Page 1
Special Report : POLITI
MARXST
Reggie Siriwardena
on Gunadasa Amar
Anatomy of a strike
šGissuaalso
State schools and re
ܦܸܫܒܒܿܩܿܒܚܐ&
Lenin biography
State and class
 
 

CS OF PROTEST
No. 8 August 15, 1980 Price Rs. 3/50
RACIST 2.
and Carlo Fonseka
asekera's new book
À ஜ்
Jayantha Somasunderam
ligion
1. Francis Perera
G. P. Keerawella
Chintaka replies to Shan

Page 2
People like you.
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Our C: TI pary is T1 a de up of small shareholdings held by the ordinary people of Sri Lanka. It is the si: || Individua |
Contributior that ITakes Clig siar i = x, withi sio is idiwidual . [:f family (:Qm trølling mørg tham 5o of Our shares.
We represent the desire of
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ན།
Chemanex the spearhead for development
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

配)
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Page 3
N CHORUS
When the government's Sunday
Sisters (the Observer drid the Times) and Its I ride peri den tminded second COLI5 frt, te WEEKEND), rT i se se sa Te question in slightly different tones, restrained regret, troubled filsgivings and (per censure, the thoughtfu reader riust perforce nark well what is being said.
No shot was fired. Cheers a round. And then...." However, it is regrettable that the security network was not tight er Qugh . . . .” (SO Editorial).
"It was agreed that the Incidents should reyer ha ye been permitted to occur' (SO
lead story)
Ha wing dari rio Liriced a "probe or wierce', the WEEKEND (P. I) spoke of di "breakdown in the security (Trrangements'.
The TIMES, a prominent seatLife of the city skyline, headlined
lt3 (I ri : jous concerri: "FORT AREA SECURITY, WHY THE
O ELAY?" ".
IMF, IBRD
The UNP's rowing arti bassal dar, Es mond Wickrernes inghe and the WEEKEND's Mgard are both well-informed observers; equally We/l — informed, / t r7I /gh t. ew eri be Suggested by other observers. Apropos the recent Aid Group meeting in Paris, where the Ffnance Minister "exploded Ir anger', the recent remarks of these two observers (oric at a seminar, and the other in print) confirm the view shared by many
top-ranking UNP"ers that. Sri Lanka should not accept the dictates of these all-powerful ESTIGTE,
Does this mean "expens i we commercial financing" i. e
borrowing from foreign banks at high interest rates? Or car we turn hopefully to Kuwait and OPEC2 What would happen then to that familo Lys petition - a Fid the Cease less arti - OPEC propaganda I r t Flie state-ru II press?
The other opti their advice ind de welcpment pro drastic cuts in " projects – Masov Drd Lrbr, dey g| Jaye Warder ep L ra
Mayay thit til:
k, : debt F: Il "rit:.5 է:
TULF G
ΙΠ Ιε Γπ1ς αf irid Tades, this fi istoric experim tory democracy. of Regional the Bandara naike pact, and the UN
Its politics derent. TE Coffered a "rei.
running their ow
While the Dr. N. True say-d separd Ei ehalf of all '''Sg' [II TULF || 5 5 a studied 5 Eric presented in the have its say ne
Ingsdentussy, D vIs singled oLit for "Tri:ri (, BLE
y? His views not yet seen th if though he was fie Terektor fe had ac disi d) && İt. The Ir []; tfh c: rraT ir report
inf fift
GÜAR
Wol. 3 No. 8 Augus
Published fortnightly Publishing Co. 88, N. H. W. E. Reclamation Rio
EditgT: Met
Tçlılınd:;
CONT
L. Le: News Background
A. I report on Chil

'cor' is to fi: If o yw slow down the
ra Ir, grid make
d'or-Trillbit.j0L 5"
ell, the housing
upinent projects,
he Mir Ister j5 : wis begiri ini
|LENCE
its stated girls : DC is on
nt Iri participaFrorI krig kirig () ir til 5 and - Cheswar dysggr.1 P-FP agreement, 'E'E 50 TB yığıt Torri ils Were Sonable say in
in affairs',
TULF riori Free, w 7 r1, . Ti Fi 5 report or paratist" party, far maintained e on the Bi || = 'SM... Yr Wyi || xt week.
r. A. J. Wilson, for praise in fi T5 he hid his C| DD ('5 ||dve e light of day, a member of Conimission. If 2m tier) t opInfqrn s, at he er darses
ಕೌH Pಙ್ಕ್ 5)
DAN
t 15, 1980 Price 350
by L, Tk, Li: Tidi. Il Lited. First Florir, i dtil ( a.titler Rit iad, :Lil) Calk Tıbı 11.
wyn dau Siwan
9.
ENT5
Energy Crisis
I beg humble pardon from Dr. Costain de Wos (L. G. of 1st August) for my rash objections to the aircondition ing of the back sides of secretaries,
I would have thought that aircondition ing was not really the a 15 Ywer, but I b c w Eco Fhis, more experienced judgement, We make these slips being used as we are to fresh air and fifty watt electric fans
Inste a d of thousand watt air - conditioners that cool and recircula te our own exhalacions.
As for the Electricity Boards futi e atter Tipts to commante power cuts at the time they were logically necessary, I must refer Dr. de Wos to a contre page protest that appeared in the 'Daily News' somewhere In April or May under the heading "Are Power Cuts really necessary'.
U. Karunati lake
Bad Times
| red with concern your reCC: t te ference Lo til e parlo L 5 condition of the "Tirthes' finances despite a massive attempt by this Government to rew we the if13 || CILJ til.
The steady decline of this Once mighty organisation, the
Anatory of a strike ד Freign News NSSP & pilar frolis III Armagiarik. a. Iolairm=1 pala Still: Schools & religious instruction 17
5 itilis L1 i Lid LSSR How West crn piss works CimeГпа Lenin biçgrapılıy 호
|33 .ık gg ile:','', דר As I like it 고
Prints:d by A Iii rnda Pricss 825, Wolfend hall Street.
limiti 13.
Telephole: 35975

Page 4
pri de of this country's Fo LI rth Estate, really began in the late 60's. Thc process was accelerated by the incxperienced
ad di 5rdited SLFP tro i ka frCIT | 979–19FF and TC'y ||t [ ies fallen — a helpless Wreck
of a mighty giant.
The old wintage qualities of the "Times" are no more.
]Courma listic stada Td5 arte wery poor, circulation pathetically low and enthusiasm almost non-existent. It is therefore not surprising that In the last de ca de ower 25 journalists hawe left in search of greener pa5tures.
Mercifully the present Govern
ment hä5 in the interests of the employees tried to give new lease of life to the decrepit. "Times'.
But with the "brai da I"
continuing and the obvious lack of interest reflected in the papers, one finds it difficult to To sist the conclusion that the
"writing is on the wall" for the "Tits".
Disillusioned Times nan
"Un kind” and
“Wulgar”
Mr. J. Jya ngo da, who conce said that "Uthurareri' was
"something marvellous" (L.G. I.3.80) now says it has "|||mitations" (L.G. 5.7.80). He now even says that director Gam|| Fonseka may not have exposed what he calls religious passivity and pacifissin, "consciously and deliberately' (ibid). Readers will note that earlier he said: ' “ ir " l th u Tamiem il' Garmi | Formseka has found h i Tself (L. G. 1.3.80), This is not just to derido cor, in Mr. Jya ngoda's o'wr1 Word5, to be Lur1k, ir1 d or" vulgar. I quite appreciate that the young critic is feeling his way laboriously through a process of trial and error.
little fες τς,
But one has to be a carefu | In deal ing with
for what one ultimately is r Or anything itself. The you roused by Cri finds difficult cities out in without shown
ir ār tā have been "ur In regard Pathiraga's "I could he please as to when, W | Eläve begri u to "Barbaru ,
H.
"Star
Co Tnrı E
and
The next programe of a " is the academ f| 1 "Star W'': of the lead in the country serialize the 5 qui te apart fr half cor quarter ådy grtisements this is well a in the name impact of the logical culture affluent, poor majority of th this country is : The in ediate find an in5we as to why t hulā ba abi fill that wo awards. After which wrom a Så The awards the Cuckoos without much Eecause the "the grim side cultura and it tions ?
At east : thosa questilor wwh ciri we exam
in which thi Warg" findă Lanka. A yea
during the tin

should defend ict "tu Tha Teli" else but truth ng critic, perhaps ti CST which he to |rn wa | ida t2, negat| ye fashion, g a single instance f proof, that kind or vulgar' to har 115 E 13 Bam baru Ayith" tell the readers where and how nkind or vulgar A with"
A. Sene Wir at The
Wars',
2rcialism
Culture
change in the "Big city' cinema y award winning rs'. Already one g newspapers in has begun to tory of the film, c In the normal page commercial that appear. All nd good as it is of culture. The western technoס5 tסח the חס lifestyles of the ose that we in another question. : problem is to r to the question 1ere is such a t a science fiction לוזEa de f# טוזT כי 5 aı || 3ları other film number of the "C) flewy o ya
Nest' went fanfare. Is it latter portayed
of this dominant 5 5ocial institu
ETT TE W T5, C) is could be found ine the backdrop
2 To Wie "Star ts entry into Sri r or two ag c,
he this filt was
screened in the U.S., a Sri Lankan friend of mine, living there came over here for a holiday with his family. His two sons had with ther a wide variety of "Star Wars"
toys; doll miniatures of "Star Wars"" character 5, "Slår Wars""" radio 5, "Star Wars" o | cc tronic games, "Star Wars' spaceship toys, etc. My friend's reaction to the curious inquiry made by me was that he had to Spend over US $ 200 for these "Star Wars" toys and that it
was a cult in-it-self such as the "Jaws', 'Planet of the Apes", "Barbie Doll' and
'Sesame Street" cults.
While the film Inade a hit on the cultural arena, the toy makers got busy manufacturing millions of toys and together with their counterparts in the Tä SS-COTT LI Til i C5 a T2 CT2 - ted the most amazing cashing -in or the fantasy World in the Ilinds of children, once dominated by Alice-in-Wonderland, Red Riding Hood, Aladdin, etc. The was a cuts of resources and energy that went into the production of these toys, could have been resources and energy that would hawe fed millions of hungry people. That howe wes, is a an other story.
Now that the film has come to Sri Lanka, and imports are free, one begins to wonder whether the stage is not being set for the left-owers of the "Star Wars' cult toys to be displayed in shop windows and on the pavements in the city. In terms of the hard borrowed foreign exchange spending the å mount 5 pent on "Star Wars" toys may be only 0.00000 per cent of the total import bill. The point to note is, what impact the importation of such cults will have on the Tids of the children of this country and on court 5 ociety irl generali as these "toy" replicas of the high-bred technological Culture, find its way to the fantasy world first of the affluent
(Curried Fr Piage II)

Page 5
SPECIAL REPORT
Strikes, satyagra
violence
word about Satyagraha; the word itself. In the first instance, it is an act of defiance
against authority, whatever its identifiable form. Secondly, its symbolic significance is far more important than any tangible Consequences. The mode of protest and defiance is ''moral' and 'spiritual" force and it is public.
Of course it was a very special product of the Gandhian genius, initially tested in South Africa and th en on a history-making mass scale in British India. The technique is interesting because It is used by a manifestly "weak" force, with of course a just cause, to Confrort and confourd a much superior foe.
It is the LJF LEI"-T C'W' 2
pacifist's classic and "deno' to achieve a moral psychological victory when pitted against an "enemy" equipped with weapons other than moral force. Since it is founded on the concept of "non-violence", the assumption is that the satyagrahi will not be tempted into counter-violence by his enerly or by provocateurs. If force is used, he su bi its to
It and dermonstrates not only
his own in oral quality, but that
his cause is righteous.
In Kandy, the SUN reported,
seweral hundred satyagrah is gathored at the Patti i Devale after they were refused access to the Dalada Maligawa prefnis ds. A fairly sizeable crowd, it was also
reported, watched the peaceful "demo'. The police dispersed both the "sit-in" demonstrators as Well as the crowd. N incidents.
If the spectators received the
"message" of the satyagrah is and they took it back to their homes so that a fair section) of the Kandy public would havé discussed
the issues involvc i LS bagic CaLS:5 t response C(c, the ha 5 5rved i 5 in
Strike Satyagrah
Colombo was altogether. The shook part of th violence which g
TE TT "W" ( TTTTTTTT The пе туу 5 еу еп s major capital of
The satyagraha of a general stri "officially' on Jul Opposition figure: this strika was " pular" in union general sympathy was with the str because the Wast people share hardship and be grievances, albeit this reason, it is
the lower ranks were not "tough familiar charges
Pro-UNP o B5 er clairls of "pop un popular" strik E Some who are
sider the clair
interesting explan Public hos Lility : from a sing of sha from the fact
was a failuro, N. was disrupted. A Public went ab i busi1555. Parado: Was 'least un po If I 5 Tari|fe 5 f,
Yet, complaint Snags and Snarls riments, the pro wi Lhe calarnbo IIIu far fra Iril fest. T mistration in 5g be over-staffed,

ha and
!d in the strike, he government's in the Satyagraha itcnded purpose.
та
something else two hours that 0 capital and the ripped the city knowledge here. рге аd to every the World.
үyag iп support ke which started y 8th. Leading ; 5 till Inst Lhät 'the least un pohistory. The of the public Ikers, they argue, majority of the the self-sale ar the identical E si lently. For
also observed of the services, ' or "brutal', in the past.
"wers dismiss the ularʼ" or ""l2;5 . : with a srnec r. repared to Conseriously, offer an
ation. Low-lewel does not spring red grie war) ce but Lihat the strike o Cassian Lia | Serwic2 is a result, the out its normal
xically, the strike pular" by virtue ailure.
s about delays,
in some departincial kachich Eris, nicipality etc., are hough the adThime sector's may our colonial
bureaucratic structure stil makes the clerk (the subject clerk or the mian who knows Form 40 from For Ti 42B) a WIF from 8.30 å. III. tc. р. Пn.
Poor Planning
"Spontaneous combustic" was the description given by a Leftist leadér (L. G. Aug. Ist) for the railway strike and its aftermath, If the general strike was poorly plarried, the same applied to the Satyägrāhā.
First of all, it was ill suited to the mood of several thousand work Éirs who having Iost their jobs won the 'concession' of getting their own back-wages, They had moved from frustration to anger, bittorn (255 to des peratio .
The pressure came from below. "Do something', the strikers told the unics and the unions pressed the pårty bosses. It is in Lhis "do samething. . ... anything . . . . " stat di cijf mind that the final decision was taken, and this tod. with all the abrasive interparty differences, internal difference5, and Waried wiews or tactics, each party's self-interest, and the relative political gains, if any, for the future.
In such conditions, all but the best planned satyagraha is bound to make a poor impact. What's Worse, any provocation car spark off a riot. While the government evideritly feels that there were "agitators" within the ranks of the Sätyagrah is who were fiel |— bent, thorg Is år 13 th er view whigh claims that bottles, tins and sundry missiles descended from the skies in the Fort area when the Satyagrahis were being disper 5ed with 'minimum force". If thorough and impartial, investigation initiated by the Defence
3
. | یہ "، "" : lti; تعلق
Nħ

