Page 1
U.S. - CAN CARTE
* Populist politics
- Vikramabah u Karunara'
* Marxist critics
- Reggie Siriward
* Tamil literary scene
- S. Sivasegar
Nom
 

سست -- سست رصے
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o The Debate
o UNP's Second Strike
O SLFP Scenarios
O TULF's Finest Hour
- Mervyn de Silva

Page 2
ONOM REVIEW
Over the last five year Economic Review has e! leading de welopment jou read by Wide sections strata in the country. three thousand copies d (an estimated one in et university members – ; reading it regularly).
This monthly socio-econ as a service by the Pec to promote a knowledg economy and the econo by a many-sided present reportage, facts and deb succeeded in presenting
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Page 3
DRECT DIALLNG
Corrier ting on Mrs. Gandhi's sarrous phorie CC, which fhad provoked a Sharp query In the
NSA, Mrs. B. told the Foreign Press Corps: "A fr ferd, is a friend Indeed."
Mrs. G. 5 Inde ed a frend. Expressing her deep distress over the expulsion of Mrs. B., the Indian Premier has added that the Banda ra na i ke sarily
has faced a lot of harassement.
UNPers have reacted to these remarks with irritated incomprehension and anger. Whatever Mrs. G's personal feelings, they expected a change of Feart in Delhi after JR's visit and his effusive appeal to India and to
Mrs. Gard to lead the Third Wud.
SOT1 e ridian Observe S Tre equally baffled. Such thinking surfaced at the same press conference when Mrs. B, was
asked by an Indian correspondent, about her "tilt" towards Pakista in the ridg-Park W (i'r dirid her "pro-Peking" sympathies du ring the Siro-Iridium War. On the latter point, Mrs. B flanked by two lawyers who vied with each other in g w Ing the press 7 tīme-con 5 LI TI ing lect Lure om the saw grid the constitution reglected to gi we the ob y sous ans Wer. st wds Mr. NehrL who JC Cepted the Colombo propos als in toto, while Mr. Chou accepted ther pyhi reser y1 ton15.
What with the proposed direct dia I ing will | trans-Pak Strat telephonic traffic increase, 75k LINPers, quite upset by Indi ra's Big Sister act. The UNP's reply, usually chan meled through the media, needs. Witch frig.
OLD SOLDIERS, NEW MYTHS
Old Sofdiers don't fou de 7 W 7 y Though he was no Mac Arthur Sir John was buried to the sound of trumpet blasts and the blare of a phenomena publicity
cara pagri. Ni I nisi bonum and all that, but why the makings of a new cuit of pertsonality?
The old Colore, d Joy good
se Joy Grid certa rriost: colourful f across the politi, In his jodhpurs,
Gerer grid then promotion, Court controlled media of a rational hE
Te Türi W “BT ndung Boor|| LNP". Jy I AFTE nesia, Mr. A. was preserted founding fathers the Prime Mini tened to "wolf-L bury them a live of Ouro al mcent | Js c BLddhist was the point facile Tyth-mak ם חם fmpress the virtues of personality and T.
The grswer rigt in the bur the Kated weld e morg Lue of Lak Lldri kuris whose r1ột that shürt Sunday Obser" a week before Election. It wid last g | rm ritmick. was to be giY Today It wil ho Defence Academy
GRASSF
ARBC
Lİrleyen de yel The Daily New ch Lycksing over tre temps of al B of international tion experts wh; with 'dead" this in the age direct dia II ing Critill EI15.
Medar Wyhl i IE W propelled into th A "grassroots' organisation Whi a mong rusal you self-relance wh budget is cover grant, may 50 Bes helicopter. foreign patron

fr lly orie of the gures to stride Ca stage, cibelt
was promoted
given a double 3 sy the Stateto the runk
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it was called u wa" by the IJsseldor | rn IndoE. G.00nes]nghe, as one of the if nondlignment, ster who threaIp" bhikkhus and Erח חנווח in the . kings, was hailed hampion. What then of this Ing? Was it to new generation the military Filitar y discipline? may be found tid grounds of state but in the .e House. 5 г.)
ITEITTOFFES (re Will reca || 7 ver lead story the 755 Generg 5 Like House's The Whose est te en to orphan 5. Li se the Najtigonto
.
OOTS, ORNE
opment indeed! is had its readers the Ironic coMICH conference Le le Corin Tunicahad to co-op elephones. And of satellites and tց մ]] the
e have been e helicopter age.
social service ch works mainly ith and preaches Fle 75% of its ed by a foreign an get itself a .. if the genero Luis Obliges.
TRENDS
LETTERS
Another Triumvirate
Cicero, consul at Rome many centuries ago, was faced with ari arrThe d ir15Lurrection which he suppressed rather bloodily. HE rece iwud more cor les 5 enthusiastic support for his actions from three of the Tajor established politicians of the day, the plump old Crassus, the populist Caesar, and the awuncularly prestigious Pompey.
Soon afterwards these three organized themselves into a triumvira te to govern Rome,
They offered Cicero a place amongst them. When he turned this down, they banished him.
Reading the account, by Migara in the "Weekend" of the deliberation in Cabinet
concerning the removal of Mrs. Bandaranalike's Civic Rights, | was naturally reminded of that
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GUARDAN
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CONTENTS
Leters
News Background 3. Forigi. Ne Yois 1) Sinblit la pop Lilis III Buddhisin and politics דן Tali Thicat r
Mal Txist Criticism
Tail Literary Scene 꼬 As I like it דב
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Page 4
episode: Migara suggested that the three individuals most anxious for the deprivation were the plump cld E. L. Senanayake, the populist Prime Minister, and the awuncularly prestigious President (with regard to Cicero. It was said that Pompey succumbed to pressure from Caesar). It was Inevitable therefore that I should have recalled too the consequences in ancient history of the like situation.
Crassus went off to Persia in search of more money, and died there. He was in any case a negligible quantity, included in the triumvirate because of past importance rather than as a 'coming' man. The real battle was to be between Pompey and Caesar; and, in time the former, sinco he was los ing out, recalled
Cicero to his ai it was too late struggle, in the Cicero did inc Pompey, though and always com old injustice, wi case made h Caesar triumph
Thc rest is Caesar was di variety of p Cassius and Bit,
In telt 21 rest order. But that, democratic syste a system of che - a principal vic was the banishn The authoritaria trum wira te had i not be abolish thony and Au, Caesar and then
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i. But by then . After a long course of which eed side with
half-heartedly plaining of the i ich has in any In In effectual !d.
well known. posed of by a !ople, notably
tu 5, who were pring the old
albeit limited, m had required :ks and balances lation of which ment of Cicero. his that first Introduced could ed. Mark Angustus a wenged
fought it out
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between them, the ultimately victorious Augustus established a very long-las ting autocracy.
It is tempting to draw parallels. Ananda Tissa de Alwis would make a suitable Cassius - humiliated as he was
in Parliament when his kindly
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would attempt to repeal the (CoriாபE 01 நபge E8)
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Page 5
THE GREAT DEB - AND AFTER
by Mervyn de Silva
utside. It was the battle that O: was; traffic-less streets and a deserted Galle Face green as a seemingly uneventful evening wore on. Helmeted policemen, army jeeps, commandos with automatic weapons, a solitary patrol boat close to the shore and a helicopter howering above - all highly visible signs of total preparedness - were mocked by an enemy that was never sighted.
As the President was to say two days later in his broadcast from the faraway paddyfields of
Polonna ruwa, not had entered this
Inside, it was an with a predictat UNP's Soi id phal overflowing in to benches, reduced SUT Y ivot 5 of the | to a singularly Seven, a Light Bri, mercilessly ferocic besi de and beh ddn'L have a ch
The age-ing Af the stout soldier
IT WASn
"T"he NSA restaurant, and
an invitation for the te
and cakes from a mid-level
TILULF Iile Iber.
"If the TULF was a lational party like the SLFP, We would have put up a much better show, police Cor Ilo police
How come? Is the il Cocile, til me Tami || Il obsole te s tercCotype?
“ “Our leaders, coil r MP's each one of Lls, our Party members and supporters have got toughened from 1956 onwards, the process of struggle .. you sce we hawe 21 cit. L5e . our people are motivatel "
10 from each party branch or at least the 5 key office bearers Illade 110,000 or 55.000, 50 from each electo rate also approached the sa me number in the he: dy c:ll:Lill: LiOIls (11 SLFP 811|1|20 T
3 * “If they get 5,000 into Colombo, they'll be lucky' pronounced a PB member ol the LSSP, which tact fully dissociated itself from this 'operation' of 'adventil rers
ܡܩ
and adventInTis 15). The “aci", L S LFIP's " While the "ad the Trotskyists creating "SQ". Ratılmalaina W the general slr
Thle: L (G q1.I . lawyer: "A b a (blue y 50/ — ni the city sights Oct. 1 (, he Iloil-e Welt, Wa: in popular psy
The villager
fel | O W. He bu cards close to a lion-committ: slake of his
pointed qui estio Collel Kotel: S. Trise and T il 1970 LLITI revolution" bll
Impclled b. injustice or : person: l griev: right co L1 s a Tige killer, like Sil: 'Willage'. But hustled, Illibili

ATE
even a stray dog
"" wat zone"".
un equal combat, Ile Tesult. Tha anx, its numbers the Opposition the SLFP's few 977 July debacle un-Magnificent gade which found L5 can ni before, ind them. They
1an da Dassa nake, ", hi5 heart certa -
nT SAFE
Ls" ". (ILG (Oct. Ten Lurers" were ang of Four', enturists' were
who tallkcd cof "iets' at the nrkshop during iէt.
ted a pro-JWP uth-picket i mi J te... he will see and gt, ht, I11ւ: ". said after the a brief lesson 'chology.
is a cւImming ides his Lille, his chest, and al or ambiguous
hcal di 10 e Wery Il Bull hilic LC) (3k wela by total OL1 ted hill, and gI1טd tflg grם
. y a seT se of some deep-felt
Illce, die Spair o T T. he can ble : indu in Woolf’s | lէ: ԸaIIn (it hւ: sed Cor. Organised
Inly in the right place, fired away with stubborn recklessness, (mostly at the Speaker) like a cornered gun hand who knew his bet is nearly empty. In the end, he was borne rather roughly away by some khaki-clad "heavies' in a Scene the NSA will surely try to avoid in the future.
The SLFP'5 fine5t momorit cof spirited defiance came with Mr. WWII je siri, the burly ex-UNP'er known for his come-what-may pugna city. Never overtawed by either occasion or person, hg was
for direct action. And he hates to leave his village and operate in an alien terrain.
The Right cal in thro W Inmuscle into the streets; Witness, the go on-sqLlads of the CMC, the Colombo under World or the JSS. (OIıly L lhe Left—led orga nised i labour cal, il take tilhelm on, ás in June lnd On August 8th. A pychological assessment of t le te ne Iny" is also : decisive factor. Sir Johı II talked tough, but bluff and b. Imbast mostly. Dulley sin il pily kiliki ı't have the stomach for rough-stuff. With JR, the SLFP always has to lsk itself Ll ulcs tion Which Laurence Olivier kept repeating in “ “ The Maria hon M1:an"?': ** Is it saflc'!""
That po Tepi_0 ster) li s proclau II naltion Li hl:ll 5 Conle of Lhese comte 17 lated 'offels' " W5 Pll Inishable by death, produced a reaction which is clightful revelation of group psychology. A SLFP voter is reported to
haw: aisked: ** IIIa bedil, sir, parata bassaoth ellana wa kiy:linine?" " "Sir, i 5 it | T Lic that
if we step on to the road we call be hanged").

Page 6
Uniquely 2dvantaged in this exch- und even the ange. Not only could he disso- UNP'er appeare Cla te himself from the pas but ccyer. he knew enough of UNP doings, Why tha SLF
past and present, to make at least some people in the House distinctly uncomfortable. For instance, he kept waving a copy of the parliamentary Select Committee report om the GCEC directorate
UNP-imposed t hour debate o to a free-wheel|| on Nihal Jayawick veteran parliam Tesult, Mr. Maiti
Crime and
punishiment
is good that Rillie is not : NSA Ille Tıb: T now, Otherwisc Lllis lapsel Lin Pilo ist would have beic 11 lle:Air Ll-broke! :) to see : Chinese patrol boat deployed against ally SLFP will rriers Who Were pola Ill Thing Lo cimci Ticle the city froi lill coli Intryside, supported by a seaboile assault.
Rillng Wils i member fra 1111 7 () — 77, and Hill 15:4rd krı (), 'ws hinlı His Lluc illa. El Wilco kcpt Prins Guinasekera's privale meill b cr's motion on the SUN going | for over A year by speaking about the slli, Il con and sta S. In fact, it beca ne kilown as Ratne's "Evrything-under-theSun' motion.
În one of his less sunnier II boods, het lil 11baksteld the **:1scis L UNP' El Ind its 'fascist lele T.**
Il the NSA tea-ro). One day, the fascist leader accosted the revolutionary Ratile and said: "Some day I will use Ilcse sa. Ile emergency powers only to lock you up for 24 hours and you will be forced to lislell to your own speeches,... that’ll be your punishment.” Mrs. B., who was at the other corner of the room Wa5 Lll of the “threat“ lnd blirst into laughter.
At Polonna wa last week, the Presiden Lannounced that he had ordered Raine's release just before his arrival. He wondered whether Rattle was in the audience. listen to JR's speech?
Last Week the whole nation had to listen to Ratne's speecies con SL BC. Ah, Fagism!
Did Ratne haye to
had to be satisfi speech and Mr. A had no time at
Mrs. Bandaran much time om č Career and em Lir SerwiCS to thig schools' take-ow.
of oil companies foreign o wined es Indian mediatior
Shastri pact, Kac non-aligned Tow dČtub til E255, for all this had bee is also widely kn history, and no robbed of his
its,
The occasion ca. farewell speech type Mrs. Band; making in publ large crowds. W three year reco Critic s Luchi ample B could hawa trick fram Fide|| || i5 tead of a CCLs insists, this is all of het speech Shc public atten tion chose this course
| Tre ård What what was the S do to beat bäck democracy'. Mrs that the folia group) do mot fair deal Could h maximum publicit that was duty-bou debate In full, edge of a long si too. Tuch of a se autobiographical ; the record" te 5 t question she pos with the offer a July '77. If I we Minister in this is it that I am is from Parliam erit rmere memberł sł

