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Interview:
శామ్రాజా-ణ్కాజొమ్రాజ్యాజ్వాల్కోస్తో_్వూ్వూజాg2_'
శ్యాణా
Army in politics
Blok, Christ, Red
Tamil literary scen
 

STORY - H. N. Fernando
13 November 5, 1980 Price Rs. 3/50
ISTER MEI S MIMAS
san : In quest anished glory
= Mervyn de Silva
- Jayantha Somasunderam
Guards - Reggie Siriwardena
e - Samudran

Page 2
giểẩt
to b bothësoy
and shareholde
To know w5 h3ve a stike im (ILIT Ö WT1 C11) :I rn '' Fa r1, Cd tha t "VW 42 b)E! I I r 1 g.
To know we are contributing to Research, Develop IT ent
Hrid | rius Lirii || Ex: 335i i III I T C W ELIS III, 2SS.
Til k mo'", that Small popol: ***
lik: Luis car"ı () wrı a :Ճmթիn w = fit) iritiiwitjual
ar family Cları buld Thor : ; han Eow of CIf Shir ES.
it's great... , to Watch the CLIrpari Jrt:y er!!! ht:1|') fr! our country's development.
"לחה הוח:H (Crוון ווידים שWW "л в уурт к г. га Chвпівпех.
Chermanex -the spearhead for development
Слепалех (плей
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Page 3
THE TREAL DRUM
Are racists brick II actor? During the debate on Development Čurici s t fiere Were fringu 5 mLIrmurings a mong SLipporters of those assorted "fronts" which para de patrioti mirme-Bords, What makes them dan gerous is that the support is often bipartisan, meaning UMP and SLFP,
the major (Sinhald) partie5. They are not quite K. K. K. But they do ha we many i Triport
tant: Enach Powell Is as back-stage patrons.
The movement for Inter-racias Justice and Equality has issued d Warning a BGL t this raci5 t Carrpaign. MIRE Syst fa, certain Indy du J|s and groups !) the gur try ur c u Srig the Dewelopment Councils scheme as a propaganda platform. MIRJE Says that the stferre as to be ex crimi i ned for its mer its card dernerits Lt much of the Criticism springs from ant Tamil motives, and blatantly seeks to rouse racial feelings.
COST OF DEFENCE
His critics were fond of ridicu sing the portly, Wes-ro LIrished Mr. Dudley Senarna yake for his (UNP) 'buth maruwa' fimage, But Mr. Semana yake turned this weapon of criticism against other opponents, especially those world bank experts who persisted in recommending drastic cuts in food subsidies, "I'd rather feed the people than huy Hullets to shoot a hungry nob", he used ta 5 dy.
Sri Lanka did hawe a strong ...d5 g. Where as at fier Third World Countries sperat as im Luch as 20%, to 30% of their national budget or defence, the Sri Lanka perceritage always ranged bet
weer 33% and 5%. It still does,
The 'Sun' was right in noting that this year's defence vote has exceeded the billion mark, but it was Wrong in reporting that his wote: Fidd trebied 5 ince fast year. However, another comparison is worth noting. Two hundred rT i/lion rupe es more thar last year, this year's vote is 1.2 billion, exactly the same as the expenditure on health and a little less thar the "noney spent on the food stamp scheme.
Capital expendit reduced by Rs.
THREE
Honoured by
Angrid, the Wittoch gave a of or agricus he des wered if lecture. ("Mor Olcott" quipped skipper when I lea, ying the fie
But Tarzie, so Grdfis and the r71LJ 5 to Fh1 We W síster) ed to the The distinguish W75 said, fii Jd : country, the US contributing Ec ork Herg Tr he was tro Woice of Arlieric fi] waj u rite statio
At this poin 5 Ociolog ist., noti WIS flanked hic fr Tari R. Cefitr G| Brik { Rus pLr tra T1, ob WS I Si rifi II
to Royal, S. and St. Jose ernerging natio
has really arriv, Goverrior to thi s drother" wùj Çand so s By di of the rut-rid Cies. No world
Royalist Esmon esite, sids to ch World in Belgi
F. T. The 'Daily announced the Trd de 70 re
near the Ke, аппошлсептепt h premature. The GCEC is work d1 Td 5 rit ti spending anythi million of Infra 5 I ment. So Billyd up or industric
fu l-Fledged FT.
Tricider), ta lly, Wijewardere W. Called Motor ol7 "truly genuine E rivest. 1 1 5 75Serie semi

Le 11: 1o Wyler
3. É rrijn.
WOICES
fi iš Afr1] Mater, 'y'gr 5J ti|e: TTrzie: superb exibition ts 1715 hip wher ! Clcott Trĩ (: midrid| W. 11 an old Arian dian he players were ld),
fL II of Čga utama, : Third World, wired - as he welcome address. ed ecturer, It come from Olcott . As a Newsweek fitor and New it Line Columnist, duced g5 "The g', his admirer's
「.
t, a free-lance cing that Tarzie by Lake House Bodinngցdd and overnor Dr. W. 5 Eyed: "An Inda] J BL dadi sist am 5 wer Thomas', Trinity !fi'5. Naw the na s bourgeoisie ed. As alternate 3. WMF, ""Rasa" ce of America , 15 the yoice : or a rhews agener the Anglican d, of the old (Tripior the Third
it."
Ζ. (2) News' gdy ent
ргошdly of Free 2 at Biyagama, un river. The Iowever could be 5-CILI 5 İ OLJE ng out the SLums po happy about ng up to Rs 500 tr Luc Lura de yellop
dחט ץם וח שחggr Il a red, rot a Z
GСЕС boss Upali as right when he Inc. the first multi-national 'i Lankan plant to Coriductors.
Anagarika And Racism
I have read with great interest Professor Ralph Pieris's article 'The Enigma of Anaga rika Dha rrThapala" (LG, Coct. I5), a m d | hawe certainly found 5 orTV 2 of his revelations regarding tha Anagarika's psychology us cful for the light they throw on the latter's puritanical attitudes. However, it doesn't appear to the that Prof. Piers has succeeded i exculpa ting Anagarika Dharmapala of the charge of racism. Prof. Pieris doesn't seek to explain the anti-Tamil and anti-Muslim Utterances of the Aragarika referred to in my review of Dr. Amara, 5eko ra's bock (other Such Lutterances could bo quo Led). The fact that Anagarika Dharmapala 'thought of founding a Buddhist Tission for the Indian coolies' (betraying word), and that he recognised that "without the cooly the rubber and
LA MEA
GUARDAN
Wol. 3 No. 13 November 5, 1980 Prica 350 ||
Published for trightly by Lanka Guardian
Publisliig (Cic. Ltd. 825, Wilfeildhal Street,
Ciul III, b; II,
Fiilor; Met 'wy'n de Silva
Telephone: 2009.
CONTENTS
Leiteis
News Background
Army's Expanding Roll:
Foc igi News
Prospect For South Asia.
Sihala pupulisr
JWP - Inside story
Tailhil Literary Scenic
Blok, Christ i 1 Red Garcis
Printed by Ananda Press
825, Wolfendhal Street, Լ.ւյl:Illեւ 13
Telephone: 3 5975
7.
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Page 4
tea estates can't be worked is hardly sufficient ground for holding him to be guiltless of racism. To draw an analogy, It wouldn't hawe been difficult to find in the last century upholders of white supremacy in the southern states of America who were assiduous in Propagating the Gospel among the Blacks and also recognised the
in dispensability of the latter for working the plantations: that didn't make them any
the less racist.
also fail to understand the point of Prof. Pieris's observation that "no purpose is served by categorising Anagarika in terms of un analy 5ed general Categories such as “race”. Il was Čategoris ing the Anagarika's thought in terms not of 'race' but of 'racism' a very different matter, Prof. Pieris 5 houd address his criticism not to me but to the Anagarika, who used the 'un analysed general Category of race' in propagating the myth of the "Aryan'
descont of th It is character everywhere fro the United St: Africo ta con Ları ka – that t the concept of cally preciss te all, is the in tion of the racism as an id Reggi Colombo 5,
Reply to
Chintaka a having 'actually the ''Hansa Reg Police Stations tho armed for choring youth ands". (Lanka O||O||980) Thi from his own St. Falsification, Th Commercial Workcr5" Un lor, Secretary at thi associated in : organising and
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'Sinhala race'. tic of racists Nazi Germany, tes and South enporary Sri ey don't define a te in S Člentifims: that, after 2cessary cond
promotion of 20logy. 2 Siriwardena
Chintaka
:CL 5e 5 mg of helped organise ment" to guard at a time when Ce5 Were bu tIn their thousGuardian of S is a foul | ie hool of Stalinist e All Ceylon .nd Industrial of which I was ! tir The wat 5 not Lny way with recruiting to
associated in my personal capacity.
The evolution of my ideas
during 97 - 1972 could be judged from the fact that at the 1972. LSSP Conference when Comrades like Dr. CTund Jayaratne and D. G. William "uncore Toniously' abandoned their position and succumbed to the pressure of the leadership, Conrades Wasudowa. Nanayakkara, Edwin Kota law Cela and myself were the only signatories to the second resolution who held our ground and refused to withdraw our signatures to that resolution.
In fact neither Insurgency nor Emergency was able to prevent the All Ceylon Commercial and Industrial Workers' Union from providing a militant leadership
to workers in the private sector during this period - fra Tl the sletal Industries
Strike of April - June 1971 to
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Han sa Regiment. Nor was I so
أس