Page 6
Ministry may It be able to esta
blish the accuracy of contrary clairns.
The veteran LITI iO leader
N. San mugatha5an remembers a Hyde Park meeting in 1958, just before the race riots. That rally too was held during a general strike, Everything went off peacefully. Even the police were mowing off as the meeting approa ched its end. Then Stones fell on a section of the crowd at the Hyde Park. The workers went bers erk, Ewery shop window in Union Place was smashed. Nobody knew who threw the stones. An Organised gang? Looters. Or mischief makers stirring the communal Caudro? Trouble in the Petta (and not the Fort) often has links With the Linderworld Or With thugs waiting for a charged racial 3|ELILI I1.
Mrs. B.
Cn the face of it, satyagraha is an Indian inspiration. But is the "inspiration' as sinister as some Pro-UNP analysts hold. They go so far as to suggest that it was a Delhi decision to push Mrs. B. "up-front" in view of the un cortainty of her immediate political future. Throughout these months (before she was actually summoned by the Commission) Mrs. B. has been preoccupied with party re-orgarisation - itself, a pre-planned fallback position if she has lost her civic rights.
The satyagraha has Prope||ed her right back into the limelight. While her Indian wist and Delhi press confernce provoked an NSA
exchange, the SLFP's erstwhile allies who are returning to the fold, have observed the new
militancy' in Mrs. B's political style,
Naturally, this opinion is not shared by the JWP and its synpathisers who preferred to sit on the si delines than join the sit-in. As a direct result, the strains between the JWP leadership and the only important union with which it had links, the Ceylon Teachers Union, reached breaking point last week. (The L. G. comTented on thase emerging Conflicts many months ago).
For good reasons, Mrs.- B is the WP'5 be te mair and WP does
get a bit para Bandaranai kes. T generously recipri naka ra, th LI5 ch fact Rohana had
by his newly a | rh- a W. H. N. Fe'i dynamic leader,
The JWP, for ower what it re encholly fate of L. Ieft parties. A of his pro-JWP
"" A5 a feuda || || has a gut-hate class. . . . and her breaking 5. Unsu the UNP. . . . o' Left |eaders hay leader of the g class movement ment oppositioni again, she is usi ties and not the O
UN P Confusior
The JWP whic the UNP ignore It is the mainst rifts LNP tF" given Mrs. B, th
Judging by rep
tartie 5, the UNP min d5 about wh culpirit. The pr
'respectable" LS ""dg T1acra tic"" 5L to Marxist. This isolated the CP (Wasu) as its to
Both Mrs. B. have dissociated parties from the B, HC Weyer, th Wgt for ors. yagraha in a ji sarcastic story. 'new line" was put out a tele like a short To Crice more it In a jeep' and of Mr. B.
L NF
The governine well-publicised.
Iіп е
(i) an attempt
government ( li come-back by fru (iii) disruptive ef (i'w ) an attempl foreign investor:

noid about the these feelings are cated. The Di
Orted over the
been jettisoned cquired brother"nando, the CTU's
its part, chuckles gards as the melho LSSP and other senior don, proud entiments said:
Tatriarch, Mrs. B
of the working Tecord of Strike
Tpias sed e wern by yw the 50-called e made her the
athering working
and anti-governa forces. . . . Once ing the Left pa rther way about..."
h 15 50 nice to 5 år" | Tomic flict. rear media which in king that has is place.
orts and commenwas in several Q Wa5 The mil|n e55 was soft on SP, advised the FP not to fall prey chief-Takers, and rid Left extrellists
tårget 5.
and Dr. de Silva their respective violence of August e press on Sunday 3. With the Sat2 ep" picture and That this was the clear when I.T.N. cast which began wie titla amd all. was "Satyagraha the same picture
rt's case has been To surm up:
to topple the I) an attermped Istrated politicians forts dy extremists to scare away G. SCTICUS —m inded
observers, including UNP'ers should also reflect on the points urged by the TU's and the Opposition: (a) The primary cause is economic - the cost of living which has increased geometrically while wages have advanced in arithmetical progression. (b) Protest is a defensive action against an assault on living standards (c) Economics become politics because the protest is a Criticism of policies because the the government is the biggest employer. (d) Since the March convention of TU's, agitation started slowly on 23 demands. It was Largeted for August/September when there was spontaneous combu5tion at Ratrina la na... EW en JSS sympathisers were involved. (e) Large degree of participation by white colour clerical workers, Something new. It shows the relative deprivation of even the so-called lower-middle class. (f) High degree of militancy in some provinces where the Left had been electorally weakened. (g) Sympathetic support of TULF suggesting that it is entering Opposition mainstream. (h) New lewel of unity-in-action by opposition parties.
O Thuggery, goon squads, street clashes between rival groups, attacks on picket lines, students, ett hawe been of the increase in the las E. 2 — 3 years (Kelaniya, Heywood, Moratuwa, Bank clerks
demo etc). Migara in the WEEKEND y r|Les about ' hitsquads'. In what is called street
guerilla tactics in other countries, tho assumption is that "guts and gabs" alone a Te no match for strong, organised force.
In other places, such tendencies and phenomena are studied for signs of extra-parliamentary activism and union (labour) militancy.
e Finally, what iTupact if any has this on world opinion and and business confidence? A as tute President Jayawardene wowe into his speech at the CommonWealth Education Millisters Corference a direct as wer. Agreeing with Secretary-General Ramphal about Sri Lanka's Yitrā rit de Itacacy, he said that the violence which lastigd al f2 YY hours was confined to half a square mile in an island of 25,000 sq miles.

Page 7
Varsity admissio
Iss M Iranthi Ru w in Perera made history last week by becoming the first person to obtain redress from the Supreme Court In a matter of fundamental rights under the procedure made available
by the 1978 Constitution. The University Grants Commission's 7.2:2.8 ratio for University
admissions in respect of the April and August 1979 A-level exams was struck down by the bench of three judges (Justices Sharwananda, Ismail and Weera ratne) as a violation of equality before the law,
The two exams Wore held on two different syllabuses as a result of the educational counter-rowolution which has taken place since 1977. Although attempts had been made by the Ministry of Education and conser wä tiwe dons to discrcdit the HNCE syllabuses (adopted under the last government) as inferior, the JGC did not take this position before the Supreme Court, conceding Instead that "no one can say which was the superior and which was the Inferior, though the two syllabuses were not the same." Hopefully, this should end the Stig Tha Clist om student:5 w F1 took the August exar as 'lass qualified".
However, the Supreme Court judgment, based as it was on the principle of equality of rights, has set many people thinking about the question of the validity of the district quota for University admissions. Mr. H. L. de Siwa. Coun 5 el for i Miss Perera, 5 | bT | tted that this quota too was illegal, but did not seek to argue this Since it was un necessary for his purpose. Nor did the Court rule on this issue, which was not before it, though it did say in the course of its judgment, "In wiew of the fact that ther a lig a larger number of candidates than places available in the Universities, the object being to secure the best possible material for admission to the Universities, merit is the only fair and satisfactory basis of selection."
There seemed to be some confu slon in the Government's
statement, read Auguust 7 by 'Ir explaining the admission after Court's judgment, referred to "30 available places each examinatit gory), and USed (emphasised her with the 55 p. quota and the underde veloped the Supreme ( clearly directed make admissions fr and consolidated from both exami can be no quest
places in s examination".
Trends . . .
Carrified fi
SYM BOLS a
A shop windo'
is a tempting drg ry rnd ri ready But are target particularly pol symbolic?
Wher Sadat r door, Egypt be "show case' in A few years la students, protes: sidy cuts and e for Fiat fr| 1 Cara. In the C1 their chef ta (75 | Flúo 5, L.File {IOL
At the Stř rt Li phea Y 7, the te BbI r1 k5, the: Texga Libīq Lr i to Luis Cadili rants specialis irn, Fried Chicker
Of course, t scarce frt Color of the United F (Com verti b Te Rup big Benz Wa: t. mսduld II and t| pitalist', Is th the totern of ti cracy?

S
חם tחם וחllaחPa חi ", Wim Cont Percera,
new basis of the Suprem Ը , The tatgmgn L.
er Cent of the
in respect of on' (Tierit catethe Saine phrase 2) In connection
r cent district 5 per cent for argä5. However, Court judgment
the JGC tio
'om "an integrated list of candidates' nations, so there ion of 'awailable pect of each
Fort Page F)
STONES
W or show case target for any * to hLur d7 brik. 5 of Violence, itica W force,
really opened the :Tre Új IMF the Arab world. ter, Workers grid lηg agαπ5t 5 μEscalating prices, :he streets of pital's outskirts, get were the
E É ESS
f the Irrin Jrgets were US co building, the aC, and resta Lu
g in Kentucky
he La di I || 5 bo. In the days ront and C. R. A. ice Acount) the Fhe ban mer of the 12 ne yw "" (RAe black Peugeot IC new bure IL
(Dackaging
J
血凸兽
prole. Jion
MULTI-PACKS
(CEYLON)
LIMITED
RAMALANA.

Page 8
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPO
ASASSSeAeASAeAeATq AqATqTq qTSqSqqqSqSqqTqTSSqqqSqSqSqTqSSqqSqSqqSSqA SqMSTTS
Dozers of Chilea is, Fisii (f ther students,
fo rewr7 Cote to Worl ' If it! de sola !e Willagelso,
A har i slied Sar, tiago d'
collal of the ex rere Soft W.
5ore of
by officials in a square in Freirira, a strial to Wri
robody. His father later IProte to the Minister of name ir a obscure correr of Ply Onzelard. Fra? periences and memories .....Thanks to you I will k.
Banishment
decree promulgated in Chile on 6 February 1980-Decred Law 368-gives the Minister of the Interior powers to order people to be detained for up to five days and then to hawe them sent to II we in remo e areas for torms of internal exile (relegacion) of up to three months for disturbing or attempting to disturb public order; there is no right of appeal against any such order.
The decree gives the government powers under the present state of emergency which it would hawe normally only under a Stage of siege.
Arrests under Decree Law 368 da mot fa || url der the control of the Contra soria Geri era de 7 Republica, the public body that ower see 5 state administrative proCedutes.
Justifying the decree, the Minis
ter of the Interior said it would avoid having to use the more drastic measure of expelling
'offenders' from Chile.
The new decree was applied to people who demonstrated Peacefully on 8 March 1980, International Women's Day, when hundreds took to the streets for a rally organized by the woman's section of the Coordinadora1 Nacia)- na || Sindical (CNS), the National Trade Union Coordinating Body.
Government permission for the march had been refused because of the alleged "political intention"
of the rally,
POC ATTAGt5
demonstrations took where 1bolice
Peaceful place in Santiago,
É.
(
arrested more t
Walpara iso, wher: arrested, and C.
Those arrested hawe been interr incommunica do f. the Central Na naciones (CN), of information, t wice which repla
On 3 March the Interior ani or der of Pe5 i de of those detain bamished for til remote villages, the far morth Cor"
They were ref peated offenders
The other 5. YY e der observation." ment if detained part in any king
Towards the Mir'ı ister ammounci thase "und gro Q to be banished 'now ew idence.'
Hundreds of P ed å|| ower the | May; 37 of the (This year, un were no publi DC TITI I ETC) Labour Day. Ca Henriques cancel was to hawe bet ago's cathedral, ings from Peo government of which might I vernmenסThe E a 5 ked for the as
Om 12 June 3 from Santiago's

RT
were la Fished
these places are ir
Alejandro GOIC,
rara s'ader',
this year for
Ιήrέε-η και Ιή
"I,
periods cothers ir rie was dropped off
the ariri
L LLL LGGLLLHHLL GLOHGL LT TTSLLLL LLL tTLLLLLL T LLLCLLS LL LCTLLLCS S SLLLLS LLHHLS L LLLLLL GGL TC LLLH S LLCH LLL S LLL LL Lt LGTL TTT Gk SLLLH ScScS Fra 17 Freir frič."
hi
Te
han || 00 people, University, worC arrested in a 26 people were restaurant in the centro of the pncepcion. city where they were taking part
are reported to agated and held ir five days by cional de Infor
National Centre he Security serced tha DlNIA.
the Minister of hounced that by PINOCH ET || ? ed were to be three months to Thost of them in
south of Chile.
Ted to as "Te
e released "UnThey face banish
again after taking
of protest,
nd of March the ped that fiy e of Eser Willion'' were
as a result of
cople were artescountry around sm were banished. like last, there c demonstrations t International rdinal Raul SILWA ed a Ma55 which = Held in Santfollowing war nple close to the wiq!ent clash 25 "esult in deaths. t dernied ha wing s to be suspended.)
8 students, mostly State Technical
in a musical evening in solidarity with students who had been expelled from the university earlier in the year.
Th2 arrests were må de by uniformed police led by CN members, who accused the students of holding a political meeting in Contra wintion of the Law of Sat. Security.
A week later the Minister of the Interior announced that 22 of the students would be banished for three months to villages in the far south. The others were released after a warning.
Appeal to government
A considers that people restricted un der Decrge Law 368 are prisoners of conscience and has appealed to the government to set them free.
Please send courteously worded letters asking for the immediate and un conditio al releaso of a people restric Id um det Dacre Law 3168, Co: Senor Sergio Forlandez Fermand:Z, Ministro dc | Interior, Ministorio del Interior Edificio Diego Portales, Santiago, Chile,
ANNOUNCEMENT
For reasons beyond our control, the publication of this issue has been delayed. There will be no September 1 issue. The next issue will be on September 15.

