கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Lanka Guardian 1980.09.01

Page 1
REPORT: Sri Lanka and the
ALSO Tamil literary debat
"Karumakkarayo'
 

IMF nut-cracker
Prof. A. J. //i/son
Prof. C. R. de Si/wa
Prof. MVisiwa Warnapala
BE DEFEATED 2
E - Samudran
Reggie Siriwardena and H. A.

Page 2
"Duco' Paints are manufactured in Sri. Lanka in strict compliance, with P030 Formula of the Paints Division gf
Ltd, UK, he 'same Formula is said by C. Paints Factories in UK, Auន៍rala, India, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and in Tary dther countries. This Formula, backed by upto-date technological advancas ir palīts production has made these trusted paints extremely popular for refinishing Caers alf over... the World.
All the "DUCO' Ancillaries that go to maka ithg "DUCO'System-primers, םuIIW filler and thinner-have been Carefully formu”, çöl lated to ensuri: complete corTipatibility. How- 5جي<== awar, they may not be CaTipatible with paints and ancillaries supplied by other sources,
NC1N-H
 

The familiar DUCO - DULUX - PENTALITE signboard ensures you are dealing with an Authorised Distributor. Our distributor network provides a steady supply of quality "DUCO' paints and Encillaries at fixed prices. They will be happy in pro widing (Ŭilher services such as colour - matching and solving-applicational problets. send us a self-addressed stamped envelope and learn all you want to know about the 'DCO" Systerl.
CHEMICAL INDUSTRIES COLOMBO LIMITED, P. O. Box 352, Hamas Building Bristol Street, Color Tiblo 1
F

Page 3
AN URA and DCS
There was un Lusual interest. In oric of the current series of Wednesday seminars conducted by the Centre for Society and Religion, because the subject was Development Councils, and one of the speakers billed was Mr. An Lura Bandard rike. Mr. Bandaran di ke surprised his audience by explaining that he was not there that even ing as a spokesman of the SLFP, but as ar individual.
It soon became clear why Mr. Banda ra naike, in C lucid analysis of the legislation, directed his criticist at the underrard tis' and "over centralised" character of the Institutions it seeks to set up, eschewing on the Other hard the communal feelings SLFP propagar dists have sought to rouse against the Act. And Indeed, if ore criticises the DCs as too much subject to centralized control, orie Carn't logica il y mainta in at the same time that they are going to di vide the Country, as some SLFP spokesmen have said.
Since the SLFP's opposition to the DC Act has a senated the TULF, which had earlier rima de some tertative moves to link up with the SLFP-led opposition outside. Or was he only taking di line which was girmed at tfie CSRs generally anti-communal (dience?
Mr, Banda ramai ke Wald himself open to a quiet piece of irony
from the Centre's soft-spoken Fr. Tissa Balla SL riya. Thanking the audience for the patient
hearing they had given him, Mr. Bandara nai ke remarked that he was used to being hecked, and sometimes had to forget his Royal College Lup Ebri riging and resort in "Mari akade Language". Fr. Basa suri ya, whose institutior) functions from Deans Road, gently remarked that the Centre was qui te happy to be in Mari akade.
CHARITY OR PREVENTION
There has been much effusion of humanitariar sertiment in the 5ta te— Com tro/fed Press o wer - the case of the CTB worker who is
dying of a cor Infiasing Diese nobody questio good thing to hel worker and his important quest forgotten, Haw work er — |r| 1 at that - his by neglect of h And how many
tere Wh and un reported?
A glance at tion on the sti that the law pi pection and reg tría enterprises health drid sus Eut there is hdr to em force these it is the State e (re east often checked for this
With the door capital, and the hdzards and foi being exposed effective safety a lation is going te reeded than ever tect workers (15 Neither charity comperisation can for prevention,
LLICIT
The 'Sunday tair lly did we|| || case of the Sri La, in Abu Dhabi wh to six months' a But although the itself on the ba; On the gro Lirid had provoked a the Goyern ment f the pa per cdr1 HC tLI |Ited on the " ni it reported the si have created pr minds of many the yjeti IT.
The fied drie is been sentenced t PROSTITUTION." tradicted by the story, which sait "On fit ovef'T 1 I 1 ser "WT II1 I i 1 There was clear
(Cort firie,

dit for caused by fumes. But while r15 that it is a p this unfortunate family, the most
fors ft T we beer ( 5 ft that g State enterprise
15 li fe shorte ned ealth safeguards?
such other cases h go) Linnoticed
the factory legisItte Book shows vides for IrisLlation of indusfd protest the 2 y of workers, "dy any attempt
O Song, Arir Interprises which Íris perted drid burpose.
oper to foreign possibility of Luti rig iridu stries ti? Sri Lanka, ind Health regube more badly before, to proWell as others. for workmen's be a substitute
LOWE
TirTes" gerD spot fight the kr ho semaid 3 WIJS 5 Eritre
and 50 ashes. "Times' pated k 7 week later at its story CRM appea I to I r friteri w entforni, "dІy be сопgга
TITET I Kyff ry, Wh sch must fu dice in the :aders against
fd the gir had
g5 he si '''FOR This wat 5 conbody of the the girl had fair' with ič Sane house.
the refore no
PáÈ 5?)
Press Freedom
Mrs. Indira Gandhi, addressing the newspaper editors f India, is reported hi we Posed the question: 'Is che freedom of the press greatet
than the Interests of the courttry?” If we concede what is irTi policit In the question wi.
that there is indeed a Corfiet between the t'O, oli r ansvar rist be a resounding "No". But we have learn from bitter experience that politicians tend to see the interests of the country as identical with and indistinguishable from their own Political ambitions. So 15 Gandhi's rhetoric is immediately suspect, in this context, It i S heart On ing to reca || that when the US press started serialising the stolen Pentagon papers the US government failed ir it5 attempt to get the Supreme Court to Interdict the publication of further fri 5 talerTermi Lis
LANKA.
GÜARDIAN
Wel, 3 Mio. 9 September 5, 1980 Price 50
Pablisheti fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. First Floor, 88, N. H. M., Abdul Cader
Reclamation Road Colorinho. 11.
Fditor : Meirw yn de Silwr
Telephone:: - ( ) g.
CONTENTS
L:1!ers
News Background 3. Foreigii News 5 Parliament and Presidency Cieli 24 T3, Til literary scene ጋሶ፡ Working class learns in defeat :)
Printed by Ananda Press 8.5, Wulfcndhi Street, Colombo 13.
Telephi: 3597

Page 4
even though the court accepted the government's submission that the country was at War and that publication would endanger national Security. The court ruled that the right
to a free press was more important than the possible damage to the nation from disclosing such secret infor
Thaton. Our own government has repeatedly affirmed its allegiance to the ideal of a free press but it is un fortunate that it has taken no steps to di West itself of control of the nie wspaper groups חסajוח in the country,
Boyd Almeida
Demata goda
A Correction
I have read the article, "A natomy of a strike" by Jaya nth a Sorma Sundara T. There irm, he makes the totally unfounded statement that our Federation did not participate in the recent strike. This statement is based on the fact that one of our uniors did not strike.
I know that the ar ciclo i5 pol to us. That doË! the right to di 5
Hundreds of and dismissed b participation in
I shall be obli: publish this cor |
N. S. Сеп
Energy
WHan the båd himself with his wall he is apt sarca 5 til et Irreli Tumatiliak 2 d.Ce5 upon to substant mert that "th Tercantile elite CEB unior 5 irl and overruled all he can do I: at so Te it is 3 : hic is mot definit was ar article whose identity rot know or . reveal, in the (which pardon
US
O R A N G |
REAL
FC
WRTIN
MANUFACTURED BY: P
(ኵ
DISTRIBUTED BY SHAW W

the writer of itically hostile i mot give him tort facts.
our Ternbers ecause of their the strika.
ged if you will "CIO in Inugathasan erul Secretur
Crisis polemist finds back to the to turn either 2 wait, Mr. Kalboth. Called :ia te his a were ruling and (sic) barked the to submission power cuts' 5 to clair that ii r other which te about, there by sorteone he either does :hoo5 es not to Daily News The I do mot
E
mean to read J. C. 3, ii), which allegedly inquired if power cuts wero "really necessary.” This is a far cry from 'barking" and "overruling" by the r. and m. elite." He sarcastically 'bows' to my "more experienced Judgement' about "the aircondition ing of the backs i des of secretaries' (still harping on those callipygous tuberosities) and proceeds to introduce an irrelevant issue: the superiority of electric fans, which circulate fresh air, to airconditioners, which "cool and recirculate our own exhalations,' Even in this irrelevancy he manages to be wrong. Mr. K. should know that air-conditioners have exhaust fans that expel used air from the room as fresh alir comes in.
Don't get me wrong - all I'am saying is that even in criticising an inept administration the truth is always the most effective and slipshodness and fake indignation counterproductive.
Dr. Costain de Vos Kollu piti ya
P E L O TET
R
|G PLEASUIRE
EN PAS LEVED
|ember of the K. G. Group)
WALLACE & HEDGES LTD.

Page 5
Caught in
Si anka getting a caught In an IMF-IBRD nut-cracker While the question is of wi tal importance to the people of this Country, it is also of absorbing interest to all students of international economic trends and the impact on Third World politics. Portugal, Turkey, Zambia, Egypt, Tanzania, Kenya, Jamaica area few of the fore recent cases which help illuminate the basic problern and the political troubles and Ciuto il and social discontents, it produces.
Even advanced nations like the U. K. and in-between countries like Portugal have experienced
difficulties caused by the same problem. In Paris, the Finance Minister "exploded in anger' on hearing the cautionary warnings sounded by the Bank and some western do nors on the accelerated Mahawelli project, and such highcost schemes like housing, urban development and the new capital. His colleague, Mr. Gamini Dissana yake, was also present at the Aid Group meeting in early July. His participation it was the first time that 2 Cabinet Ministers had attended the IBRD-sponsored annual meeting of the consortium) was made necessary by the decision to de wote part of the timo to a discussion on the Mahaweli.
In fact, the temperature rose and tempers got frayed after the ritual coffee-break. Mr. Dissanayake did some tough talking on behalf of the government's policies, especially its p te occupation with the massive problem of Un employTIE T t.
He repeated the same argument, spiced this time with some Sardonic remarks about rising unemployment in some western countries (the UK is an obvious example) when he addressed the BMICH conference on September 3/4. The conference was jointly sponsored by the Financial Times and the GCEC.
As far as the government is concerned, there will be no brakes on the Celeraed Mahaveli Project. Will gavernment
spending on th selected for sp criticism, be goverent a the government and the foreign the resident "the two sister 5. CēPoticism abou which have no er i norrig return can be cut. A Politics of this
According t USually we||-inf tator, MIGARA, had the fu || bac sident himself wh the critics in P,
But as many T rles have come Way, the banker Position to ca | same thought fin ёxрга55іоп iп аг to the Internat of economic pi Starts to rain, t away the umbre
The IMF un fur
It threw. A not cushion. The fav are miny Ես է էՒ to a single exer. extended facility w the three budget The UNP reach T2, Tk, and the fe reveal how far. It in a crunch.
To keep these at the same pace scale, money has both locally and much can be domestic sawings? W||| this Haye on
It is argued th can be obtained Colg ni SOLJrces — COF Fund, and other Finally, we can ra Com merca bank 5 course much hig | F1 Le Te5,
But there's a c support is vitally only in terrns of

t-Cracker?
e other projects. ecial scrutiny and prLImed: Ha; thg
cal choice? Both 's financial experts advisers, including Të presentati weg of s", share a strong the se projects Immediate or high I. But how much ld what of the Sensitive question?
the WEEKEND's ormed commen..he two Ministers iking of the Preer they answered Artis.
hird World countto learn the hard
is ofte in the tune. The ds more acidulous 1 adaga famiIIar ional community ndits. When it he banker takes a.
led an umbrella. 2 r offered us a oured metaphor; I eʼy all Add up is 2 — the IMF" 5 which has covered 5. Of the UNP, es its half-way Jurth budget will
has been caught
Projects going and on the same to be raised, Outside. How mobilised from And what effect living standards? at loans and aid from other forPEC, the Kuwait
A, rab scources. lise loans from . . . . . paying of gher rates of
atch hetg, IMF important mot how much is
given. It creates what the bankers and the businessmen cal a 'climate of confidence". Although the two agencies are known as the two sisters in the popular vocabulary of the international civil service, the IMF is really "Big Brother' in the S Taller, well-kn family of world bankers. When Big Brother gives its ble s sings to a government and extends its support, the commercial bankers turn a more attentive and confident eye on the IMF's Protege.
Conscious of the cold facts of economic life and sensitive to the IMF's invisible influence, some governments acquiesce in what they regard as in escapable, however un palatable that may be, and whatever burdens it may cast on the people, Portugal had to do that, after a fierce political til s sle with in the Country. Turkey has edged towards chronic Political violence and near-anarchy. Chile cho 5e military dictatorship, neo-Fascism and Friedmanism, two sides of the same coin. Others YY erit through hard bargaiming and extracted some 'concessions but these proved temporary wietorigs, as in Zambia, Ghana, Peru etc. Jamaica refused to toe the line, and Prime Minister Manley's radical government which has to face elections soon, meets threats from every quarter and de-stabilisation, Chile style, can be the price Jamaica has to pay for its brave gestures of independence.
Social disturbance and the anxieties created in the minds of Third World leaders and the elites of these societiles are converted into constraints on economic choices and policies. SelfInterest alone determines this. No ruling group wishes to adopt measures which lead inevitably to mass hardship, social tension and Its own al je nation from the Peоple. These dominant groups would like to reta in some " measure of independence or autonomy. In decision-making.
சொrned of ராஜg )

Page 6
INVESTMENT
The discussion at the Tecelt conference sponsored by the Financial Times and the GCEC outlines the Thail issues as seen by the government, its economic advisers and by foreign experts. This report was published by the F.T.:-
SRI LAN KA"S çlı TT cilt account deficit, amounting to Rs. 3,5000m (£90m) in 1979, is expected to double by 1984, als an in eiwitable consequence of the Government's efforls to restructure the cc) In only, according to the Finance El Ind Planning Minister, Mr. Ronnie de Mel.
Citing the fundamentals of Government economic policy, the floating exchange rate, the phasing out of subsidies, the emphasis on export-led econdImic growth and Ilassive public i westment in infrastructure Mr. de Mel said that Sri Lanka would therefore expect the support of the internatioItal community in the medium 1 TIL 1.
He Was Speaking to a conference in Colobo on business prospects in Sri Lanka. Sponsored by the Financial Times and the Greater Colombo Econo Illic Commission. Mr. de Mel said his Gover II let did mot intend to plan for the whole coon only but solely for the role of the public sector,
Public sector in Westment 1980-84 was estimated at just over half total feasible investIlent of R126 bill ill both the public and Private sectors during the same period.
Major projects include the Maha weli River development progr:Lim IIle, without which Sri Lanka's entire economic strategy could flounder, said Mr. de Mel. More than half total public investment was expected to come from foreign spirces.
AND
Examining banking and fi Dr, W. Rasapu of the Central Iloted that s banks had est: in the country tage of recent ccorlմIllic view t
lle said tha ment of foreig king units in all expansion role as a fina I WELS envisaged participation banks in the sult in the cs Well-organised king centre.
Commerciall Sector projects chance to gc L in Sri Latinka - 1 I JI C. Ilf:S, :CC Johannes Witte Illa maging di Tc. ternational M 3ırld now ad wis of managing terda Ill-Rotter. Terces in final managerial ca quality of pe between publ: Sector plannin ted to this stal
As Sri Lal industrialisatic dcveloped, th; Would hawe ti Sources of fill investment ba a positive rol
Froil all illy point of view very attractive of its potent ding ULTrent ble 11s, accord L. Boyer of Shalghai Bar

