo 1.

Page 9
INDIRA GANDHI
by Gail Omvedt
he most significant fact about the recent Indian parliamentary election may not after all be indira Gandhi's impressive majority, but the fact that for the first time she is confronting a united Communist left that has become the major opposition force.
Gandhi's Congress(I) won twothirds of the Lok Sabha seats but with only 42.58% of the popular vote-a blit less than in her equally big 97 victory and lower still than the undivided Congress party received in the years of its unchallenged dominance from 1952 to 1947. In the process she nearly decimated the bourgeois opposition parties and left the two big Communist parties - the CP and CPI(M) - together holding more seats than any other single oppostion force.
More significantly, the Congress (1) juggernaut was checked in the Communist strongholds of Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura. Here CPI(M)-led left fronts (including only Marxist parties in West Ben gal and Tripura, and some small bourgeois parties in addition in Kerala) won a larger share of seats than Gandhi did In the country as a whole.
And this was followed up by a Communist wictory in state assembly elections held in Kerala on January 23, when the "left-Democratic front' won 93 of a total of 140 seats. This happened in spite of an united opposicion un der the Congress (1), in spite of an intensive whirlwind campaign tour by Mrs. Gandhi herself fresh from her new status as Prime Minister and with a much higher voter turnout than in the national elections (80% as compared to 63%). The left victory, which gave the CPI (M) 35 seats and the CP 7 in the Kerala assembly, ended a period of 10 years in which the CPI (M) had been excluded from governmental power in Kerala by an alliance between the Congress and the CP. It has resulted now in three
state government Communist leade
Though Comr strength is now (they put up fev and gained few s three states), their nali wote. Other rE tic-national) part Akal i Dall of the A ADMIK of Tani mated by the Con the country as a w nists, though Un present themselve ble political force, states they coulc that the toiling West Bengal and the Communists them as the be: their interests w hawe felt about and deficiences o under their lead
It is also clear Ministet Gandhi the tremendous et tical crisis shaking strongest forces o be directed agair clas5 Tno'werment lr Cornmunist left in ding the state West Bengal, Ker
As for the wo editorial comment trialists statemen election has not sigh of relief at stability but mad the most serious so-called "law and in Industry, whe hawe been engage biggest strike wa "Labout is contri controlling them' complained, and satisfaction that in will take a "bol policy'. In fact t the conditions of perialism, Indian forced to impose "discipline' its making repressic

AND LEFT UNITY
in india under ship. |unist electoral "regionalized" candidates and ats outside the 's was nota regiogloml (le. linguises, including the Punjab and the nadu, were decigress (I) sweep. Iп hole the Commu|ted, could not s as a really viabut in the three ... And it is clear masses of Kerala, Tripura voted for because they saw it protectors of hatever they may the limitatlon5 f the movements arship.
that as Prime moves to resolve conomic and polithe country, the f repression will ist the work Ing general and the particular, inclugovernments of ala and Tripura.
rking class, every and every indus: following the only breached a :he prospect of it clear that problem is the order' situation re the Workers d in one of the ves in history. illing us, not we , capitalists have cxpressed their w Indira - Gandhi and agressive 2 compete under nternational imndustry is being speedup and to ilitant workers, п а пcccessагу
Special to the Lanka Guardian
feature of existence. Since the two Communist-led union centres (AIT UC and CITU) together have over 2 million members (including socialist and small marxist-led un ions this would be nearly 3 million), it is inevitably their cadres who will face the brunt of repression, whatever may be the compromising tendencies of the party leadership.
Similarly, efforts of the CPI (M) and CPI to follow "moderate" policies in the states under their leadership will in the end make no difference as popular militancy pushes their cadres on and some state governmental support gives their movements chances to grow. Already Indira Gandhi is vigorously engaging in attempts to overthrow the remaining opposition-led state governments in nothern and Central India, and defections to her party are rapidly causing the demise of these Janata, Lok Dal and Congress (U)-led governments. This will not work with the Communist-led governments, and in the future there will be a complex process of pressure and discrimination from the centre (withholding of aid for projects, police interference, etc), fostering of communal and react Ibn 1ry forces internally and attempting both to whip up anti-communist hysterla and give it some popular base.
This confrontation batween Indira Gandhi and the organized left (and not simply repression of Naxalite-organized armed struggle) will soon become the central political feature of India. And this is a totally new situation. For from the begining, and particularly since 197l when Indira won her first massive popular victory, the main oppositional force was a bourgeois one, and the Communists were divided, some supporting the in dira Congres5, 5 ome Supporting the bourgeois opposition. As a result they remalned politically ineffective and it was this bourgeois force, the la mata party, that was

Page 10
voted into power when the Indian people rejected the Emergency in 1977. Now it is the Janata that has been discredited and divided and the left that is beginning-only beginning-to stand forth as an aternative. And this is a momentOus fact.
Left: From Disunity to Unity
This of course assumes that the newly formed and fragile"left unity" will stick. To assess this, it is important to look a bit at its histогу.
The undivided Communist Party of India had strong internal factional differences since before independence which produced a split in 1962 into the CP1 and the CPI(M and a second major split. In 196 when sections of the CPI(M), following the Naxalbari revolt, broke away from the party to call for ruralbased armed revolution and of these nearly half formed the pro-Chinese CPI(ML) in 1969.
The Naxalite movement after much repression and flux remains large but extremely factionalized; thus the CPI and CPI (M) are still organizationally the biggest communist parties. Of these the CPI accepts the Soviet line of peaceful transition to socialism in alliance with an "anti-Imperialist and antifeudal' progressive national bourgeoisie. It has tended to identify the Congress and especially Indira Gandhi as the political representative of the national bourgeolse because of a generally ProSoviet foreign policy, public sector promotion etc. Since the Congress party split in 1969 and throughout the Emergency the CPI subordinated its organizing to an alliance with the Indira Congress.
The CPI (M) in contrast argued that India was a "bourgeois-landlord state dominated by the big bourgeoisie having increasing links with imperialism'; the Congress party was identified as the representative of this big bourgeoisie and thus as the main political enemy of the working class.: The CPI (M) in contrast to the CPI, does not clearly identify any major bourgeoios party as a "national bourgeois' section or call for a strategic alliance with it; as
8
a result its polic more flexible, th: taillist. Ney erthe tified the oppos Gandhi and finally as a "democratic' tlan force and sc and with smaller
The Naxalites State as controle prador and bureau and feudal landlo which Initially let an alliance with : party, to reject an ral participation in struggle. Neverth also exist within One section, or Satyana rayan Sing consisting of the Reddy-led CPI (M) directly or indirec an alliance with J other opposition f the grounds of Ic imperialism" (tog agents, which are be many: the CPI, CPI(M), Lok main enemy. Oth tended to maintain denouncing and 5 all bourgeois and I
The result of split was politic Although Commun spreading in the (In particular in ney İlke Faridabad an ound, Delhi, Bang the more militant and some smaller c. were growing dom rural struggles esp tural labourers ar were intensifyings point of armed c. the dalit (anti-cast taking a more m beginn ing to oper in a new way, th a whole totally fa political impact a electoral yote stag in spite of widenir A5 for non elector only was the Nax ggle crushed (thou bases have remain оIIce гергessӀоп, onger seen as ol political threat

tends to be : is to say less ess it has idention to Indira the Janata Party anti-authoritaallied with it egional parties.
efine the Indian i by the "comratic bourgeoisie ds" a position them to reject iny "revisionist" y form of electofavour of armed less two trends the Naxalites. ginally led by h (SNS) and now Chandra Pully .), has tended tly to call for aпata and some orces, mainly on lentifying "social ether with its considered to ndira Congress, Dal etc) as the er sections have the position of taying aloof from "evisionist forces.
this communist ally disastrous. list influence was Working class w industrial areas d Ghaziabad aralore, Pune etc unions of CPI(M) ommunist groups linant), although 2cially of agricul| d poor peasants orThe times to the onflict, although e) movement was itant form and up to the left e Communists as lled to make any all. Communist nated after 962 ig ma55 influence. all politics, not alite atmed strugh Naxalite mass Ed and often face these a Te no fering a serious n the way the
1967-69 outburst did) but neither the CPI (M) nor the Naxalites could emerge as a leader in the fight against the Emergency dictatorship. Thus in 1977 the Indian masses, in voting their disapproval of the Emergency, could only turn to the bourgeois opposition, the Janata party.
It was the last few years, the experience of both Emergency and post-Emergency repression, that forced some change in this tendency to split. Criticism grew , with in CPI against the party's disastrous support of the Emergency, and at its January 1978 Bhatinda party conference there was self-criticism for this and a repudiation of the "Dange line'-then party chairman S. A. Dange has been throughout the most consistent follower of Indira Gandhi among the communists. Thus in the 1980 elections CPI supported the left front and Lok Dal/Congress (U) alliance and refused to support Dange as the party's candidate from his own personal stronghold in the textile area of Bombay as (it was Dange who led the Communists' first historical establis ment of a working class base in a six-month 928 strike of 200,000 textile workers). Dange openly supported Gandhi and his followers broke party discipline to compaign for her. Never theless the anti-Dange group in the CPI is now firm and though Dange persists and retrains some hold, he will probably at best be able to force a split.
The CPI (M) has also changed. Its alliance with the Janata also came increasingly under criticism particularly from party cadres who found themselves facing repression in Janata-ruled states after 1977 and clearly saw Janata's base among merchants, reactionary sections of the middle class and some landlords. This produced no open change in its 1978 party conference, but nevertheless more militant sections began to increase their influence and In 1979, the party finally withdrew its supoort from Janata after the Charan-Singh-led Lok Dal broke away from it, leaving Janata mainly based on the ex-Jan Sangh cadres. Though there are still pro-Janata forces within the party (particularly