t d to
belligerent dL ck for
P yielded to a ime-table (a five Mrs. B in contrast ng two day debate rema) stil puzzles 2r taris. As a ri pala Sena mayake ed with a skimpy nu Ta Bandaranaika
all.
like spent far too utlining her public igrating her many country, from the I f III. I altsat. I i, Insuran ce and tates to the Si To – . the Simahchatiwu and the : Inent. All this, the record, But said before. It town. It is already individual can be (or her) achieve.
|led for a fighting - Tote of the a raraike has been ic platforms to "With the UNP's rd offering any if I unition, Mrs. ||2 arri E a foten sic: nd turned accuser 3d, if, as Mrs. B olitics the thrust Lld hay directed to why the UNP of action at this it means. And LFP prepared to "the threat to B who complains (except the Sun give her party a ave b Con 5ure of ly from a press nd to report this The only cutting peech that was lf-as gessment, an titut ard ""for : iT1:It was the
ed irl Connection f a portfulio in a fit to be a
government how JW to be expelled is turi fit to be a 12 asked. Wrd if
The SUN's Sanjay UNP frontbencher drew oil's attention to another Indian parallel. For all the sociallist Thct Tic of Lline | Congress, III liral's emergency was hail cd by many of India's top tycoons. As ill Mussolili's l taly, the tra i 15 IL 1 In line. What is II ore, there was a fierce cracklown on the tradic LImions. One of the Wictims of the EIII ergency was Ramilath Goeinka's "Indian Express' group. Recelly, MT, Genka liled up on MTS. Gandhi's side in Il sig Illed personal stal tement in which he called for "national
Lility.
The SIN, shut down for 2 years, has Tot only given || Mrs. B. fairly generous publicity but frequently argued om het behalf without running | the risk of openly offending the JNP. Is this a pure circulation gill mick, what with Upali's cxpress' about to get on the Tails? "No" observec al UNP front bencher "" Lihle S UN || has stood for a grand coalition since the sixties aid Inow it is Tegularly quoting Anura and Ilaking him, more or less, the SLFP spokesman'".
I had accepted the portfollo would | hawe been hauled-up before the CCITIIIli55ion
Hammering home the same point more vigorously Mr. Wije - Sir raised other questions which the student of Sri Lankan politics, especially the relations between our two major parties, is obliged to consider seriously. In 1972, Mr. Wii jesiri said the Leader of the Opposition had Publicly pronounced that the UNP had no future and on this assumption he had favoured the grand coalition. A few years later, the young Anura Bandaranai ke had been offered the Kala we wa seat on the unders tanding that the UNP would not Cotest him,
The process of contention and co-operation between the two

Page 7
leading competitors for electoral
power is of course affected by the
balance of power between them
at any given moment. In a parti
cular political context or economic situation (the general conditions one might say of "crisis') competitive Interest5 a Te 50sthetimes superceded by the larger and
more fundamental interests of the Political Establish ment which Percleves threats and challenges confronted by the Establishment as a whole, The 97 insurrection was certainly such a challenge. Likewise even a government with a five-sixths majority about to embark om a new economic strategy with its novitable impact or mass living standards (withdrawal of subsidles, inflation etc.) would dearly cherish the support of a bi-partisan consensus.
The exceptional skill and self assurance with which Prime Minister Premadas sa skipperd his team ard controlled the debate according to his own game-plan, was the most noteworthy feature of the UNP's performance. Returning to the press gallery after a fairly long break, the following held my attention almost as soon as the debate got under way:
(1) After three years in office, the Prime Minister is very much in command of the House and newer shy or reluctant
to impose his authority or crack the whip whenever the occasion arose. "I am speaking for the government, Sir . . . . . . . . '' "as far as the
gover ment is concerned, Sir"
. . . . . . . . 's peaking for the government, Sir". Such remarks often prefaced a cate
gorica, and obviously uncha| lengeable, flat from the Prime Minister on the official governmont position. Even senior ministers Were promptly (som etimes brusquely) brought into line. Such was the unhappy experience of the Minister of State when he suggested, in respon SC to a Provocati we question by the Opposition Leader about a possible Supreme Court order in favour of Mrs. Bandaranaike's writ application suggested that the NSA resolution could be rescinded. "That's put of the
The el
eWé"
S" In oths
N. M. Was lis side Was P | fia. und the turned to the day. If Mrs. B | by the Commis guilty, will the Illowe to expel h
said N. M.
The Profess | “But, sir, JR
poli Lician who cious of classSiri Ina h :L s p r rcliable clic felci: talist system
** 1 say Cai
double doctor t. l1 e ProfesscoT ; LSSP stildy C kino W Elbo Liti i ness and class I know R. people, was ELT pected insurger police station | and Ilha de Lo e: ping alla il...m Lerrible effect O told me this times,...if it c.
his sol, who si no, Carlo, gets .....'
question . . . . that the qu ''' || || not ari government words to IF PM's perem Towards the the Prie on the cloc Träd. Minist up when h the time giv
Mr. Premad: recognised ter In Sinh acquired a in English language to confident
(2)

ephant forgets
before he died, 1 iT Hed Hy of CнгU FOпcolwicrsa titol tipic of the is summoned io II, and fol IIld UNP actually :r? Of cours c,
or disagreci. is surely the is Ill.) St. CO 118interest. .....and v cel she is :1 :r of the Cilpi
l' " Sigi tle gently, dra Wing lway froll the lassi, "“l do l'L class-conscious-interests, h111, His son, of Lill
Tested as El Sls
it, kept in the for two nights ut from a belek Just have hal il JR.. . . ble his
slory severial 11ւld happen to
: son was sal fic? JR newer for
. I tel || FC House estion of a repeal se, as far as this
is concerned' or at effect was the ptory interjection. end of the debate Minister, his eye k, gawe ewer the er a bit of a hurrye hid exhal LIS Led
y en to hii T1.
5a has always been as the best debaI. He ha 5 "10"W termarka ble fill JeriCY and switches from a language with when
e 5 D'EST
discussing technical matters like parliamentary procedures. The true tes of a debater is his quick-wittedness, revealing itself best in the Instant
retort. Except for one lapse into a risky remark about Mrs. B and Mr. Nixon, the PM excelled himself. The House roared us tily as one brilliant, if brutal, back-han
der sent Mr. A mura Bandara - rai ke reeling, ne Wer to regain his compO5ure. In an emotionally charged situation, it was understandable that Mr. Barndaramaike should 5 ho W signs of impatience and annoyance, particularly at the way the proceedings were going. Nimal Karura tillake, the SLB C commentator Who cowers the NSA daily, tells me that the young second MP for Nuwara Eliya has "matured fast". The Opposition certainly is a better school for toughening than the comfortable benches of government. But the emotional Strain Was evi dent, So perhaps it was better that he did not participate In the debate.
(3) The inspired final move expo. sed the fine hard of a mas terly parliamentary strategist. The FM had said he would take half an hour for his reply. When His Elm g Camel he turned back and called on the young MP for Mawa tagama, much in the Imam mer of a Chappel or Clive Lloyd Putting on a Thomsom or Andy Roberts for a final fiery spell.
As if a dam had burst, the pent-up anguish and anger of this backbencher, an authen Tie wictim of the ET ergency, exploded in the face of the SLFP. His own experience, retold with passionate conviction, was such a perfect example of the UNP's strongest argument against the abuses of power under the Emergency that even the cleverest lawyer or debater would hawe been reduced to Eleme. And that si lente was total when he produced the picture cf gcf 11e innocent y Luth, b 2 a ten to death, he said, by the police and buri ed in some SLFP Politi - clan's back garden.

Page 8
T. U. L. F.
Yet, the day ultimately belonged to the only non-combatant
in this War" of Words. It belonged to the TULF.
"We are lether SLFP I10
UNP” said Mr. Amirthalingam. "Nobody, not even the UNP, wa5 as har assed as the TULF. In fact, we hawe been victim5 of both parties.
Sustal ned by the moral strength of this position, the TULF leader rose to the full height of his august office: a feat that has often eluded him, not because of any Personal ina dequacy but because of an objective circumstance, itself the result of an electoral quirk. According to the rules
Mrs B :
licercil and mobbed ville Tiever the SLFP motorcade sloped oil the road to Killicly, Mrs. B's spirit soared when she saw the huge crowd which had gathered to greet Her when she arrived at the Hill capital. There Was Oile lllllly Ilcide Ill on route – at Kidug: IIlä Wa where stiles Wre throWII at the SLFP motorcade, a few
persons injured and some Wellicles da Imaged,
"Everybody is equal before the law - JR. Under this not to, UNP paste Is an Inounced meetings at which the President 1nd his Ministers will address the public on ''the Sirima issue'. | So the UNP band-wag gon is also on the road, dira Wing la Tge crowds to.
While the enthusiasm of loyal | SLFP Supporters ruil high, the party itself is already facing two problems, Tile first, though tricky and likely to sharpen personal conflicts, is bound to be resolveci 5001. IL concerns a successor l) Mrs. B as the Atta Tagalla MP. If Ann Lur:1 giët's the Sealt, the problem Will Be Illore difficult in as Inuich als il plrty nominee h1:1s; t () be fo I LI Tıl fi ) T N L.1 W:1r:1 Eliya. While the party's young
of the parliament leader of an ess рагtу, а рагtу гё onal minority, iş play the part of national oppos dent's "shadow'
Refusing to sub to partišah polit lingam bridged t TULF boss and with admirable re Whitewer the ri le gal àhd moral, this Yās mot with political op
An unnusually Sigorld Luis Mr. Gai rasid the fund power and
on the
radicals, Tainly the Jilin:l Yegaya to favour MI IKu Imar:l, 1ma tu1T1 gil, estil blished lede the Sç:lles foi o
The second p Timore sericulis, "public office'' be interprcted t office-learer in party ? Official a political party brings many as clLu di[1g go We Tr1I1) granted by the E missioner to wh constitution and lis Illve to be s
Tle party m halve thç: Les Lor Tights Els a prio the SILFP Will 5 majority, the c Cill Tse c:a 1 le al resol Ll Licom wh pulit this electio cflect be passet Imajority? In t B can be in parl a mITith of the til 1. Tlhis c) beginning of a
bielwcer1 the P the lelder øl
CWT.

tary game, the entially regional presenting a naticalled upon to the official, the tion, the Presiprime minister.
ordinate principle ics, Mr. Amirthahe gap bot ween Opposition leader ctitude and poise. ghts and wrongs,
of this case, the way to deal ponents, he said.
subdued and mini Dissar 3 yake 1 mer tal Issue of esponsibility of
road
remnants of
roup, seen S. Chandrik:
the party's
rship may tip
Ll
TableI’ll is far What (10es Ill ca. In Call it include all L Tecognis cd Irecogniti ( ) I'll to (Tet: politið Il iWant Elges, iiient funcis) is lections Comon the party office-bearers ilı birlıit tical.
anifesto lay ...tion of civic rity it cm. If El two-third onstitution of chal nged. Carl 1 ięli 5ęeks I) n pledge into by a simple his case, Mrs. ia ment withiin (GI 1 eral E! cculd be thic el Se tussic resident ill Լhe Parly in
the real practical accountability and institutional checks. The electorate, it is trLe, is the Lultimate arbiter but what happens between elections. Mr. Mr. Nixon's case may be peculiarly American and na tive to another system. Yet it does raise the same basic issue.
Problem of
Such was the Opposition leader's poise that he could afford to put on a charitable smile when lit. Athulath mudali, a seasoned Speaker used the old debater's dodge of lightly dismissing Mr. Amirthalingams by presented Case by attributing his concern for Mrs. B. Lo cold-fash|oned chiwalry.
CENTRAL WEAKNESS
The lawyer in Mr. Athula thmdali fared better. His speech exposed a central weakness in Mrs. B's general campaign. It lacked a consistent strategy. Of course one speaks with the advantage of hindsight, and it is always easy to be wise after the event. An Intere Sting contiment on the Bracegirdle affair in the current issue of the YOUNG SOCIALIST which has recently made a welcome
appearance, offers a Study in con -
The issue was inherently and profoundly political but the fullest I se was rin a de of the law and thig
But the latter
ČČ LITI EXKETE E was part of the broader strategy and that remained resolutely political.
Mrs. B. and her advisers, both
political and legal, se em to have been in different, often contrary, Til rids, Will it won't it Would the UNP actually go in for the 'kill'? Or would the passage of time bring its own satisfying solution?
Were the media Lors and the me 55 engers of Comforting ng wis right? If so, a political attack
would be noodlessly provocative and self-defeating?
Mr. Ath a thrudall exa Tired the moves after the Commission's 5 UIT 11 om 5 werd Issued Ef the Cor Tim |- iš šios er 5 W 2ra biassed arid the procedure itself a violation of natural justice, why not boldly denounce this "mock trial" and refuse to participate in its proceedings in any way? (An Indian