Page 5
Ronnie : Persecul
forsaken
E3. their quotations,
know the T. As a brilliant
alumnus of St. Thomas', who must have carried away the "Religious Knowledge" prize along with numerous other trophies, Mr. de Mel will recognise the Biblical adaptation. Besides, Ronnie ("For God's sa ke don't refer to me as Ronald' he implored this reporter the other day) is a prolific user of quotes.
As a lonely "independent' (after he crossed over from the SLFP) Ronnie drew from an as tonishing array of sources to adorn his studied contributions. And he was lucky that there were a fair number of members to appreciate his eru dition. But where most MP's were content "te throw the book at you, Ronnie", wrote a Lake House correspondent once "fung a whole books hel f” — Plato and Montes quieu, John Stuart Mill and Acton. the Economist, the Financial Times, the Barclays report, and, since his ideas in those days wore a robust pink, Lenin, Castro, Teres a Hayter ("Aid as Imperiaism") and Cheryl Payer ("The Debt Trap"),
If his reading ranged from China to Peru, his tra wel s. a 5 ha reIn Inded u5 in the 97 speech, broadened the mind further. He knew both systems, and both worlds, while standing firmly in he Third World. He remain5 ore of the very few in this assembly who has a firm intellectual grasp of the international system and what makes it tick. The system conditions the life of nations, and determines the decisions of its policy makers. If this is true of politics, it is truer still of economics. And for underdeveloped nations, it is the inescapable fact of life. The system both exploits and exposes our economic dependence. In doing sc, it stea dily narrows the-Choices open to policy-makers, to presi
dents, premiers te "E.
Though he c In qui te this the cheerless r conveyed to h ad MP"5, 5 in In ITÉ its are |ronie 5. For, well-informed globa|| Oconomi chronic is of the nature of Such institutio Mr. do M. H. in Now. 977 by the heady
.
Understandat glorious euphic Wy could hawe sw Cest sceptic UNP's landslid a world Tec party has now . рег сепtage-wist
To his own sa tisfaction, Mr SLFPer, saw party reduced W, T 35 siwe wat had been passi policies' of the "sc ciali SrTi", ciri looking econom 5 carcities, rati Furthermore T and with it, p. fa Eutin' theorig lish, dependen the capitalist w corn ing recessic
Com E: to "o pel will be well. b right.
So. beam Ing ladern Santa CI photographed a the next day's cing, . ." Aid, : money, Toney,
ths skies'. An

ted but not
And finance minis
lid not spell it out fashion, this was message Mr. de Mel i5 fello W rI1 |misters
he found himself ia ble situation; a TOL Without its inspite of his own familiarity with the c em Yic Ten I, the the Third World, "aid", the rolig af n15 as the IMF etc, ad allowed himself to be carried away enthusiasis of the
le cf. course. The tria cf July | 977 e pot Even the feroff his feet. The 3 victory could be 3rd. Mr. Seaga's
one slightly better, =, In JJ T13 iCa).
immens e personal "... de Mel, the ex15. Banda a maiko's
to a pitiful 8 seats. of no-confidence id i "Iii E-2 H U.F.'s half-baked a "closed" inwardly characterised by Cns and queue 5. he Left was dead, resum 2 mily, its high 5 cf. neo-coloniace, the crisis of orld and the onIn The tima had the dor. All future was
THe
like a largesseaus, H = -1F was t the airport, with
headlines announlid...aid ... money, ... pouring fram d the only prob
lem? Tha money was there, more than enough, but where were the projects? (Now, we hawe an
average 22% cut in the capital experi diture of lá ministries). Sri Lanka, backed to the
hit by the IMF, will become one Cf the 5 trongest Currencies in the world! (Today, the poor rupee, Increasingly short of breath, is Push ing 50 . . . . . to the pound Sterling).
Mov. 1977. Flying away from the script to enjoy the Imm cas, Lurable pleasures of that time, Mr. de Mel poured scorn, ridiCLII|, la Lightėr and fury om his favourite targets. And then he quoted Milton Fried Tan.
Now, 1980. A much mellowed Mr. de Mel, sticking scrupulousiy to his text, paused at a quotation
fsos II John Kenneth Galbraith. For emphasis, he repeated it in Sinhala slowly ... almost at the
dictation speed used by the Woice of America in its' special English re W5 program', designed for back
ward, but hop gfully educable, Semi-literates. He quoted Gibraith ('Nothing so weakesis
go w er F1 Tent as persistent inflation'), the Brandt Report on the grist world economic outlook. and Lord Cara don's rico to Finance Ministers in the very year Mr. Mel himself attained that high
"We are troubled on every side but not distressed, perpexed but not in despair, perse
CLI ted but r1 tot forsalkern, cast down but not destroyed'.
The Almighty apart, who is
persecuting the MF, who is casting hir T down and who has not for saken, him, are obviously speculations best left to columnists like "Deep Throat' and Migara (Weekend) and the Opposition press. His troubles and perpexilios, on the other hand, explain Mir. de Mei's di igrm, ma 5,

