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Page 3
Sign of the Times?
Has a "rescue operation', here in Sri Lanka, failed too? Although one of the noisier election slogans of the UNP
was the restoration of full press freedom, newspaper employees, including journalists, were inclined to bred the a sigh of relief or merely shrug their shoulders, when the UNP government took o yer the Times, lock, stock and barrel.
The reason for this was plain enough. The was broke. It had beer broke for a song time and employees were long accustomed to getting their monthly salaries in two or three insti frients. A blood transfution was desperately recessury to Save am Institution on the verge of collapse. But even in the new crrate of private sector confidence no tycoon would hawe been ready to invest his money in such a hazardous enterprise. Only the goverri ment had the money. Nearly 3 years ha ve gone by. Once again the Times seeins to be in a state of gloom and doom, Circulator is poor, the printing Is bad and the organi57 tiom is ne " ch dotido.. Wh[] t is more, cash is a big prober 1. A report on the parlous condition of the Times, the L.G., earns, has been submitted to the highest
Ju ft o rites.
reditor Times
A sign of the Times, observes a cynical Times man is the unopened Crate enjoying the sun and the monsoon showers near the parch. It contains a new press! Meanwhile the Far Eastern Economic Review has published a report by its Colombo correspondent on the "ti 17 sd state-corn troed media” in Sri Lanka. The report gets Its Inspira tforn from the candid comments on media credibility made recently by the former press magnate and now roying ambassador Mr. Esmond Wick
remas ingfie.
Fun With Figures
"Sharp decline in turi employment among youth' armources a front page headline, quoting the Central Bank's annual report,
Tie Centro E may be slight that of the est. although Dr. N suggested that were is curl: clections irn Indonesia or Egy President J. R., or as the ASEAN Third World de he said were f Sri Lanka, ridic Venezuela.)
Anyway the that un employn from 24% in 1978. With 21% is highest, the | 5% Linemployr: estate sector Is
The report this cautionary d, rote: 'The non regular and cor major (imita tio, changes In em! LdJrn ka]. ""
Sa how relig statistics? Fig Liri the fur.
TULF Trou
The Labour pl has the famed '' a radica and which has great
(Солгїутїtétї
GÜA
Wol. 3 No.2 May 1
Publishell fört mightly
Publishing Co. 1 88, N. H. M. Ab (Reclaration Rio
Editor: Mer"
Telephonic:
CONT
Letters News backgro Bandung an ni w Foreign news Josip Broz Tito

ank's cred È sity Il y flig fer than iblishment press, . M. Perera once the CB's reports sily rigged as the Philippines, pt, (Incidenta Iy Ce Tiga) in excluded
Countries from fTÜ7Cc & WyFijich IĞLU " in n Li rimljero — r, Costa Rica and
B report says 1ert has fa/en 973 to 15%, in , the urban sector rLI TA || Sector fra 5 Tent wie the Jwest with 5.4%.
hWewer, m7 kes rid self-protective
q! WʻdI i labi Ili ty of 1plete data is a 7 to analyzing Jợyrmi erit im Srí
ble a re these ng it out is half
ole
חונrty in Brittד RIBUNE' group, Irtif CLula te group er influence om @ Pije :)
Pro Constance Garnett
read with interest and profit Mr. Reggie Siri war dene's article on the dificulties of transation, (LG-March St.). However, he se ems (o sola te one from the complex of operant factors that E) to T2 te li effici, j | j -
ture, im Criginal or in translation. For instance, what he has termed the loss of the
second Person pronoun in Eng|lish translation of Russian | iterture does not necessarily cause a loss because it is counter-balanced by the practice of translator Constance Garnett in hawing the characters follow the Russian custom of addressing a person by name, including patronym (or is it matronym) which creates for the non-Russian social sensibility just the right nuance of a social relationship that might be conveyed by the deferencial use of the Russlan pron Clun:
"Bring in tea, and tel || Seryosha that Alexey Alexandro
yitich is here. Well, te|| me, how hawe you been? Mihail Wassilievitch, you've not been
to see me before.' The nuance
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Page 4
achieved by this method is part of a rhythmic context and each variation of form of address supports each other. Anna had just been "grecting Sludin, who was liko omc of the family, with a smile." (Anna Karenina, trans. Constance Garnett) Om
th oth(2r h3, Ind, I LI52 of the deferential "thou', which is archaic to the English eart,
would hawe had a di Sastrously
udierous efect.
Perhaps with his more intimate knowledge of the Rassian language and lliterature Mr. Siriwardene can tel us whether there has been a nuance of a change in the Russian use of personal proncuns since aristoTiti i TT 2S, though not perhaps to the extent of the demotion to archais II of the English 'thou' and 'thee.' Has the wide currency of ''comrade" as a for T of add te 55 had an influence on the Russian pronoun? I don't know.
Patrick Jayasuriya Peradeniya
Tamil consciousness
The series of articles by Dr. K. SIwathamby published recently in the Lanka Guardiari offer a long over due academic assesment of the Tamils' political situation. There is one point howe wer whilch Dr. Siwathamby has glossed over; that is the essentially pragmatic nature of Tamil leadership.
Dr. Siva than by alleges that despite group riwalries the Tam is
have displayed an overriding urge for national unity. In cultural terms, this may well
be so, but politically speaking, this statement ignores 5e veral indications to the contrary. First, the re are the te sult 5 of the "52 election when the UMP scored victories throughout the Eastern Province and eyer'ı yönı a seat in the peninsula, and more recently the UNP victory in the 1974. Mannar by-election and the post-WW defections from the TULF parliamentary ranks by Indian Tam|| and Eastern Province Tari membCrs. This is mot a transiërit phonomnom,
Since the i uniwersal franchi Tamii leaders
marked proper ranks wheneve opportunity aro:
ln an ag2 * democracy, a (20% if you ad Tamಗ್ಗಿ is he to choose b martyrdom and pragmatism. Th is rightly con: self-defeating by caste minded :
autious the
wealt national || Sri Lā kā Tā r The Tirhills h adopted the patror1 ngữ. Cm gam stood agai We to K g|Baco'wg d [th eirt W, at tha expense Tami || Yote T5, t werd the fitst tures to them Tamil aliance country hegem only when this Sri Lankı Tami "50-50" (actually formulated by leaders as a me: the Low-country reich ment, offer of a port Senanayake cab this Tami allian by their Tami Ii the Iridian Tami || of civic rights rout of the F
ha 52 elect resounding endo policy.
Although le S3 Tercurial than TarTnil ellerin ern t zigzagging, the Ta Tils, both t and ridian T. maximis e Poweg through thig c. Pragmatists to Consider that cast it rests
är mas ceffici by a capitalist gc no Iner 2 chan

troduction of ise in 1930 the hawe shown a sity to split r a Suita Ele
s
- if a rith The titial | 2A, minorit d :ே E. essarily forced etween roble
pusilla mimo LU S a former cours : sidered to be the bourgeois, and essentially who throw up traders of the 1і| commшпity. aw therefore lie of lost Iy Chelwanayanst this policy, andyans first ay in to politics of the Indian he Jaffna Tamils to make owerfor a Kardyanagainst "lowony." | Was fi | eed that the is accepted the 40-60) policy
India fi TaTi I II ins of combating —Kandyan rapp-WE wer, th: f|i |r1 th g DOS inct destroyed ce. Abandon ed a compl triots. s were deprived The complete deral Party in 5נחםi
risement of this
ambiguous and the Muslim În Lheir political | 23 dors of the :ho Sri Lankan Emils, seek to r and patronage xisting system. a man, they the class and of their electors lively protected ve Tirmiert. I. IS ce that Tartti |
national unity tends to increase
wh: the Te is a colusion
bEtween Sinhales e chauvinist
and socialist forces.
do not wish to detract
from the wery sober and neat dissection which Dr. Siwaith am by made, but I question cha fact that tha: Tlmi || 5 ha'ye e y Cer really manifested the singleThin de dness II, eccessary to an effective national Towerment. If their own leaders, who are after all drawn from a very narrow class and caste spectrum, are apparently so ready to abandon group loyalty how can the community as a whole be Så tid to ha Ye de weloped a rational consciousness
Pamaduta Dr. Jane Russell
Pravus pater noster
kidding. 5 ay that Marx "the
You've got to be Trotsky did NOT Mu55oliri I ca ||ed
MMORAL father of us ill." | f his is 5 cm ille's Freudiä slip it's not mine - I've checked the carbon copy of my article and it clearly has "immortal".
Colombo 3. W. P. Wittachi
Trends . . .
{{C} // fire fra 777 77 g r )
party thinking than its numbers would strictly Warrant. Now It has a "Militant tendency, Trotskyist in persuasion and taking its name as usual frorfi (J 18 wspaper.
Has the TULF leadership found o tro Lublesome faction i r t Flic: SUTANTIRAN group? The FP paper has always been more outspoken thain the FP leaders. And the SUTANTIRAN group has mamy, often covert, links With militant youth circles which in turn produce left-Inclined Journals like MANITHAN.
Hans the TULF Started a pLrge of these radicals because the |leadership is itself di wilded betweer hards friers and Soft/iričrs wig-a-wis the goverrinent? The Issue j5 (1 critica s test leta use the TLULF (nay soon hawe to Take up its Tird about Devolutiori,

Page 5
Blue - and - red
lue-and-red flags were out again in the streets of Colombo on May Day. Some of these flags were flying from shops, small hotels and business establishments
owned by known SLFP or LSSP sympathisers.
Blue and red were of course
prominently together in the SLFP -LSSP procession which took пmany hours in making the journey from Have lock Town to Campbell Park.
The re-appearance of blue-andred banners was an obvious illustration of the general mood among the rank-and-file of both parties. It was as if the old United Front had been revived. At the leadersh iP leʼwel howewer, 5 pokes Ten from both parties may say that thlii was merely a joint Máy Day rally. They would also leayo the future open. Joint action on this or that issue is clearly a Strong
Possibility - especially o cam բaigns Oľ1 CČ0 nomic |55LJQ5. But the rank-and-file believe that the Post-1975 bitterness is over and
a formal alliance would be announced sooner or later. This pressure from below is bound to affect decisions by the leadership.
"The real political battle will begin on May 7th" announced Mrs. Si rima Bandaranai ke the SLEP leader. May 7 was marked by two events - the keen by-election contest at Anamaduwa and Mrs. Bandaran aike's own appearance before the Presidential Commission of Inquiry investigating abuses of power by her 1970-77 government.
If the Commission's are adverse, parliament special resolution disabilities on her.
fin d'ings can by impose civic
In case there was any doubt in the minds of the vast gathering at Campbell Park Mrs. Bandaranaike immediately explained that she was referring to what may happen after her case was over. She said that she will continue to lead the party and would never quit Politics, whatever the conSequentes,
Sorme surpris If May 7 wa as Mrs. Band: it did bring som Cor Lim Pleasant, Cne of thos completely by s. was the Deput 1r, Sum de Si ing the Presid after Mrs. Ban out her state said 5 he was wi Proceedings. S tried by a speci "by my chief p Her statemen hand of hor advisers but the festly a politic fi Spoon Ses, ai I I ta forth will be
lt will depen sion's report, Parliament and if any, to her SLFP leader.
Belgrade boun
Always consci: national imago ; | Tiportance of int tions, Mrs. Banc Belgrade to atte She had done she was Prime of And flasser.
There were no at the Katunayak: ters found the real W. I. P. treat instructions from to the airport a
Ana maduwa
While Anamad why Sri Lanka's re at foreign minist funeral (a greate WWIP's than at th Gaulle or Churchi│ leaders) the news c result must hawe Company for the Mrs. Bandaranaik
Explanations at follow a simple s ment. The SLFP - elephantine fact

again
5 is a day of decision Aranai ke predicted,
e Surprises, pleasant
to many,
e who was 'taken urprise" (CON p.) y Solicitor General, a. He was address. en tial Commission dara nalike had read ment in which she thdrawing from its he refused to be a tribunal selected olitical opponent." t revealed the fine
lawyer and legal decision was manal one, A II her
tical moves henceIolitical.
id on the Commisthe response of the Consequences, Political career, as
5us of her Interand the perceived 2T tra Corlecda ramai ke left for ind Tito's funeral. the same when 1 ter - for Nehru
"PIA 55 port dramas" airport. ReporSLFP leader given nent - on explicit the top, according | Luth crities.
uwa may explain !pre52ntation was er level at Tito's }r gathering of e funerals of De , two war-time of the Ana Inaduwa made depressing
Belgrade bound
1d excuses cinn til tistical assess35 to Swallow an - the UNP has
C3PCuręd å rura constituency which tha SLFP had o only held for more than 20 years but had 5 LCC255. (!y defended even 3 EA || 15 the UNP's 1977 blitzkreig.
A SLFP majority of .083 has been Converted to a UNP majority of 78 W. True eugh, the SLFP retained its 16,000 odd votes but is that any cause for Cort fort at a time when economic hardships, as the SLFP rightly points of keep Tounting?
The SLFP has increased its vote by 300 odd, a smal fraction of the increase in the total votes polied.
By Pirg its 6,000 vote base the SLFP ha prowed that its traditional SUPPOrt 5 itat.
The JVP's poor Performance is further evidence of how deep-rooted is the two Plly systems in electoral politics. Where was th: JWP's much-vaunted rural youth Support
There were no bread-and-butter issues in the literal sense. At Alama duwa it was a QLe SCOT of village tanks and disused tube wells, Co''"PEA, karo sena i no
electricity, and, of course jobs.
For the rest, it WYS; Y
psychology, cynical self-unrest or opportunism and the UNP's огganisation machine. the machine that JR devoted so much of his time and energy to build 1973-77.
Scouts sent by J. R. and R. P. brought back "intelligence' reports on the electorate's mood. Then campaign chief Festus Perera and 75 MP's, Deputy Minist t noved in super by Corganised farmation5, farn ning outʼin a Constituency where houses and clusters of հս է5 are sometimes miles apart.
Three more years to go. There's more mileage to get from a go Wernment than from one more MP in a pitiful group of 7.
The UNP had every reason, in fact to expect a majority of 3000-4000.