Page 11
in West Bengal which is controled by the most conservative sections), the CPI (M) is also not likely to go back to this particular bourgeois alliance. And so “left uuity', based on the CPI and CPI (M) but including also smaller marxist parties and opening up to naxalites and other EE mentary marxists, has now become a fragile and begining reality.
As for the ML groups there are now three sections among the Naxalites. The Chandra Pully Reddyled CPI(ML) not only maintains its anti-"social imperialist' position, but supported Janata in certaln west Bengal constituencies against the CPI (M). most other sections continue their boycottist line one group, organizationally small but representing probably a significant section of ML and ex-ML opinion, is giving "criti
cal support” to the left front. "
This group is led by Kanu Sanyal, the former peasant leader of the Naxalbari revolt itself, Similarly, папу {{:[{tူ; Marxists who feel that all the hither to dominant communist trends are wrong in seeking a "nation bourgeoisie' to ally with, are also split between boycottists and critical supporters, but those with most mass Work have generally hailed the emergency of left unity on the grounds that "'this left unity itself is not revolutionary but it is a medium in which the revolutionary movement can grow.
Future prospects
What of the futu Te? First some have argued that the present sitution is in many ways a throwback to the pre-1967 period politically: both the Congress (now of course the Indira Congress) and the Commun list hawe about the same percentage of the votes and seats they had in the 1952-62 years. But this is only superficially true. The Communist base has increased and solidified significantly in Kerala and West Bengal, and its mass organizations (though not its political support) have expanded sign - ficantly throughout the rest of the country. More important, Indian society is now engulfed in an allaround crises that was simply not there when the task of begining some kind of capitalist devolopment
after Independent taken: In the ea was significant de' had hopes in the Indian state, and fell to a low ebb, ments are on th as workers, pool Increasingly desp. fight against Inf cuts and struggle face or unemploy and shortage of like gooking gas. Increas Ingly at til and Cowen To Te ! industry must re. Working class to tionally.
There are how fl Carnt weaknesses unity. Not only ful forces in both partles trying to to their old tail the revisionist, encies and theorg that have been taillism and the sp is also true of th which is proving anything more de revisionist oppone to developing a analysis of Indian take account of as caste). More in front is still in v and has not yet a program of sti present it as a po
New or the le55 i have been taken, that the bourged feels secure; mos men tary has stre the "volatile' and of the popular v from 44%. for the in 97 down to within only two y Such commentato recognizing that are big ning to bondages of depi bosses and ties kin to armost ac leadership out of towards a new spite of the evi retains her popu real fear among about what lies

ce was first underrlier period there Yelopment, people new indipendent mass movements No YY māSS Towea rise everywhere peasants and an erate middle class ation and wage : to 5uro W [W9 In the ment Power cuts essential items Communists ato he lead of these significant, Indian ress its Wolatile Compete interna
'ever very signito the new left are there power. major communist drag them back list policies, but Ureaucratic tend:tical weaknesses the basis of the its remain. (This 1e ML movement itself to be if gmatic than its ints and less open renewed marxist Society that can such phenomenon portant, The left 'ery initial stages based itself on luggle that would lIt cal alternative.
mportant steps And it is cear is ie | tself hardly t political com55ed as crucial, 'unstable" nature ote which Swung Indira Congress 34%. In 1977 and ars, back to 43%. themselves are he Indian masees shake off their ridence on rural through caste and lively search for their misery and
ociety. Thus in en ce that ||ndra arity, there is a
the ruling classes iћеad.
um
GUARDIAN OF YOUR
ΒΥ Nsaune, لشخهلشقك
ANDO
鄂呜
AROUND THE
AROUND THE
FROM FACTORY FLOOR TO SELLING DOOR
WEEKLY CONSOLIDATIONS
SPLITYFULL CHARTER SERVICE
COMPREHENSIVE IMPORTWEXPORT SERWICE
NTERNATIONAL DISTRIBUTION
NETWORK
FREETELEX ADWICE
AND HANGING GARMENTS
ệ
AAGEARP'}-GT1GP1) INTERNATIONAL FREIGHT FORWARDERS
F, O. BOX 5 COLOMBO 1 SRI LANKA CABLE: "AITKENCOLOMBO” TELEX 1142
" TELEPHONE 27881-8, 32776 (DIRECT)
ADSEL

Page 12
NICARAGUA (8)
Popular unity,
hegemony
by a Special Correspondent
he formation and transformaT. of various bourgeois oppositionist Coalitions, and the shifting alliances they were drawn Into with the mass organisations representing the popular sectors, is a complex and facinating saga which does not bear a detailed chronicling within the compass of this series of articles. We may however permit ourselves some generalisations while attempting to sketch in outline the important turning points in this process of achievement
of broad popular unity. (See chart on opposite page)
The bourgeois opposition (and
those 'enlightened' sections of U.S. imperialism's policy-makers) failed in their repeated attempts to present a viable reformist option because they had no political 'space' for manoeuvre. On the one hand they were unable to effect a пegotiated Settlement with Somoza, thanks to the latter's in transigence, while on the other hand they were incapable of unleashing or spearheading a consequential struggle against the Somozist oligarchy.
Throughout the twentieth century sections of the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie had supported and participated in struggles against the U.S. presence and successive Somoza Tegimes, Sometimes these struggles had taken wiolent forms eading to armed uprisings or partisan warfare. However, these sections of the bourgeois le had also proved unsuccessful in the efforts to unseat the dictatorships.
O
More ower, these tions had prove imperialism’s fina blandish ments,
finally abandonir štruggles in fawo solutions which Illusory or eph General Sandino an oil worker at ( worker-peasant warfare against t at a stage when opposition had struggle. So, the of Så ndimista rewi emerged in the the lesson from that while it w
пecessагу W fractions of the na to the struggle a and the Somoza
bourgeois fractio would not lead definitive conclus
If the struggle Lunder a bourgeo would be aborted aspirations and : the broad Tasse unfulfilled. Ewen sectors were dep role they woul translant and many of whom satisfied with a si
-lsm" minus Soi allies, whom it to lump unde
category of "nat H 3 të IT. 50 de: 50 indiscriminate

Sandinista
bourgeois fracd susceptible to ncial and political decellarating and 1g violent mass ur of negot lated in turn proved emeral, Indeed, (who was himself ine time) led the masses in guerilla he U. S. marines the bourgeois abandoned the new generation utionaries which 1960's had learnt Nicaraguап history 'as possible and i ower Certain |tional bourgeoisie gainst imperialism oligarchy, these ns could not and a struggle to a :ion.
was carried out is leadership. It and the national Social demands of 5 would remain if the bourgeois rived of awanguard d prove to be vacillatory allies, who would be Luatlon of "Somoza moza", Still such would be difficult r the catch-all ional bourgeoisie' ir to and deployed ly by our local
Maoists - had to be integrated into the struggle, "however temporary, unstable or vacillatory" they may turn out to be.
Expand national-popular unity to the maximum extent possible while circumventing a bid for leadership by the bourgeois oppositional sectors. Ensure Sandinista leadership and the hegemony of the revolutionary perspective as opposed to the reformist one. This was the FSLN's project which it carried through by according primacy to the strategy of armed struggle; seizing and maintaining the political initiative by means of decisive military actions at crucial moments;
and strengthening the relative Weight or specific gravity of the Working people within the revolutionary process (thereby
reducing the weight of the bourgeois Sectors) by taking the lead in creating, strengthening and expanding mass organizations equipped with the perspective of genuine national independence, radical social change and popular power.
As the struggle went on Nicaragua became polarized into two camps leaving the non-Somoza bourgeoisie no room for manouevre and negotiation in between. On the one hand, there was the camp of Somoza and the National Guard, on the other hand there was the camp of the masses in which the bourgeois opposition found itself situated in, with no viable option. Since Somoza's ferocious repression had rendered armed struggle inevitable and since the gun was grasped firmly in the Sandinista fist, the masses indentified fully with the FSLN.