Page 9
Anatomy of a s
by Jaya ntha Somas un daram
S. Lanka's organised working class has an instinctive dis
trust of J. R. Jayewardene. And ever since he assum Ccl affice in July 1977, there were moves a finong the ufi los to LIni La In order to meet the challenges that were to come. Whilst such
Lunity seg med logical to the tanks, the leaders, particularly the Political Leaders, had reservations about united activity that would undermine their individual or party irti terests, The record of Roha ma Wije weera апd the Janatha Wimukthi Peram una bears this out.
Ultimately the base won over the apex, and con March 8th and
9th 980, a massive convention of 4.000 trade union delegates met in Colombo. They placed on
the future agen da a se of demands that included a wage intre å se of Rs. 300 and called for a day of national protest to register these demands. (See L. G. April 1st)
With much procras tination om the part of their leaders, the trade un lors finally observed June
5th as the Day of National Protest. Ln til that date, whenever the opposition made any
kind of protest, it was standard fare for them to be subjected to w|col: n t reporti sals. The Bank Employees Union and the Kelaniya University students were the first casualties in 1978. But on June 5th, this tactic backfired. Somapala who died irii the melca wais to become a martyr whose funeral on the 9th becarne an even bigger protest event.
When the trade union leaders had called a token strike on September 28th 1978, so lukewarm was the response that the leaders themselves hastily shelved it. But that was ni neteen sewenty cight.
On July 7th the workers at the Railway's Ratmalana Workshop downed tools in protest against the alleged victimisation of fourte en Colleagues, who ja 4 been a CtiWC üII. JUT13 5th. A f Ril I’llalaria
the UNP control SängពTaya was a The strike at Rat the Joint Trade Cormir Titte 2 whic 9th to clinically tion, Whist th going om, the the Railway ru Marada 1 a Tid M | locomotiwas, pow ag25 aro repari their dail y maint
ut It Martida By the 10th the throughout the provinces as wel
TF JTJA, KI Friday the Ith With a fait acco was the strike : parally sing a wl tal Eut the workers now advancing set of demands ther the Rs. 30 The JTUAC ther
call a general si
week July 14th public rally at the 8th.
The strike Er Railways on Mor self. Warkers c United Federatio tha Ciwi | Medici aut of the 4tF at the Gowe Kolonnawa follo th, Next a TE Pre 55 Wwh1arg 63 W8:! tools on thig léi TE T t Ć I et i g Out On th: I'll tha Lanka R Szinga maya the m
Although the anned, restive terged on H eʼyeri ing, qLuitg defy th bar 2. "Thed t'rith te C: "il Cid Coff
Faint i CLI5 triatig: packed the wo "WW"Orko"S fhad al

strike
lled Ja tika Sewa ka lso out on strike. :mala na galwanised : Union Action һ пnet on the St. Ludy the situai r di SCL55 in 5 Wa5 Striko spread to nning sheds at igawatt C. Whils, L 'cr525 and carrild at Ratmalaria, enance is carried and Malign wat tc. strike had spread Railways, into the
which met on was presented m pli. Mlot only
preading rapidly, I national Service, the Insel es vere a cor prehensiwe Cruclal armong 0 wage increase. cupon decided to rike during the to 21st, and a Hy de Park on
ck e out of the day morning tif the Gower Tert of Labur åt. Stores walked i. The workers rin ment Factory wed them on the : the Government r the JSS downed h. The Gowerwig Jmion Carle rid the Sama 5ja ya Li polkartu wa ext day.
public rally was Workers conyde Park that ! prepared to Riot Foice ar gas gren ades the Park and Lumio rn leaders rters off. The ready defied the
Essential Services Act and had broken the law by striking, they seemed to have little compunction about breaking another law. This was the
crucial turning point.
The strike now spread to the State Corporation and mercantile ELO , Bata, Tobacco Camillpany and Walkers went on strike on the 8th. The Milk Board came out on Monday tho 2 list and Lewer Brother's on the 22nd. The opposition claims that by then 40,000 workers in all
parts of the Island wore on 5 trike,
The strike which was initiated by workers and picked up in other work places by workers, themselves was retarded by the political leaders.
The Sri Lanka regarded the to em barras 5 Go Werin T1:n it in th: 983 Gemera|| had no wish to see a spontaneous strike Cripplo cor topple the Gçyern ment in a situation where they cited i 1 ct become the ob wios alternative government,
Freedom Party Strike as a means and weaken the preparation for Election. They
According to some critics, the Communist Party could see only one beneficiary in the event of a successful strike - the SLFP. And in a situation where they had no working arrangement or power sharing agreen ent with the SLFP,
the CP had no reason to encourage the strike beyond certain bounds. This however,
Thay be altogether too harsh an indictment.
The Lñ rh !:a
Sama Samaja Party Was se ve rey
restricted by its Parliamentary perspactive. Thus it could not co-exist with a Spontaneous Workers confrontation which might burst the bounds of parliamentary politics. But like the SLFP it welcomed and encouraged the Erike with in certain limits, if it could help weaken the UNP and put the SLFP-LSSP back in parliam cnc.

Page 10
With the exception of the Lanka Guru Sangamaya, the JWP kept aloof from the strike. The
MEP which has unions at Koចgama, in the Sugar Corporation and in the harbour, did not strike. Sanmugathasan's Ceylon Trāde Union Federation with a sizeable following in the Cinema industry dld not strike. Balla Tam Poe's Ceylon Mercantile Union also did Tot 5 trike.
The unions affiliated to the United Federation of Labour, identified with Wasudeva Nanayakkara and the Nawa Sarma Samaja Party such as their Commercial and Industrial Workers Union in the private sector and te Government Clerical Service Union in the public sector, played an important role in the strike.
Оп July 24th, word came through to the GCSU that the
Government intended to acquire their building in Colombo. It didn't require much imagination
to give credence ing as it did, Services Act, the the Emergency Press Censorship of trade union b: seiga mentality g and the NSSP W defend the buildi
The leaders of informed and ; vigil began.
A ser les of which began wit Sompala CT June
gd from escalati With the li We5 : martyrs. The t; G. C. S. U. was and the situatior although gra dLI all;
On July 31st t Cpposition Cony JTUA, C the wil Government to un der which the Caled Off and WC
The Supreme Court D
he decision given by the Supreme Court last Monday,
regarding the admission of a student to the University, ha 5 evaked CCT15 i der ble rteret
throughout the country.
In the first place, by quashing the decision of the University Grants Commission about admissign of students or a ratio basis the Supreme Court has knocked the bottom off the present system of recruitment,
Despite the obvious niences likely to be view of the ongoing recruitment the Government will no doubt heed the wise ruling of the Sup
COWe
caused in
Te The Court that mar || || 5 the only fair and satisfactory basis of 5 election for a drT i 55 jaar to Universities:
Qui te apart from the immedi
ate redress wisualised in terms of the ruling, it also creates a climate for further reflection
about the entire system. The
E
different formulae ation and recruit basis has, over t
nued to height and uncertainity of higher educi
equality of opportu will be the most ness to democrac of today's youth. in the judgar ment
Court: "|Il th doubtful that any sonably be expe
im life if he |* ortunity of educ: opportunity wher dertakes to provi which must be m all on equal terr tution enjoins Government to Wace and not mental right treatment."
— ""Catholi

to this, followthe Essential outlawed strikes, Powers, the and the freezing ank accounts. A ripped the GCSU ho rosolved to ng to the last, opposition were a night-through
Confitor1 tai ti (or 15 h the death of 5th, was pre Wenng Still further of a fel yw TOTC) ske-ower of the mot carred Out was defused,
.
he Leader of the 'e y ėd to the lingness of the negotia, te terms strike could be irkers retu rril.
ecision
of standard is
TOT I || || he years, conti
en the anxiety about prospects ation. En Suring
Inity in education convincing witу In the eyes A,5 menti oried of the Supreme es e days || L. Is
child may reaCted to succeed
denied the oppation. Such as
2 the State ulde it, is a right. laide available to ns. The Costl
the organs of secure and addeny this funda
of equality of
c Messenger'
YOUR SELECTION FOR
A PROTEIN RCH MEAL
ATTA F L O U R
NT NS MOST NOURSHINC
WM)
HEALTHY
PREPAIRE - PAL-TELE
MEAL I'ITH
ATTA FOUR
Rs. 229 - PER BAG OF 50 Kg.
RULANG (Semolina)
FOR SWEETS
MAKE OUT OF HIGH QUALITY WHEAT
Rs. 376 - PER BAG OF 55 Kg.
Pelse Curia:
Sri Lanka State Flour Milling Corporation
No. 7, Station Road,
Colombo - 3.
Telephone: 2300, 23152, 28008

Page 11
Shah - Sadat - US
t was in Egypt that the Shah found his last Santuary. was in Egypt that he buried. It was Egypt's Anwar Sadat who offered to tak c. com
the Shah's role as Washington's regional policeman. It was in Egypt that the plot to be tray the Palestinian and Arab cause through an Egyptian-Israeli creaty was hatched. It was with Egypt's help that the artiye 5 "rescue" operation was moun Igd.
And row, it was in Cairo, reports Amony Terry of the Sunday
Times (London) that Princess Ashraf, the Shah's twin sister, met Field solir Shall C) we i 5 i, the man know as the "butcher of
Teheran". At this secret meeting writes correspondent Terry, the Princess pledged a large part of her personal wealth (1000 million dollars is a rough estimate) at the hands of the Iranian "junta' in ex le to finance a Coup in Teheran.
This Shah-Si, dit- US connection was exposed by yet another discovery of its sinister links with the counter-revolution in Afghanistam. The Iranian authoriti e5, hawe banned an Afghan emigre organisation called "The Jam i ate islami Ye Afghanistan' and several of its loading figures detained and questioned.
Quoting official sources, the Iranian press has reported that investigations led to the seizure of documents which rewe algd mot only a direct American connection but the in wolwe ment of the artEi F1 i Sed crime, Including när Cotics, smuggling arms, robberies and Political murders. The chain led to Pakistan too. Spotlighting the fact that the American material
and moral assist |In order to di:
e" liran iam press, ir has urged In qui orgari Isä tons. "Jomh LJ || || 5 || Ti Said that man: groups were final
by the US, and
In an interp
on the decision t Islami ye Afghan
N - TREAT
Stricte
AX days b
Conference
PTC1 if Titi TT
Minister Indira
Categorical stati ħad reliable irfi tani preparedri
Nuclear Club.
TF) el atten tion the Ti e di i am d | centro d or the ci race, but for world the arms ta Tore fr -reaching security. These ded by human alone. A recog is an equally imբ
If the Helsinki the geo-political
Euгоре, the fact of stri
|SSUE
== "WAT"
Under the pre politicians and the dustria-M w:ak-wil||C: d (Ca II

Connection
ance was extended itate "the political organisition, the cluding the radio, rio, into 5 Tila
The newspaper '', for Instance, y Afghain erth i gre nced and controlled
| Egypt.
ttati W TrT2 o ball the "Jamate
is ta", an influential
Y
L at 1 t ге-appгal
said realistic Sal" by Iran of its general at titude
|rın iam column i 5 t
Suggested 'a
to the Afghanistan situation. The Foreign Minister and other knowledgeable a dwi 5 crs of the Revolutionary Council were increasingly convinced of the poor prospects of the anti-government movement In Afghanistan and the adverse consequences to Iran of continuad Iranian support to it.
r sanctions
efore the Genewa on the Noraty opened, Prime Gandhi made thig =sities it that Isid ia armation or i Pakisess to join the
of US politicians, the public may be pming Presidential
he rest of the race touche on ! armontal and far
s of peace and cannot be safeguarhopes and desire i tim of real|tl|es ortant impera Liwe.
Accords accepted
realities of post
Salt-2 recognised tegic parity.
ssures of "hawkish" wested interests in ilitary Complex, a ter administration
suspended the ratification of Salt - just as it retreated on its own policy of embargo on Pakistan. Its new arms aid helps release Pakistan funds which can be put to Cher, morte dan gerous purposes such as the setting up as Congress
Lester Wolff recently described 31 "r1 4.Ic|ear եorl1b factory".
There are many more developments which strengthens the case observance of the
Treaty and for
for strictet
sanctions against
wiolators:
(1) The US ignores the near - readiness of two of its key
allies, Israel and South Africa, to join the Club.
(ii) Countries on the brink of capability can develop nuclear detonating fuses (Argentina, Brazil, Pakistan) while others like Israel and South Acrica may already ha Ye Such do wice S.