ECONOMIC CHOICES
le tole of the ancial sectors, raith, (i) We TL1CT ink of Ceylon, :veral foreign lished b TachčS to take adwanpolitical and մբIment.
the establish| currency ball979 had led to f Sri Lal Ilka’s .cital centre', lt that the active the co III The Ticial lil its would reab is ment of a fil-5h1 Tcl bl. Il
Wiable pri Wa Le halwe less of a of the ground hän public secOrding t Dr. veen, for Therly tor of the lihconcitary F L Tid ict to the board directors, A ITSdamu Bank. Diffelicial resol TCes, pacity and the :Ts Illall 5 LIPTI ic guild pri WiLLe g had cc) 11 tribue of affairs,
nka's explicy TL-leci Il TOggi Th 111 e : private seclo T. : 5cck diversifici ancing, in which 1ks coull play
estinent banker's ", Sri La Ilıkal is al country il ter Tills ial not with stillshort-term prolig to Mr. John the Honkong and k.
Noting Sri Lanka's high credit rating in international money markets, Mr. Boyer cstiT1:ted til: L tlh : COllT1LI W would require additio Illal foreig II loans and direct investments to cower its deficit of $ 1 bill £41.5m) up to 1984. Advice con such capital inflows and their applications would fall within the scope of investment or merchant banks sal Illillä T with Sri Lank:1.
Mobilisation of Capital deWelopment is olne of the Illost difficult proble IIs facing everycome involved with Sri Lankal 'S economic development, Mr. James B. Wiesler, executive wice-president of Bank of Amicrica's Asia divisio Il said.
Project financing might have to be structured so that leilders were Willing to Tely Tor repayment on the cilsh flù'ኳነ'5 generated by the venture itself.
Caught in . . .
(Canfinleil fror: Pogo 3)
But the nature of the national economy, the wested interests of those who support these groups and the inherent character of the chosen economic strategy reinforces, step by step, year by year, the basic condition of dependence,
Politi 3. the Third World
show a confusing zig-zagging movement between these but the general direction is to - and with it, res traints, restrictions, repression. For Park, Pinochet Som Cza the way is clear; for a Marcos, not so easy; for an infant Zimbabwe, and a yolun E Mozambique, the nature of the predicallent is a painful discovery, For Third World rulers who perceive and face electoral pressures, the problem of increasingly limited options is all the more acute.
polaritie5,
wards dependence

Page 7
El Salvador:
| Salvador constitutes, at the
Present moment, the weak est link In the chain of imperialism. Indeed, Central America has been identifigid as the "front line" of the struggle between U.S. imperialism and the peoples struggling for national and social liberation. What is most significant is that this front line is situated precisely
then
in the "roar" of It is this tha: H U.S. to the Poir plans foro milita: President Fidel C warned of the of such aggressic of a Reagan wict Warried the Unii such aggression
ha Church which a d'Iwates God's rights, God's law and individual human dignity, cannot rema in 5 i lent when confronted by sa LLLL S HCLLaLLLLLLLS ELA LLL S LHLCHHL LL government to realise that reforms serve no purpose if they are stained LHL LL LCC LLLLL LLaaLS S L C a Cf God. then, and in thic na T1 e cof his suffering people, whose lancints rench the sky, licu dicir eweryday, I |Tiplore. I beg 1 Crder in the mare of God: Stop the repression!"
These words are part of the last sermon preached by Archbishop COscar Arnulfo Ronincro, who was ho oli traguously in E 5vadron the 26th of March 1980. Two days before the killing, the Archbishop had made a speech from his pulpit ca || Ing con the ar Tiy to refuse to fire, if trder Cid to Eum down i'w IIIano. Far se eral years, Romero had Li 5 ed, th 2 pulpit in El Salwador, to plead for justice, democratic rights and equality for the poverty-sticken pe Cole Cf the country.
El Salwador is rum by an “oligarchy " of 14 families, while the mass of people live in poverty. The registle refinilins in power by the use of silvage repression and is responsible for more than 4,000 deaths in the past 15 months along. The 'Oligar. chy" is backed and financed by the U.S. MI || || ons of dollars worth of rtilitary aid has been flowing in over the past few Tianths. No doubt the U. S. would be anxious to prevent the powderkeg of El Salvador taking the sime revolutionary fate as Klici「1 -
"I am quite Warried by the news that the Go Wern Tient of the United States of Art Crica is analysing the rteans to accelerate the arris race im El Salvador by s činding military equip Tent and advisors to "train 3 alvadorin biti liris ir ogists, communications and intelli Erice. If this information is correct, the contribution of your government, instead of helping to increase justice
Archbishop Romero's last
and peac白 in E $ doubtedly Increas: repression against have been strugglin obtain respect of mental rights."
After the death i. the U.S. Congres: a diditional sц п. of 5 far military lid foi of El Sawadgr. affirming his faith Tancr: "'Cristin of combat, they kn but they prefer to . of pich ce. New erth { tatorship threatens Lhe com Tien good which it cities till:3 s | chari T Linder ständing and r; this occurs, then it of the legitimater tion R | "iolence...""
*"To di tigrT ing insurrectian, to ind Құhell all th th that are closed, this is the church. To the a Warring: "'open up the reins of po Trent will irriw. hands will bc seye'ı
When questionet Il pilot, CT tinu the People!" " " "Tha ps to do and I : ṁE: to be sufficient II | fgır the weakne 5: Il difficul. Ti Tim fear, the instinct for * Yery strong, and for help...'"
"Help not only ll those Yho are pastoral work, that
I t I LI I III-3 Li ta I.1, II 5 to do; e Yen if it a the Corpses and Lo lu tian to the dezii. social justice must alight in the hert: гіап people."

ext Wietnam?
J.S. Imperialism 1a5 un nerved the it of drawing up iry inter wention. astro has publicly trong possibility ni in the e wa mt ory. He has also cd States, that would definitely
Ser" O
alwador, Will Lun: , iri Lusitize: ' ırı d the people who g for sa lang to ħelir 15 t funda
of Bishop Romero, approved the 7 Ti ||icon dellars T t H. Go "Warrı Ticit Bishop Romero, In the folia Ying is 1:2 to fair ow how to fight peak the languige l:55, e a dichurtlan rights and of the nation; In tolera Ele and ls of dialogue. triality – Yr han he Church speaks ight to m5urrec
!he TWiTents of i 3 t hic T1 CT1 en inels of dialogue
not the task of
C|IgarchY || * hout four hards, we Wcr. bcciu še the : in which your
ed."
"Will you as it the side of t is what I pri). ask God to help Y Strong. because its of the flesh. We fill suffer * If preser Yatic
for that I ask
for me, but for Cal Trying ut this We T1 ight remar in חשש וח YE בה טייל H Il y b -- Lo Callett 3administ: T ::: bod... the fla. Tig of alw3ys remain
· of the Sayado.
FOREIGN NEWS.
lead to the creation of a second Wietnam, on the wery door Step of the U.S.
In anticipation of such an intervention, the Oppositional forces In that country hawe taken a step which signals a qualitatively new stage in their struggle. There has recurred a political merger of the most significant sectors of the revolutionary opposition. They hawe set up a common political leadership and a joint headquarters of the organisations that are calling for armed struggle This has replaced the Revolutionary Mass Coordinating Body (CRM) which existed since last December.
In a joint statement addressed to the Salvadorian people, the peoples of Central America and the rest of the world, the Sawadorian revolutionary organisations announced that they have "reached a new and higher level of unity" and hawe set up "a unified leadership which will draw up and implement a single political-milltary line and will lead the peoples revolutionary struggle to final victory". The aims of the liberation struggle were identified as "the formation of a revolutionary - democratic government and the realization of profound, far-reaching, political social and economic changes."
The 4 organisations which have signed the declaration are the Farabundo Marti People's Liberation Forces (FPL) headed by Sr. Carpio, which is far and away the most important of the revolutionary groups in the country; the Communist Party of Salvador (CPS); the National Resistance (RN) whose slogan is "armed struggle today - socialism tomorrow"; and the Party of the Salvadorian Revolution together with Its military arm the Peoples Revolutionary Army (PRS – ERP).
(Corfir, led Jr page 7)

Page 8
RAN DE BATE
he statement of "The Orga. , nisation to Support the Islamic Revolution in Iran' says that the organisers of the Seminar - IranThe Way Forward-claimed that Iran had accomplished a socialist revolution and not, an Islamic reWolution and therefore finds fault with this. In actual fact the whole purpose of the seminar was to focus attention on the impasse of the Iranian Revolution which having taken an "Islamic" road is now at a dead-end. The 5епп1пагWa5 under the title: Iran-The Way Forward - thereby focussing attention to the need for a new approach. No speaker at this seminar sought to sail under false colours which the so-called Organisation to support the Islamic Revolution in Iran has chosen to foist on them. In fact, every speaker in warying degrees sought to empha5|se the ll Tı litrations of the KhorTı elmi leadership and the need to break out of these shackles if the revolution in Iran is to go forward.
The Iranian people had two broad aims in getting rid of the regime of the Shah. One, a desire to be free from des potism and rule by terror; and, two, to rid the country of imperialist manipulation particularly that of American imperialism. Has the Iranian peoples demands for democratic freedoms. right to self-determination and an end to poverty and oppre$slon of women met by the Khomeini regime? NO. Nowhere is the need for a secular state more
urgent than in Iran. Why do we
say this?
In the name of an "Islamic
Republic", ran is being turned
into a country dominated by Per5 iam chu w Inis t.s. Khome in i arhid the ruling leadership by and large a Te Persian 5 and belong to the Shi'ite sect of Islam whereas the non-Persian element in Iran who constitute a significant number of the population belong to the Sunni sect. The rights of these groups can be guaranteed only by a secular state in fan. This may sound paradoxical but
é
The Followin issued by the Solidirl with
the truth of this to anyone who this matter, A F nint Musli st very nature and rights of the mor Simimi Mu5|| Ti5. will be neutral races and sects promote or give Persians and r Shias and the
ewen at this S ta Revolution' the SH1 ia 5 eçt I5 e:
Constitution of only person of be the country's is with in Iran b the World and in particular. A East an "Islamic taking the form dolinance is an to engage in in on a sectarian E the attentian af from ther his |S th emati imperialism from Do these people an "Islamic Rep. the particular fo SHF domic that they can gi pagan dist manip why it is necessal of Iran to empl th is aspect of th rmand that Iran": is served under a
It is well known of diverse races lior and Khomei seves or the but what is rip taris is to is a non-Persian Tent (the Arabs mans, Azerbaijan and they constiti numbert, The lo tes played a 5 the struggle agai

g staiener was
Committee fr he Irania 71 People ||
will be obvious thinks a little on Persian-Shia domia te will by Its logic erode the 1-Persian minority A sëculit state as between the āmid will the refore : equal rights to on-Persians, the Sunnis. Already ge of the "Islamic dominance of the 15. hr ||gd | the | ran itself I. ge, the Shia sect can ; President. This ut Tam li ye 5 in In the Middle-East nd in the MiddleRepublic' in Iran of Per 5 In-Shla open invitation terrecine warfare a 5i5 and to divert the Muslim Tasses oric goal which om of W, merican the Middle-East. mot Tallise that I Bolic:"" Er1 |rar | rrm of a Per5iais the best gift iwe to Israel proulation. That is ry for true friends 'i asise dr. Stress he matter and debest Interests Seculat barnet.
I that I ram Consists and the Shia car1|''' now b15ẽ th[Im
Pe 5 i eller cittant for rewoluealise that there
and Sermitic elleKurds, Turkois, Baluchis, etc.) u te a significant n—Persian Tiorignificant role in 1st the Shah arld
Khole in had denied them their rights which they expected from fram h IT on the oy erth Toyy of the Shah. The pleas of the minorities for a "human tegime which would respect political freedoms
and rights throughout Iran, and the realisation of national rights for a nations in the form of
autonomy or a Federation in free Iran" have only earned the wrath of Khorne ini. Khomeini brands those who fight for these rights as "serwants of American Imperialism and Zionism maintain ing connections with element of the
Pahlavi regime." The gap between the Khor Teiini regime and
and the Firth|mor ities has W| demed to the extent of being unbridgeable. The despair of the minorities is best mirrored in the declaration put out by the Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran calling progressives all over the world and In the UN to inicia të action to "Prevent genocide and anni h|-
lation of the Kurdish nation." The same appeal says that in Iran "all na tornal Timortes not of
Persian origin, or of the Shi'ite sect are threatened with extinction. In an earlier statement issued by us in May 1980, we said that traditional reaction in Iran had used Fersian cha uwin ism as a cement to hold together the diverse national elements wiz. Azerbaijanis, Kurds, Turkomans, Arabs, Baluch is, ets. within the framework of the regime of the Shāh and point èd out that the Iranian revolution for its wегу survival must decisively break with the Shah's policy om this vita | II atter. In fact what one witnesses today is that Khone ini is not only broadly pursuing the policies of the Shah in this respect but also seeks to formalise the annexa

Page 9
tion of the three islands occupied by the Shah in 1971. The Iranian Revolution cannot advance in this manner - on the basis of the denial of democratic and national rights of the non-Persian minorities and the alienation of very necessary Arab support in the region of the Gulf. There is no gain saying the fact that Khomeini's doings far from eliminating American imperialism in the region have contributed largely in s trengthening the American military presence in the Gulf region. That is why we who are concerned with the forward march of the Iranian Revolution had to sound an alarm bell that Persian-Shia dominace, which characterise the Khomeini regime is an incubus on the Iranian masses and the sooner they shed this incubus the better it is for the advance of the of the Iranian revolution,
One speaker at the seminar did in fact refer to Khome in sm. He took up the position that in the name of Islam very un-Islamic things are happening in Iran. In support of this statement he said that Islan abhors regimentation and compulsion and these form the very hall mark of the policies of the "Islamic rulers' in Iran. Islam preaches brotherhood but In Iran, as was the case in East Pakistan. In 1971, Muslims are made to kill Muslims in order to perpetuate the dominance of a particular race and this is repugnant to the teachings of Islam, he stated.
It is not without significance that the organisation to support the Islamic revolution in Iran refer to Afghanistan and sees in the defence of the 1978 Revolution in Afghanistan the claws of the Russian bear. We are with the Afghan people in the Struggle to se lze the lands from the landlords, We are with the land-reformers. We are with those who want education and thereby end illiteracy and ignorance. We are against selling of children and child-brides. We are not thereby opposed to Muslims or Islam. We are opposed to these mediawal practiques Which brings dishonour to Islam. O
El Salvado
(Сопrїлнеa
The Declar; in wokes "the r lowed and unfor of the people Romero', and that:
"The Sawad proud of the fied with their built by pries assasinated, a archbishop. W. church and all faithful to th { principles of will continue fighting shoulde the people all th
Tha com T11 of the Salvada 15 of much in te Manifes to states
"The Salvado their revolutional organisations ad firm stand ånd of Cuba, which vanguard of the peoples in the justice, freedom trug national ind
feel great adm solidarity with Nicaragua, and
revolutionary e Nicaragua, now and independent oriously towar prosperity and
Their 5 t rig 5 - those of Kampuchea, Al clue, Ethiopia, i and Zimbabw teach us to hi. understand that the sa The enen head are the lists......"'
This assertion ably revolutior a slap in the fa see Cuba, Wietn chea aud Angola and who dcny the revolutiona Ethiopia and A also a slap in