Page 13
"972: Earthquakes devastate much of Managua. The oligarchy swindles relief assistance and exports blood plasma.
Il 974: Unlon Democratic de Liberation (Union for Democratic Liberation - UDEL) is for Ted, compris ing seyan political Partis and their rādu union federations including the Communist Party and Its T. U. organisation, UDEL is committed to the ouster of Somoza, and hopes to enlist liberal opinion in the U.S. to force this ouster. It has no programme of social transformation and in Wisions a model bourgeois - democracy for po5t So rToza, Niga, ragua. Only tha CP and its T. J. call for the nationalization of all Somoza's property.
end of Dober 974 : FSLN Takes a dramatic comic back after its 967 defeat and years of clandestine political actiYis T. by attacking an X'mas Party and taking 12 members of Somoza's court camarilla hostage. These are exchanged for 4 political prisoners. A state of sci is imposed and armed ຫຼິ
Others
* 1975/76: The Internal debate gives rist) to three distinct tendencies within the FSLN.
"post 1975 : The majority tendency decide: te apen its ranks to nan Marxist but radic3 Christians Who i enw ision a pattern of socialis Ti based om co-operati Yes. The mājority , tendeny actively seeks to win the support of important sectors of the Church, which since the end of the 1960's has opposed Somoza for his mass Iwe violation of human rights,
75 - 77 : DEL IIa u mhes hu Thar rights campaign, seeking to sensitize Lapinian in the LIS and mabilize L. S. Congressional support in its anti Somoza C: L-52
* 1977 : After considerable debate, tha U.S. Congress votes to continue military assistance to Sornoza, thus exposing the fundam Cinta | fra ilty of UDEL's strategy.
* September 1977 The Group of Twelve, is formed and calls on the people to support the FSLN's armed struggle,
October 1977 : In a sop to the U.S. CLLCLCGCS CLL0MG LLLL LLLL CLLLLLC CHH press censorship after three years.
* lata 1977 The FSLN initia EYC with daring National Guard garrisons in se wera | provincial towns. These attacks Tarked a change from defensive to offensive operations for the FSLN, according to Humberto Ortega. The FSLN simultáneou Sly entredito broad taetica alla ne5.
seizes the attacks on the
January 1978: The Carter adt in Istritions efforts to effect a reformist Solution was delivered a shattering blow
when Pedro Joaquin Ch morro was assassinated by So Tozaist elements. Chamorro, editor - publisher of the
opposition newspaper "La Prensa', influen
CH
tial me Tiber of tand a foi Lunder Ten Staunch opponent figure In a bourg crisis. The C.I. SOTTOEat the Stati Chamorro was kili
* Jan-May/June aftar Tath of Chari called a general str a joint effort by a the bourgeoiso, to This paralyses the other major cities.
March - uy 9 Unido (MPU - Unit is formed compri: nization5 represent is) $etםurgBםB - חםח
ābu, studrīt organisation,5 incluc federation. The MP נסוזן סst Sםa B חסf en Wilsoned a refor IT basic brariches t na Eionalized.
* July 1978: The Qposition (FAO Front) is formed as began in May, CEr grՃups including labout carganisatia and traditional Pırties, i lich le Wei entire opposition. I6 opposition part factions of the CC tiall Chisistitiant, the and the 3 major T of which were affi and ICFTU respect Twelve linked the which was domin dematrats.
August 1978 : ficials as Wye || 5 li American go 'Y E5. Sufi their ceffortis tio ni conpromise with t of the F. A. O., w into the breach cr Attempt: EO E II off THE FSLN size:s te by its daring and 5 the National Asse sesian . Exchangin, 59 jailed comrades, belonging to Ehe ins and leid in this op dan te Zero (Eden triu Tiphant ride Ea 5.Litect:5 Chiltonged i'w ΕμΕΠ 3.
* Septembg 1978 gesi CT | ::trike, til attacks on Nationa its pro 'Wicial clies. 5ters fight a longsid: and cities w i 13. L'"E2 til i TL

ART
It conservative party
ber of DEL Ws of Somoza, and a kay 20 is solution to tha A. however, alerted c Dept's efforts, and ed.
"78: In the immediate otro"5 Turder, LDEL Ike Plus à lockOut I. B. Jour and sections of
OWerthroW Somoza. |capital Managua and
78: Movimiento Pueblo gd Pocples Movement) sing 22 maš5 orgaing the populat (i. e. t0r3. This toà li tion of
and neighhourhood the CP and its T. U. U Issues a programme a Nicaragua, Which I g d economy, a II the f whIEh would be
: From EE Amp| Io di - Broad Opposition ter negatiations which Tiprising all opposition the Twelve, UDEL, in S. business groups opp 03 It |Com politiça da broad unity of the lln it-3 Tariks werie ies (including the 4 inster wati Yeq5, the 50Socialsts and the CP) 1. sederaticans, Lwa iliated to the WFTU ively. The Group of FSLN into this FAO, ated by bourgeois
JS State Dept. of eral bourgeois Latin fer a grawe setback in egatiat a reformist he bourgeois sectors in the FSLN stops 'gated by the atter", | Ehe general strika,
popular irrhagination Fuccessful assault on mbly, while it was in g their hostages for the FSLN detach ment, 1rrectlanist Tendency era Lion by Comman
PastČra), ståged a
the airport through
ith chgering Nicara- :
: Following a fresh he FSLN launched Guard garrisons in
Thousands of youngthe FSLN regulars are liberated. The Ished in a sca of
blood, but this merely serves to isolate Somoza eYen from I thic Tes Of the hemisphere, and renders centenable for the U.S.A., a policy of overt support tC , SOrTirz3.
* March 1979 : Tho MPU (United Peoples Movement) in which FSLN influence was predominant, issued a 12 point programme which guaranteed broad political and individual liberties as Well as a substantial toll for the private sector in a post Somoza. Nicaraguan cconomy, where all Sonozist property would be nationalized. The 3 FSLN tendencics announce publicly. that they had agreed on a unified military command and strategy, and had endorsad the MP programme.
* April May 1979 Frequent armed clashes occured between the FSLN and thc Guard. The FSLN organised 30 Workers. Con Tissors" in the urban factories, in preparation for an insurrectlon,
* June 1979: A new general strike comrienced inted to coincide with the FSLN's final offensive which sparked aff the Tassive national insurrection.
" late June 1979: The Organisation of American States (OAS). Toeing in Washington rejects the U.S. call for a "ceasefire and peacekeeping" force to be sent to Nicaragua,
* July 5th 1979 : Somoza announces hl. willingness to resign and leaves the ti Ting of his departLi re Lipto the US to decide upon.
* July 10th 1979: The FSLN, forced out of Managua during the earlier stages of the insurrection, begins to march on Мапаgша,
* June/July 1979: The US tries to en list the support of the COAS to undercut the 5 person junta backed by the FSLN... - This Junta compr | ses Sergio Ramirez Mercado a writer belonging to the Group of 2. Alfonso Robco Callejasän Industrialist belonging to the FACO, Moisos. Hassana young university dan of the MPU, Widetta Chamcarro of the Conservative Party and Daniel Ortega. The US attempts to change the composition of this provisional govt, falls since it is rejected by all sections of the opposi
tlGr.
July 4th-15th 1979: The 5 person Jum ta li ma Tne3: a ri IB member pro Wilsonall cızı bir et corrprising representatiyac 5 of the FSLN, the Social Democratic parties and the Conservatics.
July 16th 1979: Somoza's successor take: D'Yer and un noun. Ces his intention ta rumain until 1981. The National Guard begins to disintegratc.
* July 19th 1979: Managua is taken by the victorious FSLN.