Page 12
Voluntary Steril For All
Ілселѓїvє
Goverгтгт1
1. A Mi
to bo'
emplo
(This P:
2. 3 days 7 days
(This in еппploує
Contact
your nec
Hospital
FOR HEALTH AND
PLAN A SMALL FA
(issued by

izatiOn
es by
nimum of Rs. 100 will be paid
th males and females - whether
yed or unemployed
yment is made to meet incidental expenses)
full-pay leave for male employees
full pay-leave for female employees
addition to the full pay leave for which the !e is entitled)
I rest Government
or the AGA
PROSPERITY
MILY NOW
he Ministry of Plan Imperientation)

Page 13
Letters . . .
(Corriled rpm ராg )
children, and then spillover everywhere. How do we then, plan to fulfil their aspirations to participate in Wars between Stars when the simple problems of bread and parippu cannot be solved satisfactorily.
El SRIYANo
Tell it as it is
May 1 urge all those who are less than enthusiastic about the "a chievements" of tha UNP government in the last three years to read, study and digest Mr. N. Sanmugathasan's article "A Gloomy Picture' (L. G. August 1) as a model of how not to write anti-government propagandā. "The crisis that has overcome Sri Lanka is part and parcel of the economic crisis that has engulfed the entire capitalist world'
S has World Bank '' further li dwal L
is5 grs or S.
5 L
of three years If both these equally and
tema ble a word. would be usefu not supply it.
rupee is floa
irn forrm
these positions simultaneously World Bank is
rupee be a Tt below its tri
value. Why t should find i make such an would appear explanatory wo not supply the
A result of UNP mi5 Tulce i is going to im Mr. S. He can Ing to the prc
FOR UMWELL OVER A
ARISTONS I
GLOBAL REPUTATION IN THE FIEL
ARISTON'S HAVE OPENED OUT N
EXPORTS IN AN ENDEAVOUR TO CO
FILEAL)
ARISTO
5, Gow Colo ARISTONS TOURS No. 5, Gower Street, COLOMBO 5.
Phone: 88.436,
Cables: "TURNTIDE"

At the sama Lime
it is a tes of UMP T115 rue. positions are simultaneously in explanation ... Mr S. does The Sri Lanka ting. But Mr tio - that the Il 5 de mand Ing |dom". If both are equally and tonable then the asking that the ificially pegged La free-market he World Bank to necessary to absurd demand to require an ird. Mr. S does
word.
three years of s that Sri Lanka Port tea, claims
only be referposal to import
cheap teas from countries producing lower quality teas for blending for re-export to markets hither to not reached by high quality Sri Lanka teas. This proposal may be a good one or a bad one but how is it the result of UNP misrule? Here again an explanation would be helpful. Mr. S does not give one.
Every reader can discover for himself many more examples in Mr. S's article. If I were JR I would put Mr. S on the Information Department payroll as a government propagandist. Many more articles like this one and people will be flocking to support the UNP government. When wi II those who strive to Win our hearts and IT inds realise that the best way is to tell the unwarnished truth?
Dr. Costain de Wo5 Kollшpitya
A HALFA CE/WTWRY
HAWE BUILT UP
OF EXPORTS AS WELL AS MPORTS
EW WISTAS IN NON-TRADITIONAL
NTRIBUTING FOR NATIONAL GROWTH
OFFICE
NS LTD.
er Street, .5 סbוך
82 O2, 8 O 36
EXPORT DEPARTMENT
40, Front Street, COLOMBO II.
Telex: 7 | 307. RUMANI CE

Page 14
The NSSP and p
frontism
by Shanta de Alwis
he principled stand that the
NSSP has taken on the formation of Programmatic blocs with bourgeois parties (popular frontism) ever since its inception as a tiny tendency (Wa, Tha samasamaya) within the LSSP, is one of its outstanding features. The tendency began and developed as an oppositional current fighting the opportunistic coalition politics of the leaders of the LSSP. Its raison d'etre was its consistent struggle for the independent program of the working class revolutionary party. This implied, as a corollary, its total opposition to making programmatic concessions of any kind to any bourgeois party, and the forming of parliamentarist alliances and coalition governments, with such a party.
This of course is in accordance with the classic Leninist position, further developed by Trotsky in the post-Leninist period, in oppasition to the criminal betrayal of countless working class struggles and revolutionary opportunities by the Stalinist, through their popular frontist policies. The leadership of the LSSP accused us of being dogmatists unable to understand the changed situation in the postwar period, and the progressive qualities of parties such as the SLFP which can be "pushed towards socialism'. By patiently
explaining the issues involved to
the advanced workers who were politically organised in the LSSP, by showing them how our analysis of coalition politics and the blind alley down which the old leader. ship was leading them. Corresponded to their actual experience, we were able to win the majority of active members of the party to our position and enable us to emerge as a separate party with a significant Trade Union base. None of the pseudo-Trotskyist grouplets whose oppositios to the opportunism of the LSSP
|고
leaders was con and pгemature 5. able to win an the working class cf the LSSP cou ignore them and
Today these g Pseudo-Trotskyist with various Sta Stallnist "Groups ппап parties try frustrations by m prediction that t probably going t with the SLFP; a would this corne the "fo Lundet a theoretician of Wickrema bahu Ki an ambiguous for character of the the SLFP as bou on to qualify it un doubtedly leavi for a future coal thinking of the fringe of the Le substituted for reality.
What is the Quite obviously the class-characti that any kind bloc is complete | pointed out ei was born precise against Such cl; How can such a the leadership is it) possibly adv. boration? The p merely split it w Our en etnies ewi the subjective honesty of the NSSP, could at with the intell that. Only a could make thi the NSSP W II SLFP ambi al next May Day!
Apparently it sure one self a

opular
ined to words its, hawa been mass base in The leadership d quite safely
their am LiCS.
antleman of the seats together inst and neoules' and on 2to Awart their aking a profound he NSSP is most make an all lance ind why, oh why about? Because nd the leading the party Dr. 1 runa ratne." has mulation of the SLFP identifying rgeois he goes as populist-thus ng the door open tion! The wish ful sects on the ift movement is an analysis of
actual position it follows from of the SLFP of programmatic ly ruled out. As arlier, the NSSP aly in the struggle ass collaboration. party, (even if ubjectively wished ocate such Collaarty would not would disintegrate en if they doubt intentions and leadership of the east credit them igence to realize political imbecile e progno is that fa || - whith In the ld that too by
ls necessary to Iпgainst the Possi
bility of future coalition politics with the SLFP by defin Ing the SLFP as the "alternative
party of the bourgeois" and stopbing at that. Any further analysis is to dangerous This is typical of the attitude of the sects which want to insulate themselves from any mass activity by covering themselves with ultra left phrases. If the SLFP is the alternative party of the bourgeois (and it is!) are we not to explain why such an alternative is necessary? Do we not recognise the real differences (in the past) between the UNP and SLFP policles (although both were bourgeois)?
Do we not even explain the fact that the Left formed a coalition with tha SLFP and even in other parts of the underdeveloped world with SLFP type parties) rather than with the UNP2 it is a poor Marxist indeed who failed to understand the objective reasons for this major disaster of our times.
The UNP was the classical party of the comprador landlord elite with a perspective of Continuing the old economic ties with imperialism, while the SLFP represented, in the last analysis, the interests of the embryonic industrial bourgeois. The latter adopted for state capitalist policies, under the cover of Pseudosocialist and nationalist rhetoric. The expansion of the state sector was seen as a means of satisfying its mass base by the creation of (largely unproductive) jobs. Of course the failure of state capitalism in the past period leaves the present SLFP, If it were in power today, no alternative but to try out policies similar to those of the present government. In fact this is the famous "right turn." that the SLFP took in 1975, which led to the expulsion of the LSSP from the government.

Page 15
The SLFP's past populist policies however determine the present illusions and aspirations of its petty bourgeois mass base. This is why it is important to understand its history. It also means that united actions on specific anti-UNP issues will be a tactic of winning over the petty bourgeois masses around the SLFP
to the working class banner. The recent very successful protest day was an instance where
this tactic was put into practice. In such situations where it is necessary to arouse the broad mäste 5 in TJ C L|Orl LIn der the leadership of the working class, it is tactically correct to call for the support of the bourgeois opposition partie 5, the SLFP and the TULF. Ofcourse the support
that the leadership of such parties Purely verbal, (as and Iri
give will be was the case on June 5th
=سي
the preparations that support E actively I cad the an opportunity t. distritt lewel li and file activists Ewen I f L.h. g b{ refuse to suppor Working class, af asked to do so, t Organisatiап5 wal position to show to the rank and to participate in the UNP regime
Stalin ists hayg that the bour revolution in ar country can E through alliances matic tries, in governments) wi 5ivi ātrī is the famous t', which justified inc including the d With the SLFP in
to measu precision
Union Platform W Counter Scales anc are manufactured t international standa guarantee of absolu Manufactured by
S ܐ
SAMUELS
37 Old Moor S
 

for it) but even iWCS those Fo mass struggles C approach the :aders and rank of these parties. burg Col 5 leaders "t actions of the ter having been ..he working class Ild then be in a up these leaders filers who desiro a struggle against
traditionally held geois democratic 1 under developed he accomplished (i. e. program
cluding coalition th the "progresurgeoisie". This
stage theory credible betrayals, | 535 trous a ||lance
our own country.
- a standard
re by.
eighing Machines,
Spring Balances o the highest
Lrds - your Ite quIality.
ONSR COMFANY LIMITED
2.
treet, ColorTibo
This Was a fundamental Issue con which Trotskyism separated itself clearly from Stalinism and in fact those who claimed to be Trotskyists - the LSSP leaders - had a much more difficult time justifying their actions theoretically, tham the CP leaders. That was In fact a factor in the development of the NSSP. Today we hear that the local Stalinists are revaluating the past in an appropriately self-critical mood and Superficially they seem to hawe moved close to the Trotskyist positions. Words however are cheap and they alone cannot wipe
out a whole series of historic betrayals. The workers will judge them by their actions.
Finally, as for those neo-Stalinist journalists and academic
P5 eudo-Trotskyists who pontificate on the doings of the workers partles, criticize their "ambiguous theoretical for Tulations' etc. from the fringe of the workers movement; they and their Lunsolicited advice will be rejected by the workers With the con tempt thay dos erwen.
Tel: 3234 - 4.

Page 16
he reader who is startled by
the question posed in the title of Dr. Guada sa samāra sig kera" 5 partphlet, Anagarika Dharmapala Mar: vadhee dha? (Was Anagarika Dharmā Palla Marxist?) wi|| b relig"d to lea T1 fro the opening page that he isn't posing It seriously: the title, bortowed froT a TE: wlewer of one of Dr. A Tarasekera's earlier books, Is a plece of shock-tactics that is no doubt good salespromotion. However, Dr. A marasekera doesn't find it necessary to ask another question, much more pertinent than that so provocatively displayed on his cower. Was A nagarika Dharmapala racisti? Dr. Ar na rasekera i 5 5Q Lunaware of the reality of this issue that in claiming for the Anagakā the status of eālder who sought not only national liberation but als o the Creation of a "sociaist sccle ty' in Sri Lanka, he accepts without demur the idea of a call for "liberation" addressed exclusively to Sinhala Buddhists. That, clearly, in Dr. Amarasekera's eyes, is how things should be.
However, the ca. 5 g for ans wgrIng affirmatively the question | have posed rests on evidence a good deal more substantial than simply the ethnic and religious character of the base that the A nagari ka sought for his movement. In the course of his pamph let Dr. Amarasek era refers to Dr. Kumari Jayawardena as one of the few scholars who has understood Anngari ka Dharmapala's aims correctly, and quotes from hor Rise of the Labour Movement in Ceylon. I think it a fair criticism of Dr. Jayawardena's book that, in spite of the inwaluable research material it incorporates, its evaluation of the nationalist move Tinent in the périod
|
A NA G A R I K
by Reggie Siriwardena
it cowers is, if "wocal. BLut I sho cc TT en d t} r study of Dr. Jay: Nationalism, R ments and Ethni in Sri Lanka, It Si artists' A 550 ca lier this year, Dr. Jayawardena' ånd more Tatur i on the subject. Dr Jayawardena Anagarika's stron, the minority C: were non-Sinhala Hist. He descri Muslims, equally as infidels of Another Lutteranc ri ka that Dr. Jay reads: 'Look at th Report of the G of Railways , . Tam i Han barika Tayas a large numbers to of the people C soms of the Soil, the largest share doubt that in think ing the "peo and "soms of exclusively Sinhale Sin ha ese Buddhis 50 kera himself q. demands that th be a Buddhis. St Governor, the C. and all other hij be Burhists–th. de Thand that ra. yi İst5 hawe Tald to make down day.
Dr. Amarasikof a tins from the ches and writings the fact that PCP gated Cho A Which ha 5 been i cipal symbols of |r1 Ism1. The A, r ferred to "our mā. Lira” ard "kin Aryan races. In t The significance c not only tha: || hala racial pride
 