Page 6
JVP: a turn to
the old days, they used to call him "The Boss' or "The Big Man" — a strangely American expression for a movement flaunting the impeccably Indigencus banner of a 'Lanka Line". Today, the short, slightly stocky and be spectacled Rohana Wijeweera is, more than ever before, the Big Man. He is not only the un disputed leader (de facto if not de jure) of the JWP, the country's numerically largest Left force, he is also the dominant single personality of the Left movement as a whole--a Towerment which has no dearth of colourful personalities.
As he surveyed the crowd before him - which the SUN of May 2nd estimated as being not less than that of the SLFPLSSP) MEP joint rally --Mr. Wijeweera had good cause to feel a strong sem se of achievement. His Towement, as he told his audience, had been liquidated with "blood, iron and fire' in 1971 by the SLFP-led state. The SLFP leaders, (whom he termed the Bandara nalike -Ratwatte clan) had been convinced that they had seen the last of the JWP. The old Left had thought so too. But in the jails, the task of reconstituting the JWP had taken place and now it was the main challenge to the UNP and SLFP. It had weakened the old Left so badly that the LSSP Luna ble to Stand con its own two feet, had staggered back into the arms of Srima. The other left parties had their rally at the Hyde Park, sorely weakened because even their own supporters had crossed over to lister to Wijeweera, So when the JWP leader, from the heights of his multi tiered stage (as tall as Adam's Peak remarked someone) assured his audience that their party had the strength to stand on its own two feet without leaning on the SLFP or UNP, he did sound quite convincing.
While the IGP had waved to the JWP procession and taken pictures from near the Liberty cinema, Hi5 officers Were här ässig
the JVP. 5aid The J.W. P. should same chance of democratically, a 5 such as the SLFP However their d were being infrin C.I.D.
Major Otelo de of the 1975 Portu had told himi the per5on ni el of regimes political p to be po ut ir LC) ja for their own since the masses , out punishment to Wijeweera Lurged the bureaucracy that the country be ruled by the
The JWP |Eider quite as Corwin assured his Lidic would not win t but his sa 15a certainly came t profmised Lihat, if repressed again, even stronger, j. Had bgan succe twice befo TC, fir: and Lhen again repression. Ewe killed, the class JWP rested woul party once more. remarked a C Wijeweera who the speech. " petty bourgeois 5cci å stra II m. w ridden capitalism give birth to equivalent. Thi for a while ever tid. After ä il,
bigger than the
bourgeois force the JWP. Only : tionary Marxistparty of the WC is, a true Comr do that.'
Waging War
The nitty-grit speech came rig Uli I them it h

the class
Mr. Wije weera. be given the winning power any other party T U NF ha .
ged upon by the
Carvalho, a hero guese Revolution, in Lisbon, that the old fascist olice had appealed Lil – 15 a Tħ easlu re personal safety, were row reting them. Similarly, the C.I.D and to bear ir mim d would not always UMP or the SLFP.
did not sound cing when i he Cathat the SLFP 1e |983 elections, of Cormimit mant hrough when hig * the WP were it would emerge 15 t a5 the party 55 fully built up it in the GEO's aft of Elto ||?"| if he were upon which the id regenerate the "He's correct'', on temporary of was listening to So long as the youth exists as a ithin this crisis , they will always the WP or its 5 will continue 1 after the rewoluthe SR's Were Bolsheviks. No ca Ever defeat, 1 genuingly revoluLeninist vanguard irking class, that munist Party, can
ty of Wi jeweera's ht at the end. ad been entertain
ing and perhaps educative (what with quotes from Woltaire and Herzen) but insubstantial. Towards the end however ha an no United that the JWP's prime task for the whole of the next year was to "wage war' on the trade union bureaucracies affiliated to the LSSP, CPSL, MEP, NSSP, etc etc. The JWP would carve through the sa T.U. organisations with the sama ease that they swept the campuses, promised Wijeweera. In short, the JWP declared a one year "war" on the Joint Trade Union Action Committee. "Is thi 5 combat tirng th2 LI nion bu reaucracy or declaring War on the organised working class movement?" was the query of a young CMI — er as he left the rail-dreched Town Hall.
JTUAC
While 90% of the enormous JWP demonstration comprised non -working class youth, and the Campbell Park rally did include the LSSP, SLFP and MEP union Ti år er 5, the Solid or of the organized urban working class marched Linder the JTUAC banner in a demonstration numbering between 3 and 5 thousand. "Though it was the smallest of the Lhree formations quantitatively, it did comprise the Thost advanced, politically conscious sections of the working class - and after all, this is what May Day is a || about" claired a CPSL Politbureau Thermber. The CPSL"5 was the largest continggit numbering a f ittle ower é,000. The NSSP (Wasudeva) came a close second and was notable for its slogans calling for the recognition of the Right of Self-Determination for the Tamil people. The CMU (4,000) proved that it was the best organized single Tradio Union in the country. A significant feature of the TUAC demo were the presence of large numbers of E Worker 5 (gArrnért work. Er 5, nur 525 etc.) Interestingly, there were Tian slogans against the LSSP and JWP for their alleged "tailism' wis-a- wis the SLFP and UNP respect I wely.

Page 7
Repeating his performance of last year, Was Ludewa gawe the most
intelligent and impressive May Day speech of 1980 with a plea for broad trade union unity (inclusive of the SLFP) and a
higher, political unity of the left (minus the LSSP).
LSSP
The cartoonists were too cruel to Colvin. In a message directly addressed to the LSSP's crstwhile 3. | | jes, the CP, Dr. Coolwin R. dB Silva em Inded the CPSL of a Celebrated Trostskyist dictum. In certain circumstances, Marxists, advised Trotsky, should be ready to for T fronts not. only with the devil but the devil's grandmother. (The CDN reporter was content with the "Devil's mother").
The implish dewi I in
every Cartoonist leapt for joy.
The Sunday Qbserver's Wijesoma saw Colvin getting the boot (or was it the aristocratic slipper?)
from the U.F. W. FDB, wearing
grin, looking a frame, (1980) a patched trouser: to the SLFF Ho with the Unfriendly Smile
The ATH THA Tot ; || that ci Worce the hori
De wil's grandimo
gוirוזThe cor SLFP är LSSF 5agging spirits oldest party. T when the giant: like ni 1 e-pims, their deposits. the pi tiful per Contgs for Coli Whi häd r flags, and Fhu Tı where the LSSP the WP ad g price from the LS The favourite
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alauwa (1975) with his best satanic 1. In the next de stitute Colwin, 5 and all returns L3 , , , - - , the rian
erns, WS
Carorist Wis Complicated, Siri Tha 15 to play the ther,
together of the certainly revived of the island's The │977 de bacle s of the past fell almost all loosing the death of N. M., formance in the ombo municipality ce flå Lur Lead teid iliation of Gale was bicat gen by xtracted a heavy SP’s self col fidencic, slogan of many
veteran LSSP supporters was "the
United Front wil return to power ."' 83ל | חi
|n Lhe multiäteral debate with in
the Left prompted Wasudeva Nanayakkara at Hyde Park to remind the LSSP that a SLFP
LSSP United Front cannot win a two-thirds majority under the PR
system. Therefore, he said a SLFP/LSSP Prime Minister wi II 5 ti|| be President J. R.'s prime minister. A high ranking LSSPer
told the Lanka (Guardian "we hawe not formed the United Front. We may do so. It all depends
on the političal con ditions. We are not thinking of the results of the 1983 elections. We are
Wondering whether thera will be a gection in 1983. As the international political and economic si [Låt|Carl Worsens and cur own economic problems are aggravated, this question will be a real one. In such a situation only T5:
(Čoriří Třetí a Page II)

Page 8
BANDUNG (2)
ON THE ROAD TO
by Mervyn de Silva
addressing the Indian Parliament om his return fron the Bandung conference, Mr. Nehru said: "Bandung Proclaimed the Political emergence in world affairs of over half the world's population . "" : BLE ha a dded that "EL YWQ Luld be misreading of history to regard Bandung as though it was an Isolated occurence and not part of a great movement of human history."
If Mr. Nehru was correct ther, his evaluation made so soon after the conference se 2 m 5 e Wen ni r02 correct now. Bandung, Indeed, is a landmark. Yet, it is much more a part of a histor|cal proce55.
Bandung was an Afro-A5 ian gathering; by definition, a regional or continental concept. This physical dimension reveals both its strength and its limitations. It is useful to note, for instance, that there never was a 'second Bandung" although there were several active and sustained efforts to convene another such meeting.
But after the first nomaligned conference in Belgrade in 16 these efforts slowly lost their
momentum and Bandung receded inexorably into history, a history in which it has a significant place. The "Bandung spirit" did not die, No it was gradually assimilated into a larger idea, a political factor as this quarter century has proved, of greater vitality and res || |ence. That force being nonalignment which moved across to and embraced Latin America and few nations of Europe,
The post-war world witnessed the end of colonialism, first of all in Asia. That Is why Bandung inspite of the presence of Some Africa ard Arab Countri 25 had a strong Asian accent, Bandung marks a significant stage in the maturation of the politica consciousness of those må tio r15 which freed from the imperialist yoke after many centuries, responded to their own compulsive need to assert this newly achieved in dePendente.
é.
In that sense, psychological as standily so, Col. only meant pol and com om i c cx spoilation of the Cultures of these C
It was a h because this C. not confined to a handful of col. contrary, it wä con Tian tro alm that h 3d Sha Tad perience. ln sl group feeling", i. sciousness whic Pressed itself Afro-Asian grou F Nations. This g out of a shared fortified by a sem5e of Ident| ty, the idea that it to Shape a colle a collective will promote collecti
In part, it psychological: in a predictable, response to an of contemporary these rations, fundamentally "w in a gi wen Worl political power g and military strer could affirm Lh and assert their only collectively. of the Collecti, only option, the their distinctive not heeded.
So Bandung tension of the at the U.N. historical facts Tigration, il we are looking from the wat world in wh-h and Towerments the nomaligned at UNCTAD an are so strongly self-same spirit and unity.

e Anniversary
BELGRADE
it was as much political. Underomialism had mot itical donation ploitation but the rich and ancient ionquered peoples. istorical proce 55 Iri & COLI 31255 W15 " " "WY O OIT Intries. On the is a phenomenoп ost ewery nation the colonial exhort, it was a 1 colective conhad already exin an Informal at the United roup feeling, born experience and newly awake ned gradually grls Ped also necessary ctive will. Only would allow and W 2 LiC),
was, as I said, part, it was also ewem ires Capable elementary fact history. Each of Individually, was l'eak", Therefore, d system where oes with economic gth, these nations e ii r independence right to be heard
The mobilisi Fe will Was the
only way to hawe Yoice heard, if
was a natural Afro-Asian group These are plain and if they require is only because back 25 years, :age point of a such organisations like the OAU, the Group of 77 d the UN itself, influenced by this of collective action
X
Se en from this Bandung is rich in
today's world.
It is common knowledge that the idea- of a Bandung conference received formal blessings at the first Colombo conference of April 1954, a conference in which India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Burma and Ceylon (Sri Lanka) Participated.
In latc. 953, Mr. Foster Dulles, com a wis it to Pakis tän, had described non alignment (a word coined by Nehru) as 'immoral". The very notion that the ex-colonial countries could canceive of an independent, collective voice in world affairs' earned the Wicious hostility and contempt of the US and the American press.
Already the US was busy on a US-Pakistan Tilitary agreement, In spite of strong objections by India. At Nu wara Eliya, Ceylon, the US amba55a dors of the region had met in secret and decided that before the Colombo confo - rence, the US Tust isolato lndia by winning over the other four. Burm1"5 UN a T bassador told the Colombo meeting how he ha d turned down an offer of US aid because it was tied to another offer, a 'mutual Security på Cit', Ceylon was in a quandary. Driven by its own pressing domestic needs, Ceylon had signed a rubber-rice Earter deal with Chima in de flanco of the US-imposed embargo on the sale of strategic materials to communist China. But the pressure on the Ceylonese Prime Minister, the ultra-rightist Sir John Koteayyela, was inten 51 fied Lun til the US succeeded in getting Sir John to launch an Attack on Lhe USSR at Bandung.
context, the USmowo Is extraordinarily thought provoking. The US treaty resultad in the growing isolation of Pakistan, one of the five sponsors of Bandung, from the progressive movement of the Poc" World. Not a the Isla Tic summits nor Mr. Bhutto's mano
perspective, lessons that пmeапіпgful iп
in today's Pakis, am |