Page 14
HOW THE POOR
by Mervyn de Silva
(One of Sri Lanka's proudest boasts is a sy state education from primary school through I
cluding medical school.
Its highly reputed met
over a hundred years old, has produced doctors w
ir rhe international agencies.
U.S., UK, Canada, Australia, New Zea Yet the country faced st
shortage of doctors that in 1978 the UN initiated
programme that brough
foreign doctors.)
he Sri Lankan episode is a
grotesque twist to the phenomenon popularly termed "the brain drain". Strictly speaking, this was not a case of the migration of skilled personnel, a problem which has rapidly assumed alarming and universal proportions. The "brain drain" involves an outward flow of skills and an in take which links developing and developed country, poor and rich.
However aberrant, the Sri Lankan experience underscores many of the interesting and sometimes disturbing observations made in a recent report by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) on “development aspects of the reverse transfer of technology'. Based on recommendations of a group of governmental experts, the report includes a satistical survey of the migration of doctors from a number of developing countries, including India, Iran, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka and Syrla.
In 1975/76 the Philippines lost 2 per cent of its annual increase in the domestic stock while India (1965-67) saw an outflow of 30 per cent of her annual output of physicians and surgeons. The comparable figure for Pakistan in the 1970’s exceeds 50 per cent. For Iran and Syria the only available figures (1971) show a loss of 30 Per cent and 40 per cent. Sri Lanka's difficulties took such an acute form by 1977-78 because more than a fifth of the doctors the country had at the start of the decade had left by the mid-70's.
Stark Ironies
Statistics, wrote Arthur Koestler, do not bleed. But bloodless figures can drip with stark ironies.
2.
ήτto thε
island a fair
While "asymmetr ternational mark the "bran dra symmetry of one spotlights the it Particular internat In 1961-72 the skilled migration States, the Unite Canada was 46 b about 3.8 billion - an amount a as the Official Assistance (ODA countries duringt
A report to th: Representatives call form of foreign aid the U.S. Congres Services speaks of terwall Ing force assistance". In p represents the e: the poor have aid
Remedial Measul
The UNCTAD three broad typ measures adopted countries confront predicament. Sri out all these polici "regulatory" and " little success. W the holding of cert for foreign medic Lanka held as man medical exams as It passed a special a statutory perio Serwice for all TE With passport coi and a system of " duced the govern the carrot of high special perks. “indigenisation'' (" the entire educat was declared a n

AID THE RCH
sent of free ίνεrΦίμ, ηcall college, o now Work and grid for h a critical IF FF fra FC
Filiber of
es” in the in - may sustain '' the sheer single statistic Justice of this onal transaction. nputed value of to the United | Kingdom and |lion dollars or dollars per year most as large Development () from these he same period.
a U.S. House of edit "a reverse ". A study by sional Research it as "a count foreign lain words, it (tent to which ed the rich.
ES
eport identifies s of remedial by developing d by a common lanka had tried s ("incentive", lelinking") with tle India banned in examinations Il degrees, Sri post-graduate ossible locally. aw to enforce of domestic ical graduates. rol tightened inding' introent held out sala ries and anwhile the -linking') of hal structure policy ob
This is the first part of an
article commissioned and circulated by the UN’s Public Infornation Department, New York. The second part will appear in the next issue.
jective of an "environment and
ob-oriented" training.
Far from making a growing problem manageable, these steps produced direct and spin-off effects which the UNCTAD report correctly describes as "deleterious". The problem now is how - or if - the burdens and benefits of skilled migration can be better shared. How great are the possibilities for co-operative, practical steps which could minimise the adverse consequences of this phenomenon
The UNCTAD report offers a succinct, analytical presentation of
the nature of the problem and its true dimensions.
Between I9é I and |976, o we r
300,000 engineers, scientists, doctors. and other technically qualified persons emigrated from developing countries to the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada, the three developed countries which have most attracted migrant skills. In arriving at this figure, it is the highly selective classification of the U.S. immigration authorities that has been used. A less rigid definition of "skilled personnel' would make the figure somewhat higher. In any case. western Europe, another popular destination of skilled migrants specially from countries like Algeria, Tunisia, Yugoslavia and Morocco, has been excluded from this computation. So has Australia. If these had been taken into account, the figure could be closer to half a million.
The United Nations emergency operation of supplying Indian and Filipino doctors co Sri Lanka is a strangely ironic manifestation of the problem because Asia has been the largest supplier of skills to the developed world. With almost 50 per cent of the total flow to the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada,

Page 15
Asia has been the biggest catch.
et area.
Revealing Percentages
But numbers can falsify or understate. Percentages matter and Certalin categories of skills are strategic. The loss of even a dozen doctors could lead in Some African countries to a Critical dislocation of medical services. If the outflow, large or modest, relates to a "key" skilled group - say, engineers - the resultant blow to the nation's development effort could be cripping.
Besides, another factor, now recognizable as a constant, aggrawates the problem of the loser while enhancing the benefits derived by the rich recipient. The migrant's skilled services are given in the period of peak productivity. About 50 per cent of the doctors who emigrated to the U.S. in the 1960's were less than 40 years old, while 49 per cent engineers and scientists (in 1970) were less than 30, and 46 Per cent between 30 and 44 years.
Although the U.S. in particular, draws talent from other developed countries too, in 1971-72, just o Yer 50 Per cent of the net addition to the domestic stock of doctors in the U.S came from the poor world. The corresponding ratio for the U.K. was 40 pe Ent. In the case of engineers, 26 Per cent of the 'Incrèmental stock of engineers in the U.S. in the early 1970's were immi grants from developing countries. Demand is Regulated
The magnetic pull of the deveoped World's market for high|ality skills is also manipulated through Periodic modifications of immigration policy in order to attract the skills most needed by these Countries. Thus, the pace and content of the flow is often determined by the changing demands of their labour markets.
The catch-phrase "brain-drain" therefore does poor justice to the complexity of the problem and its many-sided impact on the re. sources of the poor nations. What is involved is no mere ппigration of individuals, it is in effect a transfer of Productive resources from poor to the rich, a reverse transfer of technology.
 
 

芝 \ GodLeaf-- ,hri Payer تالي: ޝަރ ;Gold ca "=.........." ,"#ہ KS "" fa? KOLJ, Pync کہیے ! the world for its م بيتا ـ لميعة
是厂。 :צחir5rra
tobacco } . goden 3ood taste.
LLH SI IH FROTL.f.g., * E--I'FHl'[h HHi!i; oris Ali 3-E H.H.F. T. El TH

Page 16
OFFICE MACHINES
We are the largest singl and Supplies and those who requ their requirements from us.
Typewriters with Sinhala, Tan Electric Typewriters
Pocket and desk calculators
Scientific calculators
Hand operated and electrically Postal franking machines
Time recorders
Plain paper copiers Stapling machines
Numbering machines Accounting machines
Tellers machines
Cash registers
Security cash registers
Cheque embossing machines Pin point typewriters
Duplicating stencils
OFFICE SUPPI.
SRI LANKA STATE TRADING
| 19, Wekande Road, Colom

AND SUPPLIES
e importer of Office Machines ire the following items can obtain
il and English keyboards
operated adding machines
ES DIVISION
(GENERAL) CORPORATION
o 2. – Tel. 22342 - 45

Page 17
DEVELOPMENT (3)
PROFILE OF EX
by Godfrey Gunatilleke
T dialogues provide a wealth
Cof
material which require careful and detailed analysis. Even though this first set of
dialogues suffer from the methodological looseness arising out of the experimental character of the exercise, there is a very large mass of information relating to a wide range of typical rural situations as well as some general view of urban approaches and attitudes to development, that comprehensive study and analysis would be certainly profitable and rewarding. The work involved in such an analysis might be assessed from the fact that in all there have been approximately 200 household dialogues, approx. mately 0 village seminars, and 0 national dialogues. A mode of analysis of a somewhat inpressionistic character has been adopted. The researchars hawe attempted to assess the level of expectations in relation to each of the major categories of needs.
In making these assessments, no attempt has been made to apply a set of rigoréus measurements. The researchers hawe attempted to set the future exPectations against present conditions and try to evaluate these expectations. In the first instance, researchers have grouped present
condition in terms of 3 or 4 Categories ranging from low to high. As against this categorisation
they have placed the expectations once again in terms of the categories which describe the present conditions. In some instances refinements have been attempted. For example, where present conditions are already high and expectations go beyond this level, the range of future expectations may be placed as high plus. All the researchers have not followed an identical scheme for evaluating the profile of expectations in the manner suggested. They hawe adopted their own scheme
in relation to of living with which they hav
For example, In regard to foo for a village w serious food in the household: Income level whereas It wo a village wher at the bottom of absolute po the main expec in quantity, i. three fu || T. researchers h; detail the Conti or high or any. hawe used for g attempt at eval is howewe † 5Uthe nature of present condit expectations, w ditors in a Corr Weighted towa and Where futL generally in th would be possi Conclus [ons ābo
of the gap Conditions and and the result
discontent and privation in th ir Tider to use als en TOTe measuring the deprivation and are mounting i expectations, it necessary to rei ITIL Ints to å ITILLF
(i) The view dialogues tend conclusion that åt the rura || || at a lgyel of r not on the WF inordinate pres: e Wes of materia are substantially prevalling in other words, In