Page 9
correspondent has made some interesting con trasts with Mrs. Gandhi's approach in a similar situation).
LALITH*S QUER || ES
Why, asked Trade Minister,
request time to study the evidence and the list of witnesses? And was it after such a scrutiny that It was decided to make a statement and withdraw without participating in the proceedings in the mãn Flø F Nihal J. and FDB di do Why was the writ application made only after the NSA resolution was tabled in arguing against Mr. Amirthalingam's point of order, the PM f GLEler L. JNP speakers made ruch of this point that the timing revealed an in tention to stulti fy parliament,
Oct. W, when the UNP took the Opposition by surprise and introduced amandments to the electio law which om han Cid the dia bilities imposed on Mrs. B. et al, Produced an irony which ha 5 gone u T1 Tho tic2d.
The propaganda line in the SLFP press was based on the assumption that an adamant P. M. was taking the imitiative on this anti-Si rima movo, whic the President was, if at all, a reluctant partner in the enterprise. Exploiting this perceived conflict or difference of opinion, the SLFP tried to wider the di wisip, :encentrating its fire on the P. M.
What is abundantly clear is that at least in the final stage there was perfect coordination and only a division of labour . . . . the P. M. commanding troops on the parliamentary front, in a strategy carefully mapped out by the Commander-in-Chief at UNP headquarters, War-Room or whatever.
IRONIC REWERSAL
O (). W Lig SLFP'5 was turned against it. Instead of the SLFP trying to isolate the PM and dividing the UNP leadership, the UNP Prime Minister, full of solicitous concern and praise for the SLFP's No. 2, was trying to split the SLFP.
The best example of British brain-washing, the middle-class Sri Lankan, argurtı erts.J-we as arı
tactic
S
Refsins է : trap W
propagandists tilhelm selwes by Prim Miiiis guy' and P the (relatively L. G. Styled ope: Tation1 :lls strike'. It is a Iuno ye of : importance c. and planned person than Party LęalcT (Gweril 11 CIL in-Chief.
Befka Te Llıis ower the Ulf secold-strike the swift, Sul Inew a chillili
la w indicate ilim is the ion of Mrs.
1 ótlı, it was cl Would llaw: beLWeen I10I. the election i no imination d
Irish man, is a p. dit, per versely office train, bus. or provincial club un licensed jurists Erskine May and as the average 5 his Wider and
Thus, the new debate an fundar the Constitution C2'yi dan CG, Writ:5 || lation, offences .
Pe 12 || Cod o T
sub judice.
Mrs G.
But this argu
dying OLt, and på In the public Ini down to a Can Ms. B do
Qui te rightly, the wote w|| || d finally. The UN the challenge. F SL, FP irm to a LI fi

E coND
il to the th: SLFl'
created for presenting the iter as “the bad re: sidentit JR 15 ') good guy, the he October 16th "J.R.'s surgical unthinkable that SLLcll Llrc illem d ) l LS ould be initiated by any other he President, the the head of the Lid Comm: 11 der
fatcful Wcck Was NP display ed its capability. Again rprise blow. The : Ints to thic clection 11t Lille UNP's total immobilizaB. On October, e3 T Lhält NT 5. B.
liber 1:1 tt. mination day Ind tself. But before ay she could func
arliamentary pumlegalistic. Every popular Canteen is crowded with who know their Jennings as well choolboy knows hig MCC rules.
er-end Ing public mental rights and
the laws of "e tro -actiwe legisunknown to the
ill-defined, and
ment is slowly olitics takes over. rid. It all boils ingle question : a Mrs. G. ?
Mrs. B says that ecide the issue P has accepted having forced the | lateral cea se fire
S T R KE
tion openly and effectively als party leader. She would not be Teduced to a merc figurehead or lho! low symbol, BLlt : fter October 17th this questio is open-cided. And it is not just a legal question only but wcy much a latter of dilyto-day politics.
Forty cight hours earlier the gover III (Int. p: ria:Teilt a Ty group hadi met. A UNP MP, obviously Inc irdinary backbencher, judging by his speculative cast of imild, ;#5kc i Mr. Jaye WardeI131 What he would have clone if he had beccrin Talb LI Indi gL1ilty by El C) mill
Imission. He said he would Tcsigil luis post as party ellcir. Th1:11, GC) e ";", hält i 1
Lhe Ilanier of the Ayatollah calling on the Americans to apologize for their crimes, the President added that he would also apologise to the people, Mrs. B. however is in mo : polige till: 111 cod. (Sce "On the Ruad"),
In the war that rewer was, having seen his parliamentary commander crush the enemy in the NSA, the President himself is stepping out to fight the only wat that ultimately matters in this system, the bale for "hearts ånd mi d5."
The Polonnaruwa crowd may be shrugged off as organised show-biz but not the highly successful Nugiego da m 22 ting where JR was
bold emo Lugh to state2 the is 5 Lue bluntly. As the posters said: "JR on the SIRI MA ISSUE". And, according to the PM the UNP
will campaign оп this same issue
at the DCC elections.
In 1772, the correlation of forces (SLFP-LSSP-CP) made the UNP the Waaker of the two traditi Tal riwal 5, the UMP and SLFP. In the face of a threat (the JVP and/or the Old Left)
JR was ready to close ranks with
the SLFP, 1977 saw a dramatic electoral shift of the balance of forcas. With the economic

Page 10
situation leading to a steady erosion of the UN P’s popularity. JR has moved swiftly to reaffirm and perpetuate the UNP's pre-eminence within the twoparty Establish ment.
With measured calculation and
genius, Charles de Gaulle stood "above' party politics to make himself the symbol of France,
but he never ignored the realities of power. He was the leader of a party which bore his name. In the intricate inter-party game of combinations and permutations, in the power-equation 50 to say,
the Gaullist Party under his command was a major factor in achieving the sort of 'stability'
or equilibrium which he desired.
In tho Oct list issue, the LG quoted Dr. Colwin R. de Silva con Mrs. B's effort "to make the SLFP the sole political agency of the capitalist forces in Sri Lanka, displacing and destroying the UN P in the process."
The ambitious aspirant to "sole agency' has now been displaced, if not destroyed. As an experienced politician, JR, is conscious of the "pendulum effect' in our electoral politics and aware of the unwisdom of any pursuit of an elusive exclusivity.
PRESIDENCY
There's a new complicating factor - a party leader who is also prosident liri a constitution which has yet to be tested under the pressure of political actualitit Ces which Carl not be measured with any certainty now ; a president whose party may have a na Trow majority in 1983, or be badly defeated. A riva I party in office ? A coaIition ? Obviously, the parliamentary balance is bound to affect the presidential contest six months later.
In anticipation, the options are being enlarged, the room for marno euwr) Wid Cened.
High-ranking members of the Buddhist clergy and Christian blishops, tra de Unions and civil rights organisations, ex-Trotskyists and neo-Trotskyists, Muscovites and Maoists, influential businessmen and western diplomats, Tamil nationalist5 and Siri hala racialist5 took up Mrs. B's cause. Fof many,
τ νAs a 5ίΠηΡle ratic rights. For
it was an antia high propagand the Kandyans, politician who bro country monopoly. is the authentic S a Buddhist Boadii
BPARTISAN B
A new 5 tir at Lurm Increas Ingly linke capital, regard he of Export Promc Foreign Investmen They would W partisan Consen of the new ecol It is sound poli They share with
That, i 1A fVOLI about a "de Capitat SLFP that may aliance with the the Left cami mot as easily as Mrs. from the NSA, ow. may support ext agitation.
Western envoys Mrs. B, deep-dowr
nist, also recall her "co-operatio tation" line at th
aligned summit, a oriented "antiwhich won pla Washington and
The influential ECONOMIC REWIE from Colombo expulsion could, weaken the "del tion 5.
EUt e5 ter were hams trung. sation 5 between ki
and the NP whene w Et mano dialogue on hur Mrs. E, ended eager envoy dest mat by a master using the weight the diplomat's o' for him. Aft disquisition om de ship, emergency law and the righ the argumentati' the Nixon case corrupt Congres for the fira || " coup de grace,

Issue of democthe opposition,
NP move with potentlal. For 1rs. B. is the
ke up the lowFor others, she En hala champion,
E.
USNESS
of big business, d with foreign r as the author tion FTW arid t Guarantee La W. el carne a biGus in SLIPPO Ort notic strategy. tical insuran Ce. western diplois apprehension ed' or e nfeeblod Eė TIY en Irt:0 Left in which Be 'contrall= 'd' B did. Expelled in Mrs. B herself tra-parliam en tary
who know that is anti-commuwith satisfaction in, not confrone Colo Tibo nonnd her Belgrade
bloc" position dits from both Poking.
FAR EASTERN :W, in a des patch noted that the in the longterm, TOT E i igit
plomatic efforts
RLL -- I". Er“-
ey wes Lern enw Coys High Command, eu wred into a man rights and Jsually with the ly thrown on the
· of werbal judo,
and thrust of wrn arguments to = r a dead-pan
mocracy, dictator
powers, rule of its of the people, we everage of and that of the s Than made way throw" and the
GUARDIAN OF YOUR
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Page 11
SIR JOHN AND H
- A study in contrasts
by Mangala
hé Station Taster Cam 2 Up to
me e më as I got out at Head corn Railway Station. He dutifully conducted me to his room and promptly informed "Brogues Wood'' that their visitor had arrived. The Englishman who took me to "Brogues Wood' kept on describing the beauty of the surrounding English Countryslde and he was e ager to assure me that his master too was allost English.
The owner of "Brogues Wood' was not an English Squire. He was not even British. Still, there was ample reason for the British Ea stablish Tinent to treat himin ås orie of them. He was one of their Thost trusted friends from Sri Lanka. It was Sir John Kotel awela, whom | wa 5 w Siti TE.
Sir John received me with LEThost friendliness and inquired after my family. His natural friendliness and |ovial nature immę dlately plutone at ease. Forth right | Ti a fi that he was, one could see he did not held back much or restrain himself, It was en tertain ing just to listem to his string of anecdotes; many about "'un civilized niggers". Ho YW Zhombe asked for the list of passengers instead of the Menu; How too many Africans fall into the river at Cambridge, refus ing to let go the pole stuck in the mud.
It was easy to see though that in an international gathering. quite apart from his political speeches, this banter could hawe annoyed many a leader from newly independent emerging countries, Not only Pandit Nehru but even We 5 term leaders would haye SOFThetimes found his expressions embarrassing.
Incipient Stage
In spite of his tough and fearless character, he was in essence the very negation of his father. His father John Kotel awala senior was a radical who had beer associated with the Anagarika Dharmapala, At that stage neither a conscious national liberation mowerpent for
än o'r gärnised work Tert existed. Bo at their incipient serior represente tant expression o
He was the lead Bu||ack Cart strik This was a lo : m : Strik 2. Masses of the streets during the police and mi This incident was a kind to which bi of fifty three a eighty Satyagraha Ywas then a farer working class pol of Samas a majlis m.
His participation 15t חיה tסח Wa5 Even prior to that rember of the T. ment And was a h c instrumental In into national awa a tragic death a relatives stil refus he actually comm
tn | 08 he was ti ar suspicion of brother-in-law. lawyers, who wer Britain, were Cor could be freed, is al leged to hawe day before the t said that there , competent doctor day as they were Party |п Капфу. he did not get attention. Never riot broke out wh that their hero was re-establish (2 wife, Alice, anric accepted the werd that she did not play, Myth or fab has strong curre family circle,
Family Dialecti
Cleary, Sir Joh opposition to th which his father

S
sing class moveth Lege vere stage. But John the most Tilif these.
er of the famous of | 5? O, A, I d ? rẽ tham 31 TT1 = fẹ: people took to the strike forcing litary to të trea. only the first of elong the Hartal i d h : ni inten John Sensor, Linner of militant i tico and herce,
if the IO 5 Erik lated incident. he Was ar activo amperance Movero of the people; awaken ing them Ten 55. He häd nd many of his c to believe that itted suicide.
aken in to custody murder of his Apparently his e brought from fident that he Nevertheless he taken poison the sial. It Is also was not a single in Colomba that : all attending a As a consequence proper medical the les s, a mini– en people heard was dead. Call d only after his unced that she ict of suicide and suspect any foul |e this story still incy within the
stood in direct e Towerment of was a picncer.
FATHER
He may have inherited some of the personal characteristics of his father. But true hers to the traditions initiated by John senior were the Samas a maji SLS. It was the latter who continued at a higher plane the battle against the British and the struggle of the workers.
Even in a spirit of charity one could not characterise Sir John as a nationalist. He stood for complete integration with Western imperialism and was far more proBritish then any of his colleagues in the National Congress. This paradox was, in a sense, a contrast to the fatherson contrast in the
Bandaran aike family, However, SWRD was not a total negation of his father's politics either.
Perhaps the application of the dialectical rule of negation in the continuity of politics with in a fam|| y, is not all that simple"
Sir John was not just conservative. He was the acme of OLIt-spoken, haughty conservatism. He relished the role of the low country village Rala hamy who used 'Umba - BanBolan" liberally on anybody. It is strange yet telling how J.R. is trying to revive this old Rala hamy Image and Take It respectable once again, Perhaps this image is vitally necess ry for the stability and Pres ar walion of the status quo that J. R. Is aiming a t... He is too as tute a politician to indulge in image building for purely sentimental reasons.
However, Sir John in the last stages of life, was to profit by this strategy of J. R. H= died basked In glory and was given a general's funeral with brass and braid, pomp. and pageantry; something we thought belongs to the past.
Though he fought radicalism ferociously, true to his "Kultur" bourgeois background, Sir John
sensed where things were moving. At my grandfather's funeral, when he was told that I had become a Samasamajist after entering the Uniwersity, H19 looked al me pensively for a while and said, "...... you Carin OL 5 LICp young People turning towards communism. In
time to come the whole world will be communist Anyway, I do not want to live to see that."