. . . who claim to be immaculate Leninist internationalists but condemn Iran, Ethiopia and the fraternal efforts to defend the Afghan revolution. The joint manifesto offers a clear perspective in Identifying the foremost strategic en ermy of
friar page 5)
ition significantly memory of the begettable archbishop !, Oscar Arnulfo
humanity i. e. U.S. il perialism, O 25 OF t 5;
У тhe Salvadorian revolutionaries
clearly reject any diversionary
r" to shoulder with e way to the end.'"
international line iam Te Wolu tionaries
Test als We || The
that:-
rian People and
ry and democratic mire the example, Sovereign dignity they wiew as the Latin American Struggle for social development and ependence. They 1|Tation for and the people of their exemplary forts liberated truly democratic , a dwances w lattds de velopment, ocial justice ....."
"uggles and victo Wietnam, Laos, gola, Mozambi. fghanistan, Iran - inspire and P. our people аІІ people have ies at whose -U. S. imperia
ade by incontestry force5, s. of those who m, Laos, Kampu"Soviet puppets ia legitimacy of Processos. En han is tar. It is e face of those
•rian People are slogans concerning a non-existent new church, identi - Soviet social imperialism!
cause, that was
ts Who have bicen The Salvadorian revolutionaries nd their martyr prowie shining example of the ..", that head to creat on for the Christians who are general unification of all the բ Ըք2 basic founding ples democratic and revolutionary their revolution, forces, guided by the principle of PTரிாறு natur “E: They point out
the need for moving forward from "simple coordination", which is an imperative first step, to the stage of "unity, understanding and alliance' for the struggle against common enemies and the march towards the common goal of liberation of the PēPle. The Creation of a unific Wanguard, with "a single leadership, a single military plan and a single national and international line is the highest stage so far in this process. The great advantage of the unified leadership is that it can draw Upon all the moral, political, ganisational and military skill. of (the) revolutionary organ5a tio 15. ""
The Salvadorian revolutionaries admit that if the "deep rooted desire of (the people) for a unified Vanguard, is the main force compelling us to overcome our difference and unite in an evermore solid and profound manner. Only in this way can we be worthy of this insurgent people."
This degree of sensitivity and sceptivity to the masse 5" de 5 fra for unity is in marked contrast to the fierce sectarianism of certain radical left organisations whose slo - gars and actions perpetuate divsion and di 5 unity in the face of the common enemy.
Finally, the Salwadorian revolu tlona ries issue a Warning to the United States :-
(Ğayrı rir? Head on page gig)

Page 10
PHPIX
 

aywili
there's
Guided by nature's strangi powers, he rivo idea ves a ries so perfect in craftsmanship, LLL LLLLCL LLLLaLL LLL LLL LLOLL LLLLH LLL LLLL LLLLM build; his hone with sher cuttination, limitless patience and unswering courage. It is his "hone sweethon'-in place of his own. Today in Sri Lanka it is buildirig tims. And weryk: Duff Lus Cauld III W year in realistically to achieve that idual-ricitle clour ownWo at i hu Buildirog Matarials. Ceirration are with you all the way serving you to make
''Lir Idris III hulle - a Fallit", Contact to Lur Houso-bLuildoari. Consultinancy Smirnovicës) at thin Enginnoring Division for further details.
Building Materials Corporation
Branches throughout Sri Lanka

Page 11
PARLAMENT AND PRESIDENCY
SAT TSSTSSSS SSTSSSTSqqSqSqSqSqSqSSTSqSqMSSSqSqSqSqSqSqqqSqS
by Dr. A. J.
In the Todern
faced with choosing, in a limited manner, from four or five Todel constitutional systems designed to suit national genius and particular socio-economic environments. There is firstly the Soviet model with its variations but that is a model which is not a practicable proposition within o Lur present framework. Secondly there is the British parliamentary system which has survived for a couple of centuries. That system however is more an accident of history. It often escapes the attention that thare were three and som etimes four houses of Parliament at different tirnes in the constitutional evolution of Britain, that the King used to preside over cabinet meetings unti George 1, because of his Germanic up bringing failed to understand the English language, that until recently and even now the British system works so well due to an agreement on fundament als between the principal parties, neither seeking to step beyond certain defined limit5 and that the success of cabinet and parliament is largely because of two national characteristics - the habits of a business civilization where bargain and compromise characterise commercial transactions and a kind of team spirit transferred from the playing fields to a Parlament - the game must be played according to the rules whoever wins or loses.
Wilson
World we are
We must not also forget the fact that there hawe been antide - mocratic features in the British system. There was a revolution headed by Oliver Cromwell who
bc:fore ho established h Is InstruTent of Gowerment in 1653, which incidentally was the first
writton constitution in the world, expelled the members of the British Parliament urging them in the name of God to depart
and go. Secondly there was the execution of a British King, Charles I. Thirdly, the franchise
ܒ ---- ܝ
Towards an
alt
""By tht
Cillot be
ile :t ä op(:r E4 tiın YY
Particlip pollical fig officials ant: Speaker. P Opposition I *F a r i r u ş şhill The preside the proposal cussion is ( Nye publish :
in Br | tain Wa, 5 measly driblets, franchise corn in
1920s, Lastly t hāw e a Write which i 5 mear
committed to when disputed courts of law. bits and pieces tion in legisla decisions and authorities such Jennings and S but the questio to where we 5 British Constitu is that in the people with a traditlon 5, Suc can become t politicians.
We had a w the British C 1947 to 1977. left many thing There were ho guided the e particular the Cabinet was wil cf Parllim cր է: Toto or | css Secondly the Pi Prime Mini: powerful sense Pri The Minister being hedged ir and con wentions British Prime M importantly th was also an Ai The office had in character.

ernative model
* shie Eri iirithmetic of efeated.' This was
the proposed P. R. system, the UNp Пегtlaps the to-day seminar crganised by
list procative retirk the Marg: Institute in co
ith the Sri Lanka branch of the inter-parliamentary union.
ins in the seminar
included many of the most important
ures in the island, eminent acadeГпic5, Iiүүy cгs, parli tientary
ther experts.
The sell in fir was declared Чартеп by the resident J. R. Jayewardene: uel der A. A mirthalingam
Prime Minister R. Prenadasi, ind many others, герге 5епiп
is of political opinion addressed the distinguised gathering.
1 till system,
the Table quf parliament 5 gn PR were some of the main topics.
nd the Ipposition,
Since: the dis
f absorbing interest to all students of national politics,
only conceded in ult Tato universa g only in the late ..he British do not Constitution, by i FA COS E i Ll to
Parch i ment which is justiciablo in the There are many of the Constitulve acts, judicial che Writings of as Anson, Dicey, Arnt uel de Smith, n always arises as hould go for the tiom, The dangar hands of another different set of a Constitution në Plaything of
"Itten version of I 15 tit Lito III fra T This constitution to be desired. Strict ru | g5 which eCUC we and in Cabinet, Thց tually the master Parliament was i rubber stamp. The Minister was ;g T ir 1 th || of the British Without of course by the traditions that restrict the
1 is tert. A med more
Prine Minister CriCan President.
ò come plebiscitary he person who
several of the papers presented at this S'il 15 iul. "ம SSSSSS
took office acquired Presidential authority.
tres en dous
The third model is that of the Fifth French Republic which was tailor-Tnade for Charles de Gaulle but which has worked reasonably
we || in the hands of his succesors Georges Pompidou and Giscard D'Estaing. The system is a half way house between the Presidential and parliamentary 5 y 5 tems but the te is no gaiпSау
ng as to where power | ia. French President is Parliament is his
Th Powerful. forum, in a
serie his creature but Only so long as he can muster enough forces from the centre, the eternal morass as it is called i French political circles. In other Words the French have a wide
centre from which a wise President can construct a coalition and he has the further advantage that he ls backed by a hard core of Gaullists. So che system work and has worked well so far but because of only one factor-ther is a complementary majority that binds the two sectors of government — president and parlament. The moment that relationship disintegrates as when there Tİ Contradictory majorities, there is likely to develop conflict between the President and the popular house. That possibility is ever present and Giscard D'Esta ing
sees it already looming in the
.וו ס17חסh
There is this likelihood under
our present constitutional systern
9

Page 12
- the danger of majorities. Fi we alternatives are awailable if such as went. The President may revert to the role of a coristi II t io ma l head of State - that fact has been seriously discussed in France. The President and the new Prime Minister could came to an understanding as to how power should be shared. Could this happen if there are I r reconcilable differtieri tes, betweem the two oppos Ing personalities? A fragemented legislature resulting from the workings of proportional representation could possibly mitigate the rigours of the conflict, Thirdly there could be outright cornflict between President a Tid Prime Minister. The new Prime Minister may refuse to seek accommodation with the President. He or she in the after math of victory may seek a mandate through a referendum to clip the powers of the President, not constitutionally, because there are prescribed procedures, but as a Tears of cxercising moral pressure on the Presidental incumbent. Fourthly, the President can seek to construct a rational govern
contradictory
ment by attracting support from partics opposed to his party in the hope that such a coalition
will command a majority, Lastly he car dissolve Parliament in the hope of securing a different result, But if the same result repeats itself, then he is finished
Two Condi tion 5 that Totion to the French ne ed to be unders Core d. the absorce so far of tory majorites 在蓝 Parliament. But more importantly French ministers vaca le their seats in the legislature when appointed to a cabinet post (Article 23 of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic). They are mot therefore encumbered with the day to day chores of parliamentary life. More importantly the French administrati w E2 nach ini e, Lu n | Eke o Lurs, is a highly efficier, Lly organized technostructure. It has always been so. France has been th L Administrative 5 tat E and in the context of the frequently collapsing cabinets of the Third and Fourth French Republics, it was the French civil service that kept France's administrative |ife
provide system Firstly Contra dic
bet weer
O
in notion. Tack highly sophisticati that the three
of the Fifth Fre fashioned out fo carrying out th:
gic State unders Land why sense has part
economic drea T1,
The 5 CC ditio tely lacking in TE I DI Quite island's top clw| vestiges of th Many of them Westminster-sty
ri Laski, Jers n:
bo Samue | «de S Britis. Hi Ha'w i might no doubt of ci will ser war 1 efforts to ke CF Tecernt de wela : thinking, is in along the We i ''' || 3 : " WAT IS past transmit : their juniors. another and contradiction. which i 5 an eff
tive machine th beck and call o the Republica is 9ше поп for
French presides the a the r ha rnd of falling betwe cf British par French Presiden ea Lucracy has mot itself to the
modern presider has been grafte ture Lu 5ed to di getting things
But there is ote serious If we compar education, pric expertise that in the legislatil the difference uם , 1956 eם ון|3 tended to b wider prowenar Lugo Contem Po tram Sitted to
Լ Էl I'll Till Ti Il Tlti T1 - tС П i 15 tЕГ5 post-1956 per i 35 til til 5 = geared towards

on to this, the = d technostructe elitist Prosident nch Republic hawe r the purpose of a decrees of an and one car ה, חFrance i י ally realised its
5 are un fortuniuT , NW e Yi TT
a few of the servants Carry e colonial pas C.
are à Ltu ned IC3 e politics, steeped gs, Greaves, may mith. Ewen the hanged. Tre be or the part 5 in Sri Lankā in touch with t but the many wital matters, stminster groove. with a colonial i Til ar walu C5 CC
But there i 5 yet. more Stultifying ', technostruct. r. ettiwe 1 dTiri i 3 triat will be at the F the President of an absolute sire
th tā ltialism. We con face the danger
En the .wQ stöJls | ia men tarism and tialism. The Eur
as yet accustomed new system. A itial superstructure d on to a strucis front methods of done.
sortin e thing much hat is happening. te ha ley els of fessionalism and used to prewail re prior to 1956, : bocome Stark. r legislators, hawe draw for a Ice, We haye, Lo raneous language, the age of the The same applies in the pre-and iods. Our political ! Ti fattunately not initiating ministers
Into the Intricacies of gover ment.
Nor does our system provide, as in France or the Inited States, for the appointment of
experts from outside the legislature to key cabinet positions. The question then ari 5 e 5 as to h OYY tha un initiated minister Could be educated. This has not always happened. On the contrary seriou 5 erosions hawe been Thade
Into Our political system as 3 result of the in trusion of a third forco. It is a third force that is
neither responsible, or answerable or accountable to any popularly constituted mecha Fism, The dan ger to the nie w structures is that this third force comprise two elements. There are the old World British-trained gerler alist, jack of all trades civil servants. The administration has in addition been infiltrated by party faithfuls and party bureaucrats. In other words we have the British-trained anach roinig img. trans. Thitters of CLI tidlited non-rele wart wal Lues, working side by side with party men, Since 1956 the party has increasingly tonded to merge with the bureaucracy and to manipulato it.
In the pre-1955 period the political interest of ministers of the cabinet and higher civil serwants tended to coincide as they were drawn from the same social In lieu or ascended to it by successful matrimonial arrangements. In the post-1956 period, the party hack strained at the leash to become the administrative superman who would manipulate the inexperienced mortal, the political minister. In effect quite a few senior administrators today arte in fact co-ministers or what one may call counter-ministers. They are policy-makers and they Implement policies nominally approwed by those of their political chiefs who are in experienced ministers. This smokes reen of anonymity behind which the higher administrator conceals himself Tust be removed. He has to be Tade to come out in the open and hë should be examined by legislators on the implications of this policy.
The fourth model is the Swiss type of government. In a way the period of the operation of the Donoughmore Constitution, 1931–1947,

Page 13
provided us with the use of one Important stand of the Swiss system. The Donough more execuLive, the Board of Ministers was II ke the Swiss Cabinet which is called the Federal Council. The Council ls a body of sew en members elected by the two houses of the Swiss Parlament. Like the Board of Ministers used to do In certain instances, the Swiss Cabinet carries out the decisions of the legislature whether it likes these cor not. There a re, no doubt, in the Swiss system various checks on the legislature such as the referen dum and the Initiatiwé. There is also the fact of the comparative smallness, prosperity and stability of the country. But the point worth noting is that the Board of Ministers functioned reasonably well in a legislature in which i t d ld not hawe a to hererht majority and with which it was not always in agreement. There was besides, the Executive Cornmittee system Linder the Donoughmore Constitution. That system glossed over the un necessarily sharp division between government and opposition which is prevalent in the Anglo-Saxon style of politics, Members were made aware of the government's plans and could at times have these improved or modified. The acerbity of party strife was thereby minimized. What is more the committee System provided an excellont tralning ground for the member of the legislature. He learned a great deal about the working of the governmental apparatus and this in many ways prepared him for ministerial office in the future. And most important of all, the civil servant and other public servants had, if necessary, to appear before an executive committee, answer questions and if the need arose, defend policy which he may have had a hand in formulating. In this way opportunity presented itself to the legislator to get to the heart of the matter. The civil servant or the public servant did not, like his counterpart of today, live like the Cyclops in irresponsible freedom.
The American system, the last of our models, is characterised by the national plebiscitary nature of the presidency, the sepa
ration of powe macy of the design was mi government, the and the needs begin ning an a But it has ada changing enviro and balances i roadblocks on p. have tended to in times of . then to a Cas Members of th { in our system Fifth Republic, agents, not qui And they do no the slings and gladiatorial a ren? Parliamentary g. Presidential-Cab is however 1105 the American st range of activ Congressional C from thes : bc if that correct th partmentalised e | ture, their liv 2rı d the fact that other personage appear before moned, do, to make way for and a degree o
Four of the five hawe characteris|| can be utilised Progsiderintia | — C the Second R. closest to the public but our by no means (2: Consequently ca||ed for mot . needs of mode su it the system Tents of a Th involved in the cise. At the could engender if the "ח של tץיה rimin || 5 ters did ni Parliament. Sof C1 tir1 Ue to r": r" lature especially with na naging majority. This Prime Minister the leader of chief of the Gowc A committee sy bines in it

s and the supreconstitution. The ant for negative fra fl Ller smår 5tate if what was in the ricultural society. ted itself to the ment and checks tended to place 05 itiw: 5 til te alcio
be under-utilized risis, giving risa ıristic presidency. Cabinet are, as and the French the President's e his colleagues. It hawe to suffer arrows of the that mark British vernmer t and our net system, What t Iseful to us in |odel is the wide ities covered by on inittees. Apart g conduit pipes otherwise cornxecutive and legisestigative powers public officials and 5 are obligated to them when suma great extent, open government f accountability.
| models discu55 a d ics in them which to improve the binet system of :public... We aro Fifth French Repolitical echos is :actly the same. no difications arte nly to meet the nisation but to to the requirerd World state evelopment exerolitical level, it a greater endena tlom-building t have to sit in e ministers could aim in the legisthose concerned he Government's would include the who is in facL the House and 'n ment’s Tnajority. tam which cc TTaspects of the
Congressional committees, the D3nough more executive committees and the committees which tam paralled to the ministries in the Fourth French Republic may serve several purposes. Ministers who are not members of the legislature, high level burea curats and other public personages, could appear before committees to explain and defend policy. Proposed legislation could, provided a strict time-tabling is adhered to, be subjected to the scrutiny of such committees with members of the Government and Oppɔsi tlon participating. In that way compromises could be effected and differences or conflicts between the oppos ing political fort
nations might be mitigated. The chances of bipartisan legislation in these circumstances are ten
dered better. The for investigative committees as well are wast, Given that we have a bias towards petition-mongering and anonymous letter-writing, such committees could serve as a useful release for pent up Public anger by u nearth ing or aborting scandal. Where the administration is concerned, the techno-structure needs complete overhauling. The bureaucracy must be brought in line with a state that is on the threshold of the twenty-first century. Only then will our political systern become updated like the steamlined eco
opportunities
nomic and a di Ti in is trati y Q2 state of the Fifth French Republic. None of these changes can be
wrought by executive fiat. Specialised presidential commissions or committees need to examine existing conditions, recommend necessary changes and the rates at which transformation should Alternatively we are likely to have a presidentialism superImposed on a cabinet-type situation under which only a tinkering with the structure could take place.
O.