Page 9
euvres to sponsor a Third World Conference could rescue Pakistan from its self-imposed alienation. Only the collapse of CENTO gawe Pakistan the opportunity of joining the nomaligned conference in Hawa na last year. But once again the shadow of the US falls ower this country and we are |est to wonder whether Pakistan's lately acquired nomalignment is genuine enough to withstand new pressures from old patrons.
Cf course, Pakista is no exception. The winning of allies and the construction of alliancesystems was part of the US general Strategy of keeping the under-developed nations from acting in concert, from struggling for a new equilable international order, and from LI In i fying the I r efforts to strengthen that struggle.
The New York Times hailed the Colombo communique because it showed, according to that newspaper, a healthy reaction against Communism and because Mr. Nehru had failed to impose India's deste to for a "neutra|ssts block"!
In 1976, just before another Colombo Conference, tho 5th non-aligned summit. Professor Moynihan' one-time. JS Ambassador to India and the U.N., was warning his government that the "emerging bloc' of "Third World"
nations was a serious threat to US interests.
So while the "new" na tian 5
were striving towards unity and a common policy of nomalignment and independence, the US was Cemploying every possible strategem to establish military-political ali
ances and alignments. Surely it is significant that SEATO was created six months before the
Bandung meeting.
In another critical area of the world, the Middle East, the Baghdad pact was signed, and the young Colonel Nasser of Egypt, who was a dominant personality at Bandung denounced it as an insidious attempt to disrupt the Arab League.
At first, the US and its allies opposed the idea of an Afro-Asian
conference. Sev mes (Iran, Philippines) gav China as the their antagonist US discovered tQC 5 trong and there was sharp: Suddenly most did a Wolte | hoped, as the Tribu ne obserw fricmds wi|| coutin and they will d
necessary."
Why? In hi study AFRO-A
ALIGNMENT Luis the answer.
"It was in colonialism that grappled with it its real purpose
If the commo was the historic the movement wi El T T O LJET ET . ) the world Scene struggle against Its manifestatior Menon's contri publicly declared it is precisely fact which has na anti-imperialist ( tral feature. An the US and its a and inside tha consistently lab. this character, d movement from and divide its ri
Today this m forces hawe inde manifestations o whatever guise the cry for a r economic cor der against the crash tions, the battle colonialism and in Isn.
While tho. W identifying this as an "enemy', i reason to be it. The socialist the Sowiet Unio|| the in mense p r c of this burgeonir by word and di

ral pro-US regiurkey, Lebanon, the invitation to main reason for BLIt when the he currant was unning against it, change of tactics. f these countries ce. US then ew York Harald d that "America's mber her enemies feld the US when
well-researched SA and NONG. H. Jan Sen gawe
this de bate on the conference s real task and
colonial heritage a foundation of ich ma de a formal f its advent on at Bandung, the "colonialism in all 1s" (Mr. Krishna bution) was its manifesto. And this fundamental de the movement's haracter its Cend for that reason, |lle 5, both outside movement have bured to dilute wort the for Ward its awowed aims Anks,
ovement's broad tified the Warious f colorn [ali 5I i Irh t appears. Thus, ew international ; the clamour нnational согpora
to end cultural formation imperia
st was right in
res urgent force ... had yet another oubly hostile to
countries, led by had recognised gressive potential g movement, and ed, as its support
for national liberation clearly demonstrated, supported its basic airns.
As author Jansen notas, one of the curious features of the Bandung mê e ting was that It was the Soviet Union which was the principal target of attack of the US and its allies, and mot Communist China, although its participation had become a major
controversy. Again, the west was right in recognising its main enemy, and potentially dangerous alliance between the exploited peoples of the "Third World" and the socialist camp. Jansen says that the US allies were
talking about "colonialism' in the Baltic while debating "colonialism' at a conference held in the island
of Jawa in the Sunda Sea!
One of the West's allies. Princa al-Hassan, Pr|me Minister of Yemen, on his way to the conference had said "We hawe not heard of Panchsheel. . . . (Five Principles)....We have never heard of China's entry into the UN, ''
Mr. Moloto w and othar Soviet spokesmen had openly declared
support for Panch sheel, which included the cardinal te net of peaceful co-existence. Marshal
Woro5hilow and the praesidiin of the Central Asian republics of the USSR had sent messages of goodwill to Bandung, whereas the black Congressman, Adam Clayton Powell, the only unofficial American "observer' was reduced to distributing ci gar5 to delegato 5 a 5 a gesture of the friendship of the American people, when President Eisenhower and the State Department rejected his suggestion that the US should send an official message.
China, outlawdd from the UN by the US, identified itself with the forces of Bandung, and for a tine it even assumed the role of a champion of the "Third World." It is a commonplace fact of history that it was the combined support of the non aligned countries and the socialist camp, together with the pressure they exerted for nearly 20 years which finally led to the admission of China in to the UN.
( Canifi " Li redo {7 FI page' #rg)

Page 10
Iran
PERIOUS PATHS
AE quite clear, the connection between the US "ho3 tages drama' and the presidential campaign will becomic all too obvious as the rival aspirants, ceremonially anno in ted at the party Conwenti ors, li dwar ce in to the final round.
Though Mr. Ohira has voiced some dark doubts on the question and Mr. Rajaratnam has amented its lack of leadership, the US is a superpower. Thus, presidential preoccupations with electoral politics and popularity polls cannot
Possibly be på roch i al Thatter5. They involve the world. And the World, particularly after the
tragic farce in the Iranian desert, must bear this Is mind. For people 5 and governments In the Indian Ocean region, the invitation to the most sombre reflection, is all the more urgent.
The Cock-eyed commando operation of "Charlie's Angels' (named after Colonel Charles Beckwith and, in the true American spirit, a popular TW Programmel) may be greeted by America's eneries as another welcome blow to its plum meting prestige. But back in the US, this aggressive adventure, inspite of its disastrous outcorne, has raised Mr. Carter's stock. The rein lies the danger. One by one, he has exhausted his 'options." What will he be tempted to do next? The importance of that question cannot be over-stated.
Henry Brandon, one of the most knowledgeable of Washington correspondents, wrote: "There is always the danger that a man hurt, frustrated and extremely SC:n Siti We to the accusation of weakness and indecision, feels need to disprowe his critics and to act wigorously from weakness."
Soon after the story of the abortive mission made the headlines, both Democratic party chairmen of the two foreign affairs committees of Congress, Senator Frank Church and Rep, Clement
Zablock argued
aggression was : War Power; Ac law has many con
Double-cross
Western reac marked by an Raporting from I HT, Joseph "Several of the E said that th Would be incen5 behaviour, which 35 werging on a | L 5 air, ζ,
"The Carter a Wyk tywisted col Sanctions om ||ra of U.S. military a a di pormat said, it, and then Werl L. Ahead arc
Severa rice of di 2C0 1.0 | 51 r. threats, and then What next? A mining of Iranian A full-scale maya
For the US pi remain, underst: charged emotion media, notably on the grand Sc and students of i5 the inconclu: ii rl terma tioma com Cf Cr: Tiduct. Thị di Pla Tats enjoy in replies the Irania lost this privil engaged in sub as part of the app the Shah's corr. regime. The E ra nan authoriti Së IIted to the y,
But for people cof the world, the tion of the hos converted the qu human situation.
WI || Electoral Pro Paganda Portom administration to

that this act of a violation of the t. Cf Course, th:1 wendent loop holes.
Lions were also ger and d Ismay. London to the Fitchett, Wrote:
Luropean diplomats 2 ir gowlernments ed by the U. S. : they described
double-cross of
dministration last Ir arm to i fTpose Ywith the threät ction otherwise,' adding: "We did President Carter did it anyway."
plomatic relations, ions and other Secret operations. Haiphong-type harbours a la LBJ? | blockade
Jblic the hostages Indably, a highly al affair. For the W it is theatre alle. For lawyers diplomacy, there 5ive debate o wentions and rules 2 hos tages were g | TITI Unity. But, in leadership, they ege When they WCTSiWE Hctiw| Lje:5 aratus Supporting | pt and oppressiwe vidence, say the ES, wi|| be Pre*orld.
in most parts media dramatisatags issu 2 has estion to a simple
pressures and ote the Carter take even more
Perilous steps that would endan ger Peace in the area. In an unusual expression of Identical wiews, lndia and Pakistan condemned the US operation and warried of its dangers to peace. In strik ing contrast, Sri Lanka's response was a study in equivocation.
In Washington, the resignation of Cyrus Wance, a modest and Sconsible man, heralded a victory for Dr. Brzezinski, the new cold warrior. His outspoken opinions at the start of the Iranian crisis are freely quoted by two distinguished US researchers in a new study entitled "Carter and the Fall of the Shah: The Inside Story', published last month in The Washington Quarterly. The all-powerful National Security Adwiser believed that "the nature of the Shah's regime was a distinctly secondary question, and that Iran Was of such pre-emi ment importance to American Middle East policy that the Shah should be encouraged to do whatever was
necessary to preserve control of the country."
The Shah was the best serwant of western interests. It was for this historical role that the Pahle wi dynastry was created by the British and then sustained for so long by the US. Those interests were both economic and strategic.
is the Ayatollah Khomeini sees it, these are the fundamental issues, ra sed by the anti-Shah movement. Islamic Revolution, popular uprising or whatever else the descriptive title, the movement's ideals remain the genuine economic and political independence of Iran. Hence tha Ayatollah hailed the severance of diplomatic relations by the US as a happy symbol of the end of US dominance. Inspite of many internal conflicts and unpredictable er Lipton 5, the spirit of the Iranian revolution is very much alive. Its ultimate success will be measured by the degree to which the Iranian peoplo beco me the true masters of their destiny,

Page 11
THE DON IS DEA
he last survivor among the
great personalities of World War 2 is no more. The death of the communist who by defying Stalin. In 1948 turned into a symbolic figure of the "cold war" follows the recent declaration of a second "cold War'. The brave and brilliant anti-fascist partisan who became the läkert of moder Yugoslavia has left a national sense which he had so totally dominated for four decades. Non alignment's Don is dead.
After Tito, who? Tito himself made sure of the answer to that question. A collective leadership. But the answer to the equally familiar and more important queston "After Tito, what?" is mot easy. For many, it is a troubling Cre. Nations have Survved the passing away of their founding fathers and heroic father-figures - the Maos, the Nehrus, Nassers, Soekarnos.
|n his Tecent Work 'TTO's YUGOSLAWA', Sir Duncan Wilson who served as British Ambassador both in Belgrade and Moscow observed: "It is Yugoslavia's relations with the Soviet Union which are likely to be most affected when Tito is no longer at the helm...."
A nore Cel tra i55U, Critica enough to influence Yugoslavia's external relations, is the nation's internal, federal structure which even the most sympathetic of a nalysts regard as a fragile fabric.
The Soviet Union, after Stalin's
death, experimented with a "collective leadership' too. But the Techanist which Tito has
introduced suggests his own profoundly anxious awareness of stresses on a system which perhaps could work only when he himself was its strong centrepiece. The complex mechanism rests on a system of chairmanship by rotation. The rotation seeks to guarantee the fair distribution of power as between the six republics. There are two autonomous provinces too in an interesting, though somewhat
Л05Ір В,
artifical, mosaic cultural Indentiti
The economic unevenness of gri regions and t existence of Yugo could always in tE inherent in this
If non alignment to originality as socialist state, was his novel socialist practice. large remittances million Workers
west, Yugoslavia' Open, Consumerhas done poorly
the shocks of Wor Hella FÍck wrote (London).
"At a time o and un employment a dwa nced morther Yugoslavia resent burden of the po above all it under dependence on on foreign source leads right back exposed geograp relationship with it
 

F. T
dחal aחםatiח fם
ES
fact of evident owth as between he geopolitical slavia a 5 a Whole anslfy the strains ultural diversity.
Wa S Tito's cal the lead or of a 'self-management' סt חםtributiחסם Inspite of the e than aחסוח fם in the capitalist
s looser, morte minded economy " in weathering
ld inflation. As In the Guardian
if high inflation , the industrially In republics of
the economic orer south. But lines Yugoslavia's oreign markets, is of supply; and to the country's hy, and шпеasy hg. Sowie E Union."
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Please Cao VI fac
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No. 7, Station Road,
Colombo - 3.
Telephone: 2300, 23152, 28008