Page 12
U. S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
SqTSqSqSqTSqSqTSqTqSqSqeASeSA AeAASS SAASAeASeASASA ASAAASASASSeASASASeA SASAeAeAASeA AeAASASSAA AAASAASAAqAAAAAAAqAAAqAqSqAA eASASSqATqTqTqASqqTqqSqSqAqATqqSqqq qqSSqSqqSSqqSqSqSqSSSqSqSqSS
styles, p a choic
Candidates”
offer voters
by Dom Bonafede
A. the 1980 Presidential callpaign enters its final phase before the Now e Tiber 14 electio, American voters are faced with making a choice between three major candidates, differing in personality, style and political philosophy.
The consensus of public opinion surveys and political analysis is that the rice betwy Eee Presider I Carter, the Democratic Party incumbent, and Ronald Reagan, the Republican Party challenger, is closely-matched and that the outcome is dependent on several factors, any one of which could mean victory or defeat. Prominert among these are the preWailing health of the national SCOnomy, un forę sen de velopments abroad, the performance of the two candidates in the crucial period just prior to the election, the persuasive impact of their media advertising and the sharpening distinction between them on major rational issues.
Still another potentially decisive element is che independent candidacy of John B. Anderson, the Illinois Congressman. Although Anderson's popular standing has perceptively slipped, he could momethele 55 play a 5 ||gnificant part in the election, particularly if he siphons votes from Carter in some of the big, closely-conte sted States which are regarded as a tossup between the President and Reagan.
Essentially, the campaign is be
ing waged less or ideological grounds than on the issue of character and competence. Carter maintains that his Republican opponent, a former two-term Gowermor of California, does net:
(Don Bona fede is chief political correspondent for the National JOLI rial, il Washington - hased Weekly nagazine On Politics and (GLI YE:rrı IIIi EI t.)
possess the expe dential qualities
che country, whi th g a drTh iri i5 tra tio | micr 235 es in irif mart and inte da crioration of strength, the dr on the World r dimin ished Statur leadership positic national commun
To a large roelection campai to that of 1976, to victory by I of the deficiaci. ment and pra Sant mort wil ble Cat
Now, as then, the a dwa ntage of ratic Party base, Blacks. Hispanics Catholic5, union W ethnic groups a privileged.
In |976, Cartel dency by runni Washington poli t| a5 al II "o Luts i dr. now is whether his trius Tiph as ar i fod Lo id Carter has recei mance ratings in aides are convi voters wi|| 5 BB favourable light reminded they by switching to unknown Preside
Reagan. Tearv traditional Repu throughout the W Northern farmers lors, the higherin the upper-in Corporate executiv rity of White though generally TO del Conservativ towards the poli pled by the va

nilosophies
e
ence and presinecessary to tead e Reagan attacks n's record, citing
tion, unemploy* est rate 5, the U. S. military
op of the dollar market and the e of the nation's in in the interty. degree, Carter's gn is comparable when he narched naking an i55ue s of his орроing himself as a iidate.
Carter enjoys a broad Democwhich includes Jews, Liberals, orkers, European ind the Linder
ro worn the Presing against the -al establish ment. " The question ha can repeat incumbent with efend. Although ved low perforthe polls, his nced that the 1i T in a Cte when they are could do worse a candidate of ntial quality,
while, po SS2 S3 es blican strength West and among suburban dwell-educated, those corne brackets, es and the majoprotestants. Alperceived as a e, he has Towed tical centet, occust segment of
American voters, many remain undecided and thus the key to the election.
of who
hold
Reagan is making a determined appeal to blue-collar workers, ethnic minor Lies and rank-and-file Linion workers and is likely to cut into Carter's support along those blocs, Expectedly, Reagan will also draw votes from Carter's stronghold in the South, especially in the historically Conservative rural regions.
Both candidates are following a "big state strategy' - meaning they are focussing their attention and resources on heavily-popula te d states with large electorial votes, such as California 45, New York 41, Pennsylvania 27, Texas 26, Illinois 26, Ohio 25, and Michigan. 21.
The theory behind the strategy
is that by holding on to their regional support, and winning Some of the big states, a candidate can more easily gain the 270 electoral votes needed to be elected.
As the third man, Anderson offers himself as an acceptable
alternative to Carter and Reagan and hopes to capitalize on voter volatility or perhaps some un Predictable development which would radically change the present twoparty political alignment. His following is mainly from within the Wietnam generation, mamy of whom consider themselves ridependents or Kennedy-style Liberals. Most of Anderson's constituency is drawn from large, industrial states, namely New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois. His chances, considered highly remote, rest on the indecisiveness and shifting attitudes of the voters. Nevertheless, he could exert a catalytic impact on the election by influencing the result of a few key states.
Concelvably, Anderson's candidacy could de prive either Carter

Page 13
or Reagan of a clear majority of
electoral votes arid throw the election in the House of Representatives. Such a possibility be
comes less likely as former supporters of Senator Edward M. Kennedy switch to Carter and Anderson's
rating dwindles to single-digit figures.
As the campaign progresses,
the contrast between the candidates pertinent issues becomes Oe pronounced. On some issues - such as the need to stabilize the economy and strengthen U. S. military forces - the differences between Carter and Reagan are more in degree than objective,
Reagan's econo Thic stimul Luis Portoposals call for an immediate threeyear tax cut of 30 percent for individuals and modest reductions for bu siness, along with Sewere cut backs in government expenditures. Carter favoLI rs deferiment of a smaller persona| tāX cUt until next year with emphasis on stimulating business investment and industrial productivity.
Both candidates favour fewer Federal regulations and less government interwention In business, but Reagan, in classic
Republican tradition, is an outspoken advocate of a Free Market system. Carter, however, can point to the deregulation of the airline and trucking industries during his administration. He has also implied that the end of the recession tro Lubling the nation is in sight, as reflected in an upswing of economic indicators.
The President has suggested that the election could have an impact on "whether we hawe peace or war." During campaign speeches, he has portrayed Rea
gan as a militarist, who urged American interwention in Several international disputes, including those involving Cuba, Lebanon, Ecuador, Cyprus and Southern Rhodesia.
Carter also suggested that Reagan's defense posture was, in effect, an endorserient of "a
massive nuclear arms race against the Soviet Union."
Correspondingly proudly proclair American troops into combat duri ration. And, LII c. centerpiece of hi: was the Camp D ween Egypt and
On his part, Rea a defense policy dramatic bulldup |
might, strong e nation will dare yi Urging a firme
Soviet aggression : Reagan favours th
SALT Two froTh
ation in exchang
control negotiat So wiet Urnir. F takan i SS Les With
partial embargo the Soviets on was unfair to Ar Sir Tilarly, he opp registration, clai är rTed forces could and troop moral prowi ding Amer|| with better pay befits.
Reagan has end We r" 5 || MX M|55| | the plan to pla on an under grot to foil enemy att costly, without creasing national
Com other issu two principal can favours a constitut to ban abortions, by the President. energy issue, Rea less emphasis on en wito mm:n ta | m: instead increased oil and gas on f off-shore areas utilization of nucl
stringent safety alternative energ developed. Reaga
tha administratio control of oil a while advocating fa|| Profits" ta: production.
He has Tade he prefers to let prise system wor that there would ment bail outs ol

Carter has ned that no hawe been 5 ernt
ng his administ
questionably, the
5 foreign policy
lwid Accord bet
Israel.
gan has proposed
calling for a in U. S. military טון" ס5 n Lugh
olate the peace." r response to round the world, Ie withdrawal of Senate considera for new armsions with the He has further Carter over the pf grain sales to the grounds it merican farmers. osed the draft ming that the be strengthened e improved by Ciri Serw | Česi er
and enhanced
r5 ed the Contro
e but criticizes te the T1 i 55 i les Jnd "racetrack'
:ack as being too comparably in
security. 25 dividing the didates, Reagan
ional annendment а поме opposed Concern ing the gan belle wes in conservation and as tres, preferring exploration for deral lands and and expanded ear power under standards un til y sources are in also opposes n's gradual deind natural gas, a so for "Wild
魔 to II as
it evident that the free er Lerk is will ind not be gowern* Crippled corpo
Tate giant5, 5 luch as the Chrysler Corporation, during his administration, In the social assistance Area, hic fawors the transfer of Federal Welfare programs to the States, and is opposed to a National Health Insurance program. Carter favours a phased-in Health Саге progгапп,
Carter and Reagan hawe each spoken out against big government and have pledged to reduce the size of the Federal bureaucracy. Yet, during Carter’s stewardship, the so-called "Permanen L Gowernment" has grown slightly larger and two Cabinetlewel agencies hawa Beer added, the Department of Energy and the Department of Education. Reagan has inferred that he would dis mant le the two de partinents but has not been explicit as to how he would go about it.
In an attempt to avert jurisdictional competition and bureauCroatio: tension betwe2 In the White House-based National Security Council and the State Department, like that which has plagued recent
administrations, Reagan said he plans to reduce the size of the NSC staff and make it more of
ã CCCrdinating Cg gration tham a policy-making arm. Other recent Presidents have sought to redesign the NSC but found that they relied on its in-house informational and advisory capabilities
and its rapid response in crisis Si CL il
As the candidate es pousing
'the difference" between himself and his opponents, Anderson has suggested that Americans must adjust to a more austere lifestyle
in recognition of the economics of scarcity. To reduce consumption of Imported Ci | and L.J. S.
dependence on producing nations, he has proposed a 50-cents-a- gallon tax on gasoline. He also has come out in favour of registration of handguns, adoption of the Equal Rights Amendment and freedom of choice for pregnant women. Conversely, he opposes reductions in pertsonal in come taxes Until the Federal Budget is balanced, the MX Missile program and a peace time draft. (Carrir lied (on page r3)

Page 14
DENG SPEAKS
- to
Q: Do you rear that capitalism isra’i so bad ser all?
A: It depends on how you define capitalism. Anyway, capitalism is superior to feudalism, and we cannot say that everything which has been developed in the capitalistic countries is of a capitalistic nature. For instance, technology, science, and even economic management, which is a sort of science, are useful for any country. We intEnd LO ern al| that for serving our socialist construction.
Q: Ye', y'er fg0, 14'ler you beca e aware tha h e Great Leap For Hard lad beert a failure, you ackrowledged that mari needs s’orne Perso la friteres fu proce. I 'li
Fry', fo e.V.'s f. Deyr" Wifs per L HG G GGlGLLLGGLKS LHHLHHLLLLLLLLHH ιι εί 2
A. According to Marx, socialism is the first stage to communism and a very long historical period. In this stage we should still apply the Principal of "from each one according to his ability, to each on ording to his work." We 5 hould combine the Interest of the individuals with those of the country. Only in this way shall we be able to mobilise in the masses, the enthusiasm for production. Well, as long as it helps the developmeut of our productive forces and our efforts to lift ourSelwe 5 from back wat dne 55 and power ty, the help of the capitalistic West will be beneficial to our country. So I think that the advantage we gain will far exceed
the bad effects that might be brought with them.
Č: "V důe5rf Při frer je ter
The cat is black or i hire, as larg AZF is ea T5 The r77 face", ydy Čð7 ere said Mr. Delig. Will you apply тиch pragmatism, such tolerance, o the Politica life, foo? Il sk this beralise I recall sin fans Her you g a l'e FrII irr Eric ' “ “ Ir Chi irra l-'e' will have to wipe of the dicta forship and en large democracy.” Or fr) Fieri ir 7 g slike forl7 r. ks 7 ' der 717 -
Oriana Fallaci
Crity were j'ai ה highיוו rieגThe r electio/15 arid par
A: I never gay, Never! L must unders tanding, tell you that aft of the Gang of sized very much of the socialist di out Eiving uբ, dictatorship of t the two aspects and I should ad democracy is far talistic de motta. no w Stres sing th the four major lism, dictatorshi; ta Tiat, Marx I 5r elaborated by thought, and t| Lhe Lo Timur ist and this means of the di : Etosh letarialt semainig
Q: No 1 I' I Lura Tierrarirrieri SJ Hart porrra ir of Mauro, portraits of Mark
Stalfri
A: We II, befo Revolution, those put out only on sions. Yes, this And it changed tural Revolution, 'w', that the portra there all the timg to go back to t
Q: I see, Bur, ir Ür Taf da "Üı İı Sufi st
A: We think th and cor" tribution5 : exceed his mist Chin (250 habit Stalin are 30 pe This takes and WO Teritis, Also Cha to say 50 and Congress of the S Party, the Chir Party, expressed
uation of Stam,

peč7 krig abour ? jo based luru free fy-pur list?
e such an answer! have been a misHowever, I can er the owerthrow Four we emphathe promotion mocracy. Withof course, tha he proletariat are Cif t- Ilie an tith ag is, d that proletarian superior to capiiy. So we are e importance of principle3 : Sociaof the proleand Leninism, Mao Tse-Tung he leadership of Party of China - that the Principle
Il P of the proun touch d.
er fand Why in
*, jI5ł facing the flere are siri!' flig ..., Erigεία, Ι. Εητη,
te the Cultural portraits were PT Portant occawas the practice, during the Cul"hen they decided its should stay '. But we in tand he old practice.
*Porf) l'or (Corylov,5 Τν. Για μια και Ι
at Stalin's Terts to the revolution kes, Using our the grades for cent for his per cent for his !! TTTham *laø used after the 20th Owlet Communist 12te Corrrtunist a Very clear ewaIn fact, we said
chat We would Stalin's works as classical works
in the international communist movement. You know, we are
al 50 aware of the rm ista ke 5 com mitted by Stalin towards the Chinese
revolution. When, after the Second World War, there was a rupture between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang and we engaged in the liberation war, Stalin was against Lus. Yet, not even this ever changed our views of Fir.
O. did Krishchey'?
A: Krushchev? What good things did Krushchew do?
Q. He derotriced Stalin.
A. : So you think that this was a good thing he did?
Q fore that good. I would se y hely. Før Christ's sake, more People were killed by Salii than by the whole of the Cultiral Re'? ! ! ! io vi plu fo fogether!
always regard
A: I am not sure about that. Not sure at all. Anyhow its impossible to make such a compaTI 5I OT,
(2 : So J'ù Li prefer Staliro tia Krishchey in ar y ser ise?
A. But if I just told you that we shall never da to Chairman kao what Krushchev did to Stalin?
(2. And Whar f i ansyrer that İrı the 11'e 5't yol are called the Chiriese Krushehrey?
A: (He laughs wery loud). Listen, in the West they may call me as they like, but I knew Krushchev wery well. I had to deal with hirin for 10 years, personally, and tell you that comparing me to Krushchev is stupidity, Krushchev only did bad things to the Chinese. Stalin instead did som ething good for us. Shortly after cur People's Republic was founded. Stalin helped us sincerely in establishing or modernizing the industrial complexes which would