Page 14
PARLAMENT AND
PRESIDENCY
AAAS SSSSAASSASSASSASSASSASSASSMSASASASMSMSMSALAA eAeSAqALSAqA AAqLSAAAALAAAAALq ALSAAAALA AeASTSAeiAeqq qeqSS LS S S SL SeSe SASqSqqS ASAL AS
Which system i.
by Dr. C. R. de Silva and
lections to the legislature in Sri Lanka have been conducted
on a "plurality system" for over
twentyfive years, and ten general
elcctions hawe been held in the country on that basis since the
introduction of uniwersal adult Suffrage In 1931. In fact, un til a
few years ago, the plurality system seemed to have become an accepted
part of Sri Lanka's democratic structure, for not only was it adopted in the "Soulbury Constitution" of 1946/8 but it was also retairied in the Constitutlor of the First Republic in 1972. Moreover, despite the disillusionment of the influential United National Party (UNP) with the plurality system after its disa Strous performan Çe
under it 1970, there was no organised political campaign in favour of changing the system to one of proportional representation (PR). The UNP which had also become a convert to a Presidential System of Government in the 1970's clearly promised to end the Westminster System if returned to power but their election manifesto of 1977 avoided any II ention of PR. Newrtheless, when the new UN P Gowernment of 1977 proposed a change from the plurality system to one of PR the opposition to the proposal was somewhat muted and the system of PR introduced produced surprisingly little debate and analysis in political and academic circles. The authors of this paper
are convinced that given the present constitutional structure, the political forces, and the cultural diversity of Sri Lanka a
system of PR has distinct advantages over a system of plurality in the election of representatives to parliament. However, they Te at Cafi yimiced that the PR systein that has been adopted in the Constitution of 98 is necessarily the best for the purpose. Therefore this paper will briefiy give the arguments for adopting
I
S. W. R. de A
PR I ST || Lanka ur Constitution, des : adopted, review i and definer its ar alternative systert
Majoritarians an
hawe been argui merits of their ri for a Tyst two
these theoretical to be considered in which the Sy implemented. In appear to be t ments in favour of a system of present Constitut dependent on t Legislature and i tЕ Egg čL tity E re5ts or the pol conditions which country.
The Constituti --T1DFF15 f. envisages a limit Legislature. Unli minster System w irn the forrm of th and the Cabinet tenure on the plea the new Const for an Executive fixed te TT C directly by the more frequent party o г a coal with a Worki: Parliament which adwar Lagos of a 355urma 5 dimimi5 Moreo wer, it is li to the Legislatul system would ITE bet Ween the Le; Executive of Pe 5 i de It Is celer te tim and the L di 5 šowed before office, IL is Legisla turc and th be controlled by Sri Lanka's expe plurality system

s best
. Samara singhe
der the present :ribe the system t5 rgla ti we [T1 eri t5 1d pгороše an
.
d proportionalists ng about the espective systems centuries but arguments hawe in the context stem has to be Sri Lanka, there wo major arguof the reten tion PR under the ion. The first is he role of the s relatio 15 with and the second itical and social prevail in the
חf | 57B, iס חב its predecessor, ed role for the ke ir the Westhere the executive g Prima sin 5ter depends for its iure of Parliament, itution prowl des President with f office elected 20ople. Thus the emergence of a tion of parties E majority in is one of the pluralist systern 1 ed importance. cely that elections e on a plurality ke confrontations islature and the requent. As the ted for a six-year gislature can be its full term of kely that the 2 Executive could different partie 5. 'ience with the has been that
the victorious party generally wins a disproportionate share of seats in the Legislature. For example, in July 1960 the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) with 33.6 per cent of the votes won 49.7 percent of the seats in the Legislature. Under PR system they are likely to have won nuch less and thus would hawe given a UNP President more room forman oeuvre. Similarly the UNP victory in 1965 would have been less clear cut under a PR system and might have left an SLFP President with the option of building an anti-UNP majority in the Legislature.
Secondly, Sri Lanka does not hawe a Culturally or ethnically homogenous population. The
Sinha les e, the Tajority ethnic group constituto 7 || .0 per cent of the total population according to the census of || 97 | and the dominat Sinhalese Buddhist group consist of just around two-thirds of the population. Of the minority groups, Sri Lanka Tamils, who snake up | || . || per cent of the population, hawa had reasonable, if not equitable, representation II Parliament under the plurality system largely because they were the majority community in a distinct geographical area. However, the "Indian" (or Plantation) Tamils who constitute 9.4 Per cent of the population and are dispersed In the hill-country would not hawe equitable representation in Parliament under a plurality system Lurless multi-marri ber com5 titulpencies are created. In a situation where political party differences often reflect ethnic divergencies a PR system would give the Tam || minority a better chance of entering Parliament from even outside those areas where they predominate. Therefore unlike the plurality system, a PR system could be a step in the direction of national Integration. Apart from the question of ethnic

Page 15
In Inorities there is the existence of a multiplicity of parties. It is well known that a plurality system works best in a two-party system, and its advocates have argued that a genune two-party system has emerged with the two major parties gaining 81 per cent of the yote in 1977. Howe wet, in the previous five gencral elections the share of the two major parties together has fluctuated between 51 per cent and 7 || Per Cent of the tota | wote and It is by no means certa in that the dominance of the major parties is firmly established.
Thus what seems most desirable in the designing of an electoral
system for the Legislature of Sri Lanka in the current context seems to be a system which
Provides for a stable government without gran ting excessively disproportionate advantages to the party victorious at the general elections; a system which mirrors opinion in the country while also encouraging the choice of Persons
whose personal qualities make
them suitable to shoulder the
burder of Government.
In order to achievo these
objectives the fra mer 5 of the 1978 Constitution hawe selected a system of PR called the Hamilton Method. This method was first proposed
by Alexander Hamilton in 1792 but it ha 5 also been known as Winton's Method of 1850, or "la repartition au plus fort reste", or the Method of the Largest Remainder,
The system is used under the Constitution of 1978 both for the apportionment of seats among the different electoral districts and (with modification) for the al location of seats among different parties
or groups who contest In each electoral district.
The actual operation of the
system is briefly described below. in the first place the whole country is divided into a number of multi-member electoral districts (once and for all) by a Delimitation Commission appointed by the Presldent from among person's not actively engaged in politics. The number of electara district5 = fixed by the Constitution at not less than twenty and not more
than twenty-fc number of seats fixed at I 9ě ant: thirty-six are te by the Delimit among electoral
he mine pro wir Seats each. Thi: electoral district but on of the cannot be a except by Cons
.
The Hamilton fог the appогt гепаіпIпg 160 ; electoral district electoral registe election in ques place the total in voters (or electa In I977 for I5 6,667,589 doctor divided by 60 brought up to t in teger (e.g., foi be 4,673). This qualifying numbe each electoral di La Crna number f number of cact that district. Th Kalu Cara distric electors would h tC i III 1r LIT - Tricornilec, wit! Would hawa boca and Jaffri with 5eats. If the tot: thus a located ca 60 the remainir allotted to the with the largest r for whom seats alla cate di The 5 a prowincial basi. to this total art district would a Trincoralee 3 a
Once the elect allocation of seats parties or group according to the F However, in th method is use modifications whi the method. In the party whic highest number the first seat w to any seats it later Stage. Seco candidates which one-eighth of

Ur, The total in Paria Terit j5 of this number I be distributed a t|}rh Com1 Init to2ga districts so that 1 ces obtain four demarcation of s and the distrithirty-six seats tered thereafter titutical aПЕПф
Method is used onment of the eats among the s according to the in Lise for the tion. In the first umber of qualified rs) is determined. ance there were 's. This total is and the result he next highest r 1977 thI woud i result Is Lys rt of electors and stri-t ig grti Lee or each qualifying or 5 registered for Lus, for example, with 432,834 awe been entitled }f | ? sightg whilg 9,47 electors alloted 2 seats 403,251 given 9 number of seats me to less than Ig seats would be sectoral districts es die of Elector's ha we not been eats allocated on 5 would be added thus Katara We had || seats, rid Jaffna 3.
ion is held the ; to the di Ffrent 5 is also done Hamilton Method, 15 instance the
!d with three ch totally distort the first place
1 receive 5 th of votes is given I thout prejudice may gain at a ndy, ary ist of does not obtain the total wotes
cast is regarded as eliminated ad a wote25 -35 E for thig liit are treated as in Walid. Thirdly,
the total number of valid yotës is not divided by the total number of seats vacant, as is done in the pure Hamilton Method, but by the number of seats less one, and the resulting qualifying vote is used to allocate all the Tema ning seats among the conteting parties. Thus, for example, had the scheme been in operation In 1977 in the Kalutara district the UNP can be presumed to have obtained 206.70 Wotes, the SLFP 94. || Ğ8 wotes ånd the United Left Front (ULF) 80,585 wote 5. ALI other lists having obtained less thari || 1/8 of the wotes would hawe been disqualified. The UNP would have been awarded the first seat by virtua of hawing the highest poll. It would have gained five other seats according to its poll making a total of six while the SLFP would have gained three and the United Left Front two 55.
The Hamilton method or modifications of It are used for PR in Italy, Costa Rica, Denmark and Luxemburg and it was at one 5 tage Used in Israel. This methad was also used for the apportionment of seats in the House of Representati wes in the United States from 1850 to 1900. However, It has been rejected in a number of countries after the discovery of what is known as the Alaba man Paradox in 1831. In that year it was found that the system would have given Alabama. 8 seats in a House of 299 but only 7 seats in a House of 300. The paradox is not an isolated quirk but does occur frequently with the Hamilton method and it was the major reason for its abandonment in the United States.
The
Alabama Paradox raises que 5 tions about the political acceptability of the Hamilton
method for both the apportion ment of seats among electoral districts and the selection of legislators. There could well occur a title when an electoral district can be found to lo se a Seat beca Lise the number of seats to be distributed wã5 |6[]. rath E F tham - |59 but perhaps the operation of the
3.

Page 16
Alabama Paradox is more likely to lead to Political Luphe awal if and when it occurs in the distribution of seats among parties within an electoral district, Table I shows how it could occur. With identical totals of votes polled by parties of two different elections, a smaller party could lose a seat simply because the number of seats allo Cated to the di 5i CL ha 5 rise by one as a result of changes in the electoral register.
Far more significant, however, are the distortions arising from the rature of the Iodified
Hamilton mothod in its application to the distribution of seats among parties with in each electoral district. The first modification is the award of the first seat to the party with the highest poll. As the totali yote for this party is also conside red. In the allocation of all the other seats. In the district this amounts to a weightage In favour of the largest party, The smaller the number of seats in the electoral district the greater would be the proportionate advantage to the largest party. Thus, had the Tethod been in operation in 1977 the UNP would have gained 82,900 votes or 63.4 per cent of the total votes and 64.4 por cent of the walid votes i Mata district. The SLFP would hawe obtained 35.0 per cent of the total votes aud. 36.6
Per cent of t ,45 סg tחum tiסוחa present Constitu would gain 4 of the SLFP only o extreme case bLI 1 l I LIstra ta I f the districts (which 1977 voter figu elected eight m are Considered 55. I per cent o would have gain of the seats wh 35.0 per cent di would hawe obt Per cent of the Har Elton Teth without this
results would ha cent of seats foi 33.3 Per cent o the SLFP whic equitable result.
Secondly, the distortions which alteration of the the qualifying vic is calculated and of all lists whic one-eigth of the the pure Hamilto incidentally was for this calculat Constitution) th is calculated by valid poll by th to Be fille đ: Im thịt the qualifying wi
TABLE I
Hypothetical Election
Results - Kurunegal Electoral Dis I (1 Flecffữno - Electoral Register of 168?. Scast Allied - i.
Nic of Ele:LT: Total Walid P.
Qualifying Number of Electors
Party تىl WE:5 PJ|| 4, II) Sea 5 1 -- 3 Resilic of Wotes 29CO Additional Seats According to
Resi i Luc Total Seats for Party i 4
虽
43, II) 4,700
교,800 X)
Elect forts - Electoral Register of 1990. No of Electors
Scats to be Allocated - 16.
Tot Wiji PPI
Qualifying Number of Electors
Party - -- Wits Plc. 43,400 SELS 1 + Resid Luc of Wates 5,600 Additional Seats. According to
Residue r" 1. Total Seats for Parly 5
|
晶 43,300 41,700
5,500 3,90)
1.
3.

:he Walid wo tes; 735. Under the
Il Her UMP
the 5 seats and Te, Th | 5 | a | t a s Tab|g3 || Wi || twelve electoral according to the regs would hawa (r lessם ambersו the UNP with the walid wote 5 ed 61.7 per cent e the SLFP with f the Walid wates alned only 28.3 seats. Had the Od Bgen Used Todification the we been 56,7 per the UNP a f the seats for
SS C.
re are electoral arse from the method by which i te per member ly the elimination h poll less than total wote. In in method, (which
the one proposed iom , In the draft e qualifying wote dividing the total e run ber of seats |FECostitution ote Is calculated
Tiet ISI Am III I
* ... ՀՈՈԼՈՌլի 1890) 13,500
E 3COO OOOD
3, EUI) 3,000
H
240,000 .. 89, OO 12, CO
凸 נת 30, GOC) 300 k)
모 5,4() 4,800
by dividing the total wote by the number of seats to be filled less one. This modification resulted In a built in bias against the largest parties. In the case of the largest party the bias is neutralised by the allocation of one Seat to it before any calculations are Tnade. However, as Table II illustrates the method acts as a disincentive to coalitions among middle-sized parties for they could lose seats by joining together unless they can attract sufficient extra Wotics to become the major party. Thus In an area like Ratnapura where a Leftist coalition is reasonably certain of obtaining 2 per cont of the wote the te is no imentiwa for thern to form a Common list with the SLFP. This tendency to splinter is checked at the lower levels by the 2 per cent
cut-off point. Indeed the adoption of a system with an in built tendency to encourage schism appears to hawe forced the framers of the Constitution to hawe a cut-off point to discourage the prolification of small parties. Two major fears have been expressed in relation to this measure. In
the first place it is stated that it would inhibit the smaller (largely left-wing) parties from
trying to en ter the Parliamentary arena and would turn them away from Constitutional procedures to underground activity Secondly, it is argued that this measure, by stifling the growth of small parties, might lead to the fossilization of the current political party system. These arguments may be owerstated. Many of the smaller pal|- tical parties did at tempt to enter the Legislature even um der the Torte difficult Cordi tion 5 of the plurality system, and indeed few of the parties which gained representation under the Previous system would be shut out by the cine-eighth threshold. Secondly the current system does not bar the rise of new parties, specially those with a strong regional base any more than the plurality system did. Finally. It may be remarked that the 12, per centre qui rement on a district lewe | i5 rot much more difficult to obtain than say, 5 per cent on a national owl which is one of the qualifications for obtaining