A DHARMAP AA
may 5 ay so, equiuld like to reAmara. Sekera a Iowardena'5 paper, eviva ist "oweic Consciousne55 e ad at a Social still earand representing s
after-thoughts In that paper brings out the g animus against ITT UT i tie 5 Who and ror-Buddbed TaTi i ls and with Europeas, degraded race". e of the Aragaawardena quotes e A dini istra Llan eneral Manager | 5, Coch in 5 and te employed in the prejudice if the islandWho Contribute סThere is n the Anagarika's ple of the island' the soil." Theat se, and especially t.s. Dr. A T" raIOCe5 Cnc. Cf. h 5 e State should atc. and that the alonial Secretary gh officials should 3 5 me kird of :ists and chaue iil Ind Co ritrm Lue to the present
"a's own quotAnagarika's speealso bring out he shared and ryan racial myth one of the primSimhälä chhuwa ga rik a reinmate Aryan ship" with the he Gangas walley. if this myth was Hals Ler 2 d. Sinby evo'': ing the
chosen "Aryan race' of which the Sinha lese were 55 u med to bo part, but also that it drew a sharp dividing line between "Arya 1 Sinhalese' and Drawid år 15—| short, that it was är ti—South Indian and anti-Tamil,
All this goes to prove that when the Sinhala racialist Politiclans of today resucitate the image of Anagarika Dharmapala and echo his slogan "Si Tı halaya nee nagitiw' (Sinhalese, a rise!) they are mot (as Sewaka Yohan Dewanan da clained in an exchange with me sorile time ago in the LG) per verting his thought but recogni 5 ing In him their true ance stor. But it is important not only to characterise the Anı gārika's racist ideology but also to identify the class interests it served, Dr. A maras ek era Tejects the characterisation of Anagarika Dharma pala by som E Marxists as one who "dedicated his services to building a national bourgeoisie and who was an agent of that class." | don't think a Marxist characterisation of the Anagarika's role need be as simplified as that. To say that any thinker or leader served the Interests of a particular class is not necessarily to say that he was conscious of doing so, still less that he was hired or commanded by that class. All that is necessary is to identify what class interests his thought and action objectively served and what class outlook his ideology reflected. Even the question of a leader's sincerity and honesty, on which Dr. Amaraseker a lays so much stress (for him the Anagarika's political failure W 15 d'É: ) the fact that hig movement he began was grabbed from him by self-seeking and power-hungry politicians) is for the purpose of characterising his class position, irrelevant. And haven't there been other racist propagandists who seriously belieWed Il the wirtug, Qf Lha. 135 trum they were peddling? Who is there
( Clio Trio-1 Fiero 7: or.ge! ! (7)

Page 17
A AND
by Carlo Fonseka Eio by the theoreti
cal aberrations of certain self-styled French "Marxists", Karl Marx ance went sa far as to declare: "As for Ine, I am ICE 1 °loss E."
The title Of Gunst dasa Amarasakera's latest Criticial essay poses the provocative question: Was Anagarika Dharmapala Marxist? His answer is that the Anagarika was really a committed political reformer who understood in his bones the enormous ideological poter Lial of Buddhism as a wehicle for social change in Sri Lanka, and tha I, in mð sense was he Marxist. A pity, implies Dr. Amarasil cra, for in addition to his in tuitive grasp of the ideological potential of Buddhism had he acquired the technique of "comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole" he might have died a less disillusioned man. Few people know, as Dr. Wmarasekera reveals, that in the end the Anagarika who sẽ t CLIt to lay the foundation of a genuine Buddhist society in this country became so fed up that when he breached his last in India his last wish Wà 5 to be reborn in India.
From the Anagarika's failure Dr. A marasek era infers that as an ide clogical weapon for social change Buddhist social philosophy unbuttressed by Marxist economic insights will not work in the wworld of mode Tr1 2 conomics. Om the other hand, from his obserwatlon that Marxist thinking has hit herto mot penetrated sign|- ficantly Into the Sinhalese ConsciousFe2S3 Dr. Amarasekera in fers that Marxist economic theory ungrounded in the Budhist his ticsical eith os unilique to our people is unlikely to get a chance to exert its Salų tary influence com their economic well-being. Take it or leave it
Dr. Amarasekera's essay is loosely-reasoned but It grips one's interest by a quality of canny intuition which per wades it. He
MARX
is known to far plishcd nowelist,
e55 ay has a gra which are Lota|| sociological writi
Dr. A marasok: in Writing this be to contribute leading to the Social philosophy "Wh i ch1 5ha || be g
Starting from Simhalese culture Buddhist Culture ideal society as the Buddha is Socialist) he ave rock of out 5 could and should Th3 Sinhalese II; with mother's II Qf l "dhar Inst5 5 tri ke 5 an iri sympathy in the According to I the Anagarika re set to work aga lists at a time
We set C. F. was unrealistic to a physical war What was requi an ideological w the Tnin d, So w tinct the Anagar his fire on the B beef and alcohol, was a religious f: he knew what it and moved the anglicized Sinhale: of course Imperi effectively fought "para Suddhas" bil e 3 e 5 and ily alcohol. And so ablaze gradually To fight imperial Unders La rid its what better hypc for understanding the Marxist? The sition of that hy 1355 es of th is cc Dr. N. M. Pere ague S. History r N. M. Porgra | Lanka from stud

ST
E AS & T - Tshand to The his e and delicacy lacking in much ng of our title.
ra's serious airTi es Say Seems to to a dialogue evolution of a for our country II of one Piece.
the premise that ls essentially a and that the adumb rated by collectivist (i. C. is that the bedocial philosophy be Buddhistic. lp Lup Buddhism ilk and the İdea Bauddha rajaya" ediate cord of ir conscious ess, Dr, AirTma rasekera, alised this and inst the imperiawhen the sun eir empire. It attempt to wage against them. ed a bowo all was 'ar, a battle for |th un erring Inslka concentrated ble, Jesus Christ, not because he natic but because ouched the heart mind of the unje masses. But alism can mot be
by lambasting ackguarding beefeigh ing against the fire he set burnt itself out. ism you have to real nature and thesis is there imperialism than first clear expopothesis to the эuntry carne fram ra, and his colleecords that Dr. returned to Sri ies abroad the
THOUGHT
year the Anagarika died, History moves at its own pace. Today the imperialists have gone, but not imperialism, and the dharmista Buddha rajaya remains an Lu Infulfilled 5 imhallese dream.
How to make that dream come true? That is the principal issue of our time asserts Dr. Amarasekera. Nor does he equivocate in his prescription. Buddhism and arxism mus ente the Shalese consciousncss. That is the only way to render un to God the things that are God's, and to Caesar the things that are Caesar's,
But, you will ask, can Buddhism and Marxism both inhabit the same mind? Some 25 years ago President Jayewardene, for one, put his fertile mind to the matter and answered with a firm no. For his part Dr. Amarasekera has the tomerity to ask: Why not? Intellectual daring is one attribute Dr. Amara sekera has been en dowed with in full measure. It is evident in this essay. Karl Marx, Max Weber, Dr. G. G Mandis, Professor Walpola Rahula all get their share of critical comment. For example, Professor Walpola Rahula, who expounds Buddhism mergely as a means of personal salwation ought to know better than that Innuendos Dr. Amarasekera.
Somewhere towards the end of his essay Dr. Amarasekera argues that Mr. SWR D Bandartamai ke was the political beneficiary of the liberation movement initiated by Anagarika Dharmapala. He then indulges the speculation that Mr. Bandara naika intuitively understaad that Marxist economic insights should of necessity have a place in the scheme of things in modern Sri Lanka and that he in wited the Marxists to collaborate with him to build a just society for all of us to | iwe im. Thg Marxists, however, avows Dr. Amarasekera, failed to respond because, for all their intellectual brilliance, they were not rooted in their own tradition and
(Tarı firfeá ar page V ť)
5

Page 18
by Reggie - - - (Corra, far P. ri)
to say, for instance, that Professor F. R. Jaya suriya is not 'sincere'
Dr. Amarasek era defends the Anagarika's choice of 'constitutional struggle" as one which was right in fighting a mighty empire on which the sun newer set. Yet, at the same time, not only in immense | rn dia but eyen in 5 mall Ireland there were leaders who confronted that same empire with other rears. It does not CCCL r to Dr. Arm ārā seker a that the Anagarika's verbal rhetoric against imperialism, coupled with his racial and religious chauvinism, reflected the character of the class he served - a belated and weak embryonic bourgeoisie (in fact, hardly more than a small trading and handicraft petty bour. geoisie) who did not have the capacity to lead a genuine mass struggle against imperialism, whose E: CCITICIT İÇ İT'te T25 - 5 brought the Ti much Tore into conflict with Tamill and toluslim traders tham with imperialism, and whose backwardness and impotence found an appropriate image In their retrogressive, narrow and stunted ideology.
It is perfectly correct, the refore, for Dr. Amaras kera to see S. W. R. D. Bandartama i ke as the heir of Dharmapala: it was in fact that same petty bourgeoisie as Piring to be a rational bourgeoisie who found their leader In the incongruous figure of Bandarama ike. When Dr. Amarasekera presents S. W. R. D., as a tragic figure who, like Dharmapala, fell a wictim to the machinations of the bourgeoisie, I am reminded of Thomas Pane's answer to Burke’s el egy on Marie Antoinette: Burke pitted the plumage, but forgot the dying bird". What was the real tragedy - the fate of Bandarana i ke or that of the masses he had deluded with a racism masquerading as socialism?
Dr. Amaras ek era ends his pamPhlet with a grandiose vision of an assimilation of Marxist economic and political thinking into the Buddhist philosophy which will not only fulfil the Anagarika's aim, but will also be "the third interpretation of Marxism in our century' (the other two ج6ظ Presumably the Soviet and the Chinese), which can point the
. . . . .
way forward ti only for Sri Lan li dia, Bur" | 11 årinc of this region. that, whether is conscious of Så id, all that Ta
"S.S. A. Writer ves), ha has inst perfact ideology ley SLFP-L55P not inappropriate promoter of this
be a scion of family. A friend that when ha
Moonesinghe's of the latter was C CTB, he found
portrait of Araga on another photo Mrs. Bandaranai ke a picture of Trot. that Dr. Amarasek
by Carlo . . . .
Culture. This ch ignores tha chro of our recent h the founders of Tent in this collaborated wit i hii k E and whe a rhodest way te of his Marxist into practice he dismissed and 1. Mr. Bam darik the forces of big c
Dr. Amaras ke attempt to oxam relationship betw. plementary ideolo of the struggle domination in th led by Anagarika pired by the E heritage; the ot N, 1. Perra poraries inspired Tic theory. Nei goals they set political, econom change in post
La rika in the P Present has new wictor of the
T1 i Streeris iii And Dr. Ararast be few that in t the dialg-tic: || ||1|t these two ideolo that will lead to a social philosop! our society,

socialism not ka but also for | other countries To me it seems Dr. Amarasek era
it or not (as tters is the inobjectively seread produced the for a burgeon ing alliance. It is that the chief alliance should the Anagarika's om CE told ring Wisited Mr. A ice at the tire hairman of the On One Wall a i ri ka Dharmapala, graphs of Mr. & !, and on the desk sky. Just such as era recorTrends
(Curir d', 'royri P. : 5
large, cf Course, nology of events is Lory. One of he Marxist Movecountry in fact h Mr. Bandarahe attempted in } translate sot e economic theory was summarily it long afterwards was liquidated by apital. ra's essay is an ire the historica 2er the two comgical T1 a instreams gainst in perialist his country: one - Dharmpala InsBuddhist cultura her led by Dr. i rnd his contenby Marxist ecoratir reached hig themselves. But lic and social in depèn derica Sri a St, as in the "er escaped the two ideological lated by them. kera appears to he fitur it is Era Ction betweem g|Cal main Streams the synthesis of ty to Togeriera te
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Page 19
State schools ar
instruction
by S. Francis Perera
ri Lanka has the enviable
distinction of being one of the few countries in South East Asia with an avowedly secular constitution. Secularism, according to Montes queue's classic definition, is "the absence of favour or hostility" in a state's attitude to religion. Our Constitution gurantees to every citizen the right to subscribe to a faith of his choice or to abstan fram 50 doing. It will, however, be argued that ours is a secularism with a difference, and that unlike insay-Mexico or Albania, religion is mot frowned upon. Rather, it will be further argued, that with the active concurrence of our leaders the State encourages the practice of religion. It behoves Lus to examin e the teach ing of religion in State Schools in the light of the foregoing facts.
In Sri Lanka the teaching of religion is an integral feature of the school curriculum. It is compulsory at the primary and secon
dary School levels – 1.0. from grade to 0. Schools are expected to hawe Instructor 5 in all faith 5 re
presented by substantial numbers of pupils, in case there is a shortage of such Instructors those qualified to handle other subjects-secular ones–may improvise. For instance, at a certain leading school, Buddhism is being taught by a physics graduate for lack of a teacher trained to handle the subject.
Nearly all state schools maintain a majority of pupils from one faith ort other. It is tha
policy of the state to perpetuate the denominational ratios existing at the time Lhase 5 chog|5 wers taken over from private control. In some state schools religious instruction to children of all faiths represented therein is not provided - again due to lack of instructors. It is then the practice to induce those children den led
instruction in th to follow classes faiths for which been provided. schools in Colom Sindhi children persuasion study cause no Hindu English) have be. such instance5 it child satisfies dep ments, but acqu edification. . . .
Having presen un er Tibellised acci, state of affairs as far as religio concerned, Wis the teach ing of schools is contra spirit. It is a che rish ed ideal The encouragem devotion may be but the State is titution to eng There is no k State which a Tric the task of in awakening in chi The salutory les from history is ronage to religi Tum is de Cr|Tnent tions - the state :
The training the Ottoman Tu case in point. of the Turkish their Christian air number of childhood. In called cloistered boys forcibly Co. were subjected training the ing were religion a arts. This super turned thern Warriors who tioned obediance Sultans. In ti Jannasaries form of corrupt Turk