Page 6
and if this budget can be characterised in a single phrase, it is the budget of a dozen dilemmas. But what is important is that this is mot just a personal dilemma for this particular Parliament could not have found a better finance minister; a man more knowledgeable about the International system and its agencies, more skilled in negotiating and better equipped with the experience of public administration and private enterprise.
Mr. de Mel's dilemma is the dilemma of a government which has embarked on a certain course, Basically, it is the predicament of a dependent economy increasingly vulnerable to the pressures of an world Economi- order wic5 s iniquit les and wicis situdes the Brandt Report has rather a bly analysod.
In August this year, Prof. Fried. man, Portiff of the Chicago school of 'Monetaris Ti' (L. G. Sept. 15, 1978) was in London. For Mrs. Thatcher's Tory government, which had committed itself fully (C) th: Friedm 3 m form Lu !a of Eco - nomic recovery, it had been no glorious Indian summer. A wintry chill was felt throughout the British economy. High Inflation and high unemployment.
Like Lord Cara dom and Mr, de Mel, Mrs. Thatcher was being attacked on every side; as labour was laid off, and factories closed by the TUC, and, as bank credit was squeezed, by the CBI, the spokesman of British Big Business which had put the Tories, in office, AS Mrs. Thatcher and her "CConomic Tinisters" (tha inner abinet) simored Prof. Fredma for urgent consultations, Fleet St. brck, C in to A S är donic chuck . The Chicago Surgeon, the Michael de Bakey Cf møme tãrism wä5 being rushed to the bedside bacause the paticnt Was showing no signs of post-operative recovery!
At least one leading UK paper invited an opinion from Galbraith. Widely regarded as the finc st economist Produced by the western world after Keynes, JKG won renown as the high priest of the Affluent Society, Since then he has changed many of his
4
wie w5, 1 develop paralleled the 'st that hää Y e corti the western e fa Thus Re | th Le : for instance. He di half his tire to
only one other e fully, Keynes.
UK (G 'www33 kilrı d ta Fried IIlari, b respectful, as h ideas of the criptions hawg one other regime KG did not s: Gileano said (In the periphe ngedad Mussoli remark that Frie L and Criti-s, wer his ideas could ideal condition capitalist Countr: democracy, and totally committe
Controlling C the mã chim [: (ir the morey SLIpp concluded, can r temporarily or f period, in Ce BLI t ne2ʼWe2r Wwlh en ditions had cri problems. The was facing such
It is a cruism World's problem This limits the ol ming grups Whi |İki: [ , follo W " d
welsaristo polici i rէ: Լ: "t: Il ri1.j | Ը larly elected Ja mia [Ca.
A few days be budet, Jamaica ", palls in what IMF ill." country for 8 ye Mr. Manley's | was in deep tre Politics had cs features (the US giant, and t friendship with C 3 i III a Lif wwä5 War" | Est”. A5 , ! ciri schiedlule artid It was also a 5 dem cocracy as Sr

ment which has locks" and "crises" nu 2 d to bedevil conomy, in his tres of the BBC, lgựg Lg d TÎ1C rẽ tham Marx, and treated colonist respect
(patronisingly so) ut certainly not e examined the man whose pre 5been accepted by Pinochet's Chile. ly what Eduardo of Adam Smith ry Adam Smith ii) but he did Thai, his admirers e lucky because be tested in the 5 — ar a dwa mc2d *, a parliamentary a gco'ya rin ment d to his ideas.
r tinkering with this case, the ly mechanism) he "es we difficulties
or a fairly forg "Lai COrditio 15.
the basic con 3a te d 'structural" world economy problems.
that the Third
is are structurall. Jtions for goverch would, ideally, emocratic' 'social' es, The Choice 5 difficult for popuregimes. As in
fore the Sri Lankā was going to the was called "The Having ruled the 3 ars (two terrTis) eft-leaning PNP jubile, Whila i L5 rta, irn (2xcept. Ional roximity to the he PNP's strong uba) its cconomic typically "Third His : lectio hald its result prowes, much a P | Lurali St. i Lanka.
The sharp economic decline came with the comparatively poor prices fetched by its exports - minerals (mainly bauxite) and agriCultural Produce, – by rising import prices, large fuel bill, a drop in tourist income, and a severe exchange crisis. The rival JLP, wholly Private enterprise oriented and operly pro-US (the party erbier, as Carute James reported is the US Liberty Bell, including the crack in the original) blamed the PNP's "socialist' policies for alienating the US, and driving investors and tourists. Pointing out that tourist income had gone up in the last year, Mr. Manley charged the JLP for instigating Political wiolence and the US T1 e dia for deliberately highlighting this. In any case, he argued, that Jä Täica's proble This would hawe be er worse but for the "coi tro|5” imposed by the government on econorTy. Howeyer, une TiplayrTent reaching 3%, and inflation excee
ding 26%, framed the electoral Thood.
In March, Jamaica broke off a
three year relationship with the |MF while his Finance Minister, Mr. Small pleaded in wain for the scheduling of debts from commercial banks. (By June, IMF officials were reported to have secret talks with Mr. Seaga, the Opposition leader). The crunch came a little later. The F. T. reported:
"Mr. Manley's anger with the IMF has been building up for the Pas L thre 2 years. But it came2 to a head when the Fund asked the PM to cut the budget, already reduced by US 56 million, by a futer 2 8 1 in dollars. The Jamaican leader argued that th 15 was a recipe for political suicide as it would mean the dismissa of II,000 gow't workers at a time when uně Ti ployment was causing Serious socia | problems",
Since the temptation to draw a
parallel with the United Front hind the SLFP may be strøng, the reader Tlust 2 -al Lice d.
|n late 1972 (i.e..) before the oi price hike, and certainly long before the LSSP was sacked), a White Paper om Foreign in Westment was presented by PM. In her capa

Page 7
city as Planning Minister, The Evening Standard (London) greeted it, thus: "this goes far bgyond any previous concessions to foreign capital, even those offered by the preceding rightwing UNP". It halled the offer as a "total wictory for the middle-of-the-road elements in the ruling coalition." (Ewen ing Standard - August 24th 1972).
Wictory as now know, was not "total" since no attempt was made
to implement the White Parer except much later in the FT2, Export Promotion, the Foreign
|rivestment Guarantee Law.
According to Western diplomats, IMF officiais in Washington statc quite catagorically that the SLFP in 1975 accepted "the same stabilization package' in principle. The government finally decided to wait till after the elections to try aut a change of direction . . also, we learnt there were pressures inside." Mr. Subasinghe, holding the key Industries portfolio, and the CP, were probably these "pressures." (Independently, Cheryl Payer traces the UF's relations with the IMF in her well known book.)
In this connection, FDB's replies at a recent CSR seminar are most interesting. How can you denounce the UNP as dictorial when it is US ing the Wery laws that you conCei wed? "Yes, but then the te was a strong opposition'". How can the SLFP criticise the UNP's open vitā ir to robber bans and the MNC's when you extended
the sa The in witation? 'Yes, but they didn't corme.*'
The dilemma of limited (and LurPopular) options is mot the Psychological malady of this or
that Minister or even of this or that party (although the policies of a particular government can aggravate the problem) but of
Third World" regimes incapable Of breaking the chains of cconomic de pendence, and the Strangfehold of a world system dominated by the Wes I, and managed by İ; İÇLuiçons li k: [ha: || MF and || BRD),
While Mr. Manley, in Jamaica was getting angry, the same F. T. was reporting that Mr. de Mel
was "explod ing In The occasion was meeting, soonsor
with her 'big 5 also present.
To the surpri
and the Mahawal Dissanayaka, the do nors, including had given us an (the largest) of for Wictoria, ope
Conducting the Mr. McNamara ; getting stuck in nam's rico paddies om the Gidge of T| guys', Mr. McN presentative ; gesture of tha and got stuck Sri Lanka's padd magu. But that
in 1980, it was Could Sri Lamik of growth? Whe ney, the local escalation had m the original M. but the do nors : the gap since the trouble too, W expenditure on " and "long gesti Why was the necessary? Why ment on housing Let's hawe amoth weli though the air is pledged.
Ewen angrier th the Mahawe minis everybody that I its great Wictory issues - unemploy 55 TF1 e M ii side reference which w in electi lure Tiployment 5
shot at Mrs. Th;
To his credit, home to warn and the courtr clir Thate had sud. tinctly chilly.
This was ir Ji 1 LI TF || MF the rapid expa supply and infl; "financial discipli
(Сантілшғd