Page 12
LENN BIOGRAPHY-(2)-
by G. B.Keērawellā" .
en in returned to Russia
နို်င်္ချိုမှိါိန်ခိ႕နီးဇို့ Lenin felt very autely the disparity between * . ಙ್ಗಜ್ಜೈ confronted the working-class Russia and the lack of cohesion and the arrateurish methods of the Social-Çlë frigëra tj; organizations of that time. A workers "s"arxist party did not yet exist, return to Russia he took up his task with greater energy than ever, Hevisited the Yorklng-class-disk
meetings and conferences, conver, sing with the workērs " and giving instructions to the members of the Democratic organizations. He amalgamated a the la Fxist wqrkgrs" 慧 then existing in St. Petersburg - the te were about twenty of them Hirita" lonë. p. 54
This became known as the League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the working class. He thus paved the way for the formatich of the revolutionary Marxist party. Lenin based the activit les of the League of Struggle on the principles of centralism and strict discipling. He considered that the League should badame the basis of a party. and was wery keen to link up the Social Democrats in the different towns of Russia. H. During, I thգ, preceeding two years' much had been done in this direction. This was to be ach iewed by means of a newspaper which would riformula të the immediate objects, and ultimate airls 醋醬 class. Bůto teninowdsopreventě from carrying out his plan at that time. On the night of December 8, 1895, the Tsarist police swooped | down on the League and är Tiëste do a large number of its actiweo members including Lenin,
1. * The period of over two years | that tenin had spent in St.
| Petersburg Wasan Extremëly, impor
: "In his During this period he mixed with the workers, and this served him as a school
PRISON,
Oh his working-class
| outo
movement with ti of
-class movement League of Strugg!
pation of the Wa
was the embryo ary party to ba
int 14 buit: eyer here * |
Lenn sp
see thing activity. rtts rearly every day, conducting see thing activity.
| gett 獸 his létt
Struggle case. Le to three years Siberia: "He was his tem of exi of Shushensko nia. Earlyin whc.had alsó b čohylicted fin cor League gf Strug, received perms: ex||e "With"Lé Shushensk gye, N. dificulties involv in establishing col Emanքipation ու Զ abroad, and with геүolutionary [if to ręce we ||ęgi cргrëspondance | ducted with this
cornrades, in Emancipation, g arid Wiէի, bę 觐 in Russia was and served as a cfmaintain Ing informa Lor, and His corresponde om, philosophical special interest. соппесtioп'r with Struggle case, 5 | exile, y had be con Kant and Hurt | about this, and
of revolutionary activity and of | pondence betwe
10
 
 
 
 

ftsmanship. Here, g. Im Russla, he up the Socialist he general working and formåd the e for the Emancirking-class, which of the revolutionse itself on the Ioveme .. \
months in prison, he continued his Leninsucceeded ers and pamphlets :ing them in milk es of the Pages he was allowed Es de and return. 897, the sentence son the League of nin was sentenced exile in Eastern ordered titi spend lerino the village , Wen is elsk Gubery 1898, Küpşkıya, een 'arrested” and" rection with the gle case ånd had tion to spend her in," arrived in ჭწ"სუ"ჭუჭუჭ 醬 "ed, hê, SLÇÇgeded, յոections with the f Labour Group, the centres of = In Russia, and, al literature.The which Lenin Erl,
5, relativés, With :* with
thբ, flabour Group, Serial Democrarș
thar νόμηiπαμς, in important means' Son taçE, rçaceİy İng gi w img in StructioFS. nce with Lenքnik,
fס,156 קS wחסquesti, fil-Lengin I k il-Who irn in the League of erwirag, a term of e infat. Låte di With Ie. Lenin heard a li li welly Corres-, ten them ensued.
ExtE
MOO E BHATT
Ε. Η ι gII fri E '' : 'wfy 117 FFF; || 7 ||
| WoW || r 1 | ॥
Lengilik “remarked"F"his'lette
In reply to mine, Wadimir Ilyich ...: veryo pol||telyo but firmly ex: presse d'his déterminé d'opposition Eo*HL's * ငှëp:[ငါ့l:ffilian: Kirit's idealism, and contrasted "thern with the stimulating philosophy 9f""Marx''"ahd '''Engéls''''ʻDuÉing the three years' he spent her wrote flower thirty works among which were: the Develop meդ էլ օքiլ Capitalism, իր « Russia, The Tasks of the Russian Social DėFTnaGra ES, A Contribution, to the Chiar atterization, of Economit Romar Ficist). The Heritage, that We" Reirnod y race, Capitalism in Agrit culture, The Protest of Russian Social-Democrats and the Draft of a Program for our Party. 'During the last years of Lenin's exile itiportant events occurred I the internation al-''''' Social Democratili: mạvement. Revisionism
:
beginning "of 1899, ''Bernstein's 蠶 "The Premises of
Sögíalism'; appea red in Germany, In Juni 'öf thäť year, the Frenih socialist "Millerand ëntered thë baufgelöis government. Lettiin wroté fhäthe Was" alärmed by the faςξ that Plekha nou was 'nöt" ëörniriig Cut Strongly in opposition to the rews long of that philosophy of Marxism by Bernstein, Struve and others, and urged that it was, nęÇe:S Šary torr break-the- al liançG bet'egn the il revolutlanary and the Legal' Marxists. The RevisioRists sorties against the Marxist Philosophy induca di Lenin to make a closer study of philosophy. Frn the summarl of 1899, Krupskaya W rote a 4. letter :: to. Le miri's mather in which she said 'Wolodyatris now intersely reading all-sorts Čof philosophy, Holbach, Helvetius and so forth. I say rin ifun i that ha si becarningtsola impregnated with this philosophy that its will soon be dangerous to talk to him." YYSS KK L SKSS L SSLLLSS SSS SSS SSS SS SS SS
In March 1893, the first congress of the Jr RJ5sian: Social, Democratic LabQLr Party, was held in Minsk.

Page 13
The congress annouced the formation of the party, but it failed to unite the scattered Marxist circles and organizations into one body.
On January 29, 1900, Lenin en ded up his term of exile and left Shushenskoye fully determined to set to work at once to carry out his plan of building a Marxist party and of founding an all Russian Marxist newspaper,
The police prohibited Lenin from living in St. Petersburg and
Moscow or in any of the industrial centres. He therefore chose Pskow as his place of residence.
But on two occasions Lenin secretly went to St. Petersburg. On his second wis II. to that city he was arrested in the street. After keeping Lenin in custody for ten days, they released him. At these circumstances, on July |6, 1900 having laid the basis for the newspaper in Russia, he went abroad,
In August 1300, Lenin, Potressow, Piekronow, Axlecod and ZaSulich met in Corsier, near Gerewa, to discuss to make arrangement to publish an all Russian political newspaper. The negotiations were extremely heated and the conference almost ended in a complete rupture between Lenin and Plekhanow and the aband comment of the project to start the newspaper "Iskra' immediately. With great difficulty an agreement was at last reached. It was decided to publish "iskra' mot In Switzerland, äs Plekhamo'w had proposed but in Germany. Lenin left for Munich where the principal editors took up their quarters. The first number of the "Iskra' appeared on Deces in ber | | , |9 OO.
"Iskra' was launched in a period when the revolutionary movement. was growing all over the country. In the spring of 1901, political demonstrations Look Place in Tä my of the large cities, in 1902 strikes began to be combined with demonstrations. In 1903 a mighty wave of mass political strikes swept the whole of south Russia. Influenced by the Working-class Towerient, the peasants, too joined the struggle and in the spring of 1902, peasant disorders broke cu E in the Ukrim, in the Wolga region and in Georgia.
Iskra No. 4, vh May | 90, cor article "Where to he gave a rough for building the This article exarc impression on tha: S Wworker5, Lenin 5 was only a rio Ligh plan, which he in greater detai that he Was pri. press. It appeare: This was Lenin's "What Is To Be
According to L party was to coil - a close circle of Party workers, ch revolutionarios, a work of local par with a large mem the sympathy an . sands of working
Practically all Had o com ribat waverings of the of the board. H in conflict with P summer of 90 arose over Lenin Persecutors of t and the Harriba As was the CIAS meeting in 1895, S between Lenin an revesled om question of tact attitudo to be the liberal bourgé
1902 still more IT IS TOG 2 ) W2 the party progr: the controwers programme Wዖ፥፯ & it was decided headquarters of During the first London the disa editorial board more acute thiar of the col to 'w'; article “The Ag of Russian Social
Lenin was th Iskra group's ag April 1501, h Worker's Party try', appeared keynote of this the Proletariat wan of the StrLigg Wi 'W' èr" tg | t5 5

ich -āma Out Ir
tain cd Lenin's Begin' in which outline of his Marxist party.
ised a profound ccia |- Destrati
id this article out|| || II of his was elaborating | in a pamplet aparing for the in March 1902. brilliant wark, Done."'
enin's plan, the sist of two Parts cadres of leading efly professional nd a broad hotty organizations, bership enjoying support of thoupeople.
the time Lenin the opportunist och CT me T bers is found himself ckha low. In the | i5r:5 's article, "The e Semstvo and ls of Liberalism". it their first Gericus differences Pakho w Wyete he fundamental ics, namely the adopted towards Bolsie, In January serious disagreer the question of imme. Just when on the Party at its height, it to transfer the Iskra Lo London. ח1 $th חסוח וייfe greements om the of "Iskra' became | ev gr. The Cal F5'e ir sy was Lenin's rara in Programme -Democracy'.
e author of the rarian programme,
is article, "The and the Peasanin |5kra. The
article was that must be in the a for freedon and ide the pelasantry,
Lenin attached very great importance to the work of popularizing the Marxist programm= among th = masses of the peasants. spring of 1903 he wrote a pamphlet
entitled To the Rural
Russian Social
Tha
Second Congress
Democratic
In the
Poor,
of the Labour
Party was opened on July 7, 1903.
A, fir5 t it sat irri Brussels, but owing to the difficulties created by the Belgian police it was
transferred to London.
To be continued
JVP ...
(CoII rifles fro Page 5)
opinion will influence the govern
ment — Such opinion
a United Leader'.
from
Keeping a
Hi LSSP
|steet |gades
have
distance Was Mr.
Anil Moonesinghe, looking extre
mely self satisfield,
S. reported months ago ("The Anil
factor')
for this as th
He had good
e L.G.
Mr. Moone sing he had played a key role in the backstage moves which led to this Anil has always been
tie-up. regarded as a future LSSP leader. N.M. In his last years, had said "Never, newer' to a new alliance Lunder
Anil wear some day
Mrs.
thէ:
of N.M. and Trotsky.
Bali dara, malik 2.
Wi
Thãntl=
LANKA, GUARDIAN
Subscriprior rakes Hirst ஐ: r s ty ஒர்ே.
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One year
Local RS. 95- Rs. Asia Rs. 300- Rς.
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Page 14
DEWIOLUTION
The sharing of
by Neelam Tiruchelwam
he Fores i det decided of 2nd
August, to appoint a Commission om democratic de Centralization and devolution of power to the districts. In this communication he elaborated tha Policy imperatives which hawe influenced this decision. He emphasised the need to strengthen and broaden the democratic structure of government and the democratic rights of the people. He further added:
"(the) Gowerment recognises the need for a larger measure of participation by the people in the administrative bodies dealing with economic developmen C. Appreciating the advantages of democratic decentralization for accelerating de welopment and Promoting Participatory democracy, the Government ha 5 decided to Constitue a Presidential Commission to make recommendation regarding a scheme of devolution and decentralised administration."
The terms of reference point to an Institutional framework the elements of which hawe been spelt out in broad outline. Other policy pronouncements and more specifically the decision of the Governmet dated Nye Tiber" | 3 || FW3, provided further clarification of these matters, Tha Commission was required to work with in this policy framework and to evolve the details of a scheme which would advance the ideals of accelerated development ånd participatory democracy. The Report signed by eight Commissoners on the 15th of February, does not adequately grasp the elgriments of this framework, or elaborate fully the basic concepts which relate to this exercise. It further fails to address some of the more important matters referred to in the terms of reference. This note which is submitted as a separate report endeavours to do
The Introduction to the report signed by eight Commissioners
Report si
rig NL,
states that this not appointed t "ex är in e the which have mani in the demand f. and to make Which a Te direct resolution. On Commission is . a system of democratic dece. would enable the -four districts development prio the district a giye iTıp etus CC social and econon
It is in this spi of the Col. approached as a In participatory d to graft on to th of representatio Self-man ager Tert of the district."
The Prile M
Pilt" |illet rele Warious result. respective distr
Each di 5 trict L
a district, a st a digitsitt. Thes hawe been Prow
immig moral. Ti difference in t speak in the te: (unofficial transl 937 Wolume 8 (|) 6th December, recognises that er ment if it i5 meaning should စူrax; of thc: pl t presuppG5e5 political and ad tures which pro' expression of th vity and Cultura peoples of differe W i 15 tit LU LİOT