Page 15
Candidates” . . .
(Corf in led fro page II) Each campaign operation has its own peculiar characteristics and is reflective of the candidate's political needs.
For the most part, the campaign operations of Reagan and Anderson, including trips, paid media advertising and political events, arc dictated as much by available funds as voter strategy. Anderson, as ar Independent candidato must rely heavily on contributions to under write his campaign: hence, his activities are restricted by the amount of funds collected.
At most, he will raise 5 million do||ars or about hal. If the 29,4 milion allocated major party
candidates Carter and Reagan in Federal campaign funds for the General Election.
BLI E, as with all in cum bent Presidents, Carter has an advantage
ower oppasiring may make s electi and Federal grant tho news. Cab and other hig appointees serw: speakers on his access to goverr Including a per under his comm:
Costs of his că ar (2 bor m (2 by committee, but difficult to draw political and go' LIC. I 1g.
Fromin rhow unt the candidates W. siderable part of through paid me the great bulk o The importance tising is undersc. that Carter and spend more thar allotted 9.4 in Federal campaign wissor time 5-Ls. hope to put at
US
O R A N G |
FC
REAL WRITIN
MANUFACTURED BY. P.
(Ւ
DISTRIBUTED BY SHAW V

casdldatgs. He iwe appointments :5. Ha dar mate.5
li et Secreta ries h-level political surrogate behalf. He has
TE T1 t "SOLUTI. E25 5 chal Air Force in d.
mpaign activities his re-election
it is frequently a line between grillental furic
:ll the election, | wago, a con
their campaigns dia commercials, f it on talawision. of paid TW adverPred by the fact
Reagan will each half of their illion dollars in
funds for tele
Anderson forces east two million
dollars in television commercials during the last couple of weeks of the campaign.
Notwithstanding the long, sometimes chaotic process, stretching out over more than a year and includ | Ing 38 state pri rTnairies and caucuses, the campaign typifies the op en ness of the American political system - and offers 55urance that the American political process will en du re.
Deng speaks . . .
(Cơnfỉriffēif frr:# !!uge Jo}
of Chine se such help
serve as the basis 2conomy. Of course, was not offered free, we had to pay for them, but, when Krushchev came to power, everything changed. Krushchev tore up ali the agreements between China and the Soviet Union, All the contracts that had been signed during Stalin's time, Hundreds of Contracts, Oh, this discussion is impossible! Let's do so: You keep your view, I keep mine, and We stop talking about Krushchey.
SE
E P OT
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NG PLEASUIRE
'ENPALS LIMITED
1ember of the K. G. Group)
WALLACE & H EDGES LTD.

Page 16
RISE AND FA
by Vickremabahu Karunaratne
uring the past few decades, D: has created morte
controversy and rift among left political circles than the question of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, The saga of this controversy is full of truly exposed opportunism as well as sectarian blindness. One would not be exaggerating, if one were to say that the tragic collapse of the old left leadership directly rested on this question, Once they erred on this, they could not help moving in to making a series of blunders, and in particular, making a completely incorrect assessment of the Janatha Wimukit hi Pera muna and the TULF. Among the attempts of the old left leadership to categori se the SLFP, the writings of Hector Abhayawardhana and W. Karalasingham stand out prominently, They have attempted to stray away from | Imited classical formulae; s tl || they have not gone beyond pre5en ting a n (2mpirical — impre55lonistic picture and have failed to understand the inner dynamics of the movement. In contrast the Communist Party has always been sātisfied with clear simple formulations such as "'progressiwe national bourgeoisie party" or 'spent force' "alternative capitalist party' etc.
Any serious attempt at Lrderstanding the SLFP (IWP or TULF) must consider the Inter-relations between the classes, the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie. Not just the inter-relations at any particular moment, but the growth and evolution of 5 Luch inter-relations, The bourgeoisie, a tiny minority im Society, dominated the Politics of capitalist society by its ability to manoeuvre the Petty bourgeoisie of town and country. Slogans and methods of this venture changed according to the needs of the particular historical period. Naturally, there were splits among the bourgeoisie on these questori:5 at every stage of development.
At early stages of development of western capitalist society, the
|과
bourgeoisie was structures of fic: LJ defeated the for society, the bour pressure of the n is of its own Illa taria, The a tti geoisie towards changes in the A first, it Wä: trying to hand demands of a La tero, la reaction al f ing for survival resorting to acts is II. Thus one three classic stag politics. Firstly, used the petty El In the form of . the radical Tlass country were u: sweep against The clear est exa course tha Fr Secondly, in the dation and expa contained the i. e., by means democracy. Th the social-demo whic Te the Tildid ower the trade In Germany, the of War I wa a growth of ref Finally in the pe decay, Fascism rThe r1 t of th c bo the desperate masses are used destroy the tra de This was clear 5ecord World W; Gut Wester II Eurt Towe This it is bourgeoisie as conservative old the initiative in the plebian mass
The establisht:c geoisie is repcll Lics. During al|| de welopment s Luc. Call L CL5-15E TV: the dawn of the established Liberal monarch foot in the old

OF SN HALA
opposing old dais. C1Ce It ces cf the old geoisie felt the ew class which king: the proleJde of the boLu rthe proletariat course of time. A Cleyer master e the growing maturing slave. ry parasite fightat any cost even of cruel barba, Tcould separate es cf bourgeoisie the bourgeoisie ourgeoisie masses Jacobi mism, where ls of town and sed in a violent he old society. mple of this is of ench revolution. era of Consolinsion, capitali5m etty bourgeoisie of Reformiste latter included Cr â CC 110"We The Tilt le class prewailed L. Tion To WleT et. period of reign is marked by such orm ist democracy, riod of crisis and e corT e5 the in trUurgeoisie by which 3etty bourgeoisie to attack and i Lu i C T T C W 22 t. during the prear period throughPe. in all thèse the new radical opposed to the guard that takes mixing up with
, cultivated bourced by mass pol|- these stages of h layers tapt for tive policies. At capitalist society bourgeoisie were lists. With one order and leaning
on monarchy they opposed Jacobinism and advocated constitutional liberalism. During the period of reform, the conservative bourgeoisie was busy expanding the Bureaucracy and trying to establish
Law and Order'.
They were dreaming up efficient formal structures which will bring eterial stability to the capitalist society. Finally, as the end of capitalist society approaches, with rising working class militancy, more cautious sections of th= bourgeoisie advocate compromise and conciliation with the proletariat, In other words dupins and mis-leading the worker before paving the way for a strong Bonapartist government. Only when every trend of popular frontism and Bonapartist politics sail in containing the rise of working class militancy that a significan: Section of the bourgeoisie turm towards fascism. From all these, one should see clearly that within western capitalism there always existed alternate policies for the bourgeoisie, one mobilizing the petty bourgeoisie masses and the other more cautious and trying to use established structures,
Imperialism and the Integration of the world economy changed significantly the pattern of development for individual countries, Hence in an Lunder de Yello Ped Country the petty bourgeoisie does not go through thos e classi: bourgeois political stages. True Jacobinism can emerge only if there are urban radical mas 5 es based on Small scale production. Imperialism destroys such modes of production and instead introduces modern capitalist large Scale Production. Thus in place of an urban democratic mass force, the growth of the working class takes place. Rural masses struggling aga inst land lords, money |em de TE and old social parasites find their cnemics backed by the neo Colonial, capitalist state. HệT1Ce. In the initial stages, rural masses led by alienated radical intellectuals tend to be against the progress of Inodernization. Warious forms of

Page 17
POPULISM
rural socialism combined with ultra nationalism posed in opposition to the ideology of the working class, dominate the thinking of the awaken ing rural mas ses. Russian Populis Tn Starting from the Narodniks and ending in the Social Revolutionary Party and Kerensky remains one of the best examples of this complex process.
Populis Tn devolops to be an independent national Tower ment only when a section of the bourgeoisie decides to dominate and use it for its own purpose. New layers of bourgeoisie are intor. ested in arriving at a new deal with imperialism, undermining old form: of Imperfallst domination. To achieve this they move into the leadership of the national mass movement (petty bourgeoisie) and subordinate the proletariat. Such a populist leadership once in power will strive to stall the movement of masses and move rapidly from half hearted reforms to Counter revolution. The aspirations of the radical bourgeoisie hawe a relatively Independent. existence only in a period of international capitalist expansion. Under such circumstances it is possible to arrive at a new deal with Imperialism establishing a period of limited reforms. Thus, in effect. populism arises as an instrument of capitalist expansion and once in power, (in a period of international capitalist exрап5іоп,) dewelops towards reform ist demoCracy including certa in features of Social democracy. Tho | attigr includes the organization of trade unions, participation in working class struggles etc. During such a period, certain changes in the nature of imperialist domination takes place, while old social structures are reorganised. However these changes do not in anyway abolish imperialist domination or the un der developed naturg of the Society.
As the capitalist crisis develops Populist movements incapable of continuing popular reform ist progran Ties de welop deep in terrial
conflicts. While petty bourgeoisie reforts and far the bourgeoisie a from reform ang courter reforms actions with it between two ul motives, and wi bankrupt, the pi goes through a This process w by the independ of the working
It is the "1 "| aft"" the Populist moi be useful to the the next stage As they will repr of the populist the confidence Class, thus prog i WestT, : : mate the workin A political bla c populis L and the W will be used to militancy of the apparent collabor petty bourgeoisie tari at will be i ment of counter the bourgeoisie. sharp dissection done on the such a popular means of disorg zing and con fu5 class, and a me the burden of cap on to the to İlin, the Working clas steps will be tak the capitalist Sta geoise will turn z ing a Bonaparti:
With the incr Crisis the bourg to go beyond al CT Ce. It realizes save the system сош ПI ег геfогПП 5 5. Πι 15 η Τι 5 πΠ -- tirs of the ' Reinants of or disintegrate rap 5. É:çt|

Page 18
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Page 19
BUDDHISM AND SRI LANKAN P CLIT
Sinhala Buddhist
by Paul Caspersz S. J.
Mor and more studies of anciort and mediaeval Asian history are today revealing the irTn mense resilience and the steady
changes of the Asian village through time. Far from answering to the
Western Tental image of the Stagnant, un cha inging, Eastern village where development was
strangled by a rigid central despotic power, the Asian village has been all through history the
secret of Asian vitality. It has been its salvation through time, Om It more than on the town
should depend the future evolution of Asia, of which Sri Lanka is a part. The reason for the resilience, as well as for the response, even thot i gh only gradualist, to the demand for change, is the intricate ar d all— Flért wasiwe interpenetration of religio I and politics even at the basal village level. In Ceylon the religion was Buddhism.
But thes e Were pre-feuda and
Lhen feudal times both in Sr| Lanka and in neighbouring South India. So from the earliest
times the Kings of Ceylon and of Southern India began to cast covetous eyes on each other's territories. In the fifth and sixth centuries the in was lons of warriors from the South Indian Pandyan, Pallava and Chola dynasties began to cause various problems to the Anuradhapura Kings. It was at this tiri e that the Mahawa Tisa came to be written. Maha nama the refore tends to Interpret all Ceylon's history from the time of Wijaya to his own in the fight of the contemporary tension between the Sinhalese Kings, up holders of Buddhism, and the Tamil Invaders, for wers Of Hinduism. What were essentially struggles between feudal chiefs, the Mahavamsa tends to report as racial and religious wars.
Finally, weakened as much by internal dissension and rivalry as by the foreign in waders. A nu radhapura was sacked by tle Cholas at
the end of the the capital mow, east and south bished at Polo
| tlլ է s pring
In the a brief Buddhist Tula, Some of th a fi both in the is: and sculpturo Buddhist religic the as ea of is is Importart La ric Buddhism which vide the | inkage : politics and so agriculture and Were bult argu agriculture linkin the Tonks who : beneficiar le 5 ço| men Corts to, the power,
But after the began a period LI In interrupted de lo priment:5 must the a bandon ing o Dry Zone civili even today by , Polon mar Luwa am Weken ed Si ha South-weste II W arising out of t Trent, the gro pendent Marthei Third, and агі5іпі and second d. beginn Ing and gr Pendent Simhä Kandy, in order People of the are from the North Kingdoms of the either unwilling c them. Finally, p. disgensions with kingdoms, carne traders, priests conquerors.
As the curta In 2000 years of 3 T1 d r is es to European in p: certail areas of