anger" in Paris. the Ald Group 2d by the IBRD, İ5ter' the IMF
se of the MF, Minister, Mr. Bank àrd soma g Britain which outright grant 00 million pounds ned fire.
3 Wietriam War, Ad Seer the S hg II. Ld of Wigt. Now apparently hird World 'good amara's Lop Teade a symbolic change of heart in the mud of y fields at Wap
W5 i 1978
a different story, keep this pace - ra was the rmoresources Cost a do non sons of I have li estimates םakוח tטוח uldם: y were in serious Why this heavy "non-productive" tion'' projects? Kotte complex this large Investand construction et look at Mahad (Rs.8000 million)
an his colleague, Ler was to re mind he UNP had won Oh Wo economic ment and li wing İster oy ön had a to those parties ons only to send ky-rocketing - A atcher, surely.
the MF returned
che government y that the aid ienly bocome dis
uly, the cruellest
Wcrried about insion of money 4tion, called for
nie." But by that of pod."" :)
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Page 8
THE ARMYS
by Jayantha Somas underam
he Armed Forces that came into being in 1949 and 950 with the advent of dominion status for Ceylon, were of a limited and token nature. The Army, the dominant Service, was commanded by only a brigadier - a British one - Brigadier Earl Caithness.
With the exception of the 1953 Hartal the Arted Forces were used by the UNP with caution, Ninet een flfty Six saw the expansion of the Armed Forces, the birth of new un its and their frequent use to augment the civil
authcrity. This period coincides with the Ceylonslation of the Armed Forces, the last British Commander, Brig. Sir. Francis
Ried being replaced by Brig. Anton Mutu karu () BE ED). The Bardaranalike er also sa yw the emergence of two new phenomena, the provision of diplomatic assignments to retired commanders: Maj. Gen, Anton Muttukumaru OBE ED, Ma. Gen. Winston Wiekoon CBE ED and Ma. Gen. Richard Uduga Ta MBE, and their doubling in civil posts: Air Vice Marshal Paddy Mendis, SLAF and Rear Admiral Rajan Kadiragamar “VO RCyN.
In 1955 the Ceylon Armoured Corp was set up at Ridly Figaria with its |st Reconnaissance Squadron being commanded by Maj. Sepala Atty galle MWO ED. The following year the Sinha Regiment was raised at Kattukurunda under Lt. Col. Ray Jayat i leke MBE. The (Germ untu Wati followed in || 962, It was commanded by Lt. Col. John Halango da. The Army Train ing Centre at Diya tala wa and the 4th Regiment Ceylan Artillery were also constituted during the first spell of Bandaranaike rule,
5 to 5.
This expansion para||eled the ex teisiwe use of the Police är id
the Armed Forces in civil life. The deployment of the Army against the Federal Party's satyagraha and the use of troops to perform
E.
EX
the work cof widespread in 15
The recourse which had beg und Er S.W. R. | became a way c Bandararaike an WS appointe Secretary to Defece i 950.
INSURRECT
The growth
Forceg am di Polii was however To the expansion t
1970. Whig m. Office in 1977, bequeathed to military force running on a Tillion per ye budget was Rs. 4:
With the outbrf tion in 1971, the civil life. Thei longer subject tc scrutiny. Their Led är id a new Weapons were by Mrs. Bandar; Dia5. Wher pro W ed an inadt pumping funds security for t Sur Ti Tim i t too k its
So pervasive w the military that Wa5 to tE|| Falli:1 the Army, partic Ser wice Regiment Ywas Mrs. Banda inscrui Tent. He da Inggr of the c medals and the uniforIris, for der charged that a cl M5, Eam dara within the Army considerable Pow a prelude to a mi
During Mr. second period |977, the Regula from 6,900 to 8,

PANDING
str|kgrs becama
".
to the military gun imperceptibly O. Bandar mai ke, f life LIT1 : T MT5. d Fc |x Digg who Parliaппепtaгу the Ministry of
N
of the Aried te in th15 decade dest Compared to hat occured after she surrendered Mrs Bandaranal ke her s Luccess cor a numbering 3,700 2udget of Rs. 500
T. || || FO i million.
šak of the Insurrec
military swampod budget was no 2 Planning Ministry number 5 proliferaW generation of rovided for then Anake and Felix the Insurrectior
qua te excuse for into the military, he Non-Aligned
place.
as the presence of
: J. R. Jayewa tidene ringon Li | 974 that
ularly the Mational i set Lp in 1971, ranaike's political
! warned of the on Stant glitter of brass and braid of Tocracy. Finally he |que, Consis ting of naike's loyalists was a CCum Lula ting 'èr in its hards, a litary government.
i. Bandaran aike's n office, anding in r Army increased 900 men.
ROE
An Army which twenty years before had been commanded by a Brigadier was now large enough to require a Lieutenant General, The Armoured Corp had its Daimler Armoured Cars replaced by Salad in Armoured Cars. The Artillery recelved 76mm and 85mm guns. The combat troops were equipped with automatic weapons, modern Co Ti munication equipment
and had BTR - 52 Armoured Personnel Carriers to take them to battle.
The Sri Lanka Wolunteer Force,
two regiments of which were born in the sewenties — the National Service Regi Tent and the Rajarata Rifles - had grown
. חם וח 000,ל סt 4,000 חוסfr
COMMERCIAL OPERATIONS
In 1970 the Royal Ceylon Navy had one frigate, the HMCyS Gaja bahu, and ó Patrol Boats. The Regular Navy numbered 1,700 and the volunteers 200. Today the Sri Lanka Navy has 6. Fast Attack Gun boat.5 - 5 from Chi ha and ore from the Soviet Union - supported by 27 patrol Boats. The Regular Nawy has 2,600 oficers and mem and the Wolu rite et 5 É00,
When Mrs. Bandaranai ke took office in 1970, the Royal Ceylon Air Force with | 1850 Iren, Consisted of a squadron of 12 Jet Provost armed trainers, 2 Chipmunk tra ner5, 2 Heron, Dove and pione er COTT Unifatius and transport craft and 3 Dragonfly hélicopter 5.
When she stepped down in 1977, not only was the Sri Lanka Air Force flying cam mercial operatlans, it had 2,200 officers and men and | . || 00 men In the SLAF Wolunteers which began in 1971. The SLAF by now had a ground attack fighter Squadron of 4 Sowiet MiG — || 7's, I Klios. – 15 and 3 Jet Provost. It had a Transport Squadron of 6 craft, a Communication Squadron of 3 craft and 16 training craft.

Page 9
Its Helicopter squadron had 7 AB 206s and 6 Bell Jct Ranger 4765.
When she harded over the reins of office Mt 5. Bandaran å ik2 had not only raised the strength of the Police to 4500 but she had also set up a Special Police Reserve
Force of 4,500.
Cn coming to power in July | 377, the UNP was in such a position of strength that it could cont on its supporters to crush opposition. For two years, where wer the opposition took to the streets, they were the recipients of violent repris als - and the Police were often indifferent by-standers, The catalogue of violence began with the attacks on SLFP supporters on July 23rd 1977. It also | istis the attacks by "villagers' on the Kelani ya University students who g|Cctc d am a i-UNIP 5 tu det council; the attacks on the Bank strikers and the beating up of opposition trade unionists like Mowlana when they protested over leave withdrawals for public 5.E: "'TI S
LAST TIME
On June 6th this year, for the |äst t|Ire, the JNP was able La repeat this tactic, On this the Day of National Protest, not enly did CP Union ist Somapala die, but his funeral became a 155. We protest de monstration which encouraged workers to come out on strike in July. With JSS Union members also joining the strike, it was no longer possible to use their supporters to counter the opposition. The UNP Adminis
tration, like šo māy un popula Governments before it, sought refuge aad protection from the
Police and Military.
At the August 8th Satyagraha
held in support of the strike, the police swooped down, and arrested Wasude wa Nama
yakkara, GCSU leader Mahanana and NSSP General Secretary, Dr. Vick гепiabahu Karu na ratne. With the Police and Armed Forces given Carte blanche Public dermonstrations as an expression of opposition just disappeared.
Finally, when parliament took up for debate the disen franchise minent of Mrs. Bandaranai ke ari Felix
Dias on the 6th Ot was sa Eurated with men and troop demonstrå. Licorn 5 ca to be permitted. Force spotter airc Colombo A II d helicopters kept W Face armed toops ca de 5 Wowl Cred Lh and frisked wisitor The troops in ba the butts of thei resting on th, Thuzz els in the ai their officers cradle radio telephones. In the Army Ru Armoured cars : act|3f1.
Letters . . .
(ராr fr
the Walkers St. l977. It W3, 5; Ibt Wama, as alleged to tout me later class leader. My un interrupted at sectors of the In overn ent from
forties is therg assed; and can be critis 1511. If rece.
confuse the his di als with that tendency and th
The NSSP is ht trådition — a tr: shed by the LS
day, a tradition ble oppositioп t and capitalism,
defence of del and Its sincer dermocratic Рг socialist intern: well as its deep real national lur the Tutual ti difergrl L inhabit ՃL r Էքս II but not least its fa | ch in the ca
māSS-25 to ach iei
Os, Colombo 2.