power
brit (el by F (free
Comm| 55 lon Wa5 o or required to ethnic problems fested themselves ir separate State" recommendations ted towards their the contrary, the itected to devise deyroluticis i םחה tralisation which a people of twenty ta definie their rities, to energise dr II is ration and the processes of hic transformation,
irit that the Work ission has been
bold experiment enocracy designed e existing system
"a schi 2 mg of by the people
lini 5 tero state2d | n ntly, "there are es in here ħ t iir1 a ict, a culture of
Istoms relevant to 1u sc relevant to so are things which alent from time here is even a he language We pective districts' ation - wide page No. 5 of Hansard. '79). This statement ndogenous de Welopto acquire full bic rooted in the cople of a district, the need for siIli5 LTil Li WE Str LCwide space for the e Collective creatiI diversity of the nt districts. The 15. We enw isage
should be so fashioned as to release the creative potential of the people which hawe been locked in by administrative struc
LLurC2S which hawe du tiwed their recwance,
We now proceed to examine
some of the concepts which provide the building blocks for the new institutional structure that is recommended. In doing so we need to briefly te wiew the recent evolution of political and admin. strative structures at the regional te wel, No doubt the District Minister scheme owes its antecedents to the system of district political authority, but the proposals Set cut he rein represent a radical departura from the approach that is implicit in the political authority scheme. The District Political Authority scherine Tust be seen as a system of political mobilization rather than genuine devolution and decentralisation. It has been faulted for the concentration of decision making authority and power in a single individual, and for its lack of formal or informal accountability to the people - the intended beneficiaries of governmental programs.
There was no formal machinery to redress a bušies of discretion cor the arbitrary deprivation of section of the community of their equitable share to the benefits of development. The District Political Authority's capacity to act decisively was also impeded by the lack of clarity in the demarcation of his powers and responsibilities. The blurring of the lines of responsibility between the political and the bureaucratic heads of a district, |lead to an en croach ment by the for iner into the latter's sphere. The District Political Authority had no legal or constitutional Status, and Wwas no Tore thil i a projection into the periphery of the informal authority and influence of the Office of the Prime Min Ister.

Page 15
The Scheme that is envisaged by
the terms of reference is not one of political mobilization, but one which calls for the deconcentration of power and the devolution of decision making authority to the regions. Instead of the concertration of power in a single individual, it calls for the creation of a corporate decision making body and a collectively accountable political executive.
The Development Council is a democratically constituted decision making body. In keeping with its democratic character it should be composed of the Members of Parliament elected for the district and a prescribed number of me Tibers elected at a General Election, for the purpose of such Council. The system of proportional representation will ans Lure that decision making within the Council reflects the interplay of diverse social forces and group interests ir i di 5 trict. There should be a Chairst an elected by the Council. The Distri. Minister wou||d tot be a member of the Council, but may be entitled to send messages or to address the Council on appropriate occasions. The interim arrangements may be based on the results of the 1977 Genera Elections to provide for diversity of political expression in the work of the Council 5. It is stated that "the Price of democracy is eternal scrutiny'. An informed and alert Development Council could be an effective safeguard against arbitrary administration at the district leyel. The Counci is the Collective conscience of the district, directing,
guid ing and human izing the developmental process so, as to ensure that the benefits of
accelera tid development 『 equitably shared.
The Council would hawe to be clothed with legal personality and such statutory powers as would enable it wherever possible to augment the resources which would be assigned to it by the Government. These would include the power to mobilize resources through taxation and loans. There Would be a need for a district fund to which all grants, revenue and income could be credited. The Council, would need secondary
law making power tiajn of the de: We! the establish rent for its implement
The internal or Councils need in detail, recogni si need for some flexibility in the institutions. Th Organis ing Progra* to facilitate the and proposals ir agriculture, food may be consider may also cons Com Titte 25 for reporting on prob
Tore | T111 edite com i riitte es cou! look in to issue
ma nagem (en [., rur and alternate ef
Come of the d which faced the C to the recorgia. functions and resp. District Milist." of the centre der for the Executi the Development by and de riving i the people of difficulty was coi White Paper assign Tients of identical functio District Ministermeric Counti | however, sought difficulty by stip district minister "who enjoys the majority of m De welopment C District'.
There were ty, proposed. One reflected in the eight Corin Tissio a Digitsitt Miligit of the Council. h c Ywe weer, Lihat the i5 wie Wed as lr authority of t irriposition of a mo Would have erod character of Dewe . would hawe
th: 50: herine to
CCI CCI Lriti-Il . authority in a

s for the formulaCopri erit plan and of a fra The Wysok atlt: r1
ganisation of such it be defined in ng thereby the wa riation and Working of these a feasibility of 1 T - IT | it to 5 review of projects i år 535 Such a5 and industries, od. The Council titute il rac mԸԸting and cm; which měrit atten tion, Such be directed to Si Such as water 'al electrification
k:rgy.
ifficult questions commission ra la Igd or of the roles, Ionsibilities of the - (an appointee iwing his authority e President) and Council (elected ts authority from a district). This mpounded by the envisaging the similar, if not 15 to both the and the DevelopThe White Paper, : ta resol we this ulating that the 5 hould be one Cori fidence of the Omers of the CLI m Icil of the
'o other & Co LI Lions proposal which is report of the ners was to make er the Chairman To the extent, ) i 5 trict Mir iš ter 2xLersion of the hi Centre the minated Chairma ed the democra Lic lopment Councils. further exposed the dangers of if power and single individual
and the CXC05525 Which haya characterised previous attorTipts at political mobilization. The other solution relate to the exclusion of the District Minister from any Irwolvement r the Distric Development Plan. He would hawa been confined to the Agency and co-ordinating functions in respect of the Central Gower frient's activities within a district. This T1 ay hawa h Cowwe wert P 35ęd problems of jurisdictional conflicts between the Council and the District Minister and impeded the effectivem : 55 of both im Siti II Licorns, There was accordingly a need for a solution which may minimise the potential for conflict and reinforce the complementarities in the roles of the respective Institutions. Such a solution is found in the institution of the Executive Committee.
This institution facilitates a clearer demarcation of responsibilities and powers between the Deveopment. Council on the one hird, and the Executive CorTrittee on the other. The functions of plan formulation and projeçt eyaluation would belong to the Development Council, while those of implementation and execution would be those of the Executive Committee. The Development Council would be headed by the elected ChairTan, while the Executive Committee would be headed by the District Minister. The proper co-ordination and harmonizati cor of thes e responsibilities is ach i gweld by the District Minister and the Chairman of the Council determining the composition and membership of such executive Comittees. Both the District Minister and the Chairman will nod to be ex-officio members of Such Committe: es.
The Chairman's responsibilities would include the tabling of the pla F1, the budget, subordinato legislation fiscal measures and other resolutions of the Council. The District Minister would in addition to his other duties, also exercise an agency and co-ordinating function in respect of the centres activities in the districts, which do not form
part of the district development plan,
(To be concluded)

Page 16
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Page 17
"it 11
The new, Nicaragua
L S S S SS S KK LL K S Yu K L
I'll ... ', it trait." rli Ir!",ʻ, Hi TF i Ti Democracia, llith yw'r u'r ...NO Socia
rifle. H
1T 1 Irby A Special Correspondent "sihitentitle
լ է է Hէll ! : hi E.L. Lic" examine Lat leasti is), Outlin àւn thգ, Prospacէ5, and Problems of a transition to socialism in the new revolutionary Nicaragua, na lin naninirihe ang "At the level of the econbrny, the * * * property ir "of" to the Somoza ! familyä noits "|" col läborators has begeri expropriated" by thi gir Revol lution; this shattering the mate fia FT basis of v Sofrioia-ism and carrying out a basic pledge contai nedflri the "Sandi rista programme: Because of the conceritration of property ownership in Somoza's Nicaragua, if these expropriations and the abandonment of their holdings by fleeing Sonezaist's hawel f' resultad in a very *:: | gn | filcantri pertion 4 es fill thd country's economy, being wested in the händs", óf the state. "In factyll the proportion of the seconomy that fell into the hands of the state as a consequence of the revolution's triumph' is perhaps greater than the proportion of state bwnership Established, in many socialist countries in V the first years after the Victory "of those revolutions. It is kill Po St III, a substantially one may evensayo large 2.5egmento df the Nicaraguar Economy remains in the hands of private enterprise."*Ofoi course: this offis"the fraction of the properted classes we have referred its (following the FSLN) as the'hönanti–Sotie 2ä bourgeoisie, whose changing role 2nd I" function TN through'est for Ehe révolutionary process ihåg = bgefi adequately discussed in curl series.
է : : , I l Having sketched out very roughly, and, with utmost brevity, the contours of the seconcmy of revolutionary” Nicaragua''' at 7 thệ PIE5Ent time let 115 ha 5 ton to add that the degree of state ownership is no sure yardstick er guarantee of "the socialist trajectory of a country"Alge: ria has a very. "high, dégree" öf
- - E LE t
control ον er its. econgmу,
it to 1H "1 #a Iljin, r| Vy„
El treii,
it
|
En EF-1 YE4 E5 Ebrrr but the relations and consequently." tons;i. Arg those exploitation. Burr example. Only' ri gand+sts ft could i tarize': 'Algeria (if: 'countrids follo, socialis orienti tito Techanistic Marxi themselves on 1 forппs of proper rather than the of production,
a given Socio-ecar
Justas the dk owriership r"fn it’s sense it cannot bi chef rhea sure N of the progressive otherwise of 'a' neither can the ownership's in post-revolutionary taken as the "key depth and 'nature ution SThese (" characterizoid *fa ones, since they ure" to o grasp the central quas tion ! is that of state classprlaskesw The key question Caster's the te the'sta te!'n "ct central issue' is the teve of E this sense "politi and'-though" w take ta' this 'illas ta Mao 5m dabës - b cognizahce if the of the positteälti social formation:
"The". Sándinist
. 1 | || exprgpriatë thë af til Somözali bė 鬣*鷺 risistence R | aς ÉWiဝါးငှါly
f. .” [latíိhall, feဦ 'esulted in the T

ז,1 וש והאונ}1+1ח {x_i \
* - ք. ք" է: "A Fra 33 lismo ? 15: F, C 1'1' ter| 1 , dit 3 I li ITE HE"i FIT It
of produétion,5 the social real in of capitatisti) 1 | 5 || || - || zvisionist "preprلائڈنت (and do) characul ind-Burma las ring ai | pathbf
''El Only wulga rಳ್ಲ! sts would i base-3 the juridical "ty || ownership, real relations inn qharacterizing 1omid...formation. I
gree" ** of 'statė formă juridical ! “takën tas’’ the: "Judgement of "offentation ife 'givën”, εξάη tly, extent of priva ta' an immediately 'context''' bë" Index's of the tref that revel: errors '"'tan'' bel ; "economistřic betray the fallfået"that" the In a revolution 醬 of which l'Etate 'lewe: is that which Sharacter of her words, the located at ọfi tids i ärid, fir dis'is " inocornmoo 'a'misst "never: Flasglute," as
"rather takerelative autonomy" nstance within tá:
շrBքerty of thք, räl baurgjëgjšie, ; stage and; էprding Priority, ពុំtatingf th, Fanprogram finę, ofi strug iðf, i hå$,
。二酉 ς ν اسی = ئی # F9.sk'yış, açÇuşa,
LSS SSSKK g StKK LLS LL SLS LLa S Tu SKK TTS nd p d n In 1953 BT * EITE ༈་ T e pen enca,
"31 L"-ga frig b-1, fij qelq" = e : oriTo
- II :* : loko | F1 եns raig: bsint j = 41 դո եւ Իril
(riigi er) bews relva| }} | 7. tri, FTIT ed Earl F, 1 grd 3 7 Inc. in d1 + 6 H +II en het nier II Emil clah that the "petty Bourgeois FSE til 5 #5 e ¬¬¬ing! thatlass struggle arid defending capitafish. ThešếTrotskyisto cřelies ofò 醬 that thënwictörious Bjlshgợlks"ầlử rist tërhimëned Widas preadinatibiti Hzations fruiti i riid lift 98 and that tħelli finali f'push' tagai Fist privately b Wined industry did hat 'thiks place until if the * |920'5፧''ffi chins, the first two five year plarigo: Fafter: Filthel (13 rewoHejtfgm info ër substari tial ' scope foro private '&nt&#FI priséslandrillis on yoardund 4958 that the roll back of the ಶ್ಲೀ sector was rapidly" speeded oup: The Constitition foi oft the * Def cratig|Republic of Vietnam, written ing |946; #gưằrantệed #"tiể"rightg of property and possissiarief |ိါ႔မြိုဇွိုချိရွိေး | first four years fellowing the settin August 嵩 was characterized tý ဒိဗ္ဗိန္ဓိ refbrms in" ဇွိုီးပွါး 嵩
ση "Η
inwiwiñg rënie fråg&in'
nödést i redistribü 畿 # 影 ಟ್ಲಿ ဂျို့ဖွံ့ဖြိုဖို့
dy hers). The agrariani'fëWoluË ငိုဇွို 影 f
&gg chtii'1953 *品 as we know the advitt grrr caused the 驚 h:yeáF resulted Inthi teiporary diff : đf TFüöng FChỉnh'āng”“Prgặidini: Hb b* Cñ 1"i 'ಶ್ಲೀ': "thể þင္းဇံh: ifi:::A{yးခြီးမှီဖွံ့ ဎွိမ္ပိwငှါ Half toe tw3': 'First fö TMAnd
fårtalarid . Férintain': ""urit-billečt #ಟ್ವ? and while this goes alongly t3Wards to explâfni listic revisionist divians that country's Polities. It Certajn ||
ಕ್ಲಿಸ್ಟಿ'ಸಿ':* စီဒိုးမျို႔ socialistic that Agarw ρεινής αγνησίεhip of ήd", Fšlativěty,šŕňa||:: :
1. brit : FE FET ; E= 1 || LF: 1 Every Victorious revolution aust Cesarily gF2, through, i LS, OMwn NFF բիթ:ԿgtԳXքlalդ$drii Stalinarin Fis debakes with the opposition 「 * 10Y elf assirTijJaF, စ္ကို „as Ehe eganamig, COPollary Qit5, presentStage of tra RSition Which, Hun berta Ortega, 1 harat.
|5