CS - (2)
identity
10th century and d further to the and becarne esta
1af UW31.
entury there was ime for Snhala The period sa w est development rid's architecture always around a Lus the The and in iga, LiorI. Wha t is Lic is that it is Continues to proas well between ciety as between
society. Rituals ind the tank-fed g the villagers to are not only the , but also the holders of political
15th century there
of tragic and cline. Four devebe noted. First, f the once great zation symbolized Anura dhapura and d the drift of a power to the Wat Zone. Second he first developwith of an inde"In Tam || Kingdom. out of the first svelopments, the owth of an in dela Kingdom in to protect the a fir orth exactions since the Sinhala
southwest were ir unable to help rofiting from the in and between
the Portuguese colonizers and
| 505 col history
fa || 5 |ր recordcd show the white ower at las I in he land, it ils timi:
to return to the thesis of thIs paper. From the time the people of Ceylon adopted Buddhism, they found in it the source and inspiration of their lives. In their poverty and oppression, Buddhism gave them moments of bliss and ecstasy, not merely as opiatic consolation but as the foundation of their selfidentity. But in so far as from about the 6th century it promoted not merely a self-identity, but an other-excluding identity, it prevented the growth of a unity of
people that transcended the barriers of race, language and religion. It turned what were
argely containable political div|- sions into ethnic and racial ones. It set-up a Sinhala Buddhist iden. tity that, setting itself up as a national identity, tended to look upon anyone not a Sinhalese and not a Buddhist as an alien. Finally, in so far as it was the religion of the state power, it was never allowed to operate as a challenger to the dominant organization of society and so ne yer te we alled its potential for radical social change.
Never un til the foreign er came. And even then, not un til the last wave of foreign conquest.
hen the Portuguese arrived in 1505, the island of Ceylon, like the island of Britain in Caesar's time, was divided into three parts: the Tamil Northern Kingdom with Jaffna as centre, the Kandyan Sinhalese Kingdom of the Kandyan areas, and the Low-country Sinhala Kingdom of Kotte in the south-West maritime district. The Portuguese by the end of the 16th century conquered the Kotte areas and in 1619 annexed Jaffna. thus ending about 4 centuries of separateness of the North from tho Sinh hala areas ... [ m | 638 Portuguese power passed to the Dutch "wwho ru |g2d t i || I75?é When the British took over. In each of the three instances of foreign conques: it was the Sinhale se who made the un pardonable mistake of Invi


Page 20
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Page 21
ting the foreigner. They invited the Portuguese to solve the Internal power Struggle between Sinhala rivals to the Kotte throne. They
invited the Dutch to keep the Portuguese at bay. Finally, they Invited the British against the Dutc.
The Portuguese and the Dutch, relatively to the British, left things, at least on the surface, much the same as they were before. They introduced-by persecution, dubio Luis means of conversion and by marriage with local women - Roman Catholicism and Protestant Christianity. They initiated new linguistic streams. They started registers for land holdings. The Dutch also Tha de a lasting Contribution to the island's legal systems, codifying the laws of the Tamils and the Muslims, and introducing into the
Sinhala areas the system of the Roman-Dutch | a w which cori tirnes to this day. It is possible the re
fore to argue that by 1796 enough had been done for the cracks to show in what seemed like the Unbreakable monolith of the preColonial way of life of proud and ancient peoples.
What was begun by the Portuguese and the Dutch was completed with remarkable thoroughness by the British. T Britis succeeded where the Portuguese and the Dutch had failed: they annexed Kandy. By the 1830s Ceylon had a unified administration. The division into three parts of the island was gone and Ceylon from north to south, for the West cross the centra highlands to the east, was now one political entity,
Either because they took time fully to realize what had happened since 505, or because the changes had not taken place on a wide enough scale, the monks and the lay Buddhist leaders - except during the ГЕБЕ! |igns of 18 |7 1818 and 1848 which were quickly and ruthlessly suppressed by the Bri. tish — bided their tIrT1e t i II th e I35 t decades of the 9th century. Then they began their agitation and proclaimed that the changes must be un done and the Island return to its Sinhala Buddhist identity.
The Bliss and
together. The did little really
anti-lmperialist
Campaign with th Muslims who theit te w|walis.
less Were they pr tha pocential of alists among th[ importantly a 5. foreign economic nowhere so rig the analysis of . hegemony exerc rulers and th
Those who g Arnagarika Dharm person, then t
Cultural ACI İyi SCS. social revolution
No one realize and potential, so mas Cars. Entro. stages from the Lunheard of Prini tät I we ad elec they did little o vLrt what wI5 beneficial system sentation. By t return for the lo subjects during t Ceylon the qua|| of Dominion Stat was, to all but th and op Limistic, The Tamils had b Ward their claim as a distinct oppressed comml the geographica the island.
The question o Tamils – to the | Lo their own Lr. to equal o ducat system - has co the Ceylonese pc the | 920s to ch is significant, t gely new er be that the religious Hindu Tamils } threatened.
This is perha bliss of Buddhis iTed view of th the way to exte

the bang coccurred Sinhala Buddhists to u mica i ri their and anti-Christian e Hindus and the lad also started
TWITEI 5. Stil ep a r (2d to perceiwe the anti-imperi: Christians. Wery , the analysis of exploitation was id or so deep as he religio-cultural ised by the foreign eir native all les. a the red a round mapala - first, the he symbol - were and by no means arties.
d the bane, actual Well as the British lucing by slow 1830s the hither to ciple of represenced govern Tents, r nothing to ргеdivisiwo in the 1 of elected reprehe time that, in yalty of their local he war, they gawe fied independence us in 1948, Ceylon e incurably blind a divided nation, regim to put fors for recognition and 2 wern a 5 am Jnal group with in boundarles of
f the rights of the
r 3 W II language, li tion al horTi ellands, ion in the 5tate
i tim u od to bygde w|| litical Scgrig fra T1 e present day. It iough it h25 stranen pointed out, free dolls of the 1 Y 2 TE Y'e been
ps a part of the m. In the summare present writer,
d this b55 from
the religious to the political field | I es through an analysis of the basic socio-economic foundation of society. Has Buddhism enough potential in its philosophy and in its doctrines, in the heritage of its history, to lead Buddhists to such an analysis of society as will show them that what matters is not whether a person is a Buddhist os a Hindu as a Muslim os a Christlan, not whe ther the person speaks Sinhala or Tamil, but whether a person has the same social and economic opportunities as anyone else in the land? What matters is the liberation of all the people in Ceylon from the struc. tures of injustice and oppression that stifie the development of the overwhelming majority of peasants, urban industrial workers and estate workers. The final ecstas y of modern politics, which wif also be the final ecstasy of Buddhism, will be its fulfilment in the Buddhist ideal of the Ըգual and free society, which Asoka had, but lacked the analysis and the social production base to achieve in his time. In that final stage, the State, as the Marxists need to be rem finded, wi|| disappear. But Buddhism will at last be free to be itself.
(Concluded)
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Reclamation Road) Colomb 11.


Page 22
THE TAMIL THEA
-Then and Now
by N. Sundaralingam
he staging of "Maname" by
C). Saratch ändra im IFÉ Wa5, and is still being considered a landmark in the development of the Sinhala Theatre, both by the Sinhala and Tamil theatre historians and critics. The play, 1 beleve, opened up new horizons, provoked much thought, widered the theatrical experiences and provided new challenges to the younger theatre enthusiasts who wete in Search of new wistas through the medium of the theatre. The Staging of 'Ma name'' and its popularity as a creative theatre art had its effect on the
Tamil Theatre too. Dr. Sa tatchandra in some of his articles and in his book on Folk Drama
has mentioned that the Nadagam Style ha d Its origin and roots in the Naddụ Kooth thụ style that was prevalent in the Mannar and Batticaloa districts, Perhaps his comments coupled with the popularity of "Maname' inspired Dr. Withianan than of the Peradeniya University to revive and experiment with the Naddu Kooth thu style.
This style, though at the time of rewi wal and sophi istication was considered obsolete and old fashioned, was a popular art form in the villages of Batticaloa, Marrar and Mulla itivu district 5. Primarily what Dr. Withiananthan did wa5, the urbanisation and sophistication of this folk art, He chopped off the theatrically un interesting portions in the scripts of the "Naddu Kooththu which was traditionally performed for a whole night and made it a tWo hour pres (2n Lation mo5tly suited to the time pressed urban
population. The dancing styles, singing modes and movement patterns Were left un touched
though in the third production of his a bit of Bharata Natyam was introduced and instruments like "Th a will ' ınd " 1_U d d u k k u y göre
O
used, The conte remained mythic: and fourth plays
and "Wai Wath: from Ka Tiba Ram and an attemp1
cha Tacterisation, to the traditional for II. He was w got students like Perinpanayagam frce education à tion of Swabasha tional system in his productions, areas where N was and is still they themselves in the dancing singing peculiar
Dr. Withilar ction Wa5 " Kartları his second was " ( 1963). Kärnäml | Wall Watha war Mod' or the N. Nom di Nadagam Mod' or the The Wad Modi plays, or Kooth call it, differ in singing styles and and stage props. or Southern styl more vigorous th: Or Northern sty eta 15 for a lot : the performers. of sing ing is mic the Wada Modi : dably to suit th dancing. Also costurines and pr thin the Wada M props. This give էնք էի: Thi Il M freedom and Cas do his movemen
So, at the Pei sity from 1962 t that an urbani sophisticated folk a strong footing Colombo Uniwers

TRE
nts of the plays l. |r hIs Third Ravanesan" (1965) i" (1968) stanzas ayana was used was made at which was alien Naddu Kooththu ery lucky to hawę Mounaguru and the products of ld the introduc1 in Court educa1956 to help Both hailed from laddu Kooth thu I practiced and were exponents and macle of to this folk art.
than's first produPor" (1962) and Nondi Nadagam' Рог. , Rayanesan . 'e of the 'Wada rthern style, and was of the "The
Southern Style, ld The Midi chu to properly the dancing and also in costumes THE THe Modi e of dancing is in the Wadda * di le of dan ting and if 5 tan iria from Then Modi style are draggy than style, understane tempo in the the The Modi "ops are lighter o di costumes and is the performer cod| style Thore e to darie and Lo
DIE
adeniya Univer3 |968 We fird sed and partly theatre taking while at the enthu
i ty some
siastic youngsters of the Science, Engineering and Medical faculties with the help of outside directors | Ike Shanmuga mathan, Dr. K. S. Nadarajah and Dr. K. Siwathamby concentrating on plays on social Ehemics. The late Prof. K. Kanapathypillai of the Department of Tamil laid the foundation for this trend in the ColorTibo l niversity as far back as 1936 when the Arts Faculty too was functioning at Colombo, Prof. Kama pathypilla i was the first one to introduce the spoken dialect of the Jaffna population — particularly that Cf the Point Pedro and the 5 uburbs - in the medium of drama. Being
a linguist himself, through his Unstinted effort, he was abla TO earn a literary merit to the
spoken dialect which was then considered as the language of the lower class by the erudite and sophisticated class. This movement later led to the emphasis or
what is known as this "Native Sre" in the Tart creative writings in Sri Lanka. Later,
plays of A. Muthulingam a renowned short story writer, that of A. N. Kanda samy a progressive
Critic, nowelist and that of Sckkam a short story writer and poet were staged. These plays port
rayed the lives of middle class Tarn i || familie 5, their walues and how sometimes by their prolonged stay in Colombo and its suburbs
found it difficult to fit into and reconcile with the life patters and walues of the Jaffna society.
Outside the Universities, the Tamil Drama was taking a different course. In Colombo farces and short skits frequently went con boards. A dramatic troupe called "Raj Commedy productions'' was wery popular for its slapstick Co The dies and importo Tiptu Playlets. In Jaffna the influence of D. M. K. playwrights like C. N. Annadurai, M. Kā runa nithy and Siirttıra su alırnd that of the Tamil cinema was tremen dou5, Also the