PECTATION
specific conditions in the village in e Worked.
the low condition d may be different here there is no sufficiency even in 5 at the bottom In the village, uld be different In e the households are in conditions Werty and where tatlon 5 an increase e, ability to hawe 2als a day. The a We described in ont of low, The di um other criteria they rading. This crude Jating expectations cessful in indicating the gap between ions and future Where present conImunty are largely rds the low level ire expectation are 1e high range, it ble to make some ut the magnitude between present future expectations ing tensions, the the sense of deе соппmшпity. Bшt these assessments 'eliable tool for degree of inner the pressures that In regard to future Would hawe been fine these measure
greater degree.
is expressed in the to support the the expectations -Wel are contained Toderation and do ole manifest an 5 Urte to Wards ບໍ່ well-being which above the levels the village. In most of the villages
that have been excluded in the project the frame of reference is internal to the w||lage and the ideal level of expectations appears to be derived from the better conditione prevailing in the village. This is illustrated even in the villages where the high income groups hawe Teached income lewels which compare favourably with middle class Incomes in the urban area — e.g. Kale diwulwe wa. It is also generally true that the pressures of future expectations are contained within a relatively Toderate increment. For instance, those who are in the low category seek to reach the moderate category, Many in the moderate category aspire for improvements which are still categorilsed as moderate. If one uses the criterion suggested by Durkheim for assessing the sense of inner deprivation or unhappiness - the gap between expectations and
the possibility of realising these expectations - it might be said that in the rural context this gap is not very wide, and that the increments to well-being which are sought after by rural
communities are within the capacity
of the system to deliver with the right effort. Food
(ii) When thills Is said, however, thete are specific areas where problems of a more critical nature emerge. There are large groups as yet in a number of
rural communities as well as in the slum community who visual se the Improvement in the food In take in purely quantitative terms, This is very likely an indication of absolute poverty as many of these households place the possibility of having three daily meals as being the most important improvement in regard to food. The fact that the households are still at a level where improvements are exclusively seen in the quantity of food taken clearly suggests a
5

Page 18
level of food Insufficiency which is indicative of absolute poverty. Where the expectations regarding food relate to improvement of quality and inclusion of proteinrich food, there is evidently an income level which is above the poverty line. Taken together, the dialogues again indicate a modest food package. In many cases what ls expected in the future is a better SU Pply of protein food -- milk, eggs, fish, meat. The dietary style remains very much a rural style. The desire for tinned foods as well as butter and jam is not pronounced. They are considered
essentially luxury items,
Education
(iii) lt is ewldent from the
dialogues that aspirations in regard to education remain quite high for all income groups, whereas the levels of education in the low income groups are generally low. This is jarಳ್ಗೆ due to socio-economic causes. The emphasis on education also reveals an interesting feature in the profile of expectations at least for some of the rural communities. The low income groups see their betterment not only for themselves but for their children and are ready to wait for their children to move upwards in the social ladder through education.
Housing
(iv) In almost all sees that savings and increments to income are perceived as a means of improving, building or acquiring one's own house. In this context it is Important to note that the dialogues reveal both a desire and a significant propensity to save among all economic strata in the rural sector. This it manifested to a degree which is unexpected in the Prevalling socio-economic conditions of these households and belies conventional nations about their capacity and inclination to save. The expectations regarding husing go with a certain package of improvements in the interior of the house and the acquisition of consumer durables. Here again while emphasis is given to furniture such as a wardrobe, table, chairs, the desire for highly expensive
5 ES DE
IÉ;
consumer durables frigerator or a tc. rare. The rang durables which a which are symbo life are bicycles, recorders, sewing SO. O.
It would be how to See how ti with stand tha fo, durables both as liberalisation and the outflow of lar young people frc households to the
(v) This perha qualified in terms which – emerges fro in the slur commu youth as well as F middle incomes are their money on ex and consumer d while neglecting b: is of course the exposure to urban st
(iw). The majic dialogues in the ri Well as In the est that there is no mar for outward mobilit out fairly clearly Communities as Weg Wewa and Henegama generation does 5 of a desire to fing Outside the w|I lage, not apply inwari households. On til Carm Tm u mites seem t on themselves and inward looking, do not give eviden pread pressure migration. This wo as regards future the development in the rural communit large extent be ad il Tıp Towerments -that for the household :
art.
(To be cont

such as a rele vision Set Is of consumer :re popular and Ils of a better radios, cassette
machines and
aver interesting
5 геšропсеš W of consumer a result of
as a result of ge numbers of Hrm low-incorne
Middle East.
35 has to be of the picture m the dialogues inity where the 1 oLI5eholds with ready to spend spensive clothes Lurables. Ewen asic needs, this Impact of the cyles of living.
rity of the ral sector as ates indicates ked preference y. This comes in such rural galla, KalediwulThe younger how evidence i employment but this does ably to al II he whole the :o be centred to that extent The dialogues Ce of a wildesfor outward uld imply that expectations, and around es wош[d to a equate if the are expected and the village
іпued)
ESTABLISHED BO
O. L. M.
MACAN MARKAR LTD.,
Jewellers & Gem Merchants Wholesale & Retai
Head Office: No. 26, Galle Face Court 2, (OPPosite Galle Face Hotel) Sir Mohamed Macan Markar Mawatha, COLOMBO-3, SRI LANKA. (CEYLON) Phone: 23 760 - 27 975
Cable : MACAN
Branches:
Hotel Ceylon Inter-Continental, Colombo I, Phone: 27 976
Macan Markar-Plaza, Colombo 3, Phone: 2098.

Page 19
WHO'S SUBSDSNG w Ho M ? (2) Aid- an efficient instrument of the new Colonialism
or what hawe the Subsides
been removed. For fivefold and sorThe times tenfold increases In the cost of plantation tools suddenly flooding in from outside in spilte of the fact that the entire requirement of the plantation Sector had earler been met by local hardware manufacturers. For four fold increases in the Cost of agro chemicals and tilizers imported at wery disa dwantageous prices. For our hundredfold increases in the cost of estate civil engineering works, plant repair and replacement, inflated on an un precedented system of local and foreign comTissions which Asian observers hawe described as the worst In this region.
One brown sahib at the Central Bank had worked out the cost of consumer subsidies at Rs. 5,000/- million. The people can test his Arithmetic by getting him to work out the cost of Corruption as a percentage of the budget. This then can be applied as a coefficient om all expenditure to find out where our real budget stands. It can also be applied as a coefficient on apparant inflation to find how much Inflation is real, and how much is only Swiss rolls.
The economic breakdown inherent in this corruption is already signalled by three indices for Sri Lanka, (I) The mass Iwe increase in the cost of production per kilo of tea when compared with India, where wages are in fact higher than Sri Lanka. (2) The drop in output of tea. (3) The decline in the average market price of tea.
Forget about it, say the new pundits, tea economics is only a relic of our colonial past. Then tea was the main foreign exchange earner. Now it is Aid. That
fer
by U.
rem lnds me we same coefficient
Less the factor what does Aid I that the slaves tions and the rice fields pro means by which can rehabilitate their badly tec providing heavy r generating equipm materials, plant, chemicals at Sey. world market pr
Three years ag obtaining four W Worldwide tend price of Rs. 25,0 Aid the c. i. f. is Rs. 100,000/-, industrial boiler f tion calle in thr under one lakh,
you are lucky if опе плilliоп. So do our subsidies
They operate and Japan. T England, Canada They operate ver effectively that like Sri Lanka push up the pr goods, and manuf bles to leves reverse the spin cession even teпп of the new table
Hence as far : between the old and their teeming, Aslan, free men the basic econon not changed muc which is now close. The free tilnu ing to subsidis old Imperial ma collaborators at
(ட்ரrாசரி :
 

, Karunatilake
must apply that to Aid.
for corruption, T1[]amo lt mũäms on our plantapeasants in Our wide the main our Aid donar5 entire areas of essed economy, machinery, power ent construction tractors and agro eral times their "icë5.
o Sri Lanka was heel tractors on er at a c. I. f. חס ,dayסT --/00י price of a tractor A medium sized or steam genera"Ee years ago at Today, on Aid it costs under where, really, operate
in the EEC, US hey operate in and Australia. y effectively. So poor countries ate helpng to lices of capital actu Ted Consumawhich tend to of Western Teporarily and put
slump,
as the relations imperial masters undernour Ished, are Con Cerred, nic position has h in this century, drawing to a men are con e their tottering sters and local a volume which (20 Page ונו
FOR
TEXTILES
GARMENTS
FURNISHINGS
ELECTRICAL GOODS
FORD SUIT CASES
REMEMBER
KUNDANMALS LTD.
MAIN STREET,
COLOMBO -- II.