Page 18
terizes as "popular-democratic", True, the Sandinists have sought, and are seeking, foreign econoTic assistance from a sources including the United States and this has caused slogans of "the revolution betrayed' (not again!) to be raised by Trotskyists. But Lenin pointed out that the competIt|'we ch a rac tet 3 rn d search for markets inherent in Capitalism would lead to "imperialists selling (us) the very rope with which we shall hang them." Lenin's writings and speeches in the 1920-23 period reveals the extent of the concessions he was willing to grant foreign investors and the criticisms levelled against him on this issue by the Workers Oppostion make fascinating reading. The Vietnamese for their part demanded several billion dollars in war reparations from the US, while it formulated a Foreign Investors code in 1976 designed primarily at attracting Japanese collaboration for off-shore oil exploration.
So Commandante Jaime Wheelock, leader of FSLN's Proletarian Tendency and present Minister of Agrarian Reform, was stating a perfectly practicable proposition when he asserted at New York's Colomb la University that they would "use imperialism's money to build socialism". Wheelock, a con Winced Marxist and trenchant critic of Trotskyism explained that it was Imperative to keep economic dislocations to a minimum since such dislocations and scarcities would drive the in termediate strata from the
camp of the revolution to that of the counter-revolution. This was the lesson he had drawn
from his Chilean experience.
Let there b(2 no rIn isunderstanding. Socialism denotes the liquidation of all exploiting classes and this
involves the eventual socialization of even small scale Industry and retail trade. (In Cuba for Instance, this latter task was accomplished in 1968)
The Sandinista leadership will
have to come to grips with this at some time in the future. When this will be and
whether it will proceed by way of a series of clashes leading to
6
the forcible ext bourgeois class will take the path remould ing of the geoisie', are quest we can proffer n. at the present ti path, that of "peac WFAS TO TAO TIT rd HC Chi Fir itself deri yes fr once spoke of that the wictor would proceed to bourgeoisie. The will be decided policy guidelines, balance of socia country.
The building economy will di restr|tt||Coris C a measures against interests of e liberal, nationali cratic sectors geois class, but tasks lie somew Nicaragua. Lenin that different na and social contex tably give rlse variety of transit ards socialism, thic would remain the dictatorship of This howe woer F been grasped by and too ofte o has been paid to différent national is m. The oppo5] { er Tort has been c that the essence but the proletari Revolutionary Nie in a period of t which the socialis yet placed on agen da cof actualit Concrete forT1 e shaped and stam gua's distinctive r teristics and trad
The directions ary Nicaragua v question of which socialist road to road 2) will be d stata d earl Tier irn the sphere of that of economi question is not the economy doc

rpation of the o r 'wheth gr it of "the peaceful : national bourions to which definite answer me. Tho | atter eful remoulding" en ded by Mao while the idea om Mårx who
the possibility OLJS Proletariat
"buy out" the
issu 2 howey er lot so much by but by the forces in the
of a socialist efinitely in wolwe
d then decisive itוןrביוזםםhe Bם Wen the most st and demoof the bourthose socialist ray ahead for always admitted :Iona | 5ituations its would inevito an is firit onal forms towugh the essence Sarte, i. e. the the proletariat, 1a5 mot always * 1ār:sts ārld inly lip ser wice the concept of roads to social:e, TE 'wisi Cristic, fcourse to forget remains nothing lan dictatorship. caragua is now ransition during it tasks are not the immediate y. The specific of transition is roed by Nicara1;ational characitioп5,
that revolutionwill take (the W II || Win -- the r the capitalist ecided, as we this article, Ir politics rather ics. The key "how much of 5 the State Con
trol" but rather "who controls
the state'.
In Nicaragua the problem of state power, the fundamental
problem, was resolved in a revolutionary manner. THE liquidation of the Somozaist
repressive apparatus (the National Guard) Constituted, together with the dissolution of tha Somozalist economic e T1 pire, the wery core of the Sandinists" programme which eventually won the adherence not only of the popular sectors, but the whole nation. The last minute pressures and diplomatic manoeuvres by the United States (and perhaps certain sections in the Andean Pact countries) were intended precisely to preserve the National Guard, the rubber stamp National Assembly and Somoza's 'Libera l' Party - the trial that constituted Somozaism's political apparatus of domination. This was rejected outright by the FSLN as well as the 5-person Revolutionary Junta as an attempt to maintain Somoza Ism. Without Somoza. (A similar attempt by the US during the Iranian revolution prompted lman Khomeiny to denounco efforts to "keep the same donkey while changing only the saddle')
Finally the National Guard was forcibly disintegrated in armed combat, While the liberal party has been dissolved and the old
National Assembly abolished.
Thus, both the econo Tnic e Tıp Te
as well as the political basis of SoT o zais T1 ha ve been liquidated 급 revolutionary fashion. Furthermore, active in society,
the economy and even in government, the bourgeois state has been destroyed. This is in marked contrast to the situation in contemporary Zimbabwe, where the neogtiated and the very mode of "internal decolonization' (elections) have resulted in the preservation, intact, of the repressive state apparātu 5 personified by the living presence of Peter Walls.
This brings us to a distinction that needs to be made in the realm of politics, between the "government' and the 'state'. Stalin alerted u s to this distirnttion. In 1924-25 and again in the 930's, when he described the

Page 19
government as the upper straturn
of the state apparatus, that 5 trä tuli whigh is invoved in the process of day to day decision making. However the interests
of the ruling class lie embedded In the structure of the State and
while it is possible that the government may adopt policies which run contrary to the interests of the ruling class, this would give rise to a contradicLion between the government and the State. Im s Luch a situa
Licorn the 5ta te w could ccm2 in to play, and through this, the long term interests of the ruling class would assert their hegemony over the governments policies, bringing the latter into line or even dispensing with the government, After all this is what took place
than economics. further and say realm of politics
ti on must be the government and it is the 3
be considered th This needs to be most Trotskyist
as many Trotsky Academics ir The been carping and composition of t Junta, tha Ca Council of State. Tuttering about
made by the T academics "deduc the Ortega brot commentators de appreciate fully,
arte tty ing ta st!
in Chile where the Uri dad the decisive fac Popular government was over- government (its thrown by the State apparatus, internal balance, rather the politi The point being made here is behind it, wh simply this. We hawe stated facto wielder C earlier that the shape of the Thus, it is the S new Nicaragua will be decided Directo Tate, CCT at the level of politics rather Commanders, t
RS. Cts. Wolume No. R 4 , 00 Wolume 2 No. 1 , 00 No. 3 . 75 No. 4 , 75
WolLume 3 No. | G = OO
3 No. 2 Special Issue.
Sri Lanka Third World & Unclad iw W - OO
3 No. 3 Special issue.
Ը՝ Il Non-Ali Erment & Third World Solidarity, 7.50 3 No. 4 Special issue.
Тел - 7 50
Αί αM εακίτηg Book Wh
The
PL bition
THE MARG 6 || | sipathi nā Mawwi; Colombo 5. Sri Larika.

We can now go that a won in the itself a disticmåde: between and the state tter that must a decisive factor. stre25 Sed because groups as well sant / New Left metropoles have | cavilling at the he Revolutionary binet and the Grumbling and the "comprofilsas' "erceristas, th 252 marks' from ters. What those
Iլ է յ է 5E Ը fl1 and what We Te55 here, is that tor is not the composition and of forces) but co-military force ich is the de If state power. landinista National nprising the Field hat is the key
element, lying as it does, at the core of the new political power in Nicaragua. The victorious revolutionary Sandinista army, with
the National Directorate at its helm is consolidating itself and gathering in its hands the 'sole
monopoly of legitimate violence".
(Weber, Trotsky) This is a political factor of the Thost fundamental strategic importance.
Those spontane ists, syndicalists and Trotskyists who fert || ize the "Soviet model, criticize the FSLN moves to gradually disarm non - Sandinist ar non–Sandin ist led youth sectors. They are mistaken in their objections. After all no less an as thority on People's Wars
and People's arnies than General Giap has pointed out clearly (following Lenin) that armed popular militias must be viewed
as a temporary phenomenon bound up with a certain stage of the revolutionary process and that it is the revolutionary People's army that must be constituted as the regular army.
(To be continued)
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Page 20
'Sinhalisation' (2)
Migration or Cul
processes
by Susantha Goonetillake
hawe summari 5 ed abowe the
available e widence as to literature, archaeology and epigraphy. It is now necessary to pose the funda Tental question whether Sinhalisation occurred by migration or by cultural processes as
was the case in Eastern India and the Deccan.
No hard evidence exists of a
massive migration parallel to the actual migration of Aryans to the
Indus Punjab origin. The alleged literary evidence in the preDewanampiyatis sa stories can be easily explained as ideological implants. Even if migration did occur from Wanga Eastern India as is alleged by the Mahavamsa
stories, such migration would be from a region, Eastern India, which was racially not Aryan and considered mlechcha only a few centuries before the event (Thapar pp. 152—192).
Further, in the Sri Lankan case Aryanisation and the Sinhala language did not accompany iron technology as in North India because iron technology (and irrigation) existed independent of the Sinhalisation process and in common with the South Indian megalithic system. The earliest evidence we have of a language that was to become Sinhalese is the Mauryan and Buddhism related script of the early period, which developed gradually in association with the monastries, The development of the Sinhala script language on the available evidence has therefore to be related to the introduction, growth and spread of Buddhism.
The sociological reasons for the Introduction of Buddhism | hawedescribed in detail elsewhere (Goonati lake 1978) as being due to a classical process of cultural colonisation whereby Devanam
8
piyatissa impo system to bolst 5tate in Sri scrutiny of the the Mahawamsa relationship be piyatissa and of cultural tu introduction of duced during
absorbed selecti 5 t TLJ TE 5 O 33 This happened t that the mor emerged were existing 5 tratil (for example th tries Wessagiri Pabbatha Chetiy are based on ca: Buddhism was t tant element ir the energing Stal occiated with the
Together with religion came script whose la first fo w ceritu in distinguisha ble This language ewid en cc was || Thomas tries and monastic estab is no reliable actual language in this absence that the Thon; Prakrit Sinha | es to the populati of centuries, a the process ( which has be
Sirini vas. By th AD the Sim H spread in the found a new from its Prak
emergence of with a separate led to the th | P3 II of the activity which

tural
ted a cultural er the emer ging anka. A close descriptions in indicate that the ween Dewa na Thski, Wils or elage and the Buddhism is tro:his period was rely by the social to bolster it. o such an extent k orders that based also con lication patterns Es garlie5t T10125ya, Isurum uniya, "a and Utara Eirl sts identifications.) herefore an importhe growth of ir Sri Lanka 55: irrigation system.
this legiti This Ing algo the A5 kan guage during the ries was wirtually fror Prakr I t. or a wailable hard restricted to the those related with ishi Terits. The Te a widence about the of the people and we have to a 55 UThe 1stic language of e gradually spread on ower a period process similar to Saski tist en described by e 4th/5th centurics
ala language had new milieu and identity distinct rit roots, (The Simhala language identity probably a translation into Eacred texts, an CCCLJrred in thЕ
| NATI o NALITY I
same period by writers such as Buddhagosa.
By the 5th century the SI nhala Identity is virtually complete as indicated not only by the em ergence of proto Sinhala but also by the emorgence of the Mahawamsa as an ideological document
with a strong ethnic identity. The above explanation suggests very strongly that Sinhalisation was a culturalisation process associa Led with the sprea d
throughout the land of Buddhism and its consolidation. In short Sinhalisation came after and not before Buddhism.
Discu 55 i On
The above reinterpretation on the basis of recent archaeological finds, methodological advance5 specially of a sociological kind with technology as a key variable -
brings is to the traditional treatment of Sinhalisation by historiam 5. Most of them hawe
assumed the Mahavansa story and have assumed a migration theory based on the essentially ideological and fictional part of the Mahawamsa, Thess Histo Tåsis include Geiger, Ellawela, Adhikaram, Paranavitana, in fact almost all the major writers.
Having made this control assumption most of these writers make secondary assumptions deri - ved from the first which præsent data indicates are tenable. Thus most of them assume that irriga
tion was introduced by the Sinhales o which archaeology Suggests was through the megalithic culture. Irrigation and wet rice cultivation implies the use of Iron without which forests to give the flat land for wet rice
cultivation could not be cleared. This Teans that the introduction of iron technology was necessary for irrigated rice cultivation;