Page 23
Parsee Tradition plays, popularly known in Tamil as the 'Special Dramas" or "Annawi Marapu" which was taken to applaudable heights by Krish na Alwar, C. T. Selvarajah and the rest in the forties was very popular. Dramatic personaties like W. W. Walramuth thu and Natku nam excel in this form of dra Tnaturgy ewen rhow. So, ln all, we find that in the mid sixties
the Tam || || Drama took different courses and their objectives diversified that nothing tang ble
could be achieved in the field of creativity. But the seeds for the transmission of culture and tradition and for the widening of the potentialities and scope of tradtional and social plays were sown during this time.
It was in the late sixties and early seyent les that a serious Tamil Theatre Movement really boss med. Students who took keen interest in the production of plays both at Peradeniya and Colombo teamed up after their studios and started producing and writing plays of their own, combining the experiences they gained with the traditional and modern
plays produced at the Universities and elsewhere. It is heartening also to note that outside
producers and playwrights as Zuhalr HaTneed and Fou su | Armeer and others were corning out with ser lous artistic productions at this juncture. These new playwrights and producers were also keen followers of the social changes that were taking place in and around them and they tried to reflect the se changes in their artistic creations. They very consciously used the theatre medi Lum a 5 a tool for a Social dialogue with the masses and in bringing about a social change. Moun aguru who was the backbone in Dr. Withiananthan's effort to revive and urban se the Kooth thu tradition produced a Kooththu called "Sankaram' (Destruction) in support of the mass stuggle of the depressed castes to gain temple entry at Mawi ddapurann. Another group of actors called "Ambalaththad igal' produced another Play called "Kanthan Karunal (The grace of Skanda) in the "Kath than Kooth thu' tradition
again in suppo Tower ent for it un touchability, Imbi bied new c. old traditional the 5e form 5 mor and meaningful called "Apa Sura nr use of the absu to put accross on the ways o and priests. "K: a play by R. Si, offspring of the sity underlined of the unity of Tamil peasants t gewes from tha of the class R. Muruga iyan a Ceylon Universit known poet wr (Hard labour) a ploitatlon of la libertation of the
So I rn the ll; early seventias we Drama in a perc tation gatheri gradually. Theat who were earlle conditioned by Arch. Theatre and naturalistic modes clously to search to express their and creative urge. of the stylised Sinhala Drama gr these young T. They began to sc element5 li n t ħielr
theatre. The res good admixture c. tional forms ar theatre technique cipitate. We cou scious effort of and playwrights Kadooliyam (1971) Weedu (1971), F (1974). Vilippu Sivakkirathu ( (1976), Ekaliwan ni dan (1979) Por| (1980) etc.
Un fortunately political un stabilit 1977 greatly slow

of this mass eradication of 3th these plays i tent Into the forms, making socially relevant Another play (Discord) nade d theatre style concrete dea the politicians arm Siwakkirath' na rith an anotho T Colombo Univerthe importance he Sinhala and liberate thembur den 5 and ills society, while product of the and a widely te "Kadool iyam"
lay on the exbout and the down trodden"
Ce sixties and find the Tani I »d of experimen - g IT III Lost LT. re personalities * ob 5 essed and the Procerium its realistic and started consfor new forms social awareness The emergence
theatre in the 2atly influenced mil producers, arch for the so traditional folk It was that a the old tradithe modern began to presee this conhese producers in plays like Puthiyath oru m thari Karunai (1975), Kalam '6), Apasuram 978), Aithimahathu Pothum
a social and ir | 97 | md i down this
gradually gaining momentum of the search for a new form of dramatic expression. A cultural vacuum was created after August 1977. By 1979 conditions improved and the Tamil Theatre became active again, Translated plays began to appear in quick succession
These were produced only by a single group. This rapidity coupled with calculated wide press
casual con lookdevelopment of Tamil
publicity gawe the ers of the
Drama the impression that the new trend in Tamil Theatre is translation 5. A5 Mr. K. S. Siwan - kurharan notes in his ar le on
Tamil Drama (L. G May 1, 1980), "Not that this exercise was absent earlier, but the rapidity with which these translated plays go on boards with a Wengance is strikeingly phenomenal". Naturally so. But arithmetic and geometric progressions are not reliable and dependablo units in the measurement of social trends. In this process, the search for eminent playwrights and dramatists of the calibre of Shakesperte, Kali da sa, Rascine, Ibsen, Chekow and the rest in the past and present Tamil Theatre by the specialists in translations, resulted only in the pain ting of por portrait 5 of Tennes5e William5, Lorea, Brecht. Arbusaw and the rest in Tamil, This result is qui te understanda ble when one searches for Theatre Personalities of world fame and
not social roots in a drama alienated culture, little reall sing that centuries and centuries of LInstin ted, Conscious and consistant hard labour and toil by known and unknown play-Wrights and
artistes in Search of National Theatres in societies which nurtured
and nou rished the sig dramatic
activities for generations, could
only throw in a handful of great
playwrights like Shakespere, Kali
dasa, Ibsen, R is cine and so forth
in gach culture. Yet the Search
for their equivalents in the Tarn il Theatre goes on regardless. None the less, the main stream in the Tamil Theatre continues to be the search for a new for in of dramatic expression of social a warem C.s 5 and
creative urge - a truly National Tamil Theatre - based on, yet different fram, the traditional theatre forms. This search goes on quiety, un daunted and un ruffled.
2


Page 24
Form, content a
CritiCSm
by Reggie Siriwardena
an unable, owing to Ty ignorance the language, to com ment on the specific issues relating to contemporary Tamil literature that Shmudran discusso: in his article, The Tamil literary scenę' (LG, Sept. 15). However, some of the questions that the article raises are of broader relevance, and merit discussion not only within the Tamil literary context. In particular, I shoud like to examine Samudran's assertion that the Marxist critic is committed Lo Lupholding "the primacy of Content
ower form".
Let us put Samudran's view to a simple practical test. I offer him two stanzas from Shelley's Song to the Men of England
I have deliberately chosen a poem
whose radical ideas he will no doubt approve of ):
The se G d ye Sow, a nother reaps; The wealth ye find, another keeps The robes ye Weave, another
WETS The arms ye forge, another bears. Sow seed, - but let na tyrant
relip Find wealth, - let no impositor heар; Weave robes - let riot the ide War; Forge arms, - In your defence to bear.
| Invite Samudran to Say how
he would apply his principle of "the primacy of content over form' Wud e räri
to these line 5. tair - as I think he must if he ls to be consistent - that what
makes these two stanzas powerful and memorable poetry is their content, and that their form is of secondary importance? But the content of the se eight lines - the reality of exploitation, the
고교
fact that the läbcourt of the milia ted by a few, as tion to change th|ngs -- though Y ful, is something familiar with fri treati5.e5, pamp speeches, etc., a can't Towe the S. וז סוח Ir18 וy thחto a recognition of t the commonplace nos reta in a t force that they ha Writt. We fifty years ago, readero who kriow by heart will st the strength ti som ething perceiv with a new and
What Is it th; this quality and
ha | Y | of e pamphletering S fusion in them form - the epig nass of the Wor energy of their halmer-blows of balancing of the line against the : the contradiction of the worker of his own abol of "seed", "Wea
arms, progres: harsh reality of the present to potential power
Against Sam Lid
primacy of cont therefore, I was In Ereative litera
form are inter-d and mt t thք of beauty of pur which Samudran real alternative position, and to the only walid C be no perfectior work Cf || teratur tion La Lh & Cont and thera Carn b

nd Marxist
product of the пу і5 appгоргіаld the exhorta
this state of alid and T1 e a ning
we are by now -ism hundreds of hlets, platform rid in itself it In pathetic reader than a nod of he obvious and . Yet Shelley's he freshness änd d when they were humi dited and
and ewer the vs Marx's Capital | firld in tem at Corles from ed and express ed
original power,
at gives the lines Tais (15 thurm a b CWẽ veryday political urely the perfect of content and Talati COCi5= 'ds, the charged r rhythm, the the i rhyr Thes, the first half of each second, enforcing of the alienation from the fruits ir, the sequencԸ th", "robes" and sing from the exploitation in the wision of in the future.
ar's tenet of the ert av er forri, it to urge that ture content and pendent. Thisaesthete's cult e form against in weighs - is the
ti 5ānudrs my mind it is ne. There atan of for in a "e except in relaerit it articula 2S e no significant
content beyond what is embodied and realised in the medium of form. It is only in regard to the unsuccessful work that we aro prompted to point to cleavages and disparities between content and form, to say that the work might have come off if the writer had found a batter relation between the I.
The Inter-dependence of content and form is what distinguishes imaginative or creati w 2 literature from political, philosophical or scientific writing that is concerned solely with the communication of
ideas. (I am not referring here to those rare political, philosophical or scientific works that share the qualities of creative | iterature.) A work of di 5. Er siwe thought can be paraphrased in other words and its substanca kept intact, because words in
such a work are only the vehicle of concepts, and can be substituted for by other words which are their semantic equivalents. But you can't do that with a poem or, a nowe – not If it is truły aliwe as creative literatur 2. || f Sam Ludran doubts this, I in wito him to try paraphrasing Shelley's Song to tho Milen of England in his own words, keeping the sense unchanged, and see how much of the power of the original
LWWEs
It seems to me that a te cogn ltion of the inter-dependence of
content and form is a necessary qualification for anybody who dea || 5 with creative | it: rature —
In Tamil, Sinhala, English or any other language. Why then do es Sa Tudran insist on "the primacy of content over form" 2 I suspect Lihat Yy hat die 5 behind his a SSSrtion is the orthodoxy of 'socialist realism", whose practice consists of extracting from works of literature their ideological content, for approval or condemnation, regardless of the specific imaginative fort in which that content is realised. This is a critical


Page 25
approach that has resulted in a mechanistic and distorting reduction of art to ideology, treating form and style, not as an organic element of the work, determining meaning, but as a mere sugarcoating for the ideological pill, whether that pill is regarded as beneficial or pernicicus. Un fortu na tely, the greater part of what passes for Marxist literary (and theatre and film) criticism In Sri Lanka (in Sinhala, English, and perhaps in Tamil too, though I can't pronounce on this last) belongs to this mode.
Samudran says: "Art is timeconditioned; so are aesthetic values." I agree. But in working out the implications of this position, one is compelled to recognise the vital inter-dependence of content and form. Forf is really the means by which the writer structures his experience. In periods when there are common assumptions, shared by writer and reader, about the categories in ter|Tns of which experience Is to be structured, form tends to solidify into conventions. In periods when there are no such definite and stable assumptions, or when established assumptions are being challenged by new ones, literary forms tend to become dynamic, to undergo radical changes. These periods of revolution in literary form are associated with periods of social crisis or social revolution. It is for this reason that, for instance, the rise of bourgeois social reactions was accompanied by the rise to dominance of realism as a literary form, while the twentieth-century crisis in bourgeois sole iety has been accompanied by the growth
of non-realist and anti-realist forms of Warious kinds - expre55 ionism, surrealism, absurdism, Brecht|an "alienation", etc. Clne
can't understand such developments if one treats form merely as a secondary element in literature. In eras of literary revolution, the new content of experience is inseparable from new forms. Brecht - one of the writers Samudran refers to with approval – offers a good example. Samudran should consider why Brecht attributed so much Importance to the form of the "epic sheatre'
as the essential municating what It is Possible production of, Mother Courage plot, the chari dialogue but tra trical mode of 1 into traditional would that leavic u es sential meaning
Finally, a wo opposition Samu between Marxists - an opposition W. -back to the liter: of the first dec Russian Revolution at the 5 e coi trove perspective, I thi were wrong in di 5 Sc. the social mai ir - but no more the cyrtist5 cof "sa: were in reducing There were howe in the Soviet U. critics who, whila ture clearly to it
profited from th literary analysis Russian formalists specific qualities work that di 5 til political or philoso In the work o what is positive
the formalist tradit into Marxist crit opposition Samudr transcended.
earlier in the LC work (a study of the outstanding
group - M. Bakhti tion of Bakhtin's in the post-Stali welcome sign til Unicn 5 oli tgrow and riigi di ties of of 'socialist realism contact with the period of Marxist in the "twenties. to Thö2, 3 film ger M; either Lunacharsk hind or Trotsky (the best that ca both of them is ÇTİ LİG-CU ml-cd "Ti Ti
do so badly!)

nėms of " Cof - he had to say
to imagine a ay, Galileo or that keeps the ters and th: slates the theahe performance aturalist forms: |altered Brecht's
rd about the Iran sets up and for Talists hich is a throw ry Controversies a des after the
Looking back 5ies lln h Istorial 1k the formalists ciating form from |gs of li tėra ture wrong than the cialist realism" art to ideology. Wer In thg |920s hioh a group of relating literas social context, c methods of evolved by the to clarify the of a literary guish it from phical discourse.
these critics and wall be in 'on is assimilated cism, arı d the an fra intain 5 i 5.
hawe written i on the major Dostoevky) by critic of this 1. The restoraw crk to fawo IF n period is a at the Soviet Ing the crudities ha 3 esthetics '' and rega in ing ThČrė creatiwa i terary critici 5m Bakht İrı 5'e ert'ı 5 rxist critic than on the o re on the other 1 ble said about that writing as sars, they didn't
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23


Page 26
THE TAM
LITERA
Comments on Samudran's artit
by S. Sivasega ra m
find it necessary to refu te oe of the arguments presented by Samudran in his article in Lanka Guardian (Sept. 15) on the Tamil literary scenc. The views expressed are not entirely based on facts and certain interpretations
of recent events are rather un scientific. There are places where it appears that Samudran
ha 5 st || not resolwed certain major contradictions within himself before proceed ing to comment on related issues.
Does Samudran, who appears to be more sympathetic towards those whom he calls Maoists believe that the various factions which describe themselves as Marxist are a|| Marxist? Does hg now subscribe to the view that parties and groups loyal to Moscow are progressive? The article does seem to suggest the various parties and groups, the feuding factions within them, and an assortment of fellow-travellers constitute what he chooses to cl || "Lho Tam il progressive movement". Leaving this com tradiction a sido let us now turn to the wiews expressed in his article.
It is claimed that "... the dominant anti-imperialist trends in Sinhala art and literature often Tanifested chauvinist (emphasis Samudran's tendencies, the works of Tamil anti-imperialist authors
stood for national unity. . They were fully opposed to Tamil chauvinism'. What is the truth?
After the LSSP and CP (Moscow) started to Cornpromise on the national minority problem in the period following the 56 Elections, the so-called Sinhala progressive writers aligned to these parties, as
1.
well as those bel to ther grup 5, 5 || political opport political leaders, "left" politicians ' to the Tam i Cao T what els could
for rational unity national unity për but certainly no
which it Was ex
, hel Pieter General Secreta
and Minister of F at the Congres Unity convenced Progressive Wri in 1975 that :
were stro ng a while they are n Sinhalese, no "p
of the PWA, d; contradict the
Such! 15 the pro which the "pro
Tovement' is
Samudran se el the refегепce t main target of hi: of the "progres du Cer 15 an 2X. significant that i drän's wiew thät the Ta п|| ' radi today conspicuo activity'. The s by Balendra was, by the ex-dram efforts to be litt Lribution to Ta[] himself to be a Balendra, perhap! of a compliment ex-dramatist.
"Sārmu dran” al Ba Ferdita" s transl; considerable Popil