hd religious
1 er own fa I this, in one of the 15 IULIO Ε1:1ς In several leading bo, for instance, of the Hindu Christianity beIn 5 tructors (In in provided. In is clear that the artmental requireires no Spiritual
ited, I hope, an Lunt, of the real In state schools LI5 | 15 tro LJ tio, 5 h to state that religion at these i ry to tho liberal negation of the of secularism. ent of religious
a good thing, hardly the Insage itself in it. rowing where a gates upon itself stilling religious ldren, may end. Son to be learn t that state patin in the long a to both institu5 Well as religion.
if a nasaries in rkish Empire is a t was the practice Sultans to relieve ubjects of a certheir sons in early what might be academies these Wested to Islam to a rigorous redients of which 1d tha artia
Spartan training 1 to dehumanized en de red unquesto unscruplous m e to COT1 e the !d the main prop 5 rule!
POINT OF VIEW
Modern liberal education stands for the critical analysis of facts
and principles. In fact, it aims at whetting the child's critical faculty. He is free to question.
even what is patently self-evident.
To modern educationists the child is not a computer which will lie ques cent while it is being
fed with facts. The good teacher must show immense patience in helping the child to form healthy opinions and to come to rational conclusiams, Cm the other hand religion presents dogmas said to
be based on te Welation which must not be questioned. The child is thus faced with the
di lemma of accepting what appears to be two wersions of truth – опа in the critical spirit and the other with mute submission. The psychological strain which the feat en tails must be serious,
There is no proof that in childhood - which is a formative period-religion appeals to the mind. (It does not, however, meam that the child's mind cannot be manipulated to absorb religious bellefs). On the contrary the juvenile mind is most recept we to studies which answer the why and wherefore of things, The use of compulsion in the teach ing of religion may causo the Turrification of the child's critical faculty. The child will, moreover, learn to adopt a Uriah Heapish attitude to life.
In this context it is well to renner Tiber that Buddhism and certain Christian denominations
are opposed to Compulsory religious teaching and training. The Buddha went to the length of admonishing his would be followers not to accept even his own teachings if in their opinion they did mot stand to the test of reiäson. The Baptist mission is opposed to children being baptized unless it is preceded by voluntary accept
amice of Chrisಙ್ಗ###
元山晏1°凯
@ቓsff(U9ሣ°'፥

Page 20
There is in our country an ever-growing section of the population consisting of deists, sceptics, agnostics and a thiests. It would not be wrong to lump them up Under the Common term of "freethinkers." They are by no means queer. In fact they belong to all walks of life and are people of un impeachable integrity. They only differ from the rest of the community in that they do not subscribe to othodox faiths. No doubt these free-thrikers would |ike to hawe their children in 5tructed in the philosophy of free thought. But no provision has been made in the state schools
for such instructions. Perhaps such a demand on the part of these parents would be looked
upon as a plece of unwarranted effrontery offered to "conventional morality."
Arguing as I do that religious instruction must be excluded from State schools, I do not however advocate the Introduction of free thought to these schools.
Address, 60, Rodney Street, Colombo 8.
All I wish to a grawe injustice: petrated on the thinking parcin only a part of Religious instruc pulsory, free-thi ly with reluctan children to sub be to them an I am afraid is wie ar in Samuel of all flesh", wa those whose m Um dicerstand. Ti is hoped, will considerable sec Payer5 are bein fait treatment.
What I object pulsory teach ing state having to of such teach ing it's control. Th may be made o before cho new e came iп to cр lr15 titLI tiornalIze d country are affli
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oint out is that has been perchildrer of freeS. But this is the I r tale of woe, tion being comikers—un doubtede - permit their nit to whlL m|15. Il dignity, Society, |ke the bullying Butler's "The way nting to persecute trality it does not e aut Hotities, it ake note that a ion of the tax ; subjected to un
to is the corn2f religion and the meet the expense In schools under e study of religion ptional as it was ducational scherne
erato in 1972. faiths in this ugnt. Su rely it is
nothing but fair that they relieve the state of expenditure the
atter can ill-afford.
Religious instruction may be
given to the children at their
respective places of worship.
Schools may close early to enable children to attend religious instruction at these places - if their parents so desire. It is quite color in socialist countries like Poland and Hungary as well
as in Somme federal states Of the U. S. for religious instructions to be confined to places of worship.
My scheme is far from utopian and, what is more, it is a reform long over due. It involves no conflict as between state and religion. While rendering unto Caesar and organized religion their just deserts, the scherne will help keep the precincts of the lätter free from the des Crating intrusion of temporal rule.
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Page 21
Has capitalism in the USSR2
B. form to te || Lun truths, particularly when they are important ories. Mr. N. Sanmugathasan implies that Stalin rejected the wiew that class es and Cla 55 struggles Continue to exist even after the socialist revolution. Sha also states that I too reject this correct Marxist-Leninist thesis.
All this however amounts to a complete in is-representation of facts. Indeed, Comrade Shan must be rer inded that the Chinese CoT Tunist Party once accused Stalin of precisely the opposite error! In their article "On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat"
released in 1956, the Chinese leaders endorsed in all essentials the Khrushchewitũ T2 wis || || 5 t de nunciation of Stalin giving it
however, a more ideological form. This incidentally was the first tangible evidence that Maoism sprang from the same class roots as Khrushche w|sm and was a "left' war art of the latter, which is something that Enver Hoxha has come to realise belatedly. The point is, that in this essay the Chinese leaders joined Krushchev in accusing Stalin of holding the view that the class struggle sharpens after the socialist revolution. ObwIously this was a wiew the Chinese rejected then.
Interestingly enough this is the exact opposite of the criticism that the self-same Chinese leaders were to level against Stalin in the period of the Cultural Revolu
tion and after, that is, when "Mao Tse-Tung Thought' was in full bloom. In this period they
accused Stalin of de-emphasizing, if not forgetting, altogether, the question of class struggle under socialism... (e.g. 'Cin Khrushchew's Phoney Communism'). This is the same criticism that Shan obliquely levels at Stalin today. First and foro most the refore, | request Comrade Shan to make se up his mind concerning the Chinese
leaders' position perchance he repl Contaim ad II " Experience', co
claims to have for 5o long, sh tell us why h 5||ent for 5o Ion Initial Maoist Stalln. Comradt on which of the t Maoist critique
agrees with.
The fact hic way, both these cr tortions of Stä are therefore was the correct (I. e. Stalinist) question of cla socialist construc it is as follows:
Antagonistic struggles exist trä 15 itido1 from socialism. In thi the possibility of tion, and it is dictatorship of t prevent such a
It is an alt:
ITA ET E built in the main which is distinct Society because ceeds according according to meer by Ari absence classes. Therefo has been built, cilā 55 c5 hawa beri are class contr longer class a consequently, I Capitalist restor in terral reasons, (another di 5 til Socialism and ( these are mot eath othor, CI to be waged : Influences and es: from thց t. Tון 3, וחחסirץיוחH the socialist state

been restored
in '56, and if diates the wiews ) to Historical mrade Shan, who defended Stalin ould proceed to : has гепаіпеd g concerning this denunciation of Shan must decide w o contra dictory 5 of Stain he
wer remains that iticisms are disn's position and false. What then
solarxist-Leninist,
position on the |ss struggle and :tion? Wery briefly
classes and class in the period of capitalism to is period there is capitalist restorathe task of the :he Proletariat to
regression.
gether different iaism has been . Socialist society, from Communist distribution proto work and not d, is charactarized of antagonistic re, after socialism , and exploiting cera dicated, there adictions but no ntagonisms, and io Possibility of ation owing to Classes do exist tion between communism), but hostile towards ass struggle has gå inst bourgeois » lori äge om a na ting Cernal capitalist his explains why does not with er
A rejoinder to N. Sanmugathasan by Chintaka
away even longer any internally, strength.
When there are no antagonistic classes but rather, grows in
From 1936 this was the situation that existed in the USSR. Socialism had been built in the main and capitalist restoration was possible only by means of external interwention. After the smashing of the Nazis and the emergence of a socialist camp following the second world War, the changed world balance of forces rendered highly problematical the prospect
even of an externally imposed restoration of capitalism.
It is certainly true that the
possibility of capitalist restoration exists 5 o lo ring as the former ruling classes exist even in rem mant for in since these remnants would doubtless have support from without. When Stalin referred to the worsening of the class struggle after the sei Zure of power and in proportion to the gains made by socialism, he refers concretely to the kulaks and in general to the last (and all the more violent) convulsions of the dying classes. Wha t comra de Shan rTn u5 t do is to show us how capitalism can be restored once the exploiting classes have completely died out or hawe been fully liquidated? Once the economic basis of the exploitation of man by man has been abolished, where are the material prerequisites for the restoration of capitalism? Pointing to Small| ( petty-Commodity) production alone is simply not good enough, since, as Stalin Points out in his Tasterly "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR', small production existed even in the Roman Empire without giving rise to Capitalism!
Slave society contained within itself the material contradictions which gave birth to the feudal mode of production. Feudalism in turn gawe risa to capitalism and

Page 22
the inherent, Irreconcilable contradictions of the capitalist mode of production gives birth to socialism. Comrade Shan must now enlighten us as to whether the Socialist socio-economic formation contains within its womb any such laterial corn tradictions which engen der capitalism. Another point to be recalled is that capitalism is a lower sociohistorica| specios,
Comrade Shan infог п5 шs with something of a flourish that it is not possible to confiscate the reactionary ideas in the minds of Certalm Indiwiduals umder socialism. At best this argument is irrelevant. Let me illustrate by means of a simple example: The fact that J. R. Jayewardene cannot confiscate the extremely revolutionary ideas conta Irned in comra de Sha, rn "s skLuII do CS mot mean that a socialist (or New DeTnocratic) rewolu tion can take place so long as the capitalist state remains intact. The converse is equally true, if not truer. Bourgeois thinking may persist, but capitalism cannot be restored unlass and un til the Socialist State is Smashed, 5 ince material force must be overthrown by material force and at a certain stage of the struggle for power the Weapon of criticism must be superseded by the critique of arms. Palace coups and "taking the fortress from within'" can result only in a shift of power from one class fraction to another. but not in a total change in the class character of the state and a total overturn of property relations. (The inability to understand this was the basic mistake of the wretched Janavegaya clique). Neither the ower throw of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie nor of the dictatorship of the proletariat can be effected by palace coups and changes of personnel from the top down. On the other hand, the Hungarian counter revolution of 1956 provides us with a classic example of what have been trying to say about attempts to owerthrow proletarian power and restore capitalism. Nothing even remo tcly similar recurred in the USSR.
As for the Khrushchewite economic reforms, and als C- these Introduced by Kosygin, any recent
O
Western study c reveal to Cotr very few of thos actually implemer W5= Teu tan 1 if it. O 15 that they were ab τα a η C, να Γ. Η Γε Centralization Ciconomy! Tha precisely because to the objective sociālis III. TF1 ( tion of Krushche at the 1955 pler because it is subjectivism that to flout the ec scialis Linco w E (This was anoth Eetween the wo Khruigh they - the garded Stalin's set out in "Eco and paid the p point is that what subjectiwe opinio could not overth laws of socialist as hic could lict charactor of th simply by referir "state of the (Like Yiyi 5 e D, Clic "5ocialist" Constit alter the capitali Lankan state). rhew Sowiet C Brezh ne v Const and modificas th { the whole peopli as to bring it. W to Stalin's roti the working pga
Returning to t mic phenomena th draws attention that the small a are peripheral economy and in ni the dormimarit rel
tion. Apart frc private plots, w cări not be sold
individual or ; duals can own, s of production Further Timore, th { inheritance of p Whoever heard class which dies generation like twy o funda Tental a capitalist econ in the Soviet U

if the USSR will "a de Shan that
É: T1:F1: ||"E ''' EFE
Ced. Those that o much difficulty andoned, leading
2ater degree of in the Soviet T: for T15 fai || 2 ||
they ran counter Economic laws of IPSU'5 de municiaw's "subjectivism" um S significant precisely this le d Khruigh the w comic laws of :red by Stalin. I tar" l torTi Tħob ularis 1. d y both disrecontributor as 0 Ti Pro || " rice). The main :ʼwer KhrLJshchew'5 15 and wishes, he ow the objective economy, just charge the class Soviet state ing to lit as the whole people'. 5"הle $||wם .R חwiו ution could not st nature of the Incidentally the onstitution the ltution) clarifies [ TITI " 5 Late of 2' in such a way cry much closer on of "state of ple".
he specific econdI at Comrade Shan
t.), it i5 clg1r" gricultural plots to the Soviet
way constitute ations of producJm th Agg smal which themselves or rented, na group of indiwiell or rant meäns in the USSR. are is no right of Tiva të propetry. of a bourgeois out in a single Mayflies. Thus, characteristics of Omy åre Tnissing Ti I -
According to Comrade Shan "foreign monopolies like Fiat were allowed to in West capital, exploit Soviet labour and take away profits." This would go down well as an after din ner joke at a gathering of US Corporation heads, for they are fully aware of the utter fallacy of this statement. As the Report submitted by the Joint Economic Commission (JEC) to the United States Congress in 1974 states, Soviet laws require that the State retains full ownership of the means of Production (except som a small| agricultural plots) so this prevents equity participation." The JEC Report goes on to make clear that foreign firms operate in the
USSR on a "purely contractual basis' and are restricted to a "strictly non-proprietorial role'. Most of the contracts take the
from of turn-key projects, so called because the foreign firm constructs a fully fledged plant, hands the key so to speak over to the Sowiet state, Colle. Es i 5 fee and goes back home. Another contractual form is that of the barter agreement where the foreign firT is paid back in the for IT of produce, over a certain
This
period. is an exchange of equal wallues and in yol wes no exploitation.
"Material in centives for increased production was introduced" wails Colrade Shari. The fact of the Ti atter however is that material in centives existed during the ti mes of both Lenin and Stalin. What å fler all was the Stalk Fı anovite Tethod Material incen Lives and Wag2 disparities are bJund to exist in the Socialist phase. What is most important is whether or not wage disparities are being reduced. We turn once more to the Joint Economic Commission's Report to
the US Congress, this time in 1973. It states:
"Since 1965, per capita real disposable income has risen by 6.2% annually . . . . Under Brezhnev's leadership the average level of
living in the USSR has risen yearly by amounts that most westerners would consider exceptional. Diets hawe importowed — more T1E3 til å ny other quality food and fewer starches are of the rations table.