Page 17
TA
Operation of the Current Prsystem in small Elector.
Efectoral r JF Τα faI Τα τα
Dyfri'r sears polled spoÉt 475 poil, Valid F.
NIE 131.919 f39 131,280. I28,535 NILI wa ril, Eliya 38,788 1,350 137,438 112,283 Halimba ritat 164.077 525 163,552 15 I ,Ꮆ40 Minir-WawLimiya 72,614 호() 2,354 f.595 Tricola lee 83,3ցյ 83,047 8,984
5
5
3.
3. El Lic: la 116,746 1,269 I5,477 10,395 Amրarai 137,58 SC 135,781 129,456 PLI I tillaımı 188.203 498 187,704 77,786 M, LI LI Tald.LIL Ta 8 175,828 ճ5h I75, 172 154 էյլ): 1 Polonnal Tuwa 3. 74.9II ΣΤΗ 7469Ꭲ 72.52fh Hatiլյllii 8 192,360 1, CH), 1392, 2fC) 8,789 3. 72,057 7,73f 69,856
60 1,549,465 1958 1,541,5081.495949 0.
Per ceilige of t: Poll
Perceritage of Willid ''otcs
Per Centag: af
SEL is
"Excludes the votes of those parties which failed to gain T2.
Source: os 1977 (Gencral Electical Duta: Citylor Daily News, F
representation in the Legislature adjustments can in the Federal republic of Germany, rol schisms. Newertheless, it must be admitted that the 18 threshold limits Finally, attent what is claimed as a key advan- drawn to the Ρς tage of PR systems- the ability Constitution to to produce a Parliament which chy in preparii accurately mirrors public opinion, candidates. It is And there is little doubt that it prepares the is should be lowered if compensatory has to either vic
TABLE III
Incentives Against Coalition by Middle-sized I
Party Parts Pirët Sérir : Accarding
rg ry. Cα Πετί μια ι
( r ) (ኞ) ( r ) (z) A. 4,500 4,5cc 3.
2,000 - C 1,8Uዘ] 3,8ùI) I I 1.700 1,7נולו
10,000 10,000 s
(1) Parties C & II) coratest Separalley
التسمي
(2) Parties C & D offer comilian list

BLE
I Districts in Terms of the 1977 General Election Results
r :- LNWFP LFF" TEWILF Fjected refected Jying Poirs Sears Potes Seal : Parex Seafs
Piotr CAFFFFFF per
fora பாதரர்
2,645 2.1 32,169 82,900 4 45,735 m 25, 58 8. :E, ի Ս 2,52) is 49,750 2. m 1912 3 60,378 4 91,252 30,328 ר.ל m 10,758 1中蛇 30,798 7 | 39,223 1,063 1.3 40,992 39,279 2 20,041 0 22,664 2,082 34,465 31X I 19,35 1 53,018 7,25 . 25882 fjö,')Zf; 4 5, 703, לב 9,918 莺。卓 35,537 O4,587 4 2 099ו,3ל H
. 23,555 ஒ4,339 5 *(),նն3 : 꼬. 3ճ,310 43,317 29,303 H לדו).ב 8,471 4.4 26,113 114,052 5 68,737 3 U. 187) f 3d, 98 39,932 꼬 29,88 1 m ms -- 791,639 37 502,702 17 142, cos 06
5. 33. (ሽ 9.3 55. 3. 9.9
51.7 28, III).
5 per cent of the total uns poil po II.
"a riarre PTr a s Sri LTT ku ry";". Like Hrusc, Climbu, Londated.
be made to cont- list or reject it altogether.
on needs to be 1wer given by the the party hierar1g the list of i the party that ånd the voter i te for the entire
rich
5ed Fy - ("Tair dirig fu Farrisfar
(r) Լ4)
효
1. -
s s
What is more the party is empowered to change the names in
the list or even to substitute other names from those on the reserve list, after the elections
are over. It is possible to 1 Γgμ8 that political reality will deter Parties from making too חחany unpopular nominations but in the Present situation, when hardly any Party in Sri Lanka had developed a truly democratic organisation the power given to the party bureaucracy seems excessive. The party's strength is further enhanced by it power to replace any měmber of parlament who attempts a backbench revolt by the simple devise of expelling him from the party and filling his seat in Parliament with a more Plable party supporter. It may be questioned as to whether this system would continue to attract persons of integrity and character to Parliament.
(To be continued)

Page 18
Sri Lanka, Our island hamn is. Ihr 5Cons of 2,5sJD 3rs - unique, continuou: cultural li-uugi unt.
L LLLLLLLlaLLLLLK LL LLHLL LLTLLLLLLL KLLK SM allCHeS tho glorious pageantry which still survivos can big found to LL LL LLLLLLLT LLTLLL LLLL LL eMLLLLLCLLLS LLLHHH Ti Kand
LL LOMGM LL LLL LLLLtLLLLtLtt HltHLaHmaLLLL LL LLL LLLLLLaH LLL MaaS LK LLHtk LL LLLlLlLLLLLLLLS S S aLLLL0aLa LLLllL S S MTeHHTMHmHLL CC LLL LL aLLLLT Y0LLLL LS a LLLHLHlK LM 0LaCaaLLTu LL LLLL LLMLS LMLTTL TTL LLLSllLL L HH LSLS חריtdm&urvati 1ת:"m Tench urgת- rlחה H6חfu
Wil, 1hn IBrրld tյf Sri Link ri, mլr:: trr:Tributu SLa SLLLL SL0L S Laa S SKaLaaSS LL S SLLLLS LLLS KTLLLLLE S LLLLL LLLLLLLTM LMLek L MM aL EDCI SII LP,
A GUIDE TO THE STEPE
How THISE
Lr EE LIFED.
Pas for r = sintting BJOJ BLITI. Gf stanu pПwing
Bu yr E. 1.000 Eurick.
thur Prrf: 8.
if biri çıkışıyor ki,
Puyi. In Work in
for Trını dnıy
Buys one brick
ஐ&:
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

rythatís
If I 'rr:Lr Eartii:itier. - Heyt:yrir Il Tie:, hi"Air: 1. : F" *: TTrıFill, i ,"Eri
aaEL mL L LLS LL CLCCkmS LE KCLS LCLLLLLC 0aL LLLL LLLLCL Inçi. its gill. d L HHT SeHHTTTmLmHL LLkmuu LLLLLL LLLC Em CCLOetmtEa LLkCMaaLaL LLLL LLLHHH LLLLLL LL LLLLL LallLaLLSaalaaalLLL LLLLLaLLS Tı:Idi: il ri: Ca Lurita: TC". I d- tha: rix 1: 2.1 era, - ir L L kMLM LLLLL SS LLLLLL LLS HLHHLH ueCLCaalL LLaaK LLLY
LLLLLLLLL KK LLSLS LLLLLLLLS LLtL LLLLLLL HLHH uu Fի:1" LLLLLLLLS LLLH HHt LLLL LLLCCHHH HH aHCH LLLHHLL u L LtkS LLL
.. LErGLLLLSS aaaa aLalaaaaLLlLllL LLLLLLa LLLL Laaa LLL
ULTURALTRANGE FUND) 000SS LLLLLLaLLLLLLLaEYS ttSL L kKESLLLLLLaLLLLL S
EFI LA FA,
Y STEP DONATION SCHEME
THF IIIt:ti:F: IIIյր: You FIECEIvEASA Cuha H,
"'''LIrrı:ımı will bu ins: ribrid arı
thiu gawing in the traditional
mahrir, F, certificat = "Wowill bu pruszcntrod
ta u publicly low to u Prirnu Ministar,
LLLLLL LLLLLMLLk LHH LL LLLLMLLL aaLL LGLLS L LLLLLL
imitials N, TIL Luri tud brick Will ha
a a0CLaL LaL HHHLS S LLLLL LLLLHHLLLLLLL
wawi || bn | k || C. W lic: cg: ) ir This
rätti III al Fr33,
'Y'cI LII cH ni b e rog i Gt": Tr:-rf tı:R. H
Priffitr 2:1 and Will recriw o T g Lili r " ": W89 LLE: r = giving II. pr. gr.
Tipo E Df the Project.

Page 19
  

Page 20
nation of Governments, and it is this tradition which makes the Opposition believe that it enjoys reasonable expectations of office, The 'normal" or "the loyal' Opposition therefore, is concerned with achieving office within the gstab||shed constitutional fram Bwork. In oth Er Wards, both the Gowernment and the Opposition are committed to the preservation of the Constitution. The as iš LTPtion here is that they accept the framework within which they operate, and those issues on which they oppose are permitted by the agreed rules of the parliamentary game. This tradition of the system demonstrates that "the loyal Opposition' provides "limited opposition' according to which "it is concerried with criticising and seeking to change 50 Të 3 spects of the established system, while at the same time accepting its main features. The loyalty to the Institutions of State and the readiness to accept office without a shock to the political traditions of the nation hawe conditio Ted the traditional role of an Opposition in a Parliamentary system,
The tehniques of the opposition which were en Lum erated by Jennings in his Parliament, came with in the functions of the loyal Opposition and were primarily directed towards converting the electorate in support of the Opasition. The purpose of the Parliamentary Opposition was, thereforeto 'appeal to the floating vote and the Government was expected to manage its affairs in such a way as to see it did not run the risk of facing a defeat. The purpose of Opposition criticism was to
maintain some relationship between Government polity and public opinion. It was this which
demanded the Opposition to display 'enlightened self-interest". In other words, it meam L tha the adoption of a responsible attitude con national matters. lits role as the alternative Government made the adoption of such an attitude desirable and useful in the context of a parliamentary system where the main part les hawe agreed to respect the fundamentals of the State. A responsible Opposition could most attack the Government from every angle
8
without present series of alternal of its expectati power at the next it must "advocate be put in to pra pres ent a yia ble alternative to th party in power i
ke the effect Opposition as as vernmert, Berri
rating this part the parliamentar that "an Oppos that it is anxiou is entitled to h in every way, E поt pгорer, if t the Ministry i: cannot attempt ment," The part
adhere to the 135 because they : appeal to the
pective of their ai altornative g
Since the pri the Opposition Gowgrm ment, th this operation Parliament. Par according to Je Lhe Instrument5 TF1 e i trio the Opposition utilise a'wa i |ab|| opportinitieS tC that E. I rith thit the electorat influenced. No dislodge a Govel Tiårds 3 workir is liked with und normal Ciri I 155 of E 11. Immediate press sition. The ma Opposition, the use of parliam speak to the c build I po a cas: to press hor general election of this respo Opposition de importart facto are integral to function ing of th
The ability c TO Iså intain som it.5 O. Wn i rank5

ing a coherent iwes, and because om to a chieve : general election, only what could ctice", Failure to and consiste t le policy of the 5 tartär to Yediwe ness of the al torna tiwe Gagdala Keith illustof the tog of y Opposition said Licin which knows |s to secure power aras 5 the Ministry but such action is he Opposition to aware that it :o form a Governies in th (2 CDp pobe expected to iumption of Keith 1re compelled to
electra Le irresability to form Writ.
iTiary purpose of is to criticise the e major part of takes place inside lia montary debate, nnings, is one of bf the Opposition. F effectiveness of
is its ability to u parllamentary such an extent
Government and are successfully Opposition can nment which comig majority. This Lhe Wigw that tum Stancas gowerndisturbed by the Jres of the Oppoin burder of the refore, is to make entary time "to cctorate" and to which it hopes he at the next . The execution nsibility by the ends on se voral is some of which the nature and e political parties.
f the Opposition e cohesion within is an important
factor. An Opposition hoping to capture power must appear to be competent and vigorous and capable of running an alternative Government. This role of the Opposition is tenable in a political system which recogn is es the existence of two parties.
In a multi-party system, party cohesion, which is a primary requirement for the proper func. tion ing of the parliamontary system, does not exist, and the political parties, therefore, do not accept the role of alternative government unless their coming to power [5 accompanied by the general reform of the social order. A multi-party system does not Provide the ideal situation for the
parliamentary game of politics. Parties in such a systern are certain to challenge the very
foundation of the parliamentary system. Such characteristics affect the effectiven css of the Opposition, and in turn, giye birth to pragmatic orientations to their parliaTnem tary strategies,
The evolution of parliamentary Institutions and the socialisation of political parties within this system during the past four decades indicated that the system encouraged the growth of a Parliamentary Opposition, which in a variety of ways displayed certain unique characterístics. The comparative parliamentary stability which Sri Lanka experienced in this period could be partly attributed to the nature and functioning of the Parliamentary Oppɔsition. The Donough more system, though not destined to convert itself into a system of government by political parties, Saw the emergence of an Opposition confined to personalities and to a political party, and the opposition in this context, was largely ideological. This Opposition, in its incipient form, beca The the basis on which Lhe Opposition at the very inception of parliamentary government ha 5 organised. The experience of the Donough more systern, with | cs disim contiwe | TIpact on the formation of political parties, naturally interfered with the development of parlamentary institutions, and this was particularly se en in the arena of the parliamentary Opposition. The emer

Page 21
gence of the parliamentary Oppo sition in its initial phase (1947-52) could be examined on the basis of (1) the attitude of the Govern(2) the demand for recognition of the opposition and (3) the nature of the organisation of the .חסOppositl
The lack of homogeneity be. ca The tha ma in characteristic of both the Government and the Opposition in the initial period,
and the UNP, which formed the Government, was a collection of incompatibles belonging to four heterogenous groups. The ՇբբՃsition to the policies of the UNP, as Jennings noted, came from the Left wing political partles, which primarily constituted the official Parliamentary Opposition. The lack of homogeneity within the ranks of the Opposition conditioned the attitude of the Government, and this, coupled with the nature of the ideologies which the parties in the Opposition professed delayed the recognition of the Орроsition as an official Parliamentary Opposition. The Marxist parties, though forming the strongest OPPosition to the Government, demonstrated no ability to form themselves into a common front capable of providing an alternative government. The bitter quarrels among the Marxist in the opposition and the tendency to concentrate on theory rather than con practical Politics resulted in the strengthening of the position of the UNP. This dis unity in the ranks of the Opposition, therefore, Provoked Prime Minister, D. S. Senanayake to emphasise the need of "an united and effective Срроsition' with common ideas. The ideological comitment of the Partties in the Opposition and the disunity in their ranks influenced the front bench spokesmen of the Government to view the sition as one 'which seeks not to criticise the programme and policy of the governmefit on its
Орро
merits along El and destroying ture of the S Wardene, who of Finarice, lät tence of this agreement on t State, said the ( the functions alternative gove means ta destrc State". Al atte treat the In eml Sitio as "elem äld this attitut change ti || th S. W. R. D. Ban
95.
S. W. R. D. B. ring to the U. attitude to the "the Opposition aslide and treate "When I was added, "I was t LSSP and CP d, democracy", and T1 USL POL "33|W this clearly inc Gower Tient w to accord that recognition of Siti Cr Car furt a parliamentary 5 5 ||tion, remains d sisted of 20 non-Marxists, art repeatedly appeal Bandaramai ke t Opposition to CPposition. Jen S2F1 CE of a dem Capable of formi alternative Gow funda Tenta y E Island's politica spokesmen of after the format Lanka Freedom divisions within
| Marxist ( 2 Democra
This di wisian, F Howard Wriggins the development parliamentary ch helped the Go, UNP to 5urvive Parliment. The "derocratic ΟΡΡς subject of disc Madampe Session solaha Sabha in |

t for uprooting he whole struca te’. J. R. Jayeas then Minister prating the exis
funda Then tal disle nature of the pposition "utilises lot to form an riment but as a the democratic npt was made to ers of the Oppoes of the State', e underwent no cross-over of daranaika In July,
andaranal ke refer P Go wornrient's Opposition, said was just brushed d with contempto a Minister", he old you know the not believe in therefore, they e any recognition; licated that the as поt prepared position without which no Oppoion efficiently in ystem. The Oppoi5united It ConMarxists and 24 the Government gd to S. W. R. D. to convert the a Parlamentary nings saw the abocratic Opposition ng Her Majesty's 3rnment as the akness of the system. The he Government, iom of the Sri Party, saw two the Opposition -
Oppositlоп ic Opposition
is explained by interferred with of är effective hallenge, and it fernment of the inside the first necessity of a 35ition" became a ussion at the 5 of the Sinhala
75 || and tha wie W
was expressed that there was no "democratic parliamentary Opposition' to the party in power. Th9 wie W. Wä5 that the Wotars have been de prived of the fundamental democratic right of choosing from two or more parties.
The formation of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party in September 1951 and its emergence as a considerable electoral force at the 1952 elections brought into the forefront the possibilities of an alternative government under the leadership of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. The status of the Opposition, as anticipated, assumed a different character because the SLFP represented "a democratic alternative to the UNP' and this, according to A. J. Wilson, improved the situation considerably for the Opposition'. The size of the opposition, though it could not be compared with that of the Oppo
sition in the first Parliament, demanded some adjustment in regard to the election of the Leader of the Opposition, and
S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, who had nine seats in parliament, was able to obtain the support of the fou members of the CP-WLSSP Front to become the Leader of the Opposition.
(To be continued)
LANKA, GUARDIAN
Subscripriori ra e.s.
lilclusive of postag)
One year Six Tonths Local RS. 95- Rs... 50)|- Asia Rs. 300- Rs. 150
US 520. USS O.
0. 5. Foreign Rs. 450- Rs. 300
US S30 US 520
5 O
Cheques and Indney orders to be made out in favour of Lanka Guardim In Publisli ing Co. Ltd.
The Connercial Manager,
Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 88, N.H. M. Abdul Cader Road (Reclamation Road) Colombo 11,