Page 21
iron and irrigation are both associated with the megalithic system. (The tank irrigation system that emerged in Sri Lanka can be considered to be qualitatively different from those of the riverine systems in the
Gangetic plain.)
It should also be noted that even in the case of migration theories the more sophisticated views assume only a small stream of migrants (the Wijaya 7002) Thus "the vast majority of the people who today are, and were In the historical past, called Sinha lese, must be the descendants of the people of neolithic culture who adopted the language
and ways of life of the people of Indo-Aryan civilization who immigrated to the Island from
North India" (Para nawitana || 969 p10). Therefore even in the case of migration. It is not the question of migration W5 cultural colonisation that has to be posed, but cultural colonisation through a few Wijayan type migrants or cultural colonisation through Buddhism. The evidence points
strongly to the 5 Tall crickle ol un Corra bora tad could also ha major Sinhalisa ever, Woud
through thc Bu
If bọth SInh scale migration development a tural proce:55e5 also to be pos a wenu e5 is a m culturisation pr tion by a Sinhalisation th Cultural centre 1 Clearly the at be Tora affec cultural impact sed state s. religious centre more Chan a fel hawing no Cultu the im habitants the Lso of Iror
Sinha lisation a cultura proc Buddhism it sh not necessarily if
to meas precision
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lattar although a migrants as yet by hard evidence te occurred, the ion process howmaye taken place ld his II connection.
lisation by small and by Buddhist 'e es Sentially Cultha question ha 5 ld which of two oro effective a grl - Cosges. Sinhalsaaw migrants or rough a legitimised Iamely the temple? er process would tive because the through a recogniconsored Culturalwould be much w diffused mig tants ra advantage over (like for example
or irrigation),
as being essentially ess associated with ould be noted does imply that the earlier
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ethnic identity of Sri Lankan 5 wä5 Drawidiari, Although Sr| Larıkarıs In pre-historic times
would be genetically related to those of South India it does not necessarily mean that their self identity extended to a Drawidian identity. If they were organised
on tribal lines their identification
would have been on this narrower social group.
Summary
The reinterpretation given here provides on the available evidence an explanatory system with greater power and rigour than the ideological explanations assumed under the Mahavamsa theory. It suggests strongly that Sinhalisation was fundamentally a Cultural procass associated with Buddhism and that migration even if it did take place, was of at minor kind, so a 5 not to hay 2 left a significant trace in the archaeological data or in demographic terms on the population.
34 - 4.

Page 22
Jean Paul Sartre
dramatist
by Ranjit Goonewardena
AE Maliraux, Ignazio Silome and Wictor Serge represented a generation of writers who were personally involved in the great hic Tic || ||Cy Em en 5 of out time. The key figures of this generation incorporated the experiences drawn from their struggles in to great works of modern fiction,
Jicam Paul Sartre, Albert Camus and Sinone de Beauvoir belong to a different generation of 'writer Philosophers”. Their centra concern was philosophical rather than political. They probed the meaning of existence and worked out a philosophy of life. Creative literature provided an effective medium Lo convey their philosophical concepts and populari se their philosophical system S,
Sartre's creatiwe Ywork was preceded by a voluminous philoso. phical work titled "Being and Nothingness". The central concepts in "Being and Nothingness' were transformed into artistic terms in his subsequent creative work.
Sartre's first play "The Flies'
was based on the legend of Cresto S. Sartre explain ed in 943. that ho Wated to show how a man could assume responsibility for his act5. Mamy critics hawe argued that this play deals with a political theme. It is true that
Orestes liberates the people of Argos from the tyrannical rule of his uncle, Weg is the us. But unlike thé chara. Tors Of °alraux, Sion E and Serge, ha is no I motivated by simple: compas, i con for the oppressed or by a faith in ideological structure of beliefs. Crestes longs to commit som: action which, even though it might be a crime, would give him the right to live in Argos and feel himself a part of the city:-
'To cust Aegisthti u 3. FC Så slave. Du riget time for that is past.
Ah No, my Fiat fear; the Tru:, nothing
could pleast: па | h3 a Titi 171 li heard and drag til Ort E. EL "Y", III 3. erwe? These folk line. hin' It chi||T1 Co Ti : ini been present at weddings; I don't | || rr " = "Wo iri lin : them by na Tic. was right; a Kir subjects ITT or էht: ril Է t, and Է է: mind you, if the could ra. St. fracdom of the crime, I could lic: th : il || Clos : T. d this thic 'id , if | hind tg kil I
Francis Jean so French ritic Cor play wrote, "I k spoke as early "total respons | b "historical rcle" the yery heart of Bit if (C)r e 5te 5 h the 45 ut pert and from a concer ręs Pcorn 3 ibilities, describe his withic — wher" He chato5 from the very 5 himself created;
as of it."
Jean 531 make5 C r e 5te 5 cantat political hero be social conscience diret confronta complex realities which political en bly in wolwes the
Tig Lh ing of "In Camera” ar ideas Expr {2 SS2 d Nothingness'. that 'humar rol com ccff||L" | constantly tries image of him which de 5. Tot
is tie nātre. term "Bad Faith this process of
BLI E man carii from outside th: the 'ti r' - Th related to the frith. The fusict

2 — philosopher
yetter han to Ertl us rufflin by the 1|m fr:m my futher's purpose would it . :ı, rg no c:crıc:ern of it 5 2.cn one Cf thicir to the World, or their daughters' share their remorse, W a singles cinc of That bearded follow g should 5 hare his
iE되, So ','" e "II let gam: on Liptcy č, But, re were something
thing ta iwe me the city"; if. 2 "v" elmi boy rı Li tira tlieiir Irimiet Ticrics, sears, and fi|| y | || rith in Tie, y 35, even rtly own mother.'"
F1, the farm CLI; nmenting on the : now that Sartre is 944 of the lity' and the of each man at 15. "L-al 5-litude" . ad really killed his accomplice for his historic 1a" is a ne ta Hra wal-his treason 25 to run away ituatio which He te was hi his
a walid point. be regarded as a !cause he has no 3. He avoids a tion with the of society; in gagement irlevitäCCT mitted herto.
hi.5 5 econd play igi fiates frr:T1 the in "Being and Sartre points out
ations are based last, he argued, Lr build zt fälse głf. An image:
correspond ta
Sartre Luged the
1' to refer to 5elf delusion.
no see himself : ro: forg Fine | 13g c.5 2 "Look" i si this; concept of Ead ion of the other
person, is to confirm or validate this false image.
But the appearance of a third Par som das troys a relationship based on mutual bad faith. Due to envy and jealousy a conflict and a rivalry develops between the other two, and the relationship either breaks down or it undergoes an external change.
Garcin the central character of the play is guilty of 'bad faith". He had to build an image of himself as a hero. But in fact he was a Co wird. WHai wyr" was declared, he ran away and was caught at the frontier. He broke down at his execution and di ed a Coard, But i5 whole lifa had been built of the idea that he was a hero. Garci il was, according to Sartre "playing at" or pretending to be a hero.
The other characters in the play Estelle, Inez are also guilty of "bad faith" or self deception. Hence there is a rivalry between the two țo wis ower Garci. The "look" or consciousness of Garcin is in dispensable to them Lo main ta in their self de | LI Sion. Garcin too, n : Eds the III. But due to the conflict between the two, his true self if finally exposed:
Garcin:- Listen Each Tan hay un airn in life, à leading IT Stioe that“; So, isn't it? Well, I didn't give a LLa kLLL S LOHCaaS LLL S SLLSS S ALSLKS aimed at being a re: man. A tough, a 5 they 5:4y. I SIElked :verything on the sil. The horse Car one possibly be a Coward when ong's delibo rately court cd danger it every turn? And Can Kini : judge a life by a singl.: actis: , ?
Inez: - Why not? For thirty years SLHC LLaL0LL CLHH LLLLLL aaLa C CtLLCCLSHHL
London Ed thQL 52nd Pétty Fp:gobetal, il se a hier of c3 LI T3 e can di na LOLLCLLL S LLL CCaLCLS S LaLLaH0LSS LLLLLLLLS Thı 2ı ı da y c a me when yığılı "Ayğırış up Пgain & L 11. the red light of real d-liiger-and you tak the traith to
1:xico, Garcin:- "drea lit' you say. It was inco drca, T1, Wham | cha 5 : the Hi Td est pathi, | fi adC my chcie: LLLLaLLLLSSS L L S LLL S L LLLSLLL S LLL Yai || 5 ibi TS | T : . ܒܸܐ Inne:– Fr:wa it. Prowc it Was II o dream, It's what one does, and
I thing cle, that show's the
Cr"3 Til de H.
(ČIJFF for Fr' if page : r }
3 tuff

Page 23
A POLITICAL MUI
' Farros Critinal Cases of Sri Laika () - the AssissiI fiori sfo Prire finister S. V. JR. I. Bardararaike' by A. C. Alles.
insurgency - 1971', now in its third edition, established the author's reputation as a skilled practition er in the exciting, if |||Inted arca which he chose to cover as a specialist writer. This, is attest work, is ir fact the third in a series which enjoys the general Itle of "Famous Criminal Cases".
Auther A|25 mAda his dabu. In this field with The Wilpattu
Murder. Now he grapples with ma cria | far mor formidable ad challinging.
Crice allow af Ce is måde for the vast difference between the power ar d ir pact of an ATerica pres
den L and a Ceylones e premier, Lha Bandaranika assassia in may well be described as our own Kennedy case. Like the
shooting in Dallas, the Echoes of the killing in Colombo will re
makes history ( was a kind of "C; a straightforward private deed.
THE klle“ Im simple motive. cold calculation by some strange On most occasio is the chos Cern ir 15 who have their plot the death tilt 1. G Tı bition5 aird 1 then become thi for conspiracy.
Who Wils for Buddharik || || |ieu or Capo Mafic of grandeur?
And who were hiri who believe ra ikel o wied the 5 LIch a5 Laila sal tracts for the : extended to the
partу?
Besides money роппp and glогу
verberate through political Con- evitably question versation and debate. The truth this case, the is that the murder of a leader verse, uneasy co:
Jean Paul . . . escă pe his con:
real self.
(Confine frarri Prge 20)
Gia Ticini -- I died Lco 5ton i wzısmı"t alled tirrhic to ... Lo do my deeds.
Inez.:- One always dics or too late. And yet life is camplete at
Yiyithi : Iing dit 'No in
C0 : 5či Ľ. Il = on's whole
that Tic Ticht, neatly under it,
ready for the 5 urTi mTling Lupo. Tu a re-Your life, and nothing else." "Altona which I think is his
most complex and nature play de als with Warious strategies of 'bad faith" or self deception. Frantz (Gerlach is guilty of torturing a gro LP of Innocent pga Sants during the war. He refuses to face his conscience and admit the nature of his cirTie. He tries to escape from his own conscience. He invents various excuses.
The play is a brilliant study of the nature of the human coSien CD and the waris forms of self deception used by man to
Sartre's peneti human behavior a reputation as a His work on ps caused radical changes in the psychiatry. Rad |ke Ronald Lain and Raymond heavily influenc rth eth o diology. radical psychiat nently charged ( of human beha', tu ring con Wem tio. restructuring it led de55 ër Ti pathy and i Sartre's reputati greatest figures a his externs philosopher and and per e tra Ling

RDER
fог папу, 1956 a melot') is rarely criminal act or
self may have a He may act with
or be impelled twisted passion. ns, however, he trument of others
0 WF || 3:05 () 2f a very imporreed thwarted hirst for power e breeding ground
nstance Re werend Rusputin or Riche35o with delusions
the Tien aroLind id that Bal daram large favours, government conupport they had politician and his
and kick-backs,
there was ins of politics - in politics of a diilitiоп of "commu
science and his
rating analysis of
has earned hill major dramatist. ycho-analysis has and funda i Tental field of Inodern ||cal psychiatrist5 g, David Cooper Esterson Were gd by Sartre's This school of *ist5 has permaur understan dirig viour by de 5 trucnal psychiatry and in treating Sowith compassion, interise humanity, or as cre of Che of our time rests ive work as a as a very original tigr. C
nalists", "progressives', 'leftists' and "rightists', to use the somewhat loose label 5 familiar in the vocabulary of those times. Finally, the character of the victim himself, an inspiring leader of that exciting, "transitional period" (Bandaran aike's own fawou red phrase) but not a strong one; a prime minister trying des. perately to balance the contending forces, and mowing from one compromise to another.
Author Alles Is deeply Conscious of the "politics" of this murder. It was for "at ccm mitted on the spur of the moment.... but the culmination of a deep-laid and carefully plan ned Conspiracy. ..."
It was a desire to go beyond the Supreme Court trial and search for the "politics' of this conspiracy that the SLFP government of 1960 appointed an international commission. Though the inquiry was disappointingly inconclusive to those who had hoped for new material and politically charged revelations, the author has rightly devoted his last chapter to a brief summary of the Commission's work.
The student of politics will find no new insights here. The author is con terit, with giving the
political setting of the event rather thăm in exploring the political questions which the murder ine5 Capably prompts. In fairness to him, it should be noted that he does not claim to offer a political study. A lawyer
by profession, the author served the go wernment as a Solici corGeneral and then as a Judge of the Supreme Court. It is this Last of Init 1 which det er ITilnes his general approach. Since that is his avowed purpose, the book makes extremely in Leres ting realdi ring, and may Fire we as popular with the gen gral re a dgr as his earlier work on the insurgency,
- W. J.