Page 20
NERE
and HIGHES
SECURITY ON TWO YEAR
FIXED DEPOSITS Then the place to go to i:
MERCANTILE C
The largest and strongest Fin
GROSS ASSES, OWER Rs. 15
CAPITAL AND RESERWES COW
PUBLIC DEPOSITS OVER Rs.
illüzumsuz
TITITIME Chan AMOUNT FEPOT PLUS BONUS PATABLE |
R 2,500 t under Rs. 25, DIDO
Rs. 25,000 to under Rs. 50,000
Rs, 50, 000 to under RG. 100, 000
Rs. 100,000 and above
 
 
 
 

PER ANNUM
AYABLEM9 NHL
Ao
REDIT LIMITED
ансе (Вонрапy iп Sгі Lапka
O MILLION ER RS. 2 MILLION 100, M.ILL.ION
ENEST Fог datati, plваив сопtвсl:- MONTHLY MERCANTLE CREDT LIMITED
FIKACE DIT SOM 51-53 Jana dhiahi MBW ath, Colombo 1. Tlsp: 26b11=18
Branch lyce: JAFPMA: III. Fiinla Hasd
Tulphon 1 MATA A 37 i TÖhFmplu MW luth, Tahli Phn ANURADHAPUMA 2, Harinehandr HMMWAths, Talpg
ANCYBOil, Pridniy Reid. Tolphe Rh:41 BB
an in all ther important town,

Page 21
NATIONALITY
THE NORTHERN
by K. Siwatham by
Wł? the Northern Province one could mark out three different areas. In terms of socioeconomilc bases-the Mannar region, the Wanni region consisting of Wavuniya and Mullaitivu districts and the peninsular region i.e. Jaffna district proper. The socioeconomic situation in Marina Is somewhat similar to that of the Eastern province; commenting on the situation during the Donoughmore constitution era, Jane Russel 5aid that 'the Eastern Provinca Tam || || Term bet, and Mamma T member, for instance, represented quite different kinds of electorates from those of the Northern members. Those former named members were far more interested in agricultural policy than the Public Services, and they were more conciliatory wis-a-vis the Sinhalese, as a goodly portion of their constituents were Muslims'. But the social organisation of the Tamils of the Mannar district does
not differ very much from that of the Tamils of Jaffna district. Here, among the Tamils the
Catholics are in a dominant position and they have had a history of Conflist with the Hindu5. In fact the bulk of the Hindus of Mannar are Jaffna-oriented. The HinduCatholic conflicts over the re-discovery and the development of the historic Tiruketheeswaram temple are too well-known.
But here again the increasing popularity of the Federal Party and now the TULF has softened the Hindu-Catholic conflicts with in the Tamils community, but the Muslims generally have always expressed their individuality by professing support to non-Tamilian political groups. The support the UNP has among the Mannar Muslims should be seen in this light.
Among the Tamil areas, the Wanni region had been the least developed. Though in terms of
traditional social organization one
does not notice rence from Jaffn de welopment ha mark on the si been largely a c un til recently an of socio-economi the Jaffna migr: and agriculturist Vanni inhabitan developed a ha Immigrants fro extent of formi nization the Ya (The society foi Jaffna Man). In demands tha W: with the Sinhal Rajarata region, period of S.L.F. Some understan the Tamil Polit Wanni districts. Successive gover Sinhala peasant around the Way the correspondi hala residents c, ways given ris Conflict and COLI district.
Wavuniya has
dered the Sout|| che Northerr T the increas ing S hawe made this area in terms of tility. With several agricult Schenes in the and the migrati peasапtry into Ta rTnilian Characti tion is being co niya district number of India outside the C. Even this is co the further str Tā man identit of Indian-Tamil pli flow from the Important for it that one sees a

PROVINCE
any great diffe, economic under5 left an in delible ciety, Wann I has osed social system d the main agents c change had been ints, both traders 5. The traditional ts had thereby tility towards the m Jaffnd to the ng a secret orgarI Akatti Sanga m. Removal of the terms of economic inni peasant is one a peasant of the
In fact during the P. rule there was ding forged with ician 5 of the Tam Il
But the action of nments in settling colonists in and uniya district and ng increase of Sinif the area has al2 to Sinhala-Tamil frontation in this
always been consihern boundary of ami || homeland and Inhala settlements the Tost sansitiv Sinhala-Tamil hoshe opening up of ure development
Wawuni ya district on of the Jaffna those areas, the 2r of the populansolidated. Wawu
has the largest in Tamil labourers entral highlands.
tributing towards engthening of the The pressure bpulation-the overestates - is very is at this lewel tendency towards
an Indian-Sri Lankan Tamil merger through marriages. Being the border area, "communal' consciousness is markedly obvious. And there has been, of late, a revival of historical memories. The Wanni chieftalns ware the last of the Tamils to surren der their authority to the British and Pandara Wan niyan, the last Wanni chieftain killed at Katsilai madu in 1803, is now presented as a great hero of the Tamils and the name of Kakkal Wann fyan, who betrayed Pandara Wanniyan to the British regiment, has become synonymous with treachery and betrayal. Anyone who goes against Tamilian solidarity is now referred to as a Kakkai Wann liyan. Pandara Wanniyan has become the Puran Appu of the Sri Lankan Tamils.
The Jaffna Tamils form politically the most articulate group among the Sri Lahkan Tamills ånd the Sri Lankan Tamil problem has often been presented as one of deciding the role and the status of the Jaffnaman within the Island. Jaffna, besides Colombo, was the earliest region to receive the benefits of modernization especially in relation to English education and the people from Jaffna have been enjoying a disproportionate quota of jobs as state officers, teachers and professionals; they are thus found in all parts of the island. The Jaffna trader, qulte adventurous had also established himself in like manner. But inspite of their Island wide distribution they have had a sense of exclusiveness which prevented them from being one with those among whom they worked. The one distinguising characteristic of the Jaffnaman is that he has always been Jaffna-centric. Janse Russel's characterisation of the Jaffna Tamil deserves attention.
- The Jaffna Tamil man li was fiercey conser at we and he maintained a car lous pride in his attachment to the peninsula and to helanguage Costomes and belless of hi5 ances tors . . .
9

Page 22
It could perhaps be termed a peninsularity of mind, the spatia | Isosiationof Northern Province being its most conditioning factor. However when combined with a natural atavism stemming partly from Hindu religion, an atavism which a British governor described as the preference of the Ceylon Tamil for the methods of his an Čestors, this pièculiar conserwatismi becomes an ingrained trait. The admirable virtues of the community has been well expressed by Sir P. Arunachalam : "I have great bellief in the Tamil Communty. They wiII be saWed by their commonsense and marvelous Industry, their innate disdan af Comfort and spartan simplicity, their long knowledge and love of mother-tongue".
It is important to understand these traits of the Jaffna man in terms of his socio-economic base. Clearly these characteristics of the Jaffna man mark him out as a distinct group within Sri Lanka and this is well expressed in the operation of the legal system, based not on the legislative enacment of any slngle man or power but evolved out of "the traditions of the contry'. A literal translation of the term Tesawalamai, law that governs property rights in Jaffna would be "traditions (usages) of the country". The manner of its operation is very symbolic, A Jaffna man living outside would be subject to the norms of that area but within Jaffna the tradition of the place dominates and continues to do ninate. The Tesawalarnal law is very much unlike the Mukawa for the former is a peculiar combination of patrilineal and matrili
neal societies. Though originally based on the Marumakkattayam law, its evolution in Jaffna has
brought within it many patrilineal aspects, thus making it a unique combination peculiar to the people and the place.
Tesawalamai law also reveals the basic social organization of the Tarn. Ils of Jaffna. It is the caste system. Here again the ranking is quite different from that of the other Tamils, either In India or Sri Lanka. A closer analysis of the Tesavalamal law character of the caste-continuity would reveal it as Wellala-based; with even the Brahmin, though be occuples a position of ritu al supremacy, coming below hlm in social power authority. The caste system
O
based on
as it operates in of social control E highest group,
The rather "I that Jaffna is allnot correct. Tim has been proved mimant Wellala c itself certain class that has expresse aud demands as the Tamils. Kar referred to this as tlon". Analys Ing history of Jaffna fra Jane Russel sad they were by a look the Wellalas thelr numerical pli Without their act any effective socia ved Impossibleסpr
An analysis of ground of the le up to the time of of the TULF W. they hawe been fi caste and it coui thnt some of the faced on this probl instance is that Iапп Rаппапасһап ү introduction of a the ground that it lower castes the He was also agalf tion of equal seati nsality in Jaffna s
A closer look educational oppo provided by Hindi would reveal that casts W. largel the Christian sch cognizance of th ID was the CorTmir education scheme duction of the Sy that radically cha educational set-up
In terms of int sions among the the caste system Important role an do Sd. But hete tion on ethnic lir the election for an M.P. from Dep
Ewen the CTa Christian hostility