Page 22
  

Page 23
different activities. It is very evident that today a large and eyer-increasing portion of State activity is beyond the ordinary
control and supervision of parliament. Such constraints as the limited time at its disposal and the enormous volumc of work before a Legislature, makes it impossible for every matter to be
discussed in detail on the Floor of the House. The only opportunity Members of Parliament
have of inquiring into the inner Workings of thę administration and having a closer examination and bring about sore effective Control is through these Committee 5. They hawe been and are appointed to deal with as diverse subjects 되 administration, Legi 5lation, scrutiny and investigation. Committees have shown themselves ideally suited for examining such diverse subjects. Committee sttings are a more effective method of supplying Parliament with information that can be supplied by debate or question. The working of Committees to scrutimise and Investigate performs a wital role in the conduct of activities by the Central administration and is an effective instrument for keeping both Government and its official 5 in check.
Most Committees are appointed to deal with specific items of business requiring expert and detalled consideration. Parliamentary Committees ha Yo shown themselves to be particularly useful in deciding Thatters, which on account of their special and technical nature, are better considered in detail by a smaller number of Member, rather than by the House itself. Moreover, when such matters are considered by CorTi Tittees, more time is available on the floor of the House for discussion of moro fundamental issues of policy and there by Prevent Parliament from getting immersed in details. The whole idea of using Committees is that a group of persons shall undertake a task collectively, expeditiously and effectively. Matters deal with by Committees are usually considered more effectively in a non-partisan atmosphere where the procedure -is more flexible and informal, accommoda
ting different wie compromige this: take, which is as easily in committ
Tmiem t... I t the refe that the structur provides ways opinion in the
leaving the ultir power with Parli
At sittings of th Members of Par|| powered to call pa pers, document They continue to notwithstanding a of the House, Sit in om el place In fict hold the different places, E Wie. W t0 CXam min collecting some : Above all, they to sum iron any desire for examin Public servants ac ting the polici employees in the or other wiress |to g חסCalled up mony. They brim Cf government, ii and application opinions of exper parties and even Parliament, who mot find a forum
Parlamentary they are known in Sri Lanka tods be classified inco gries :
| Standing Cor
lative.
2. Special ad F
and,
3. Consultative
TEt ir
Let us briefly separately. In c membership of th individual intgrgs and their wishes Committees they 53 "WC || 13 talk { As far as possible partics are repre Tiately proportio numerical strengt and their comi determined by pa

WS and effecting Jugh give and : complished more E E tПаг јГ РАТјre becomes clear e of Committees of representing
country while nate controlling aIT1ւ: Il է -
lese Committees,
fcr ? || rele wat is and records.
5 it even daily ny adjournment They need not and wery often 2 i 525 fons || aspecially with a g 5 or me 5 ite or pecial evidence. are empowered witness they lation be they :Lually implemern25 la|d down, Priwa te 5ector 25 who may be ve expert test Ig to the process the forma II cor of policy, the tS. of imtare stad of laymen to normally would for themsel wees.
CoTi Tittee 5 a; and are in Luse ly, could broadly
3 Thain Cate
Tim [ttee — Legis
Oc Cornrittees,
Corrittees - Watio.
discuss each Jeter Tining the ese CoTmittees, ts of Mernbers regarding which would like to II | I | :: ILI Ilt. 2, the different Santed a PPraxiL1 ||『 1 | T Par || armer]t 3osition largely rty membership.
As can be expected, one of the major functions of a Legislature is the passage of legislation. After a Bill is introduced and read the first time, the Bill is put down for Second Reading by the Minister in charge, for a specific date. On this occasion thero is a general debate on the principle of the Bill covering all |t.5 rT1 erit5 3 1 d d2 m (rit5. A, fter the Bill has been voted upon and read il Second time, tha Bi || could be referred either to a Committee
of the w|| cole House cort to a Standing Committee. Such Committee then examines clause by
clause of the Bill, including new Clauses, Schedules, etc., and approves or rejects amendments proposed by the Government and by the Opposition.
It may be noted that there is a greater tendency today for Governments to take up mare Bills in a Committee of the whole HQu sẽ rnither tham kubmit them to Standing Committees. A Carnmittee of the Who!e House is in Effect all the Meriters of the HOLIE C2 partit: ipating In the Debate with the two important differences, wiz. that Members are allowed to Speak more than once and mowa Amendmen L.s. It hås b2 er notica d ower the years that marg Mein bers wish to participate in Committee stage debates and therefore Govern Tents hawe acceded to this pres55 urte. This practice Fha 5 its a dwa mtages as Ywell as its di siadw a ritages, Although i greater variety of Mernbers representing a wider ŠPECtr LufT (of op in Ion do in fact get a chil rice of voicing
their views and Placing it om record, a more de til 3d Frid specialized study of the clauses
Is not possible.
When a Bill of a technical or complex nature has been passed by the House at its Second Reading, it is usual for the Government to accede to a request made that the Bill ba sent to a Standing Commi Lte2, In Sri Lanka, ?, sich C-3rn mEt 22 ; comprising 20 Members (each, are set up at the s Lart of each Sessian with the 2x Lira pro viso that any other Member interested in particular Bill could be co-opted to the Committee, with a maximum
교 |

Page 24
Voluntary Steril For All
Iпсепtѓvє
Goverгтгт
I. A Mi
to boli
emplo
(This Pa
2. 3 days 7 days
(This in
employe
Contact
your nec
Hospital
FOR HEALTH AND
PLAN A SNMALL FA
(issued by

izatiOn
is fly
nimum of Rs. 100 will be paid
th males and females - whether
yed or unemployed
y Tent is made to meet incidental expenses)
full-pay leave for male employees full pay-leave for female employees
addition to the full pay leave for which the e is entitled)
rest Government
or the AGA
PROSPERITY
MILY NOW
he Ministry of Plan Implementation)

Page 25
The Committee . . .
(ட்ராriIE fr page 2r}
of 5. Away from the hustle of the Floor of the House, Members of the Committee sitting normally on a non – Parliamentary day, study in a more relaxed and less formal atmosphere, the provisions of the Bill, quite often In a non-partisan spirit. If the Committee so desires, at these sittings members of the public could be invited to give evidence, This has been a fairly common practice. A formal raport of the Committee is drawn Lup incorporating the Amendments accepted and presented to the House by the Chalrman lt may be noted in passing that the House the reafter gets a further opportunity of debating the Report and moving further Amendments at the Report Stage before the Bill is finally read the Third time and passed.
The second category of Parliamentary Committee which referred to as Special Committees set up for ad hoc purpose would cover the activities of the following:-
Standing Orders
Privileges Committee
Committee
Public Accounts Committee
Parlamentary Business Committae Committee of Selection
Hou 5e (Committa
The first Standing Orders of
Parla mont as Tiention ed earlier wore made by the Governor in
1947. They continued in force ti|| || FW2, when : He Republican Constitution W15 enacted. Section
3W of that Constitution specifically referred to the continuance in in force of the Standing Orders of the old House of Representatives just as much as Section 74 of the present Constitution ensures the continuation of the Standing Orders in the National State Assembly. Today, any motion for the a The diment cof Standing Orders which is presented, stands
referred to this Committee. This CCITIT itte 2, 5 et up a the commercement of each Sc55ion, con
sists of the Speaker and his two Deputies and Usually figuur other Senior and experienced Members.
The Public A. was originally th agitation mambers of the to have gone House itself to moneys wated b aro directed f. intended and ar and economically the au dit car Colonial Auditor the Government Were he laid However, with Independence in changed. The Annual Report Parliament and in a position te wer the Ex (cut the control of priated by Parli
Since 1947, t CofTim I te e has Standing Crder tion of the acci appropriation of by Parliament expenditurg, to Auditor-General" Committe of Se) at the start of elects its own tradition, is a Opposition well financial procedul – at tiThes A s finance,
In scrutinising ation Accounts : the Auditor-Ge Tittee has to 5
(I} the mone 3. CCOLI I E. % 35 h1"„" iI were lega|| y av applicable to th p. 35 es to which applied or charg
(2) the expe to the authority
(3) every rebegin Tlalde with a I d irii iccordam cial Regulations The statement o to web LI | d | 1cI LI of local authoritis General's report
Another impo the Committee whether any ri

:ount Comittee -onstituted upon Thade by some egislativo Council agency of the ensure that the the Legislature r the purposes 2 spent correctly At the outset, gd out by the was placed before and his reports efore Parliament. the grant of 1948 the position Auditor-General's ; now aid before : he Legislature is a 55 ert Its rights ive in regard to public funds appro
TE: 1 .
| Public Accounts been set up by for the examinaunts showing the tha sums granted to meet public gether with the 5 reports. A Yen is appointed the 5255 ion whith Chairman who, by rnember of the versed in the "es of Gowerm Thern t iad cywy Ministor of
g the appropriand the report of eral, the Corin
atisfy itself that -
y's shown in the ng bean disbursed ailable for and 2 ser wice at putthey have been ed; nditure which
conforms gow erns it;
appropriation ha 5 proper authority with the Finanof Government. f accounts referred do the accounts is and the Auditoris the rein.
rtant function of is to exami . oney has been
spent on any ser wice during a financial year in excess of the amount granted by Parliament for that purpose. This is a serious breach of financial practice and the department in question having had to answer for its conduct to the Treasury and satisfy the Public Accounts Corn Tittee, has then to be indemnified by the House upon a recommendation made by the Public Accounts Committee. The Standing Orders spell out in detail the functions of the Public Accounts Committee in this regard.
El Salvador . . .
Jr.'s 7 de fra FPF FPTFE 7)
"As we were holding our meeting to agree on secting up the Unified Leadership, a closed doors meeting was taking place in Washington between Brezezinski and several Pentagon generals on the cine h and and elements of the Latin American Christian DemocTatic leaders hi P and govern Tinent officials on tha other, with the al rTh of Coming to a tre acherou5 agreement favouring inilitary interwen|ori|| || El Salwador.”
"We hawe already diffined our position regarding an eventual military interwention by the U.S. alone or in alliance with others: we will hold out and fight as long as necessary to kick the invaders out arid do foat their internal instru The Tits and ser van IS. No interwention is going to stop the Salvadorian revolution . . . . . .''
"The peoples of Central America and their revolutionary organisations are fully aware of the grave dan ger that a military Intervent.lon in El Salvador would represent to their wital interests, and we havent the slightest doubt that they will fight shoulder to shoulder with us."
"Yankee imperialism will not tramplo upon our soil with IInpurity; never before has it been 50 likely that the threat of imperiaist aggression will unleash a concerted respons of the parc of our peoples to hold their posttions and cause the irlinperialists a humillating defeat 35 in Wietnam."
- D.
23

Page 26
KAR UMAKKARAYO
The root of all
by Reggie Siriwardena
hawe only the wagu est reco||ections of Guria da sa Amarasekera's nowell, KarLumakkarayo, ywhich i mu 5 ha, w read when it first came out three decades ago. But what I do remember Is tha stir it caused artinong the Sinhala literary avant-garde of the day, who Erested it as a Step forward in the moral em a ncipation of literature because it delt with the forbidden thgnes of eroticism, adultery and In Cest. Seeing Tissa Abeysekera's adaptation of the no y el for timema, find that the film, for all the ostensible daring cf its subjectmatter, does nothing more In the end than reinforce - and suspect this is true of the nowel Loo - the Puritanical and 52x ist values of the Shala middle class.
What is one to make of the heroine of the film - the seductive figure fra. In a mare sop
histicated world who brings havoc into the lives of the village family In to which She marres? Her first affair with her brother-in-law may be understood, and even accepted by the audience, because her husband is made out to be sexually inadequate. But what Lloti wates hier in her second i||Icit relationship with her father-inlaw - a relationship which defies the inces L taba cos, which im w tal y e5 infidelity to both husband and |- wer, and which ganrot be supposed to spring from sexual attraction of any normal kind? A te we the to take the hercin e as sexually pathological, as simply a nymphomaniac Such a subject would be almost in tractable maCerial for cinc: ma because i II would run the risk of turning into a clinical Study. Howe w Er, let Lus grant that a film-maker of un usual genius might be able to turn even aberra rit sexual behavigur 11ta the material of a work of art by approach ing it with Insight, understanding and compassion.
This, however, is not what Tissa Abeys ek gra has gyen at tem Pited in His film. There is no Tidea wo Lur to Lunderstand the heroine
24
of Karu Takk 4ra to explore what as she dies. W racter hereforta
cable by any Inc behaviour, the a fall back om the types which are
in our culture – seductres 5, the ya ment of that di female sexuality w safely under lock
and moral repri. out in all its d And in conclu
the Inean ing of the audience will ccurat i only at the end aged and three by a woman's ong of th cm 5. he renounces th do th35e e wer1 t5 that wormen like the root of a moral judgement stridently Tha de !a, W. The 5 cense this is a cruti interpretation of be used, in fact case of the way in a film detE therefore prop it as fully as
At this point che herci e '5 de the survivors c family hawe gath of which they : dispossessed: the de : d Woman, h lower) and their : 135 war ished, F family land (the fact hås just cor shock to the ot the family). The hawe been talkim S|Stet, Yy ha has and hated the C gets up and wal others towards the shot, with ti the other two in and iri this posi

evil
yo from within, makes het act "nd since her charemains in explifם 5חם חaם I הוחrנ udience car only crude5t 5 te ricoreadily available
- thic Sha |S the mp, the embodier Tom Iac. force of
which, unless kept and key by social ission, will break estructive power.
ding that this is Kartu Tinak ka rayo, I find ample enthe film, For mot is a H & The ra'w - men destroyed sic X Lality, leaving shattered that e world, not only II anifestly imply i Sorna Akka 3 re evil, but the is explicitly and by the sister-inwhere shë does ål i for ar
the film; it can as a text-book II which for :rmines meaning. ise to describe
in the fil IT, after ath il childbirth, if the shattered orgd || m the hom 2 1ro soon to be husband of the is brother (her ister. The Falcher awing sold the discovery of this T12 ā5 a wiol erit Hier member 5 of } three of them g at tabl? : the always distru Stad lead woman, than k,5 a way from [.ho the foreground of he camera holding the background, til 5 h c de lliw er 5
a violent moral tira de Against the gyi woman who destroyed the family, the bitch, the whore, etc. The effect is both unnatural and theatrical in the bad sense: a pers on talking in a fury of anger doesn't turn away from the people she is addres sing, she would instcad direct her cutburst at them. But what the sister does, of course, is very much like an actress walking down 5 tage to face the audience (that is why the scene seems so much like melodramatic theatre), and when she speaks she is looking directly into the camera, and therefore her widlent rhetorical speech is hurled straight at the audience and gets an overwhelming weight. She is the director's mouthpiece he is speaking directly to the audience through her - that, whether Tissa A beyse kera was conscious of it or not, is the effect the scene carries, if the language of the cinema Teans anything.
A friend remarked to me, after See ling Karu malkka rayo, that it was "a reactionary but well-made film". Alas, I can't agree with that charitable judgement. It is strawling and diffuse : I am as tonished that Tissa, who produced that miracle of tightness and economy in the script of Nidhanaya, and who has just given us another wery well-knitt Script in Ganga Addara, should have beer so lacking in control in the script of his own film. The whole election sequence, for instance, which might have carried some social point in the novel, seems irrelevant and te diously owerblown in the film. It was a disa ster to hawe asked Wijaya Ku Tarat Lunga to play a rolę which called for so Tuch emotional expressives less (he is convincing only when he can underplay, as in Bambaru A with or Ganga A ddara). Geeta Kumarasinghe, on the other hand, caves one convinced that she had it in her to make the rolle something more than the blatant sexist stereotype which is all that the film requires her to be.