Page 24
A Soviet critic of
by Reggie Siriwardena
D蠶 So lorg under a cloud during the Stalin era,
is today recognised in the Soviet
Union as the great nowellst he was. His approach ing deathсепteпагу іп 98 has Eger
heralded not only by the massive scholarly enterprise of the 30volume Academy of Sciences edition of his Complete works but also by a number of critical studies which has corne from Soviet publishing houses. One of the most significant of these - M. Bakhtin's Problems of Dostoevsky's Poetics, of which a new edition appeared last year - is actually a reprint of a book which was first published in 1929 but became taboo shortly after.
Bakhtin was one of a group of young Soviet critics in the "twenties who developed a more intelligent and fruitful Marxist approach to literary criticism than that of the later Stalinist school. One member of Bakhtin's group, W. N. Woloshi now, devoted a chapter of his main work, Marxism and the Philosophy of Language to in CX artination of the Marxist theory of "basis and superstructures". Woloshinov arggued against the tendency to derive literary tendencies mechanically from the economic base (e.g., "the gentry class degenerates, hence the "superfluous man' in literature"). Marxism and the Philosophy of Language also fell foul of Stalinist orthodoxy and disappeared from sight in the 'thirties, as did its author.
Another member of the Bakhtin
group, P. N. Medvedev, criticised the Practice of interpreting and judging works of literature by the ideological content which could be abstracted from them (the artistic elements being treited merely as a sweetening of ideological pill). He emphasised that creative literature had its own specificity which could not be reduced to other forms of ideological expression. As he Sā:
2.
"Literatura i milieu of idol One of its auto CCCuping a spe a se of disti verbal productic of a kind spec to s Luch produc its content, lite ideological purv non-artístic (el etc.) ideological in reflecting t literature itself
new signs of ṁ Lication; äfi Works of liter;
function ing part ding social reali
til 55 ref2 outside of ther literature const
Ideological milieu walue and disti The Ir" fuIction: amount merely t technică rol al ideologies. They nomous ideologi type of refract
Om f. existCCE own."
What general
Medye theoret enforced in relat Works of itori in his study a Writer who, mor of the great Ru a Contro Wer5i
eyes because of political beliefs. Whild to draw
Bakhtin's work
many Sri Lankan literary criticism with the crudely of "socialist realis "rehabilitated" d. Stalir thaw, anc again been availa Union since 1963 Citad in the Aca Dostoevsky. An in English trans irı | 5973, but | h; and my quotation

Dostoevsky
into Lh8 activity as mČm OL5 brache 5, cial place in it as nctively organized n5 with structures ific and pecular tion 5 allone . . . . ln ralt Lur reflects the i: Ww, i. e. other thical, cognitive, formations. But esc other signs, cates nie w form5, ideological comd these sig 15 — ature - become a of the surrounty. At the sane
5 ogică
cting something 15 elwes, works of ituto |F1 and of
TOT Tā of thig With automomous
niti we här atte. lity d-Cs rot so the auxiliary
F reflecting other
have an autocal role and a 2n of socio-eco! entirely their
dew States is ical s is ion to particular Eure by Bakhtin f Do Stoevsky - a e than any other Ssfans, has begn igure in Marxist
his reactionary It sooms worth
atti to ecause for too †éädEr 5 °arxist 5 still synonymous oductive theories im". BakhtIm was iring the posthis book has ble in the Sowiet It is frequently demy edition of American edition lation appeared aven't seen this, s from the book
LITERATURE
are rendered from the Russian text of the 1979 edition.
In a preface first written for the 1963 edition, Bakhtin
clearly distinguished his approach from that of the Stalinist critics by
an allusive reference to the latter:
"The literature about Dostoevsky has been predominantly devoted to the Ideological problematic of his creative work. The transient acuteness of thi5 problematic has
concealed the deeper and more enduring structural elements of his artistic vision. It has often
been almost completely forgotten that Dostoevsky was above all an
artist (true, of a special kind) and not a philosopher or á publicist."
Bakhtin's claim for Dostoevsky
is that he was "one of the greatest Innovators in the sphere of artistic form." He distinguishes Dostoevsky's originality by calling him the creator of the Polyphonic novel,' and he finds this polypohonic quality in the independent |ife of his characters:
"Dostoovsky, liko Goethe's Prometheus, creates not submissive slaves (as Zeus does) but frea beings, capable of standing Lup side by si de with their creator, of disagreeing with him, and even
of revolting against him. The multitude of Independent and disparate voices and conscious
nesses, the genuine polyphony of voices, each given their full value, is dead the fundamental distinguishing quality of Dostoevsky's novels."
Bakhtim "5 Dostovesky's
It follows from characterisation of novels that to read thern in the same fashion as we would his expression of his ideology in his propagandi st or polemical Works

Page 25
would be a serious error. Bakhtin der†115 trates that the ideals th:1 Dostocw.sky believed in as a thinker undergo a metamorphosis when they enter the world of his
imaginative fiction:
"In fact, the ideas of Dostoevsky the thinker, entering into his polyphonic novel, change the form of their existence, are transformed into the artistic images of ideas: they combing in an inseparable unity with the images of people (Sonya, olyshkin, Zosima), liberated from their monologic self-enclosed finality..and enter into the great dialogue of the novel on completely equal terms with other images of ideas (the Id ceas of Ras kolm iko W, Iwa Kartamazow and others). . Dostoevsky the artist always gains the victory over Dostoevsky the publicist."
TE
Related to the independent life of Dostolewsky's cha Tacters, Bakhtin finds, is their "incompleteness"- the fact that they do not appear before us as creations fully defined
and limited by the author, but as beings contain ing within themselves the possibility of Unfolding Un expected and hidden
aspects of their existence:
"All of them fael ke enly their inner in Complet eness, their Capacity as it were, to grow a fresh from with in and rendet un true am y externalis ing and fina||sing definition of them. As long as a man is still alive, he lives by virtue of the fact that he is still incorplete and has still not spoken his last Ward . - A man nawer cinciclas With himself. To him come cam mot apply the law of identity: A is A.
In this connection, Bakhtin Euces a remark from one of DOS toe vsky's notebocks:
"To discover with fu reali5m man in man. , all called a
psychologist: this
only a realist i sense, i.e. I de pic If the human sou
Bakhtin points a sky's rejection "psychologist" foi rejection that is surprising - must the narrow and of man offered by of his time. In this psychology also reacting agar nalisation of mi relations and of : under capitalism."
'Dostoevsky, it understand with deep economic roo sation; he nowhe know, Lised the It is precisely th better than any the profound sig Struggle for ma with great perspi to 5ęc the perie Impersonalis ing de into al the por es life and in to tho , of human thought
On the road
((Hitler நீர்
But as we celo anniversary of headlines. In the many bitter iro present policies. Secretary Harold the US has di military equipmen has already made favoured nation' trade. And Chini CO Welcome Gen. of the fascist Power by the US conspiracy of Qf the Allende r

is un true, | am in the highest t all the depths
.
ut that Do5tcey - of the terril himself - a at first sight. be related to simplifying wiew the psychology reacting against Dostoevsky was 1st 'the impersoan, of hu Tam all hurial values Bakhtin goes on:
is true, did not full clarity the ts of impersonali. C, as far as wye term itself; but is term which other expresses nificance of his n. Do Stoewsky Cacity was able ration of that 2 waluation of man of Contemporary ery foundations
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Page 26
Hitchcock: a
craftsman's cinema
am old enough to have grown E. in adolescence with Alfred
Hitchock's British firms of the "chirtes, and to have formed some of my first respons es to good cinema on them. In those
days Hitchcock was not yet a cult-object, and what responded to in his films as a school boy was basically what I have continued to enjoy in them ever since - his intrusion of the bizarre and the terrifying into the even tenor of everyday life, his juxta position of the macabre and the comic, and the meticulous craft which accentuated to a maximum the tension and the shock-value of his films. My first intuitive appreclation of the power of a skillful cut probably came from that moment in The Thirty-nine Steps when, as the charwoman finding the dead body in the hero's flat opens her mouth to scream, Hitchcock cuts immediately to the whistle of the train carrying the hero Lo Scotland.
Hitchcock was, of course, the consummate craftsman, with every effect carefully planned and premeditated (he once said that when
the script was written, the film had been made: It was only necessary to get it down on celluloid). This doesn't mean
that he was never guilty of failure. I think he went through two bad patches in his film-making life: one in the 'forties, with overblown and protentious films Like Spellbound (dreams by Dali) and empty exercises in technical ingenuity like the manipulation of the continuous take in Rope. He recover cd from that decline to produce two of his best works in the 'fifties - Strangers on a
Train and Rear Window. The other bad period, to Ty Third wassi I In the 'sixties with The
Birds, Marrie and Torn Curtain, but he rebounded with Frenzy a return to his original English setting and to his best manner.
The inflation of Hitchcock Int not just a great film-craftsman
4.
To
but a great filr French critics : Cineппа үvas, I th It has fathered a E which claim 5 to symbolic and Ineta in hiš thrilliers ( as an allegory of thi which are both irrele want. Orië : cock abundantly c without needing Eo a Status Lha L. Sustain. His film : were perfect with limit5, but these when one comp the work of Claud French film-maker great deal from Tia de the thri | li the deeper explor and human relator for ins Lance, beg but develops into torment of a män obsession, for succeeds by the in engaging comp pathies of his au a dimension whic beyond Hitchcock was outside his :
Legal language
Section 7 (2) . regulate and cor facture, importati tribution of food "No person sha prepare, stare o unless he is th licem C2 a Luthorizin facture, prepare, distribute any foot in accordance wil Conditions of Suc
A5 written a this means that manufacture, pre
sell food only if h a Luthoris ing him ti operations in a to the termis ami the lice. The the section, on th prefectly Correct a
 

uсh s Lone
m-artist by tha of Cahiers dLI ink, un fortunate. Iody of criticism find pro LentoLIS physical meanings e.g. The Birds a Last Judgement) imaginary and : an enjoy Hitchon hi5 aw n level to El E2 wa IC2 hīm his work can't , at their best, in thir ch C5er imit5 Are evident res them with e Chabrol. The clearly learnt a Hitchcock, but ET in Wehicle for ation of character is. The Blitcher, is as a whodunit, a study of the W || LH i hormicidal wyho T CE13 Ebr | gn: cf the filI |ę tely the symdie mite. Thät ls h was as much s's reach as it im bition 5.
if a new Bill to i troll the manuon, sale and disreads as follows: ll manufacture, r sell any food e holder of a g h irTn to manu5 tore, 5 el do T d otherwise than th the terms and h licence,"
Ind Punctuated, a Per 5-31 may Pare, Store or e holds a licence 2 carry out these Inanner contrary d conditions of Sinhala text of e other hand, is r1d u mambiguous.
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SEVES
Y
محس
Intries
SLLSMS LaLLSLlS LHHL LLLSS LLLLLLLLS LSLLS LLLLLLaaLLSLCTLLLLL
LSLLLLL S LLaL LLLLLLaS LLLLLSLLLLS LLLLLLLLS LLtttLLLLSS LLLLLLaaaS ALLLS LLmmmm LLLLLL LLLLLl ulttmmOHHHEaS LaL S0 LLLaaaS aLS ttgSSSLLLLL SSS ESSSLSSK tHHLHHLaSL TL LLaAM aLLLL LLLL EELLLLLLLLS LLLLLL LL LLLLaLSLL LL LLL LLL 00S E LL LcA SaLaLLLL L LLLLS ELLSLL aLLLL itle styley I'd expect frill the airline of the ''Linli" that HLHLSLLLSS LLLL aLLLLL LLLLLLuuLL LLLL Laa LL LL LSkBkLLgS 'little getti Air Latika. AIRLANKA 27
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