Page 23
Consumer durables are found in Tore har T1 e 5 and are more aya ilable im stor C.S. Ru55 ian dress ha 5 improwed and the contrast with foreign clothing is less discernible. Wage differentials hawe martrowed, with the lowest paid Workers getting more increases than intellectuals' (my emphasis).
What this proves is that in contrast to capitalist societies, there is a constantly rising standard of wing of the broad Tasses in place of either absolute or relative pamperization. Platerial in cent|Wes ha Ye not caused inco The ire qualities to wwidern. The temdency is in the opposite direction. Comrade Shan should get his facts straight.
Com ing to the question of Trotsky, Comrade Shan not only
dCg5 1ot Take a clear differentiation between his (Mao's) theory of World Revolution and Trotsky's "theory" of Permanent
Revolution, he also does Trotsky enormus Service by mis representing the 'theory" of Permanent Revolution. According to Shan "Trotsky's theory postulated that the bourgeois democratic revolutiom in Ru55 ia would e wool We into a Socialist revolutior ... . " Quite plainly, this is absurd, because if that were indeed Trotsky's view, then Trotsky would be a Leninist and we would hawa little quarrel with him. The fact is that far from sharing tha Leninist perspective of uninterrupted revolution by stages, whereupon the bourgeois democratic revolution would grow over, would evolve, would be ta T5 for T1 ed at a de trTil te stage in to a socialist revolution, Trotsky held that the denocratic rewolu tion Would place in power the proletariat alone, which would from the start, from the wery Earl i cest stages of its rule, abolish bourgeois property relations. In his "1905” Trotsky explicity invoked Lassalie who held the view that "no struggle in Europe can be successful unless, fra 11 Elig start It Heelargs itself to be purely socialist.' Trotsky's was thus a mechanical one-stage Schama.
Shan gets half marks however for his accurate endition of the allied aspect of Trotsky's 'theory' of P. R. (1 for one woбTЗ prefer
to talk in term ideology rather t 'theory" is 5 cientific is not. Trotskyism of fase coriscious fore "ideological." their circumstart down as in a c. PR, as Shi, corr that, Socia | Is [ r3v, could be safegua are na of internat Shan next goes thing absolutely sets out the Mac World Reyol|ul|lor Is rio differernt fi st yiew which S reject! Shan si latter (i.e., the
the world rewoILI and socialist cou to exist is a W. Perialist countrie. possibility exists Corrupting Sociali ready happeпен that I am very
ply cannot see difference betwee and the Trotskyi of may be em different reason ded of thi5, bLu that Lew Dawi had dropped he possible testora list in the
crystallization c acy into a b class. Burr hall a letterly Tony
made explicit
implicit in "The rayed'. The pi Wer-Yuan and Chiao, Which co detailed expositic view of capital is the USSR, are
the Trotskyist a chronology is d
Stalin for his the possibility from socialism in one country in con e as large as and he argued would survive e" of CoIII unis Ill
circlement is 1 ) wiew Originates the 18th Congre: clearly formulate

s of Trotskyist han theory, since ; while Trotskyism is à manifestation less and is the re
Ir it "Then and e appear upside amera Obsura") ectly says, held "o|LI tior 1 |rn RLIssi3. rded only in the ional rowolution. on to do some.
hilarious. He 5ist theory" of which we find "om the Trotskyhan purports to ays that "if the final victory of tion) is delayed tries are forced rld where Im5 dominate the
of imperialism i5 m — a,5 ha5 ali.' It may be den5e but l sim
any significant m th Is statement st interpretation barrassed, for is, to be remint it is a fact idovich himself avy hints of a tion of capitaUSSR and the If the bureaucrourgeois ruling ! Scha LImam and Cliff have only that which Was Revolution BetAmphlets of Yao Chang Chung mprise the Tost, Bn of the facils t t te 5 totation In in extension of
ccount. Only the
iffs Ter .
part, envisaged
of a tra 150
to Counism r., particularly in the Swiet Union that the State en. In the period if Capitalist ent liquidated. This in his report to ss (1939), but was In 1946. It is
quite contrary to the TrotskyistMaoist pois Lion,
I am glad that my remarks have served the purpose of forспЕ Сom rade Shan to make an
| Tıplicit choice batwa en Stalin and Maoism, at least on the crucial issue of socialist const
ruction Shan claims to have defended Stalin for a long timo. Seniority however, is no guarantee against opportunism - as Kamtsky and Plekhanow have proven. Furthermore, Comtal de Shar's fai || Lure to discern and defend Stalin's theoretical contributions to the development of Marxism-Leninism In the new historical cond | tiris (as Le Duan and Enver Hoxha are doing) would go a long way in explaining his political failure and the emergence of the JWP challenging, however crudely, the tenets of ossified Maoism, which, though relevant to calonial and seTi-colonial countries, hawe wirtually na rele wance to neocalorial capitalist socio-economic formations. If Shar's defence of Stalin had not been inited to the lattess histor|cal sale but had also extended to his outstanding contribution to the davalopm ant of Marxist-Leninist theory, then comrade Shan would hawe been able to comprehend ableחa that hd is st[[| uחmeם nםhק to, namely, the changed character of the national bourgeoisie and consequently, the changed 'stage of the revolution' in the post WW I period, It Is im place of this recognition of Stain as theoretician, do we find the e lewa tion of Mato a 5 the continuator of Marxism-Leninism, leading to the creation of the ideological construct "Mao tSe Tung Thought." With 'defenders' like Mão and N. Sammugathasan, Sta|in hardly needs enemies! |t is Io wonder that the reversal of de-Stalinization has prowed, and Is prowing, ca sier in the USSR Lhas im Chin:1. This ig du Lo two reasons - firstly the economic basis of socialism is much stronger in the USSR than in the PRC (which has not yet built socialism and therefore still faces a pssibility of capitalist restoration). Secondly, de-Stabli
( Сол тітшғd on pagғ gg)
2.

Page 24
by lan Jack (on the Olyrilligs - Sunday Times, London 과
E WERE seated one night last week at the bar of the Peking Hotel, Moscow, ειΓιd ΣΠΠαking a particularly foul type of
Cuban cigarette. My American Companion asked the barman if he stocked something milder, maybe a Russian brand. The barman said no. On the other hand, he had this excellent Chinese Variety: Golden Pine, manufactured at the Wuhan cigarette factory. Or we could try one
from his own packet: Marlborough, made under licence in the Soviet Union.
This information made by com
panlon la Lugh In a know ing and cynical way. He said: "China and the States are supposed to be
practically at war with these guys - and here we are selling them cigarettes." It just went to show: President Carter's boycott of the Moscow Olympics was a phoney and he-Stave Mason, Sports fan, of Porland, Oregan - was right to ignore it. He said he'd begun ringing up the White House as soon as he heard a boycott was likely. He knew he had to come to Moscow when one day a voice answered with the words "Boy
cott Desk." In Mason's words: "A whole department... I suddenly realised I was paying taxes to pay
guys to ruin my vacation.'
Marson wears a red, white and blue baseball cap. He is one of about Ş00 Americă ns who arte in Moscow ser the games, few er than a tenth of the number originally booked, They have each pald S2,400 for the trip, and their realsons for being in Russia seems to be a mixture of Curiosity, Olympian fanaticism and thrift; a post boycott cancellation would have CC) St them se yeral hudred dollars.
They are gathered, many of the In, in the Peking Hic te, whose na The and decor date from the days of Stalin and Šina-Soviet frigĽudship. It is a lofty and forbidding block
2.
eitelished with t races; and the
through its silent pectly, in sneaker
That night, afte spent watch ing h c eastern Europe [ LI they went på dding diming ricČrm. A youths with electr western pop, but dIrgers and 10 dar
took a seat r by the most visib Moscow, Roland S again Christian wh the Olympic pre days and strives t with rainbow-stri T-5 h|rt embla zanec "Jesu 5 sayes." (C) wear ma tlo mal rega writer, for examp Sport a T-shirt ( KGB agent' and o made their views k.
A young woman she had recentiy commies” through do wy. BLI E that wwa *135CCWy St TC et 5 morming after a nig Stewart remains t can who, so far, hawe mounted som demor 5 t Tatic T.
His dining comp; ter. In fact they un American Way. prepared for the 5ouբ, ոt bathplu: phones trucked pot - and are ple: to find litte of little that is visible gither rabbit the coffice. Like many to the games, be media peopla, th reflective and War
יוזaוח צtוזס וחטFr is heavy, but yol. Olympic after Mun th:r: "Hawe yo.

in press works
7.7.80)
urrets and pinAmericans pad halls circums
.
r an afternoon fty Women from tting the shot, g towards the band of three ic guitars played there were few
ICETS.
ecently vacated | American II te Ywart, a born - a stands outside she st 7th atte til ped wig and with the Words ther Americans lia — one sports le, is said to jeclaring "I'm a thers again hawe nown discreg Lly.
tourist told me shoutad “dirty her hotel win5 into the empty at four in the ht on the Wodka. he only American be så ltd tc) e kind of public
1 mions arte qu lebehalwe in a wery They hawe co Tie worst – greasy gs, small microinto the flower santly surprised this, or at le as
They complain ! food or the Wi:Start' Wigl CCr 5 och teatristis and ay have become y of judgment.
"Sure security I expect that at ic.'" Fro ano! seen anybody
with a gun since we got here? In solontreal they ALL had guns.“
Like most of us, they realise that these garnes, like all recent Olympics, have been used by the host country as an expensive exercise in public relations. Like most of us, they suspect that everyday life for the Soviet citizen has been cloacked in a heavy disgulse. But, again like most of us, they hawe found it difficult to as certain the average Soviet citizen's views. Barriers of language and suspicion are not easily breached, especially when citizens hawe been tid on television and in the press that many of us are CIA agents.
Moscow itself is hardly awash with nights spots, after you have Seen the Bolshoi. But then again, it is hardly the ghastly place you read about back home. One point on which there is mutual agreement: the Russians have tried hard.
Hotels, especially those occupied by the 5,000 press, radio and TW people, have been well stocked with Siberian Salmon Finnish waghcort, Mirccal Craigs, French brandy, Telephones and the metro are free to journalists. The operator at the Englišh-languagg exchange answers: "This is the Moscow telephong ser wice lis Lening to you wery Attentiwcly."
The Metro has, temporarily, announcements in English too - "M|| || LH 25. "" Ti di Eo
it is to sound like great Aunt Mildrgd's accourt of Mussolin's Wal-timed Era in 5 or Bernard
Shaw's wer's ion of Stain, and the whole show has put the Western media ir a diffic dilemma - as presumably, it was meant to.
The wė šerm më då ha 5 not a Ways resowed this di 2 mina Convincingly. Tak a for example, the Olympic opening ceremony; magnificent, if you like that kind of thing. Bill Ward, the head of the operations in Moscow for

Page 25
Europe's Olympic coverage, says it was the most spectacular he has se en since he began cavering the game5 32 years ago, Yet, wiewers in western Europe saw only a fraction of the three hour ceremony, chiefly the most formal and boring part; frustrated producers Saw good pictures go to was te,
Soviet newspapers told their readers last week that the curtailed coverage in the West was part of a plot to di 5 credit the games which elsewhere had helped to "dissipate anti-Soviet prejudice." And in a way, of course, they are right. Many British sports reporters in Moscow moaned long and bitterly last Week that their London offices were requiring thern to doctor copy to suit the needs of pro-boy cott editoria lines. Take out reference to gorgeous Georgian gymnasts, insert de Criptions of troops in serried ranks,
Angry Words pas sed up and down the line to Fleet Stret and for that matter, across the bars of Moscow. Earlier last week was distressed to hear a sports writer from The Times (gorgeous gymnasts) tell a feature Writer from the Daily Mail (stone-faced troops in seried ranks) that his piece "made him puke'. Thus also with the smal | affray in Red Square, when an Italian demonStrating in favour of gay rights was seized and deported and several photographers had their film snatched by plain-clothes
police. "I have never been so scared in my life," the Sun photographer told Sun readers,
Cther's så id they had witne55 ed worse at the Notting Hill carnivals.
NQ dab. Ih 5 kind of disclösure will erwe only as futher evidence
to the Soviet people that the Columns of Western newspapers are controlled by hard-faced capitalists. Already, comrade
Wladimir Popow, wice-president of the games' organising committee, is trying to prove that Western gewer i Til ents are h. In dering fawoutable reporting of the games by interfering with telex and telePhnoe calls. So far he has not Tiet with great success. At a press conference last week, he Solicited cornplaints and received
mild one from in The Sunday Timo Norman Harris.
Harris 5aid ho
hours for a corn Some days later from the Ministr tions. It had be. Sovie L. ed. The sible, Harris was had been punish E to be more poli in future,
The Russians t am grateful for -do wersion of r cot, Mischa the E a listake to in tour of the W| Wegetable Farm.
And it was a
m i 5 tak for Com 5 Jolicit applause press codference
Wictnam 250 im Socialist Labour,
All weeks. F encouraging us t tics from sport, the foolish Ame sed to do, and r to salute comrad
The boycott, i bered, had ther to signify wester the Invasion of por sua do the Withdraw; and Sowie people th ment had conti tional laʼW and
The first was a 5 a failure. The difficult to quan Mo 5co'w th |Ik. It
Titu, Brazhime y חס holiday חס coast, apart from arance at the of and this might t