Page 27
A
sincere attempt,
not without faults
by H. A.
O. Cinema audience is already to receive Works of arts.
The days when works of pompous mediocrity Posed as genuine art are fading out. The audience is maturing. This is by and large the result of social change followed by the boredom of seeing puerile films over the years.
* "Karu makkarayo” is a serious attempt to cope with this situation from the point of view of the Cinema artist. Using the story In Gunadasa Amarasekera's novel "Karumakkarayo’ - one of the celebrated works of the late fifties – Tissa Abey5ekera, the director and script-writer of this film won turcs to meet this problem of survival facing our film artists today, namely that of keeping pace with the audience.
Tissa Abeysekera has not restrained himself unnecessarily on account of the novel's one time celebrity, in freely handling the raw material available in it. Yet, paradoxically enough, the major weakness of the film appears to be a weakness in the novel itself.
The novel fails to unite in depth the underlying social forces epitomised by characters like like Piyadas a wIth the Individual problems and confusion in the lives of its principal characters: Soma Akka, Willson, Weladan Mama and Gunapala Aiyah. Can the artist plead ignorance, as it were by relating e Werythingto a stanza in Wi55uddhi Magga suggesting that all is confusion? The protagonists may act in incxplicable confusion but the artist, the supreme creator of the protagonists, should know-better.
He can mot Irawa to conclude that due to confusion th and inexplicablo.
makkarayo” suffe weakness the soul traceable to the
O to other has failed to capt aspect of the now of its strong poln i5 due to a certa that ca nimet ble : detail in a short nature. However, ultimately ball da question of u titili: image and the s words which shoi a subordinate pal create an emotio The camera angle. In general lack rhy in 'Karumakkaray from the 5 arme år screen repeatedly giving rise to a jarringly and loos i tetri ita i E 5 Ex 5
Although the f dialogue a little too som of the Troy|| pieces of dialogue nowel hawe been example the follow by Soma Akka in her brother-in-law are you afraid. . . . away . . . . Shal| | |
Ney er the le SS, it tioned that "Karu yi TELJI 2, of the ser attempt, definitely Tisos far ard ab Sinhala films curre
Films ike FK are important in t tempo among film films grappling y out inhibition in the quality of no but of human | ife a

but
the reader he confusion is at in un explained Tie si|III KarLIIts from that rice of which is .lםWסו
had the film ure the lyrical el which is one is. This I think in cinematic flaw plained in great article of F5 all these flaws wn to the single zing the carnera ound (not just Jld in fact play סt in a film) tד nal experience. 5 and the shots thm and balance o.' Shots seen gle fall on the for no reasоп bare dom that Is el y broken by
Ëquences.
irm te 5 orts to much, somehow, ig and powerful fՃurld in the left out. (For ng Words uttered the embrace of Wi|| son: "Why I'll chase Aiyah ki || him?")
m Lust be imenmakkarayo', by iO LJ Sness of the
and distinctly owe the other antly screened.
ar Limakkarayoo hat they set the lists to felt with life withorder to improve t only our films round us ā5 Wei I.
COMWTAFOL WOLWAR
PASSWOW OR /
MWWLL COWTROL
ΥΟ ΙΙ
FOR
BEST IN TAILORING
COME TO TIE EXPERTS
THINK OF THE
LETTER - E - AND
THINK OF THE LETTER
-S-
AND THINK OF
US
EMPRE STORES
Kandy
EXPERT GENTS TABLORS
25

Page 28
The Tamil Marxists vs
by Samudran
ri Lanka's Tamil literary scene
has new er been de wold of theoretica controver5ie 5, a Consistent feature of such Carl trower sies has been the significant role played by the left wing artists and critics. In the fifties and early sixties, when the progressive cultural movement in the fields of poetry, short story, novel, theatre and literary criticism gathered Tomentu T Lunder the Initia iw of the Communist Party, the Tamil conservatives became crudely and bla tantly reactionary in their retaliation. They were outraged by the cry of the Progressive Writers
Un com that art arid | iterature must serve the struggle of the masses for national liberation. They were even more outraged
by the open advocacy of a socialist order for Sri Lanka by the Marxist members of the Linion Who Were fully committed to Socialist realism in art and literature. The Wellala castleists were deeply disturbed by the poetry of depressed caste writers who articulated passionately the need to stand up and fight the barbarous T1enace of Untouchability and who called upon their brothers and sisters to participate In this struggle,
In the mid and late sixties, as the progressive writers' movement continued its development at a more rapid pace, the right wing began to adopt a more sophisticated theoretical offensive. By then it had acquired a few articulate 5 pokesmen who were Thore con. wersant with the сопteпрогагу trends and with campaign of the world imperialist mass media against revolu tionary na tionalism and Sociaist realism in art and literature. The right wing now began to operate under the garb of petty bourgeois humanism, "an art and a literature free of politics and propaganda," "a system of values beyond Marxism-Leninism," the the primacy of form ower content" and Go on and 5 o forth. Howe weer It has to be accepted that the
literary
Formalist
more enlightenec among tham wer lise on certain shortcomings in dition of Sri La gressive art and attempt to bla the young move Egle alone, It h or inspiration fro of its Sinhala co the more enligt It is Were of Were all, true te malists of warlou Gewer the Tower the for Tidable
ised South Indian which flooded Sri third rate 'po and rowels.
The Tamil prog had also to resi nary forces simul the dominant trends in Sinha ture often mani tendencies, the anti-imperialist national unity; to the class stгt. fully opposed to The enthusiasm Tam|| progressive nal unity was of and belittled by wing as an enthl atoly reciproca Simhalese counte
The mid and a period of hel, опап шпргеced the Maoist orien the Writer5" Un be an exaggerati this period shoy of a qualitative theatre and creat already revived taker to a ra Mun naguru's Sar tlon), with Its r tent de picting socii On historical rila was staged.

SC 811(2 -
tS
i bo Lurgeois critics 'e able to capitagenuinc aesthetic the emerging trankan Tamil proliterature in its ze a new tra Il ment had to struad very little help m the experiences »unterpart. Ewen tened bourgeois no help as they 2 their type, fors shades. Moreent had to fight highly commerciapublish ing houses Lanka with thair ular" magazines
tחEוחWeם וח 551w Eם" st several reactiotaneously. While anti-imperialist a art and literafgsted chauvinist Works of Tamil writor 5 5 tood foT they gawe ower
uggle. They were Tamil cha Luwinism. shown by the
WT"|Ce T5 for Natiote been Ti di cu ced
the Tamil rightIsiasm not adequted by their
parts.
late sixties were ghtened activity, 2nted scale, by ted seis of on. It would not om to state that wed all the signs
leap forward in
live writing. The folk drama was w height when
karam (Destru - 2volutionary conial evolution based terialist premise,
The Tamil theatre gained a new dynamism with the arrillwal of N. Suntha rallingam, Tassisius, Siwamandan, Path Tanathan and seweral others, who united revolutionary content with significant experimentation with form. Leading Tamil poets like the late Pas upathy, Murugaliyan and many others penned some of their best revolutionary poems during this period inspired by the anti-Caste struggles in Jaffna. Many young poets and short story writers from the plantations made significant contributions to the ewolwing radical tradition. Problers of the exploited and op pressed Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese people found a central place in this progressive literature and art.
It was during this period that Marxist writers and critics engaged themsel wes In deep theoretical debates and discussions. In addtion to the battles with bourgeois and right-wing tendencies the movement also had to contend with an intense ideological struggle between revolutionary MarxismLenini 5rIn ' and reWision 15 rTn at na tional and international levels. These struggles had their impact on art and | iterature too. The rolle of aesthetics and content-form relationships corne to be recognised as serious issues of artistic praxis. In a sense, the experiences of this period were mixed and rich.
There were broadly two categories of literature purporting to be revolutionary. One was Inspred by ongoing mass Struggles, mainly the anti-caste struggle led by the Communists. The works of this category had greater realism and vitality as they had successfully captured the reality of a people mobilized to fight. The other type of works included abstract flights of fancy of writers who remained separate from the struggles.
It was from the latter category the right wing critics often picked their examples to stifle the pro

Page 29
gressive movement. It is however first category that was most vital in that it constituted a positive advance towards a revolutionary literature of a higher quality.
Marxist critics like Kailas apathy rightly upheld this tendency and gawe It all the encouragement. They stood firm against the right wing which quite assiduously put forward its old wine of for Talism in new bottles.
The wave of activity continued Into the mid sewenties and the reafter began to lose momen turn. Since the spilt of the Communist Party in 1964 the progressive writers union had been divided into two factions, "Pro-Peking" and "Pro-Moscow.' The seventies saw a further disintegration into several factions. This was also a reflection of the tragic disintegration that had set-in in both wings of the Communist Party.
The pioneers of the Tamil radical theatre movement, whose names have been already mentioned, are today conspicuous by their inactvity. So much so in a very recent polemic K. Balendra, one of the most active drama producers at present, has sarcastically referred
to one of them as an "ex-dramatist." Incidentally, Balendra deset wes our attention when we
look at the Tamil theatre today. Looking at the impressive list of plays produced by him within a short space of three years it would seem that he has chogen to specialise on translations. Early this year he produced a Tam il translation of Brecht's "The Exception and the Rule.' However, neither the politics of Brechts nor the concept of the epic theatre seems to appeal to his own heart. Judging by Balendra's productions in general, he is more committed to stage-Craft per se than to any Ideology, although he has shown a slight tendency towards existentialism.
While the radical theatre is in the doldrums, Balendra's translations have galned considerable popularity
among the middle class theatre goers. These translations are bound to hawe some impact on
the developing Tamil Eheatre tradition. However, reproduction is
not an art but a of translations by some critics by no means sub plays although that properly can have posil growing traditic
The current with a revival troversy which a polarization r stirring sixties. struggle waged malists on one critics on the thetic again, T. repeated their Marxists do n åtte til to Arti fessor Kailasapat target of this been accused c 'slogan monger in ti we writer 5 , ! Currant de bate h heat than light. feature is the forma lists to re| position theoretic hawe te 5 corted tic on sole Marxist have thus expe theoretical bank
It seem 5 tha hawe not been a B ! wances in their t for the last ten Marxist hawe mad at a re-evaluatic and hawe adwan towards a bette the aesthetic is literature in
ext.
These formalis to be aware of Marxist "innowa European and A As a result they with out-dated pons.”
Yet arother is the formalist sid Marxist pose of bers who were talking of a ph Marxism-Leninism poverty of theor is dish eartening, of the challenge debates is deter

raft, and the role ; often ower stated
Translations are itutes for original line cannot deny hosen translations we effects on a 1.
ecade has begun f an older conhas brought about miniscent of the It is a "two line' ly bourgeois forside and Marxist other. It is aese formalist5 hawe old charge that at pay sufficient itic Criteria, Prohy is the malin attack. Ha has f promoting hls g m in ions” as creaJnfortunately the as generated more A disappointing incapacity of the u te the Marxist ally. Instead, they 1 personal attacks t in tellectuals and
cted their own ruptcy.
the formalists
(2 to make any adeoretical position
years while the 2 genuine at tempo LS in of their past ced considerably
understanding of ius of art and he Sri Lankam
5 do not seem he current antijons' of ther Therical her or 5. fight the Marxists heoretical 'Wea
range feature of } is the pseudoomo of its momuntil yesterday losophy "beyond " Although the
of the formalists as the strength
offered in such ined by the eny
my's Strength cf theory, the con trowersy has helped to bring certa i ri ba5ic 55ue a clearer facu5. Art 15 time conditioned; so are aesthetic values. The dominant values of aesthetics in our society are by and large derivatives of the ruling aesthetics of the dominating captalist countries. Local bourgeois critics, writers and the mai 55 media at large play a vital role in the adaptation and di 55 ermination of such super imposed values. As pointed out by Lukacs, bourgeois aesthetics suffer from two extreme weaknesse 5 Insistence on Immadate reality and the isolation from material reality of any aspects reaching beyond immediate reality. The existantialist owertones and the philosophical Idealism of the formalist5 cal be traced to the 50 inherent weaknesses of bourgeois epistomology which underlies bourgeois artistic reflection.
The undue, highly one sided, emphasis on form and "beauty' is not accidental. As Ernest
Fischer noted, the problem of form and content is not only confined to the arts. In politics, when the position of the ruling class is threatened it tries to make out that form is primary and content secondary. It would use devious means to concejal a changing content. Thus the undue prominance to the bourgeois parliamentary form as a sacred institution of democracy while the content of bourgeois state becomes more and more repressive. The role of the formalist artist in a class society is to prettify its democratic facade and cover up all its filthy, repressive, exploitative reality. One is treated to an isolated a spect of hurman existence with all the artistry and if necessary with a little bit of petty bourgeois humanism. Many an artist plays this subservient role to the establishment quite un consciously.
Unfortunately even some progressive minded critics are victims of a great illusion. They believe in the formula that bourgeois art has beauty but no content while proletarian art has content but not enough beauty; their solution therefore is to marry bourgeois form with proletarian content. The attempts of some to evaluate
-¬ .7
27

Page 30
Tamil progressive literature on the basis of widely accepted bourgeois aesthetic standards are the result of this fallacy. Its worth heeding Lunacharsky's advice: Writers infected by the formalists, these typical representatives of bourgeois decadence, hawe been known to try to adorn and embellish ti T honest and weighty content with various trickery, thereby ruining their work."
It is true that many Tamil revolutionary creative work suffer from genuine aesthetic deficiencies. But, the remedy does not | ie in a return to bourgeois aesthetic values. Such deficiencies must be recognised and the writers must struggle for greater completeness
and beauty, from a proletarian stand point. In the final analysis aesthetic deficiencies are often
related to deficiences in content. They are in many instances the result of the artist's inadequate mastery of the reality he attempts to portray. This inadequacy is manifested in the artistic reflection. Not all those who claimed to be progressive and revolutionary wril
their claim. Some violence to realism sent Ing behaviouri Some have only 5 of "progressive wri ting reactionary 5 despite these liabil progressive mover in creating a radical has seen its ups ar. the past three de
issues of form typicality-individua hawe occupied the r marxist thinkers Lunacharsky, Gork Lukacs, Thomson, Benjamin and mai though one find wiews on certain : tics among them El on the primacy C form. They are a role of art and instrument of the to promote che
It is essential critics of our 5. their inds to the appropriate a for progressive a
ters produced works worthy of
FOR WELL OVER A
ARISTONS +
GLOBAL REPUTATION IN THE FIELD
ARISTON'S HAVE OPENED OUT N EXPORTS IN AN ENDEAVOUR TO CO
Ef)
5, GoW Colo
ARISTONS TOURS No. 5, Gower Street, COLOMBO 5.
Phone: 88.436,
Cibes: "TURNTIDE"
28

have ever done 1 by misrepreall phenomena. orted the label ters' who wriLuff. However, ities, the Tamil ment succeeded
tradition which ld downs during cades,
|-content, and,
lity intergrity
inds of estinent
| iko Plekha now,
:y, Mao, Lu Shun, Fischer, Brecht,
ny others. Al
5 differences in aspects of aesthe. here is una nimity if content over I agreed on the literature as an 1555 TOWE TEL clas 5 struggle.
for the Tarxist. ociety to address
the creation of esthetic standards r a rid li terature
that are relevant to the Sri Lankar
ħ IM
The pioneers of the Marxist tradition of Tamil literary criticicm, like Kaila sapathy, Siwathamby and others of their generation have successfully provided us a basis for the theoretical development in this sphere of the struggle. Their contributions are largely based on the premise that art and literature constit Lu Le an element in the realism of superstructure that has to used conciously by the mass movement to "provoke a revolutionary attit Ludo to reality, an attitude that changes the world In a practical way', to use the words of Maxim Gorky. However, the task of evolving a more com
prehensive theoretical system is yet to be accomplished. Unfortuna tely the opposition from the
local formalists is not challenging enough in this regard, and the forward movement is consequently not as dynamic as one would wish it to be. After a || it is the dia - lectic again, Let's hope for more serious provocations.
HALF A CEWTURY
|AWE BULT
UP
OF EXPORTS AS WELL AS IMPORTS
EW W 1ST AS | N NON-TRADITIONALNTRIBUTING FOR NATIONAL GROWTH
O FIFICE
NS LTD.
r Street, 1 bo 5.
3 2 IO 2,
B O 3
EXPORT DEPARTMENT |40, Front Street, COLOMBO II.
Telex : 2 | 307 RUWANI CE