ARY SCENE
:le
օրging to certain mply echoed the risin of their As for the Tamil wyth o Were thro Wrth immunalist woly 25, they do but cry Their desire for haps was genuine, the Tamm CT ili :pressed. In fact, Ke uneman (th en ry, CP (Moscow) housing) declared 5 for National by the Tamil) ters' Associatlor communal feelings Thong the Tamils ot so 2 m ong the rogressive writer'
expressed ogressive stuff of Yriters'
ared
Wie
gr S55Í'E made,
This to imply that
y Balendra (the i article) to one siwe" drama pro-dral at is is 50
t en dors e5 Sam LI
the pioneers of cal theatre" are us by their inartistic геference in fact Pro woked in his e Balendra"5 cotil dra Tha clair 2d greater dramatist. s, paid too much by calling his an
list who
so complains that ations have gained ularity among the
middle class tha atre-goers. Does this imply i hat the audience to which the "progressive' lot catered were proletariano It Was, and it is, 5 till the middle class which prowides the audience for the Tamil theatre. The working class, it is Sad but true, still remains opiated by the South India i finns in the MGR-Sivaji tradition.
According to Samudran.." neither the politics of Brecht nor the concept of the epic theatre seems to appeal to (Balendra's) heart... He is more Committed to stagecraft per se than to any ideology.. He has shown a slight tendencyt towards existen tialism". Balendra's rendering of Brecht's "The Exce. ption and the Rule' was, in my view, faithful to the original, and there is no evidence of an attempt to distort Brecht’s message. (Balendra, incidentally, is not the translator but only the producerdirector). Balendra has also produced several South Indian Tam || plays and recently, one from North India. He also produced one play written by a member of the progressive group" (eenppatikai, ā satire on the late Dr. N. M. Perera, a nd a third-rate play, des pli te a serious efort by Balendra to make something out of it). It is trange that Samudran has little to criticize about Balendra's stagecraft, Thera are sewe Tal flaws, some of them obvious, and critics in Peradeniya, where Balendra has a good audience, hawe Poiriited out th ces : flaws to him. It may be that Samudram is a little lax abo It "stagecraft per se' a Yen when It comes to Balendra. (Or is hi è a'wa iting the "new aesth - tic standards' to be developed?)
stage
Samudran's next major target is the group of 'pseudo-Marxists' who allegedly are trying to look


Page 27
beyond Marxism. I do not think that this is a serious offen CO2 si rice many of the 'non-pseudo-Marxists' in the "Progressive camp" have not
had a serious chok at Marxism itself. Simply claiming to be Marxist and dropping names
ranging from Lenin to Lu Xun means little more then familiarity with these names. To reject art forms developed in bourgeois (and feudal) society as reactionary is infantile, nonsense. The masses are the creators of everything of Walue in society, and it is up to the progressive forces to extract what is good and relevant from the past and reject what is bad and irrelewant. Every literary form in modern Tamil, with the exception of poetry, is from alien sources and, very often, from the West. There is a great need for the Tam || People to familiarize thern selves with every modern form of creative art and literature and adopt them, where suitable and necessary, for the purpose of developing a new and poWerful troad [ LI.orh in literaturo ar d art.
What Balendra is doing is in a sense, continuing what Drs Kandiah and Indrapala sought to do in '69-'7, i.e., exposing the Tamil audience to a variety of new and interesting stage experiences. Without knowing the more positive
exper lances elsewhere, wil hout serious study of the art form itself, and without daring to
experiment, it is not possible to create effective drama, progressive or otherwise. Balendra's "transtions' of course, will not be part of the great Tamil theatrical tradition of tomorrow; but his contribution towards the creation of this tradition is certainly more than that of all the 'progressive dramatists' put together.
It is interesting to note that Samudran has not commented on the use of stage techniques and even themes borrowed from the West (of course, via the Sinhala stage, which perhaps purifle5 them of the pernicious influence of Western decadence) by the "progressives'. What is really depressing is tha t the "progre5 s i we' Tarini | plays hailed by the critics of the same camp are bad drama and
worse propaganda. It should be noted that even their form reveals nothing revolutionary or
proletarlan: the In form land ba are lacking in a irrespective of choose, and Sa appears to be standards altog issue is mot å bol of form ower con but about the pr of aesthetic stano of form itself.
I would like of the members more specific standards' that about. I would clarify their existence of cer aesthetics. Indee "progressive ae: Standards", ciritii find it difficult to rature-in a "pric
The shallow gressive" Tamil only a reflexion of the "progressly scene, The radili Tamils has no b The Tami lef simply echoing expressed else often out of t. The 'progressive different. The T15wement did, some popular ba in addition, a ni which was, of c Correspondingly, thing genuine, 3. in the 'Progress is | iterature. Nati stronger force, explains why dramatist colul Sarathchandra.
What the Ta today is familia theatre, exposur experience S, anc critical stand th eatre. I am gor
wait un til time development of gressiwe ΠΠΟ HEI
and attempting theatre merely gressives" hawe offer, will on degeneration of where the influe Indian cinema is f

plays are bourgeois dy handled. They asthetic standards
the scale one may rTnIu dram's solution
the reggtion of ther. The real It the precedence Le FIL (T Y|Ce "gr"53 "es e rice or absence dards and perhaps,
Samudran or any of his camp to be about the "rew
they are talking also || k the Til to position on the talin universals in !d without defining thetic and other cs of that camp w III assess art and litegressive' manner,
ess of the "Pro - literary scene is of the shal owness re' Tamil political tal politics among road popular base, t" leaders were the sentites where and were ouch with reality. Writers' we te no Sihi radi" new ertheless, hawe se 2nd there was, tional, awakening, DJ se, bourgeois. there was sorelthough deficient, "e". Sinhala art and onalism was the and this, perhaps, no 'progressive" d ever surpass
m i I public noads rity with good e to a variety of good and honest irds. Progressive "y EO 5 ay, has to is ripe for the a gen Luim e pro1ent. Attacking to des troy good recause the 'prono al terma | w | y help further the Tamil theatre: ce of the South o negligible forca.
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Page 29
Of medicine and
y re-reading of War and Peace (see "Notes of a horisontalman,' LG, Oer, 15) rem Inded me that Tolstoy was a complete
sceptic about medicine. When Natasha falls ill after breaking off her engagement to Prince
Andrei and attempting disastrously to elope with Kuragin, Tolstoy speaks of the 'substances, for the most part harmful" which the doctors made her swallow. That sounds like Dr. C. W. S. Corea writing of antibiotics in one of his crusades in the Press against allopathy. However, Dr. Corea wouldn't find much comfort in Tolstoy, whose scepticism extended to all schools of medicine: in one dewa stati rig paren thesis irn the same chapter of War and Peace he brings together 'healers, sorcerers, homeopaths and allopaths."
Tolstoy goes on to explain that the doctors who treated Natasha did, however, serve one purposethe only use he thinks doctors can hawe - that of satsifying the need of the patient and her family for reassurance - the same need,
he says, that a small child feels when, having fallen and hurt himself, he runs to his Tother or nanny to have the painful place rubbed. Similarly, Natasha's doctors toothed the Rostovs by telling them that everything
would be all right "if the coachman went to the chemist's and bought for a rouble and seventy kopecks some powders and pills in a nice box, and if the patient un fail Ingly took these Powders in boiled wat et in two hours, no more and no less.'
In War and Peace there are several false rules and codes which different characters try to impose on the flux and the complexity of life - in war, government, love and family life - and it is evident that for Tolstoy medicine was just another such false code. I suppose the reaction of any doctor to this would be to di 5 m į53 him
as a citank. Ha: wat on that the doctors gical need seem ceptive in the known today ab di 5 tot dors, 3rd iveness of place romark about stances' that pa swallow, it evok response in me spent two week ower attack 5 of on by a laxative swallow as a p X-ray.
is to :
A new talen
| hawe been to de Silwa's fir! Hewa nel i Eda M1 må ny people — || of the mass aud some filmgoers interest. In the probably because narrative. That
found it one est Ing and origi como from the tion of film-mak the film has are la dor Iwe from ! dra’s nowel on Why, for instan Sinhala audience
Rose, rected Bandaran ayake accent? But th
h Cincs and pe middle2-class ali 2 visual treatment nativeness, spon ness. Since tha: || publicity shc everybody inter hala cinema to disappears from

id sorcery
i wewer, his obser
real function of serve a psycholo5 remarkably peright of what is out psychosomatic about the effectbos. As for his he "harmful sub| 2t 5 a Te midge to !es a sympathotic
Since | hawe just s trying to get dizziness brought : I was asked to reparation for an
t
d that Para krama it feature film, in issu, has baffled Tot just Thembers
lence, but even with a serious Sinhala cinema.
! of its nor-linear is a pity, because of the Tost inter1 al films to hawe
younger ger1eraCrs. What falult,5 gely those which iunanda Mahenwhich it is based. :e inflict on the Blake's The Sick by Dharmasiri in a bad English film takes an e trating look at a Lior, and the has im Luch imagia neity and freshlm has had little ld like to urge sted In good Sinatch it before it the circuit.
Touchstone
Lawrence and Taos
Sri Lankan-born Garmini Salgado, now Professor of English at the University of Exeter, writing in TLS about a visit to Taos, New Mcxico - D. H. Lawrence's one time home - reports that it was with the greatest difficulty that he found in the town anybody to whom Lawrence's name meant anything at all. "If there is one public figure who is a living legend in Taos, whose name one meets at every turn in bookstore, bar and street sign, it is not D. H. Lawrence but Kit Carson, the celebrated Indian scout who made Taos his home during the last years of his life."
Gamini Salgado, who earned his doctorate with a thesis on Law. rence's poetry, has also written a student's guide to Sons and Lowers and a case-book on the novel.
Age for hanging
"They are too young to be hanged," said a Ministry of Justice spokesman to the Daily News, talking of sixteen-year olds. This was to announce the Ministry's proposed 'reform" of raising the minimum age for the death penalty fΓο Πη Ιό το IE. Apparently, if you are old enough to vote, you are qualified also to hang. It reminds one of the parody of A. E. Housman by an English writer of light TETE
"What, still alive at twenty-twoA fine, upstanding lad Fike you? And bacon's not the only thing That's cured by hanging on a
string.
27


Page 30
I would give half My
I would give half fry life to
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Carl I WA y'e peace war ile bladrid is leirg shead
TA WWF
8
Lette TS , . .
(Crirt "ரr ge E}
Disabilities Resolution, did the Supreme Court find in favour of Mrs. Bandara naike, was conclu
sively rejected by the Prime Minister. Gamini Dissanayake. with his perchant for citing
history more or less, usually less, appropriately, would be thoroughly happy considering himself the mobil est Ronal of the Ti all" in the part of Brutus. And Lalith Athulath muda II, With his capacity for speaking with cynical brilliance on even shameful subjects, would make an excellent Mark Anthony; while, doubtless, there are numerous contenders for the role of the ultimately victorious Augustus.
But such speculations, though amus Ing are useless. It is perhaps more Sal Litary Simply to remember that in acquiescing in the banishment of a political threat Who ne vert heless shared his basic concept of politics, Pompey was sowing the Seed for the destruction of the system and the values that he a 5 held to che rish Of Corse there Were thoso Who Said that he had no values at all, that his banish ment of Cicero proyed that nothing mattered to him So long as hic Could continue im power. On the whole such a view probably does him a little less than justice: he was probably merely a short-sighted man who thought that previous
principles coul a bandoned at ti of an immed advantage.
University, Peradeniya,
Ciwidt ||
The legislation rights to Mrs. S naik and Mr. naike in purs r2 ComTmendation Special President appears to be o for serious con:
The legislatic overlook and in basic principales This issue does hawe been se en perspective. The rights to a citi be Tuch II ore Tert Teeted irid iwidual citizei denial of the clectrorate to Individual as a of the people. of the freedom c.
That the legisl; deny the elector to chcic se the il they want to rei not just i dle fan
If an Individual hing Wrong, dealt with unde laws and by the c of the ları d.

LIFE
1ίίε,
[Q ZAYYAD
bQ safely rtles in favour late practical
R. Wijesinghe
Rights
to deny civic |rima BandarFelix BändraJance of the made by the ill Commission ne which calls ideration.
in appears to
egative Certi of democracy. not appear to in the correct denial of Civic Zen appears to -ishחa pu חtha out to that n. It is really a right of the choose that re Fresentatiwe t is the denial f choice.
lation Carn really atc. Its freed on dividual whom present them is
Cy'.
has dan 2 scrimehe could, be
r the ordinary 3rdinary courts
. ted to ||ki ||
A find ing of misuse or abuse of power is a value judgement. Value judgem et 5 are not universal; they can differ from person Lo Person. The value judgement on this is Sue, which the majority party in Pallament may reach, may not be the value judgement the electorate makes,
G. G. Ponna mbalam Jr. General Secretary-A.C.T.C.
Civic Rights (2)
The current topic is on the deprivation of civic rights of the forer Prg Miliste Mrs. Bildara rhai ke foot abuse and r is use of power. Let us examin e the effect of los ing the civic rights and also the findings of the Presidential Commission. If the thinking of the Täis; es was that the Pre5idential Commission was formulapolitically the adversaries of the government in power, it is a wrong nötic r). The Presidential Commission would hereafter act as a detarrent to corrupt politicians, corrupt officials and also politicians who favour nepotism. It would be an eye-open er to the party that is to corne into power that it should not abuse cor mis use power. If we logically argue this point, whatever the intertion of thg fra Ter5 of the Presidential Commission were there is one conclusion that, this Commission would stand as a bar to political corruption and the party that is in power would en 5ure greater care in the administrative machinery of this country.
Presidential Co TirThis šioms wi|| play a vita part in che political area of Sri Lanka in time to Cormi e arid Ywould rem del th { society. This plece of legislation is a turning point in our political li fo and Would no doubt stand as a revolutionary piece of legislation drafted during this century to cleanse the society. It too has its "boomerang" effect.
Bassett Perera Colombo


Page 31
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