Jaffna is a for xercised by the
onolithic“ wiew Tamil would be 2 and again it that is the doaste (having for characteristics) d its own needs
he demands of 'alasingham has **Wela a dominathe political 1947 סt 33לו mכ
: "Governed as "peninsula' outfelt secure in redominance and iwe co-operation transformation
the social back3.ders of Jaffna the formation uld show that rom the Wella la also be seen m were Janusem The classic of Sir Ponnambawho oppossed the dult franchise on would give the right to wote. st the introducng and Commechools.
at the manner
tuities Were u English schools : the depressed left out. Even ools had to take e caste system. ng of the freeand the IntroWabasha medium nged the socio
in Jaffna.
ra-political diwTarn || 5 of Jaffrla has played an d continues to again politicizahes has enabled the first title of ressed Castes.
itional Hinduseems to have
lessened in recent times. Of late the Catholic Church has produced clergymen who have identified
themselves fully with the Tamil
S.
The main economic source of
the political problems of the Jaffna Tamil has been the public services. The post 1930 Sinhala-Tamil relations were almost centred round this main problem of recruitment to the Public Services. Sir A. Mahadeva's statement
Much of the gulf that exists today bet Ween the Sinha les And Eha TaTi communities is due to the fear that thcre may be a lack of impartialty in the recruiting of entrants to the Pub || 5ero:Woess ...
made in 1935 is as true today as It was then-the only difference being that the government of the day has accepted by implication the charge that there is a certain
imbalance in recruintment.
Public service-Oriented education had been an economic necessity in Jaffna and when efforts were made to solve the problem at the "lower stage' of the provision of education (so that there would be no problem for the state at a later stage in providing the jobs) the character of political agitation In Jaffna changed for the system of standardisation effected only the youth. And with the departure from the Island of those who had the education but not adequate opportunities, the Sri Lanka problem has been given an international standing.
Next: Patterns of political thinking
Aid . . .
(Corrirred from Page 7)
In monetary terms is a hundred fold more than in the days of open Colonialism.
The only glimmer of comedy in this sordid picture is the sight of various groups representing the World's poor meeting at International conferences to tell their exploiters how big and bad they are, and then in the same breath ask them for morte Aid, without realis ing that Aid is the most efficient instrument of the new Colonia is T.

Page 23
CINEMA
Gamini Fonseka’s “Uthu
- Another view
by J. Uyangoda
The other day I was among a packed audience to watch Gamini Fonseka's latest creation "Uthumaneni' ("Your Honour"). By the intermission I had slowly begun to realize that Gamini had done something marvellous. Even before the last sequences unfolded on the screen, I thought to myself, yes, in 'Uthumaneni Gamin Fonseka has found himself.
Uthumaneni illustrates the new and vigorous trend in the Sinhala film-making which originated in the last decade. With its powerful social content, this film seriously questions the legitimacy of that nonsensical, escapist cinema which the Sinhala filmgoers were used to over three decades.
Sinhala cinema still suffers from its original deformity - a malady arising out of a falsification and vulgarization of life itself. Both the film industrialists and a good
section of our audience still believe, perhaps quite innocently, that this deformity, itself, is
precisely the healthiest feature of Sinhala cinema. That is why the efforts of giants are required to set things moving in the right direction. With his immense popularity as the leading Sinhala film actor, Gamini Fonseka is in a better position than anyone else to play this new role. 'Uthurnaneni” is a clear indication that Gamni is conscious of this need.
Uthumaneni' carries a theme which can ba considered as one of the most powerful to appear in the Sinhala cinema. Its extremely strong appeal for justice Is itself a clear indictment against the authority of the established order, with its essential and omnipresent element of injustice. The two
Incidents where the police stat complaint that by Baby Mahath tyrant with wea and the sequence: subjected to the examination at simply shocking. injustice, the poo become the wic system is such becomes wictimiz justice is said te two lingt an tÉig W gettable for man in the Sinhala C.
There is a str irony runn ing th Thow le. The Wici wictims; the pers innocents; tortur blest. Whose fau опе ап5wег |fї implicit and expli the existing order displaying h is më maker does not directly. He is a sharp, sensitiv He invites his : through this worl takes us to a m enables us to wiew of the worl fami | Iar w ith." " to see that it i of dreams and f of power, privile social inequality as it is a powerfully tion. Revelation make us think and What is wrong w In this context by his faithful real conditions c some of the di tlonal illus fons c and shares the existing social at alопе поt a maj

maneni”
Siri pala goes to on to rake a is sister is raped thaya (the village |th and power) s of the girl being torture of crossthe courts, are In this system of r and the helpless Elm. Again, the that the Innocent ed, even where prevail. These ill remain umfary year5 to come inema.
'ong element of rough the whole i Tized a Te the :E2Cuted arte the ed are the humilt? There is only the film both cit - the fault of of things. Gamini, Curity as a filmsuggest anything, an observer with ! and critical eye. udience to walk With him. He Duntain top and ave a panoranic dwe are already "We are horrified not the world ntasies, but one ge and cruelty, d injustice. And shocking revelaitself suffices to ask the question: ith this society? Gamini Fonseka, ortrayal of the f society, dispels miпапt caп үепncerning them, optimism of the thority. Is this г зchievеплепt?
INVITE US TO CATER FOR
YOUR PARTY
6
O
6O
G|“
|rillore
PAGODA
Catering is our speciality. We cater for any, function large or small: weddings engagements, cocktails luncheons, din ners.
FPAGODA
RESTAURANT too is available for your party. Phone: 23086, 29236.
NGru
PAGODA
05, Chatham Street, Colombo i.
Cyril Rodrigo Restaurant Ltd.
|

Page 24
osƏsƆŋunoɔ9+Ius səɔJJO OZ8 *>[OoO seuOųLsựsuɔqAA ~ầusųÁJəAȚ ;3Uueuleus SQeqAA

SEITDEHØJ, SHETTEWWEL
8ZZI xasa L EI-TIGzz əuoqđələ i "I oqtuðIOO equesas:W ɔ sɔIIIae Kęs uoleg JIS 'GI * 3.3L) wÅ... anā"IÐAerų uļ alueu pəļsnu!BLIL
XIOOTMO SPUUOULL
SOWWWE
OHTML
以 口 ĦĦ 實 *「] |- 日月星 €. s) No
S
Ssss|[]| [[MW]"|W|

Page 25
Indirect transla
its perils
UAR) very recently English was always the medium through
which works from other literatures were translated into Sinhala. This practice arose at a time when it was impossible to find anybody with a knowledge of Continental languages who could write expressively and correctly In SInhala. English served as the medium even for the translation of Asian Works of literature into Sinhala. Tagore has been translated mainly through his own English versions, while whatever Chinese poetry has been rendered into Sinhala has come by way of Arthur Waley and other English translators.
In recent years this situation has begun to change, with learning of foreign languages being diffused among a broader group of students
and Intellectuals. Thus, in the låst decade we - hawe had a few works translated directly from
Russian, French and German into Sinhala - a welcome development. But un til there are enough Sinhala translators with a knowledge of a broad range of European and Asian languages, it is likely that the practice of translation through the midium of English will continue.
One need not scorn this process of "indirect translation', as it is
called: it has been a necessary stage in the growth of many cultures. At one time, for Instance,
French as the dominant cultural language of Europe, served as the intermediary through which Russian works were translated into English and wice versà. However, in direct translation has its perils, and the translator needs to be on his guard against them. I should like to draw attention to some of these dangers and suggest ways in which they can be averted. My particular examples will be taken from the translation of Russian literature, but what I have to say is equally relevant to indirect translation of other foreign literatures,
The pitfalls are translation of pc ānces of feeling Connotations of likely to be obscu ing from a trans One of the recu translating poetry ing the claims of Translating into Russian poem, on depart from liter to satisfy the ni metre or rhyme. published translat Akhmatova's poe Eyed King, I necessary t couplets of the or suggestion of a even at the cost c from the sense, ar that a defensible translator were te as a source for Sinhala, would to Warn him th of the sense of til not necessarily be Sinhala: he might need to make to sut the dem wese form.
Translating prc not confronted like complexity, translator of fict difficulties with With the masters fiction, the indir often a plethora o tions between choose. Without original, he is li what reads best this is not nece: accurate transla Garrett's versio Dostoevsky, Chek made their great generations of E Well as on many o because she wro elegance - her