Page 31
The working
learns
by H. A. Seneviratne
he cabinet had noted on July
30, that ""for a II purposes the strike had ended." This was what the government controlled Ceylon Daily News reported on July 3. But the state of emergency declared by the government com July 16, in Corder to del with the Strike situation continued for all purposes.
The emergency was allowed to lapse only on August 15. The political and economic inexpediency in continuing a State of emergency with thi cu 5 ands of strikers ke pot CIt On the Pretext of their ha ving vacated posts was obviously becoming problematic for the govern
Il 2 TI
Meanwhile, the emergency had served its real purpose. The Strike that threatened the government was smashed. The sathyagraha launched to rescue the Strikers who were de Cered L Hawe vacated their posts was thwarted. Although it is still Lincertain as to who were responsible for turning the August 08 sathyagraha into a smashing of shop windows, wild screens of cars and glasses Of C. T. B. b. Luses, i 1 Colombo, the threat cf a real mass protest was averted by the governmentfor the time being of course - under cover of emergency powers.
This massive operation of the gowernment, had to un derinine, by its very Tature, the sterila trade union bu reaucrat S 35 well as their politically impotent and already exposed counterparts in today's "Left movement." This was simply because the government did not need and therefore, did not wish to clash headlong with the working class for the time being.
This does not mean that the g0'yer fırtı erit did not Undermine the interests of the working class. That is what it has been doing all the title. A rhy bourgeois government has to do so in its own interests. Indeed, the blankct notice of vacation of posts issued
class
in defeat
by the governmen Lunder Tı inted the Working class to ever this was da fixed the onus leaders of the wo the government : the workers,
The wacation effectively preven from escala ting. B a large number Teturning to wor bE Come a fai Lire. was breaking th helping to maint: ation, for a II PL
This paradox h; for the class stru cf chass which cc with a stalerTat re Solution of the Cortext Wils the government. fact was that its was, to the gove tically and econo advantageous than
The governmen that the number the number tha еппployment as Preferred to call Wa.5 40.356. The between the masse ment was so yawn ever beliewed in Lh was right not to ever the figure ment was placed a dilemma. At th this article (Fó. C C TİC) TI 5 Wự cerce tha the emergency w F'Luri Imer to the re ment, in whatgyer strikers with a wig to face the rl utter reactionary operation that sm
As one looks th! E: Yelts tha: || in its proper hist it would Seem EF of a battle was its defeat.

t on the srikers interests of the
the core. But ne after having in the so-called rking class who, said, had mislead
of posts notice |ted the str|ke ut it also blocked f strikers from k once the strike The government strike whilst ain a 5trike situ1rpose. ld to be resolved, ggle is not a game uld be concluded 2 situation, Tha 5 tale mate in this oubt irksome to But the simple for 1-resolution rnment too, polimically more dis
its resolution.
t had announced Cim Strike — cor t kept out of the government the 5 tri keer 5 — credibility gap :8 and the gowerning that nobody is figure, and it believe. Whatthe governof the horns of e time of writing 13. 80) the indi t the ending of ould be a foreluctant reinstateT1 anner, of the !w to attempting Jthless and the Lē f hē ashed the strike.
back soberly at ed to the strike arical perspective at an outbreak a 5 inevitable as
(f) ackaging
ls () (Le
profession.
MULTI-PACKS
(CEYLON)
LIMITED
RATMALANA,

Page 32
The Stage Was Set for a confrontation after an anti-government picket died as a result of retaliatory action by pro-government gangs on June 05. The antigovernment picketing campaign, although nominally organised by the Joint Tradé Union A-Lion Committee (JTUAC), was a spontaneous show of protest against un bearable li w Ing conditions. The impressive and militant funeral narch of June 9 was a further development of this protest. The JTUAC leadership was probably waiting eagerly to grab this situation in order to exploit it to regain
their lost status among the work Ing class.
There a rose, ther, the Small Incident that always triggers off a major outburst, Twelve railway workers were suspended for participating in the antigovernment picketing Campaign
on June 05. A5 in 1976, the militant railway workers changed the con - flict of their fellow workers who were subjected to un just diciplinary action in to a class corri flict that broke the three year full of overt non-action among the working class. Several thousands of workers came out om strike at the Ratmalana workshop on July 07.
It is now known that the JTUAC took a decision on July 15 to call its membership out on July 2 or on a date before that. Thus there was no clear decision, to statt with as far as the date for the strike was concerned. Later, the 18th was apparently fixed by the JTUAC for the launching
of It's strike, Hawowg“, some of Lhe JT_JAC Lions, which wers politically led by the breakaway group of the LSSP - the Nawa Lanka Sana Samaja Party, (NSSP) care out on 5 trike om July 7. This self-centred attempt
Polint over the others
ir the TAC Was Lārtāgun to an act of sectarian opportu, וחפIון
In fact the entire handling of the general strike by the JTUAC leadership en bloc was smacking of opportunisin and self-interest rather than class interest. It had hurriedly fixed a premature date, apparantly amidst strife for the general strike. What it wanted
3 O
was to regain by Etatus it had lost t tunist for furth In this situation t opportunism with a5 se en from the NSSP leadership.
The Workers wł strike on July 17 of that NSSP Ig; have looked rolu the Seves isola Ee emergency. Som É ewen go ne back ti same day. This m ously dampe ned t workers who wer Como out om stri | July 18.
Despite this in II desplte the gover tion of emergency 5 TE SC2:tiin 5 of working class, inc borg of the UNP" Sang amaya in workp wernment Press, cor The Gowrmet unced on July 17 who did not rep. July 8 or on an date during the the emergency wic to hawe watated the public Teetings ' by the ruling publicity given ove whilst all oppositio completely banned Subject to Severo these public meet ment in directly masses in general class irn particulari.
In short, subje required for the surge forward were just the opposite
wave receded happen?
School masters
class will attribut thE strike ta the not well planned General 5 tri kes c with such great
spontaneity is an in In their eruption: is preparation. Ne ta neity in itself class struggle wer is properly direct ship with a

opportunism the :hrough oppQrir opportunism. ..here was also in opportunism
action of the
LO T U OD
on the orders adership would ind and found
In a state of of the rimi had o Work om ha 1 LJ3 , haw: 5 Ciring mood of Cho o propa ring to &c on and after
tial setback and Ten t"S declaraor Jum e l É, the organised luding the mems Athika Sewaka laces ||ko the GCThe out on strike. ad already annothat workers 3rt for work on y day after that continuance of luld be deemed :ir posts. Three were conducted JNP, with full " the rTha 55 rIn edia, In meetings were and all criticism censorship. At ings the governterrorized the and the working
it we conditions strike Wawe to - prevailing. But happened. The Why did this
of the working e the failu te of
få :: that it was and not orderly. annot be planned
precision since portant clement 5, ewem if thra wertheless, spon:31, rn not tak ( th [2 y far unless it ed by a leader
singleness of
WASA OPTICIANS
207 - 2nd CROSS STREET,
COLOMBO - i.
PHONE - 2 3
For Appointments

Page 33
purpose. The JTUAC leadership that "| Ed"" the 5 tri ke in this case had na singlerness of Purpose wis a wis the Working clas 5 apart from using thic working class to achieve their own individual opportunistic ends. They also lacked unity themselves precisely because they are a 50 t of assorted opportunists,
The Ceylon Mercantile Union (CMU), the Ceylon Bank Employees Union (CBEU) and the Ceylon Estate Staff Union (CESU) who were important members of the JTUAC did not participate in the strike. The leadership of the CMJ — CBE) — CESU tric, describing themselves as "independent organisations', had instead written a joint letter to the president, requesting a settle Tent of the strike.
The negative stand taken by the CMU in particular was most deterinental to the success of the general strike as well as to the CMU itself. The CMU had in the pist earned the reputation of being the most militant trade union in the country. But in an undeveloped and fast deteriorating capitalist state strangled by a declining imperialism, mere trade union militancy reaches its dead end unless it links up with the political struggle for emancipation of the Tasses under the Ieadership cof the working class. The mQme !! T The striking Linions were threat cnid with confiscation of funds under the emergency, the CMU which is already enjoying a non-recurring cost of living allowance under the CMU-Employ er 5 Federation Collective Agreement, along with the CBEU I and the CESU, calling themse!wes "is dependent organisations" went under to the threat. This also is another kind of opportunism that leaders of "pure' trade LUnions hawa to Practise for their own survival when they are hem Ted in by the class Struggle and the reactionary state. The ITU WC was split into two: the "independent' CMU-CBEU-CESU and the rest of the unions under the leadership of the SLFP, CP, NSSP etc.
True enough, the idea of will ing etc) nomic de Tards under conditions that were intolerabic was the driving force of the
 

KO n in Vitation.
henever you want orchids ... hether it is a solitary stalk, beautifull presentation basket,
a gay profusion elegantly ranged for an important occasion ...
me to the Fern & Flower r orchids that are beyond words.
*
=Rု%)ရွံ
HOTEL TA PRO BANE, FoRT, TELEPHONE: 20391
".

Page 34
strikg. The Joint Carl mitts S. Gf railway unions had put forward two economic derları dış ance the
strike action propelled by the suspension of their colleagues took off the ground. These two economic demands were the in crease of 5 alaries of al II employE es by Rs. 300/- and a Rs. 5/-
grant for each point of increase in the cost of living index. This 5e demands werd in turn adopted by the ITUAC. But any economic general strike will inevitably transform itself into a political orne in the present stage of political and economic crisis of capitalism snainly because gowernments, for their own survival, will have to crush such strikes.
The reactionary measures and the life and death attitude adopted by the government transformed the July strike into a political phenomenon. Neither the JTUAC leadership as a whole nor the political parties behind it, except for the SLFP leadership, were capable of coping with s Luch a situaticorn.
The government then posed the question as to what would happen if it fell as a result of the strike, To this, the te could hawe been only one answer in the present Cori text: "Ele:Litor 15"! But then did II meam Lihat the workers would get their economic demands even if the SLFP were ready for elections and won it? There
was in fact no answer from the SLFP or its te potesentatives farnd a|||Es in the JTUAC. Even Lh2
SLFP : could rhy hawe am 5 wered that question, for the answer was: "NO!"
Moreover, the opposition parties still had their unresolved political problems within and between themsel wees. Conly the LSSP and li: MEP had joined their inevitable
United Front with the SLFP. The CP, the NSSP and perhaps the other nonen titlgig Were 5 t|||| in the process of overcoming the difficulties that confront them in
moving towards a similar position.
The strike came at a time when the working class was gradually
detach ing themselvcs from their ex Sting trade Union leadership whilst remaining in the same
organisations for tactical reasons. A n alternative talde union leader
ship had not yet working class ha leadership with a p tion of its own. strik C WY5 iki ; geously fought by 50 Ction 5 of the a my without a ro
This battle is, without its ach | e' as the working cla The government. cally weakened. a government sur a se back and a so completely hos
In this strike class was also : further step in
whilst at Lho sa ching from its di ship, Class-cor: en hånded with a political education Ei Lor experience this battle brough after three year peace, the inner development of Sr amidst complete tion and ru | In.
The July strike in our history as resolving many wi working class mo" that of fin ding an : union leadership organisation of the
| Trends... (C
question of prost cas the love-affa a Jove affair beti ri ed m1a1n and Wo. '' I I I iit'' ew en li si regri arıcy? As Č ir its letter to the
girl had done not Jr. offerce under
Or did the reparte m:rint " clar, desti,
What is happen apped for Inte Briti 5 Gower Writer wered receir: Middle Eastern st Čif di British wo Serie ried ta lash đf alcỡhữI. |< 5 r or 5 title for decla inhuman punishmi Be 5 feit in 5 Lich

emerged. The d no political Čoli II cal organ IsaThoroforo, the a battic courathe advanced Working class !al general staff.
however, not vertherits as far is is concerned. was psychologiHow long can wwe with such working class t||ը:
the working Ele to take a as serting itself mci tima deta2cadent la ador
Lu 51.55 \ high degree of received through
Most of all it to tha opcin, s of death-like 5ocial 3 1d cl355 i Lankan Society 2 conomic degra
will go down a prologue ta 2a km (25 gras in the ement including Llternatiwr trad C2 and a political working class.
for fad fra o page? F }
i tiu tion, bilt Why Iri, '' I // Il cr''? Is
WEEE: Ir II T - man necessarily if it leads to RM pointed out Government, the :fi í rg which was Sri Lankari Ia W. kr. thrak "jssist" rig" :
ng about CRM's Er y certigri? The erit succesfully tly in another lte In the se "Mr. Wyfi) vys || EG O "2" 7 TITI" | Larka, whose te "rije rd ent” Islegal, to
CIJEes?
INVITE US TO
CATER FOR
YOUR PARTY
6
L
ÜC)
6O
O
Orige
PAGODA
Catering is our speciality. We cater for any function large or small: Weddings, engagements,
cocktails, luncheons,
din mer 5.
PAGODA
RESTAURANT too
is available for your party.
23O86, 29236.
Phone:
PAGODA
|05, Chatham Street, Colombo .
Cyril Rodrigo Restaurant

Page 35
Wi the re.
all Spc
SPO
EOQUIP
From the most famous r
you at convenient price
Wholesale Establishment, in
Reach the top in sports wit
available for all Outdoor a
within the reach
EQUIPMENT A VAN LA BLE FOR —
CRICKET GOLF GYMNAS"
SOCCER BADMINTON WOLIEWE
RUGBY BASKETBALL TENNIS
HOCKEY NETEBALL ATHLETI (
THE NEW C.W. E.
JAWATTE ROAD, (OPP.
r"

thin ach of
DISC1).
RTS
MENT
nanufacturers, brought to evels by the Co-operative
the Servico of the Nation.
h top quality equipment now nd Indoor Sports at Prices
of all Sportsmen.
ICS SQUASIH TABLE TENNIS
ALI SWIMMING (CA RR ()M1
ANGING CHESS
S BOATING BILLIARIOS
SPORTS GOODS DEPT.
SALU SALA) COLOMBO 5.

Page 36

servės
t O
Lanka's network now covers London, Paris, Frankfurt, Zurich, in, Dubai, the Maldives, Karachi, Bombay, Madras, Trivandrum, gkok, Kuala Lumpur and Singapore. A total of 13 countries and o less than 50 flights weekly between Sri Lanka and the world.
And wherever you fly with us, you'll be served in the warm and
ntle style you'd expect from the airline of the country that travellers throughout history have thought of as Paradise. >
call your Travel Agent or Air Lanka. ARLANKA A taste of Paradise