ny colleague on s s Port 5 pages,
had waited eight action to London. he got a call of Comunicain a fault at the
operator responalarmed to hear, !d and Instructed :e ård atten tiwe
cry too hard. I
my free cuddly he Olympic masJear, but it was y te me to the
Lenin Collective
in even greater nrade Popow to from his daily for the first space, Hero of
Pham Tuãn,
'opov has been o distinguish poliwhich is what
* icā 15 hawe refulow he wants us le Tuan.
may be rememe original alms: in displeasure at Afghanistan; to o wiet Union to to inform the at their governraven ed internahuman rights. Luccess, the second third is more tify, but few in
has worked.
has stayed away the Black Sea 1 his brief appeJening ceremony, 2e interpreted as
some kind of victory for tha West. But in the Words of a television director here: "The Russians are se el ng the ir athletes win gold after gold; they're hearing their national anthem;
they're getting what they want.
In the stands of the Lenir Stadium last week, We Watched the Italian winner of the 20-kilometre walk being awarded his
gold madal pointed out to Steve Masod, in his American baseball cap, that the tune. We were hearing was the Olympic hymn rather than the Italian national anthem.
"Oh really," he said.
Has capitalism . . .
(Confirked frofri page gr)
zation in China took a much more fully worked out. IdeologiCal form, manife5 ed in 1a o se Tung Thought, which proved more durable (un til recently than Its varia nt Khrushche Wism. A re-Sta= Ilir Izzation would necesssi ta' te a through critique of Mao Thought.
A word about the politics of isolator. It is one thing to be isolated from the petty bourgeois political formations. It is altogether another thing to be isolated materially and morally from the proletarian vanguards In power in countries that embrace a third of the world's population. It is this letter that is Conrade Shan's predicament I. e total est rangerent from all the wictorious revolutions ranging from Hanoi to
Managua. And by the way, for one, do not consider Comrade Shan to be "isolated' any longer
from tho SLFP . . . .
In conclusion I beseech Conrade Shan to abandam his evasive guerrilla tractics, which as Gramsci says are applicable in warfare
but unsuited to debate, and reply Ty central questions Concerning Chine se foreign policy
and Mao's personal responsibility för" | 5 Te-rim taim, which Wert e raised in L. G. May 1st 1980,

Page 26
  

Page 27
  

Page 28
Sotsial-Demokrat in the autumn of 95. There he formulated the task of the Party and defined its tactics and slogans in the struggle for the Bourgeois democratic revolution in Russia and for its conversion into the Socialist revolution. At the same time (1914-15) he resumed his SILI. dI es cof the works of Hegel, Aristotle and Feuerbach. These excerpts, and his commentaries on them, constit Li te Lenin's famous Philosophical Notebook.
Lenin brought his mind to bear upon the whole gamut of complex problems which arose with the new historical era of imperialism. The product of this was Lenin's famous book 'Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism'. Marx analysed the foundations of captalls sh in Capital. Lenin was the first to make a thorough and all -embracing Marxist analysis of Imperialism, the highest and last stage. In the devalopment of capitalism. In an Article on "The United States of Europe Sogan" in August 1915 he wrote that the Imperialist war had created a revolutionary situation. The question of the proletarian revolution and of the proletariat capturing PO WYer Wäs on the order of the day.
, Now Lenin's Activit|25 Were directed towards preparing the Working class and its party ideologically and organizationally for the fight for the socialist revolution. Lenin carefully collected and brought to light all that Marx and Engels has writÇgn on the State. Lenin Purged the Lemes of Marxist of their opportunist distortions and elaborated them in the light of the new experiences and the rhew Corn di tlon 5 of the class struggle. The fruit of this
effort was his great work "The State and Revolution".
On January 22, 1917 Lenin
delivered a lecture at a meeting of young workers in Zurich on the 1905 Revolution. He said "The present grave-like stillness in Europe must not deceive us. Europe is charged with revolution." In March the revolution broke oLIt in Russia — the Wweak est link in the Imperialist chain! 1 ( 7 F f free CF, FK " 2")
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Page 29
God can do it
The Church. (If the end of the Tiv'e 71 rieť (Foy fry" by for reis A. Schaeffer. Pie Inter-Parsity Press.
Jesus Readise' v'erel Fly" Mfalcolm Mfriggerielge Published by Fontaria IRutyky,
AE experimenting with welfarism for the best part of thirty years, we in Sri Lanka have called it guits and moved into full-blooded capitalism. We saw that welfarism failed both ir its ideals and its efficacy. On the other hand T17 fly Wes term thinkers will tell us that capitalism has failed over there and they are now trying to tinker a batu with Wylfa rim. B Titain's post-war cxperience with the Labour Party cipi Lomiscs this Ernd.
Yet this is Wa TioI5 Mit Tiim diwid La listic is 15 it חםhיי
basically, all of juggling around with "Erards' of materialism. 3|İsmi when it İ5 called capitalism, compassionate it is called welfarism and when it is altruistic it is called Socialism. We 5eerTı lost in the labrynth of materialism, smothered really by the culture of our day - things not people.
When reveiwing Muggeridge's book Jesu 5 : The man who lives, Edward Carpenter in The New Statesman, remarked that "Muggeridge as usual writes like an angel." But if we were to stop short at the lucidity of the language and the humour of the polemics we would be missing the
kernel of what this profound writer of our age is trying to (ell us in the twilight of his
earthly existence. Muggeridge is passionate in his conviction that there can and must be liberation from the laterialist trap into which IIlo derm ITham hã5 fall= m. 'The only ultimat e disa ster that can befall us is to feel ourselves to be at hole here on earth.'
in the Tur
The ongoing attack or the Establishment that characterses
our political life con materialism is oftcom 3 sh musical chairs deliveranco to fi Tore "If I HIT unedifying than a position of dc ruling class like
Muggeridge is Indictment of the christianity he folding screen christları ewades ress of being a
At eighty h; conscious of haw by buffoons, t preached at by preyed upon by guise of adverti terise 5 journali he excelled at "permits one woyeur, peering at the artic; } deriving therefri obšCene excitém
Bg hind th a c. Scath ing pen is får i fid բ Ը beyond the hori: kingdom. And cancer of mate of possession a of power, Wye c. and Curselves defent, not wit
5 L 255, 5 LITT 1 : deprivation not not strength.
out || ivres, in ciri tg, die in orde
From the wan BBC, seeing the pieces around hii Be excuse d fo despair. Franci: would charact significant Phill se con el half of observing the retre. L'abri,
Boed roc
He i der | fi: CLITTE ti i T : "'Establish mont

again
is not an attack }r it. S values. It allow gå me of which brings 2W and peace to is one thing more a ruling class in Tı imam C. It is ā ours or tha run."
i vitriclic in H IS churches. Clerical dismisses as "a
Jgh ind whigh the
the real strenuo Lys
Christial."
write 5 " är ing bei rig tuled aught by dots, hypocrites and
charlatans in the sers." He thir 3:- 5 m, a profession as something that to be a power
through key holes f the great, and om little spasm of ert.'"
ynicism and the a mind that is netrating, seeing
zon of this earth | y
instead of the rialis II), the wrII s. 1 d the intoxica El com ly find Godחס חa:
If we "worship tory failure, not der, tot defiance;
sa tiety: weakness We are to lose der to keep them; * to | iwe . "
tage point of the a world going to T, Muggeridge may - Hlis 5 en 50 of ; Schafer whom Brigg As the most
osopher of the i our century, is world from his
in Switzerland.
the two major Lur age as the Right" and the
Kenneth in The New Industrial
"* Ney Left". Galbraith State advocates; this answer to to the chaos around us an academic and scientific elite plus the state. Plato's philosopher kings
TEt L. "T.
At the other spectrum is the New Left to which Herbert Marcuse gawe leadership - it too gives is an
John
2nd cof the
authoritarian elite. But neither of these polarites have absolute values - they merely respond
empirically to the crises of our
til Te5.
On the other hand the Ewangelical Christian, emphasses Dr. Schacffer, has a solid bed rock of absolute values. To him
othics arte mot a function of
situations. They are seminal to
his ideology.
If the Church is pre på red to
take its stand upon absolute values then it will sur wye whilst the transitory currents of today ebb away. But that requires tionary determination - a Commitment to truth and holine 55.
геyош
"To young people who want a Te yolution, l this: You cannot be a revolutionary simply by letting your hair grow and growing a ble ård.
To be a real you must become real revolution - a revolutar in which you are pitted against everybody who has turned away from God and his propositional revelation to men, against even the U5ërs of of the God-Words, a revolution in which we may again hope to see Eood results not only in individuals going to heaven but in Christ who is Lord becoming Lord in fact in this culture of ours to give us egy em in this få|| im World 5 ormething of both truth and beauty."
- J. S.
would say
revolutionary In Wolved in a
W

Page 30
Madness and
the family
was one of those film-goers who
thought the technical skill of Gehemu La mai didn't make Up for its idealisation of the submissive heroine who sacrifices her happiness on the altar of family and class, It is pleasant, therefore, to be able to report that Sum tra Perles's new film, Ganga Addara, is a great advance om her first venture.
Even as a piece of film-making Ganga Addara is tighter, the narrative is well structured, and the beauty of the photography
contrasts poignantly with its tragic theme. But above all, Ganga Adda ta is a much more meaningful film than Gehenu Larnai, Though Wasanth | Chat hurani is again the Passive wlictim, there is no equivocation here about the attitude we aro to adopt towards the family domination which drives her to madness and destruction.
Ganga Addara is, of course, not Family Life, but it would be irrational to expect anything as uncompromising as Ken Loach's film at this stage of our Industry. Moreover, in making such comparisons, we must remember that Family Life is the kind of film that is seen, even in Britain, only by minority audiences, Ganga Addara In a sense, is more significant because, like all our films, it is made for mass audiences and to be screened in the ordinary circuits, and has therefore a potentially greater value in influencing popular thinking. Indeed, in making the first Sinhala film which brings out the essential relation between madness and family domination, Surnithra Peries has made a very
significant contributi on to our cinema.
A few reservations: I didn't
find a single performance in the film outstanding (even Wasanthi Chat hurani's I wouldn't grade at more than a B-plus). I didn't think a doctor who had read Freud etc. would be as fīept in declaring his love for a mental pa
28
tient who had te as Wijaya Kumara to be. And not but a suggestion: about the her aime being a submissis this was made p of period and m Mr 5, Perije 5 in Fhi make use of her torial talents to active and rebellio aוחסW חk aוr| LaT$
Catharsis
Mr. J. Uyangok criticis ing Uthu|| moting dan gerous demanding that atterition to the bankrupt capitalis tirely agree with dema's obserwaltio go da recommend: artist is not obli a platter the rQ social conflicts h
But, without a made answers, a from judging a f it is directed to its audience. It in the "Socia | Pri: with in the comm whether here or Hollywood - the types. One is where in the las is solved by the chance, a Good change of heart the willain, and II we happily ewer : is the kind of hero avenges hi his persecutors : often perishes in fficially, the fir ending and the be tragic. But essentially akin, an emotional audience which 5 the social order audience a kind Te-à55Uraf 1 CC Er

:ently recovered :unga was made a criticis III this, I don't complain if Ganga A ddara (: wİctimı because ausible in terms lieu, bu t l hi C pe :r third film will Iridoubled di Tec2xplore the more us world of yourg nhood today.
la is Wrong. In та пепi as proillusions, I wasn't
t should "draw collapse of the L system." I en
Reggie Siriwa rn that Mr. Uyanto The that an ged to serve on solution of the 2 presents,
sking for teadyte we Porecluded ilm by the İmpact wards Taking on seems to Te th åt 3blem' films made ercial for Tula - in Born bay or in "e ate tiva broad the kirild of film t reel, everything = Interwention of SamaritaП a r a on the part of hero and hero||12 lifter. The second film where the mself bloodily on and enemies, and doing 5, SL Perst has a happy second seems to both types are cCause both effect cha T5 is in the erves to reinforce both bring the of satisfaction and guaranteel ng that
Touchstone
always, in some way, the poor and good triumph (either substantially or morally) over the rich and wicked. Isn't the popularity of Uthumaneni due to the fact that the audience walks away feeling 'bloody good those bastards got it in the end!"
Lenin . . .
(Confinited forrit page Ffi)
Lenin analysed the revolutionary gwelts in Russia in his *"Lette T5 from Afar. He regarded the Provisional Government as a bourgeois imperialist government and described the Soviet of Workers and Soldi 2 ros” Depo LJ li e5 as a workers government in embryo. The overthrow of the autocracy was the first stage of the rewolution Tho Party’s task was to accelerate the conversion of the bourgeois democratic revolution into a Socialist Revolution.
In this situation Lenin was impatient to return to Russia to take direct part in the rewolutionary events, He decided to re Eurn to Russia via Germany on leaving Switzerland. Lenin wrote "A Farewell Letter to the Swiss Workers”. Còm the TT1 Crming of April 14, Lenin arrived in Stockholm and on the ev ening af the same day he left for Russia.
Lenin's first meeting with the workers took place2 at Byelo -Ostrew station, on April 6. Or April || 5, Lenin arrive din Petrograd. Now the leader of the revolution took his place at the hel T. On April 1917 he addressed a The et ing of the leading Party workers in the Taurida Palace on the 5 bject of war and revolution. Later he read the thesis of his address at the meeting of the Bolshevik and Menshevik delegates to the All -Russians Conference of Sawiets. These were the famous "April
hesis'.

Page 31
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