ttober, Colomba 10,000 polices. No public f sympathy was Air וdaw r חrם חF raft circled Ower
"Coir" | 5 GTC watch. At Galle mai ne cd barriey scrLut im Ised 's to tha city. title dro) 55 had Ir Tommy Guns cit shoulders, . Besid tham :d high frequency
d behind ther ligger Gro Lunds, stood by for
# Page :)
rike of March necessary for by Chintaka, as a working OWI record of tivity in all trade union the nineteen for the unbi! subjected to ssary, But why .ory of indiwiof the Wama g NSSP
2 Ir to a great Ldicio e stabiSP in its hey Jf “Irre conciaIo imperialism its passionate ocratic rights e regard for C2S25 its Ltionalism as desire for a ity forged on rius F til e munities who I try and las
revolutionary Jacity of the
Wifth Fernando.
(/Dalek agintg.
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p.K(1}ejjid.ht
MULTI-PACKS
(CEYLON)
LIMITED
RATMALANA,

Page 10
Reagan :
Easy r
American nostal
by Mervyn de Silva
Luch is America's per wasiwe S global presence that non – American observers of US elections, particularly obser wers in the "Third World", tend to see the campaign and the candidates through the prism of US foreign policy and international issues.
This of course is a mistake; sometlm es a 5 misleading an error as taking the wiewpoints of the New York Times of the Washington Post, the sophisticated voices of the Eas Lern Establish ment as tha true mirror of American public opinion, Wisitors who travel through the Mid-west or the deep South quickly realise that they are om a "voyage of discovery" too, discovering first of all the error of their ways, their false approaches to the 'real America', the electorate which decides who moves into the Oval Office.
In the midst of the worst economic crisis since the Depression (some say that it is the worst since the Civil war) the opinion - forming questions are inflation, une T1ployment, health Care, social Security, energy, taxas and So on, The Carler administration claimed that it had reduced inflation in the past few months from an alltime high of 18–19% to a single
digit. . . . . . . . between 7%, and 9%, But the Reagan camp argued that this is index-fixing and go wen mont's jugglery With figures and Lће попевагу mechanism.
Given the average American's
fierce individualism and profound suspicion of government (Washington is where the big fixers are) Mr. Reagan made good propoganda out of it because there is the underlying conviction that Mr. Carter was an inexperienced, incompetent and weak-willed president,
8
"ப்ெing
(headlint policy)
'' I hዕ rù [. the Swinging đg một lợgk df
(H.
"TF y
Tents has gre
| Hollywood fι
The di 5 trust of
the Federal gover to the grain, and The less govori intervention by better. It is is hed not only by im Pulses of regio an Čeb5e55 iwe cornic rights, a psychol the shaping forc history, the mak (The other side : to the Centre is t
sentiment which State"S rights sht guarded.
That this is nic Ileant for const prowed by the A5 a man who successful terms
fornia, the higge could rant agains evils of federal :
fervent convictic ineffective laws extravagant gove ("fraud and fat Shouted, could b billions) were his gunsights.
Economic disco are rapidly transfe social and politic; Society Chat is r mixed but one w Whites are the mic

ider on gia
backwards
FOREIGN NEWS
| ფ ჭC)"ჯ**
Times examination of US foreign
Into thց
: Firarcial
5 a feeling fr our guts that when we come through doors of the world, the people inside the tavern us with the surne respect".
Brandt Ayers, Small-town editor, Alabama)
Jrld situation
grid
the unity of Tiberation move
-atly reduced the scope for pistol-packing actors in
I5'
(Teheran Radio commentator)
Washington and 1 1 2 1 t ii5 - LI W tradition-bound. Tert", the less the Centre, the cepticis III mouristhe erotional 13 lism but also by ern With States" ogy moulded by les of Armerican ing of the Union. of the antipathy he equally strong
demands that 2uld be jealously
academic Issue itutionalists was Reagan campaign. had two fairly running Calist State, Reagan t all the familiar government with im. Interwention, and regulations, rnment spending and was te '" he Ľ ČLIE 0|LIL EJ 5 ly B easy targets in
tert and unrest Prmed into sharp all conflicts in a tot only racially
here the non st im Powerished.
In conditions of economic decline and In Security, 5 Luch terisions turn explosive in an euvironment that is probably more violence-prone than any other in the world. Crime, the squalor of the ghettos and the 'inner cities', youth Un employment, rising pricas, and ethnic tensions - these are the deadly and potent ingrodients which can make the "melting Pict' a witches' cauldron. The violent clashes which erupted in Miami and the re-arming of the KKK (an interesting parallel development to the re-emergence of neo-Fascist groups in Europe) can be taken as warming signals.
The election was held some years after Watergate, and Wietnam and exactly one year after the Seiz Lure of 52 US diplomats as hos Cages in Tehetan soon after a revolution had overthrown the Shah, America's Staunchest ally and its regional policemen, protecting what Americans call the wita | chake - point of the western economy. It is not only Third World regimes which find alibis in OPEC and the Arabs. The people of America, the Inost profllgate Consumers of energy, believe that many of their troubles can be traced to the ci shelks and the "camel jockeys".
In the threadbare phrase, WaterEate and Wietnam Werte “tra Lumiatic' experiences. But it is likely

Page 11
that what happened in Iran bruised the American Psyche even morte deeply. It is not simply that the wound is fresh, but that the blow
came from a totally un expected quarter (the Wietname5e wete Communists, anyway). More pain
fully, there was nothing Washington could do about it.
It was this helplessness (and its humiliating exposure to the world in the abortive rescue operation) which the Americam mind found so hard to assimilate, For the most |mno wa tiya nation in the world. the bellef that is there a 5 olution to every challenging problem and the confidence in the capacity to find it, is all part of the Amor|- can mystique. Effectiveness is all. Success is a fetish.
Depression at home, decline of
influence and prestige abroad. How did it happen? Where did such a sorry state of affairs begin? What caused it? Who is
responsible?
Ronald Reagan, the cowboy from Hollywood has been lampooned throughout the western world, perhaps too cruelly because he has after all held an important political office. But it is not Reagan that matters but the corporate interests whose candidate he was, and how their thinking was able to capitalise on the public Tood. In an excellen t article in the New Statestan, Godfrey Hodgson observes:
''The key to understanding it is the word nostalgia; yearning for the days when, as Theodore White once wrote in 1945, "the world belonged to America", and America belonged to upper middle class, white Anglo-Saxon Protestant generals, and lawyers and Corporatę exgCLI ti W 23. t is nostalgia, sometimes wentod in irritated polemic against the bringers of the bad tidings that the world will not remail forewer 15 it was in || 45, SomEtimE5 in bitter jeremiads about the decline of American power, that must be se em as the key to understanding the sulphurous mood arid volatile behaviour of Reagan's America''
Who had redu čed America ta such a station and what was to
be donc ?
Califor tigioLI5 "think—ta r Institution of W
Stanford. (Reaga honorary fellow Alexander Solzhi who has regrette the Gerhan arr and the or corn. war). A 868 pag
it d'' The the 1980's ope TT : " T. tribution by p Friend man, highris, I'm and the a Cac fascist Chilean "the Tide is Tu
Hodgson sums turning, they s Deal liberalism, a WEflre progra self-interested st arch-willians, wh Class of Left-wi bLur E271 era t5, so C Intellectuals. Al In co w is a last el to become Numb. and tha tida , So wiet Cummumi:
This propagan Carter's face wit force because C lineage as a DE presidential pri in decisive leader
This assessmen mood was rot ci cort Left-Eric||med Reporting from
 