tion and
by Reggie Siriwardena
: greatest in the ietry, where nuand rhythm and Words åre most red when translatation. More 0Wer', rrent problems of is that of reconcilsense and form. English from a e may sometimes 'al sense in order beds of rhythm, Thus, in a recently Ion of one of Anna ms, The Greyhave thought it eep the rhyming iginal, with their popular ballad, if some deviations ld would consider
liberty. But if a 2 take my version translation into think it necessary at my variations he original should carried over into on the other hand, other departures ands of his own
se fiction, one is by problems of
but the indirect ion has his own Which to co Pe.
of classic Russian act translator has f English translawhich he must : access to the kely to judge by in English, but ssarily the most tion Constance п5 of Tolstoy, how and Turgenev impact on several nglish readers as f us in Sri Lanka te with style and versions didn't
sound like translations. But looking now at Some of het translations through which first discovered Russian literature a 5 a young student, I find their virtues greatly counterbalanced by their frequent
accuracies.
It is only necessary, for instance, to skim the pages of Garnett's version of Anna Karenina to realise that she was a most slipshod translator. Some of her errors are no more than amusing howlers which don't make a great difference to the reader's response to tho nowell, as when she renders sam Nikandrow" (Nik androw himself) as "Sam Nikandrow' or confuses edim (we eat) with edem (we ride). But sometimes her slips interfere more seriously with the understanding of situation and character. Thus, when Princess Shcherbatskaya, early in the novel, troubled by the possibility that Kitty might make what in her eyes would be the wrong choice In love, asks her to promise not
to have any secrets from her mother, Garnett makes Kitty an 5wer, “ . . . . but there's no use
in my telling you anything." The reader may well wonder why the Princess is satisfied with such a rude answer. But what Kitty really says is, "But I have nothing to say at present," meaning she hasn't yet had a proposal. Again, in Anna's anguished reflections just before her suicide, when she recalls guiltily the son she deserted, Garnett has her think, “I gawe him up for another love, and did not regret the exchange till that love was satisfied, Instead of till one should read as long as, which makes a great difference to the
GESE
However, ever with mora Conscientious and accurate translations (Rosemary Edmond's versions of Tolstoy are greatly to be preferred to Constance Garnett's), one still has the problem that
23

Page 26
Certain nuances of relationships and emotion disappear in English translation because of differences
inherent in the language itself. l hawe discussed some of these in an article in the Lanka
Guardian entitled "The missing second-person pronoun' (15.6.79.) where pointed out that the second-person pronouns in Russian (the same would be true of French or Spanish), with their polite and non-polite forms carry , indicators of personal or social relationships which arch o bliterated in English translation since English has a single form, "you'. The Sinhala translator who renders a Russian novel through the medium of English may therefore be deprived of an expressive resource which is in fact available to him. In his own language.
Another important expressive feature of the Russian language which is blurred in English translation is the use of dimir utives, Many Russian words have an accompanying diminutive form: thus, ruka (hand) has a diminutive ruchka (literally, "little hand), which could be used of a child's hand, but could also be used affectionately of one's girl-friend's hand even if it wasn't particularly smal in size. DIm im Lutives Contribute tones offeeling ranging from the tender to the contemptuous which are often difficult to render In English without awkwardness, so that English translators frequently leave them out. It seems to The that Sinhala in this respect may often be better able to capture the shades of feeling of the original, so that the indirect translator is again los ing Something which he may well be able to keep.
Assum ing that Indirect translation Is often an una voidable necessity, can we mot find methods of overcoming its dangers and limitations? I suggest that a translator who seeks to render through the medium of English a work of literature in a foreign language of which he is ignorant should always hawe the collaboration ot assistance of somebody who knows the original. A model for such collaboration can be found in the account by Jon Stallworthy and Peter France of how they worked on their generally pleasing English
translations of
Aleksandr Blak.
who knew no RL was a Russian sc send S a literal l rendering into
original Russian .eחסrhythm, t חס meaning etc., i would make a cr into English vers and perfected at of PF's criticisms
This method ca for indirect trans poetry into Sinha doesn't require process, but the collaborator whok language can he translator lin cho version from Wh in checking that as the finished t the original. O
JVP split . . . (Corfired f
adhered to the T of Permet
rejected united frc tion of the CPSL unity, helped onl its bourgeois
alternative), the the JWP was rei possible by-electi and Ana madu Wa. 5 party Campaign for petty parliame that the WP from left dwe muri arist right oppor"
All this, said caused a rift in ship. On intern neo-Trotskyist : leadership choose on Afghanistan, ar. about Cuba and : to set up a new Trotsky. Howeve party and even si enventually realiz of the CPSL's pos Silwa.
The SLFP Nat several frontage claim that seriou emerged in the In deep trouble, e. Bopage, one of t "weterans“ oft he |

the poetry of JS was a poet Issian, while PF holar. PF would Ine-by-line prose English of the loem with notes ambiguities of From which JS "eative rendering e to be refined er lin the light
n well be adapted ation of European a. Prose fiction so elaborate a guidance of a :nows the original Ip the indirect losing an English Ich to work, and version as well ranslation against
(#; &rH Pagט"
rotskyist theory Revolution and 2nts. This rejec’s tā for left y the UNP and
substitute (not SLFP. Presently adying itself for
опs iп Kalawапа
Breaking up the of united action ntary gain reveals had now moved sm to parliamentCLun i 511.
K. P. Silva, had the JWP leaderitional policy, the sections of the
to reman silent e le 55 enthuslastic peak of the need international a la r, most of the ame leaders will e the correctness tions, concluded
ion" has carried reports which s divisions hawe JWP leadership. ridently is Lionel :he few surv|wing 75urrection.
An Olympian . . .
(Continued from Fage 5)
and Interpret his call for a boy
cott as toughness. Whatever the
end result, and whether or not Carter finds his way, to the White
House once more, he has ensured that posterity will remember him as the man who destroyed a historical event that brings the people of the world together for a fortnightof un paralleled athletic competition. O
Letters . . .
(Carr frued from Page 2)
has grave and fa r-reach ing repercussions. Doesn't it mean that all attempts to restructure Society have to draw their sustenance and Totivation from Christ? And, given that, doesn't the christianization of the liberation movements necessarily follow, before any attempts are made to bring about social change? (It is very relevant to study the relationship between the radicalised Christians and the the liberation Ofte 5 of Latin America; (NICARAGUA in particular!) Attempts to give a uniue, Christian, orientation would Create destructive temsons of such magnitude between the liberation movements and progressive Christians that any structural changes in society and Christian involvement in the struggle may be delayed for decades.
A study of pre-and-postRevolutionary situations would reveal that it is exceedingly nalwe to link Lup "bureaucratis ation' and the partial gains of the revolution with the lack of a "Christain sprit'" among the revolutionaries. The diff. culties connected with revolution isling social and production relationships, creating collective forms of work in agriculture and industry, raising the productlvity of agriculture and Industry while NOT compromis Ing revolutionary social goals, tackling the issue of the family, Women, and human relationships must be finally understood in all their complexity.
Jagath Sena ratne Battara muilla.

Page 27
Atriple dimensig
proj
THE CİVER HEA, DJ PROJE:
Disperses with black board ITBans of displaying, Writer without turning one's back Makos lecturing a pleasure ашtIіапсе
THE SOUND - SL DE PROJECTOR The invaluatl aid in training selling or point o purchast program TBS, its like two projectors in Om, sh11 WW5 slides tWO was for big groups or SITEII.
Salt Distributors:
CYON THEAT
8, Sir Chitranspalani (iardiner Mawath.
Telephone 31:243
 

Howell
Fers in in Audio-Visual 2ction ZaSis
CTO H
and chalk.
irid drawing
the class. for der: Lurer tard
କ୍ଷୁର୍ଣ୍ଣିଛନ୍ଥି
| THE 16 MM
FILMO SOUND PROJECTOR
| The acknowleged leader in the field of 15 miT film projection mC W. With impr Clwedd Huanturgs,
climb 2.
IMAGE

Page 28
NOW C
COLLECTIVE DENT NATIONALISMS AND PROTEST IN MODERN SRI LANKA
Edited By M
SIZE 5 X 83 PAGES ( HARD COVER Rs. 120/
Edited By Joh SIZE 5: X 8 HARD COVER Rs.
A STATISTICAL SURW OF ELECTIONS TO THE LEGISLATUR
OF SRI LANKA || 9 || || G. P. S. H
SIZE 5; X, 8; PAGES 4 HARD COVER Rs. 87/50
BOOKS THAT IN EVERY HO
LIMITED EDITIONS - GE
THE PUBLC
MARGA
6, Isipathana Colombo 5.
Tel: 85186 || 8

N SALE
|ES
Cichael Roberts 00 + TABLES - MAPS ... SOFT COVER Rs. 90/-
RELIGIOUSNESS
N SRI LANKA
n Ross Carter
PAGES 300 50/- SOFT Rs. 45/-
EY
ES .977 I. De Silva
50 -- TABLES -- MAPS
SOFT COVER Rs. 70/-
SHOULD BE ME & LIBRARY
YOUR COPIES TODAY
TON UNIT NSTITUTE
awatha
4