0F CJJR乐 B任LE冒E "
TWa Č|4ľ44° 1 AL30 HAYE
&+&lũụo [27ựET3, 480ựT TH5
ם פטוח פ"ב 1חי "Ik" is the Hic a yer a T and Peace, a II un is cine of ILS 5. along with
Pres
snitzhn, the man the defeat of ny at Shali III grad, of the Wietrial e Volume of essays United States in ns, as the sa The Stes, With a conrcfe 55 r" Miltr Pries of mon eta - demic guru of the unta, IL is called rning'. up: "The tide is ay, against New nd socialism and пппер, апф the rategems of the o are the New ng academics and ial Workers and that is needed ffo TI ft America :r One once more, will run against Em as well".
da blas I ble w in h double-ba reled f his ideological mocrat and his file as a Weak,
t of the electoral mfim cd I radica
corresponde: "I IS. | The JS, an
Davidsor of the Findicial Times said "it is coTT) on ground that Ilood of the people is now one of
robust notionalisII and that it is likely to last for a considerable time - 'The Russians have bor
pushing us around far too long. . . . we have emerged from the post-Wietnam, post - Watergate
paralysis".
If the long-planned Reagan
campaign nourished nostalgic
yearnings for America's wanished
supremacies in order to exploit Such sentiment better, Mr. pledged prescription is a militarily stronger America. The solution rå i 5 es So Tiany questions which co wer the ower-lapping a reas of economic policy, the arms budget, foreign policy, and military strategy. Detents is predicated on 'essential equivalence" or 'rough
equivalence", meaning an agreed assumption of strategic parity between the US and the USSR.
Mr. Reagan's aides have spoken of a 10-20% increase in defence spending. And yet Mr. Reagan is committed to tax cuts and reduced government expenditure
While he certainly put up a better Performance than his rival, the one question which reduced Mr. Reagan to an incoherent, and evasive waffle was that fired at him during the TW debate by a correspondent of the Monitor. How did he reconcil e the two promises?
{{J r r foto e'" gv FJ Fogoro F f )

Page 12
DENG SPEAKS
— to Oriana Fallaci
(2: Le 7e clear a point, Mr. Derg, Fl'herı yolu Yay the ideas of C/?frrfar Macy dla yo rretar l'illas is known as “Mao Tse-Типg Thoughir” ?
A: Yes. You know, during the revolutionary war, when the party was stil in Yemen, we put all the ideas and the principles advocated by Mao Tse-Tung together, we defined them as "Mao Tse-Tung Thought", and we considered it as the thinking which would guide the party from th en on. But of course Mao TseTung Thought was not created by Mao Tso-Tung alone. Though most of the id Cas were hig, other Weteran tevolution à ries contributed to the formation and development of the thought. To mention a few når mes only, Ch C u En-lai and Liu Shaoq and Chou Teh.
Q: Yes, it since J'ai call the is takes, Mr. Derg, shot dri' 'ol adını i + i r a r the 77ı is takes begarı a First a dice, II, for iristance, thg Great Leap Forward 'as a
is fake?
A: Of course. When indicated the late Fifties as the beginning of all the mistakes, I referred to the Great Leap Forward. How. ever, here tcc, it wouldn't be fair to tame Chairman Mao only. Here, too, we weiterans had a good deal of fault. For instance, the fault of acting against the laws of reality and pretending to speed up the economy with methods which ignored the economical rules. In fact, it's true that Chairman Mao was the main person responsible, but it is also
true that he was the first one to understand the mistake, to suggest corrections. And when
the corrections were not carried out because of negative factors, he made his self-criticism of negative factors, he made his self-criticism. It was 1962. But again We failed to draw lessons,
and so he started to launch the Cultural Revolution.
Q: What did he really part
Viri The Cultural Revolitično
O
A: To ayoid
of capitalism in Was the ite Mao's intention,
those who woul Gang of Four. T In spite of the the intention c wrong judgement reality, And agai was mistaken. H taken in choosing hit. He said tshould be the tar said Lillat the ta the capitalist roac and by this he h; ber of the veteran attacked. At all who not only fought for the
who also had ric administration. A there was Liu Shao and expelled from a result, all th cadres were de cim Mao himself ackni year or two befo when he said th Revolution had two things: beca! mated the rewol and because it
all-round ti wil w;
Q. So it really
A: What else divided in two massa cred each o tha old reyolu tlo knocked down, i. claimed to be "reb. Such a.5 L fl Piao a of the Gang of many people diet.
Q: Hov vrtcar1 yi
A: It is hard cause they died CALus 55. Besides, vast country. B many died that, tragedies hind mi during it, the dead would bo2 that the Cultural the wrong thing

the restoration CH ir 3. Yes, this til I. Chairmar | Frigan, not of d become the he point is that, good purpose, le rived from a of the Chinese n Chairmam Mao 2 was also misthe target to
1 at the target get to hit. He get should be
Iers in the party, 3d a large numr : 'walu tarnaria 5 levels. People had excellently revolution but h experience in nd among them q I, scorn arte sted the party. As e revolutionary a tęd. Chairman 'wledged it one re dying. It was at the Cultural 2een wrong for Se il ha d dec|- Utionary cadres had waged an
Hras a civil war.
People were factions that her. And since 1: ries had been Enly those w|ho |5' ran ramipant, ld the members Four. Oh, so | r that war!
to estimate beof all kinds of hina is such a listan. So even if other it taken place Lumber of the 2 rough to say R2 wIIIran was to do. Now,
The Lanka Guardian has already published (October 1, November 1) excerpts from the Interwjew given by the Chinese seg der Deng | Xiaoping to the tasian Journalist Oria na Fassac. Recently the || "Peoples Daily', Peking, published this interview In fuII. We now publish a final extract from this
Exclusive: interview.
to return to the question you raised in the beginning and the distinction I made, I will conclude with saying that Chairman Mao's errors were political errors. This does not diminish them true, even less does it justify them, but it is one thing to speak about political errors and another thing to speak about the crimes Ili ke the crimes of Lin Piao or the Gang's. Yes, of course. It was Chairman Mao who permitted Lin Piao and the Gang of Four to exploit his political errors to LSurp the power, but . . . .
Q: In ica II cillusion, the next congress of the Chinese Copeninist Party Will Tof erId as the 20th congreo rự” The Soriet Communis! Party, Where Khrushcher den ounced Sicilir, Art I wrong?
A: You are not. We shall certainly evaluate Chairman l-laa's
Therits and This takes which characteri 52d h is li fe. W2 sha || certainly affirm his merits and say that they are of primary
IT portance, acknowledge his errors and assess that they are secondary, and while making them public We will adopt a realistic attitude. But also, we shall certainly continue to uphold Mao Tse-Tung Thought, which was the correct part of his life. No, it isn't only his portrait which remains in Tienan men Square: It is the memory of a man who guided us to victory and built a country. Which is far from being little. Wind for this the Ching se Commuinist Party and the Chinese people will always chorish him as a wer valuable treasure. Do write this: We shall not do to Mao TseTung what Khrush thew did to Stain at the 20th Soviet Corminuni St Party Congres 5.
2. The firgs I lo's ider5 Tardd are 77II7y, Mr. Derg. To

Page 13
begin with, the case of Chou En leTi. Ha 14" do ) fou explair fra lle 14' 5 the Corally » Ye they diel mar knock down during the Cultural Revolution o How do you explain thaf, |Vell, heirg the ri calle persor 'e sio, Je rever frfes fs Frop the frı far’ı fes 11'lı fch happerted ırrıfler his éJ'es, for Fils farice the sharyrefit ! тrrer of Liu Shavi?
A: Let's begin with saying what
kind of man Chou En-lai was, A man who worked very hard and never complained. Listen,
there were days when he worked even 2 to 6 hours out of 24. I can tell you because I knew him since France where we were together and | regarded hlm as my elder brother. We joined the revolution almost at the same time, Chou En-lai was much respected by all, friends and enemies, people and comrades, and this partially explains why he wasn't wiped out by the Cultural Revolution, why he always remained at this post of premier: something which was a great fortune for many. It also explains why he could exercise his influence as moderator and act as a pillow cushion which softens the blows. Many lo 55 es could be a wo i ded thanks to Chou En-lai many people could be spared thanks to his role. But, in those years, he found himself in the Tost difficu | position. And he often said things that he would have wished to hawe not said, he often did things that he would have wished to hawe not done. This in spilte of the fact that people forgave him all. For instance, when Liu Shaoqi was expelled from the party and jailed, it was Premier Chou En-lai who read the report of Liu's so-called crimes.
Q: Chou En-lai did hat." A: Yes, of course the report had been written by others. But
It was Chou En-lai who tead it. He had to. He could not avoid it.
Q: A is firl. Sad 7'e gir f'7' || charige r77er drie revolution. the se Place as he fore. A frr vrij corr7 fry': ' či rieľ rerrimir 5 a s h
A: WW || ... . . . . that we may pr prevent such thing al effetiyo eYy : a While ago | word 'feudal'. W of our recent pa
Reagan . . ;
{Cсіптіліғі! f.
Where was he to was ther that he and "fraud "". arms budget "b board rooms of th trial complex in Son of recession" he bring to the or And what effect. foreign aid progi "Third World", n. an even colder wi race is a chi III ng E
In his reaction Mr. Carter's def minister was que Mr. Reagan's de for Israel. Presid put all his trust (a in the wanquished 'omotional' whic ni C2 yw's, US ccm Mr. Reagan's plans an operationa! E; ''Commi51' Il
The new mari House, hic'we'wer ar ho W'eve differeit often finds that office carry çeri which circumscribi Mr. Reagan's wi which PromptĘ ECONOMIST, a R to chuckle about hors e Into a Ch| possibly destroy rapprochement.
The felt need to –Image of a strong "ro-nonsense" to resulted in what it See med a nois y ex

, nfil l sho18, "e o faris do ar ' 7 f, fer ca fire? '"ra": ke 5 & Firs) 'e' sy' Everything charges 'ejare. '
can only answer event or try to is by establishing sys [2m, You see, mencioned the ell, some systems SL ha Ye just the
(ני H#8ק חrנן" find the money? It spoke of "fat" If his enhanced rings joy to the e military-industhe win try seawhat cheer will di nary American? Will it have on "The 5 For til 2w living through rter a rew arms irospect,
to the me wys of 2at, Iran's prime tk to Lunderline clared partiality İft Sadat Who In di Egypt's hopes) Mr. Cartar was 1 Fhe Fheard Lha rs (2In tätors hawa to USe llsrael as lase to combat
the area.
in the Whitg T1 bitio LuS He is o T he wants to be,
the legacies of ll 5 rā ir 5 2 policy choices. חTaiwa חס 8wws 더 「1 the
eagan supporter, ri ding a white na shop, cannot
the Sino-US
project a double
America led by a gh-guy President o many outsiders hibition Insabre–
Stigri as of feudalism: the worship of the individual, the patriarchal way of running things, the life|Orig te nur e for tha official. China is a country with a history of a thousand years of feudalism, sac, and beca LI se of this o Jr revolu tion
has been su fering a lack of socialist dem cracy, of 5ccialist legality. Mow we are trying to
correct all that to finally establish a real socialist democracy, a real socialist legality and . . . . Listen, thore is no other way to avoid In the future what happened to Liu Shaoqi. e.
rattling and a naive display of wirility. Stephen Rosenfeld, an editorial writer of the Washington Post put it rather wel: "The dynamics of the campaign hawe made machismo in the Gulf, the test of presidential leadership".
More seriously, he concluded: "Suddenly, without thinking, and talking and arguing it out we are heading back into the inter wention business with a vengeance.... in the region where the stakes could not be higher and the chances of a mis step greater",
The world of the 1980's is no movie-set. A US Seventh Cavalry, bugler and all, dressed in the combat uniform of the Rapid Deployment Force, strikas one as a scenario better orderd for Woody Alien or the Mad magazine than for Ronald Reagan, President.
Yet, military adwan turis in In the 5ervice of th(2 *"robust national 15IT" and the newly acquired machismo cannot be ruled out, especially in other a reas where the risks may not be perceived as high. Say, Central Arlerica.
On the other hand, Reagan may, at least at the start. ble so preoccupied with domestic economit problems that wyg may hawe a more withdrawn inward-looking (and protectionist) America. But the temptations to show off that
the US is once again "Number One" may be too compelling. Then the Presidency, as it often
happens, will be an awaken ing for Mr. Reagan, an awaken ing to the si Tıple, stark fact that || 930 is not 1945. The only question is.... and It is a troubling one . . . . wil|| cothers have to pay a price for the education of Ronald Reagan?

Page 14
PRO SPECTS ||
by N. M. M. I. Hussain
his subject has special impor
tance consequent to the break -down of the bi-polar world which emerged after the Second World War, and in the context of the possible emergence of new centres of power. The important question for the futuro in the sphere of irritornationali relations is whether a traditional world order will be restored based on power centres, balance of power, alliance systems Involving une qual relations between stä tes, or whether a new world order can be established on the basis of the true independence of states as distinct from merely formal sovereignty, equality of status in relations between states arising from 3.0 were ignity, and International co-operation con the basis of peaceful co-existence. It is the second alternative that has seen widespread acceptance In Lhe Third World Countres.
The subject of this paper has Ficquired special importance also in the context of disillusionment a b c ut the prospects for the restructuring of international economic relations, more specifically in the context of disillusionment about the Prospects for effective action through UNCTAD.
THE SOUTH ASIAN REGION
The South Asian region is taken as including Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka and the Maldives.
The region is distinctive in showing an overwhelming disparity |T1 kize, PC pulatløm, cCOf1ørmic and military power, be tween a potential great power, India, and the other countries of the region. There are significant disparities in other regions as well, between Indonesia and other South East Asiam colum tres for Instance, but. the magnitude of the disparity within South Asia is much greater and should make the problems of regional Co-operation in this region rather special.
The region abuts on the Sowiet Union, a super-power, and on a
potential great while the other U. S., is physic: Indian Ocean. unlike Latin Ari geograph | Cal C, ong super-powe the Arab world are not geogra with any of th South Asia can the Sowjet Unit consequently it by the U. S., be a region wi for great powe could imply dis region. Ir SO TE Pr Cye à Potent in preventing over the possi regional relatic doriminance and consequence of are so notable region. The of extra-regional seen as facilitat South Asia.
The South A cut in additi Asian Republic lJn ion and Ch | East, South E India CCC. feature of Sout a sense of the -regional links other thais, the g to be rioted Afghanis tårn, Pa desh are preç countries enjoy other lil k5 W ii. of slain. t difficult for So to a wold the 5 cm which will maki II ore difficult.
The ratio c TĖS () " ( 5 i 5 TE Infa w cura ble in of the poorest world belong t region seems t by spreading ir as a Corn Seque

F O R
power, China, superpower, the 1lly present in the The region is erica which is in stig, i ty to only :r, the U. S. u ror Africa which hically contiguous he great powers. not be ignored by 1 or Chiria, ard cannot be ignored t would appear to th a high potential r interaction. This a dwa mtages for the ways, but also Psychological factor in due anxieties bility that intrapms will lead to de PC:n dem C2 as a the disparitics that a feature of the tion of significant links should be :ing regionalism in
sian region opens on to the Central :s of the Sowie L d, to the Middle ast Asia, and the This geographical h Asia promotes option of extra with countries reat Powers. lt has also that Iran, kista n and Banglalominanty Muslim |ng economic and h the wider world should mot Bog Ith Asian countries Se of claustrophobia regionalism much
of population to garded as peculiarly
South Asia. Some
COL tries in the o this regio 1. The Co be cha rätter Iseld 15tability, probably ince of economic
S O UTH
difficulties combined with rising Täss politi: al con 5 çiçLIS nes S. TH., ecretically, the present time could be propitious for a search for hitherto un explored Strategies ci development, including regional options for development.
The region is characterised by extraordinary linguistic, cultural, religious, ethnic, and other diwersity, è ven to the extent that it might be questionable whether it is meaningful to speak of "South Asia“ as a 'region". In the study of international regionalism, it has been recognised that geographical Con til guity does not of course, suffice to bring about regional Integration but merel facilitates it, successful regionalism depending on variables such as "homogeneity" iIlte fa. LCr transactions, and mutual knowledge (in the terrns used by Philip E. Jacob and Henry Teun in their study "The Integrativo Process," included in Politics and the international System - odited by Robert L. Pfaltzgraff Jr.). It might be argued that that the lack of homogen elty Is Tot an important variable as the countries of ASEAN appear to have developed a sense of ASEAN | dentity aven though they lack homogeneity. This could be for the reason that other variables have been operative in the area to a extent significant enough to counteract the lack of homogeneity The Importance of homogene ty in Prormating Co-operation is illustrated by the relations between many of the Islamic countries The extraordinary diversity of South Asia is an important, though rlէ նt perhaps i5Lrmortable, obstacle to the development of regionalis.
ABSENCE OF SOUTH ASIAN REGIONAL GROULUPINGS
South Asia is notable for its lack of regional groupings, in Contrast to most other regions of the world.

Page 15
ASA
After the Second World War, ther was an increase in the consciousness of the need for intra-regional interaction. This led to regional groupings covering most areas of the globe: NATO, Warsaw Pact, Common Market, COMECON, OAS, COAU and the Arab League. It is to be noted that the Americans, East and West Europe, Africa and the Arab World arc covered by the se regional groupings. In addition there are several sub-regional groupings within those regions. In South East Asia, a part of the region is covered by ASEAN. It is notable that there are no regional groupings in South Asia and East Asia,
Unliko Latin America, West and East Europe, the Arab world, and Africa, South Asia has no sense of homogeneity and furthermore there has been no political need for intra-regional interaction which could promote regional groupings as in the case of South East Asia. There is also the factor, un lika in other regions, of the disparity between the biggest country in South Asia and the other countries of the region.
What requires to be assessed is whether the disparity and the lack of homogeneity will always prevent regional is in in South Asia. Interaction between the South Asia. Interaction between the South Asian states could pro Tnote a sense of regionalism as in the case of ASEAN. Unfortunately South Asia seems to be charac. terised more by dissension and conflict than by positive interaction.
SOUTH ASIAN RELATIONS
(a) Iran
A clarification is required regarding the inclusion of Iran in South Asia, as it could be equally well regarded as belonging to the Middle East in terms of religion and culture. Iran som times emphasizes its Aryan character, which leads to its identification
The Marga
possibilities . especially pr a a confere
with South Asia links with A. Pakistan through stic, cultural an Iran has had
with the Indian
It has import connecting Sout regions. At pre: relations with n : tries, including disturbed. The funda Tentalism bgcome a signific Islän i: CCL || Cric: In the past Iras relations with P and played an i promoting under the two count Shah moted the A 5 iam Common
(b) Afghanist
After the Re 1978, special relations Union. Afghanis of the Durand L for Paktoonista problems with F hawe de terlorate Afghan refugees are alleged by receive Pakistan enablo the Tı to It has also be China hä5 bei sending supplies rebels through Highway. Develo nistan Since Apr| increased great p in South Asia, di SSC:n Slon bety and Pakis tam co importance. It h howe weet, that relations have f är Tibi walcem rath, E
Afghanistan h very friendly rel This may be the the principle Sup by Kautiya that neighbour while neighbour of on

Institute will he holding a regional serinar or 'The if co-operation arrang South Asian lations,
li fis paper,
e pared by the author for this serminar vill be prerenited
77 Ce to be field ir Colora ha sortly.
. It has special Afghanista II апd religious, linguid ethnic bonds. a pre-occupation
CICCa.
:ance a5 a pivot 1 Asia to other int 5ome of its sighbouring coun
Afghanistan, are appeal of Islamic
ir tā ld art force in the 5 of South Asia, has had special akistan and India, important role in standing between ie 5. The for Tero : ide3 Cf à South Market.
volution of April tä. Il established With the Soviet Eā n'5 quas tion ing ..ine and support has Čia tu 5ed akistan. Relations d also because of im Pakista n wlo Afghanistan to | 355 || 5 tar. Ce to function is te bels. en alleged that 3 m in wolwe d in for the Afghan the Karakoram pments in Afgha| || 373 hawe meant Wer InvQ|wEisert which context 'een Afghanistan ld acquire special as to be noted, Afghan-Pakistan r de Cades been " thari hostile.
s had normally stions with India. consequence of OSedly enunciated the enemy is the the friend is the 's neighbour.
(c) Nepal:
After a period of special relations with India, Nepal aբբears to hawe sought equi-distance between its giant neighbours, India and China. This is the apparent motivation for the 1975, proposal to establish Nepal as a Zone of peace, a proposal endorsed so far by Pakistan, Bangladesh and China.
(d) Bhutan:
Under the Indo-Bhutan Treaty of 1949, Bhutan agreed to be 'guided by the advice of the Government of India in its external relations", which could be regarded as indicating special relations between the two countries. It is important to note that Bhutan agreed to be guided by the advice of India and not to hawe | ts external relations determined by India, In fact at the UN and other international conferences, Bhutan Votes independently of India on controversial ISSU EE.
(e) Bangladesh:
Bangladesh regards itself as a piwot between South and South East Asia. President Ziaur Rahman has been very conscientious in developing relations with countries in both regions.
After the breakaway from Pakistan, Bangla de 5h had cordial relations with India which deteriorated over the problem of the Ganges waters. This appears to hawe led to specially friendly relations between Bangladesh and Pakistan. However, after the la mata camo to power in India, accommodation was reached on the Ganges waters problem.
(f) Pakistan:
Pakistan as a Muslim country has important links with the rest of the Islamic world. Consequent to the Afghanistan Revolution, Pakistan is regarded as the buffer between the Soviet Union ard

Page 16
its ally, Afghan is tah, and the rest of South Asia. Pakistan has specially friendly relations with China, relations which have acquired a strategic dimension with the completion of the Karakoram Highway.
Relations with lind a have proved
notoriously difficult, with three wits betweer, the two courtr's
t GLLL S a LLL S aaGHL a tlalltSLlLLCLLCLLSS It is significant that while Pakistan has been going through a difficult period, there have been no complaints about Indian interference in any way.
The only Indo-Pakistan problem that has been in tractable so far
i 5 Kashmir. It seems to hawa a significance which makes it more than a territorial problem. Pakistan may feel that its Islamic national identity is involved in the problem, while India may equally feel that its secular national ridentity is involved.
(g) India:
Pri les Tema || of relatio 15 Wiwit Improverner has E. It could be that the break up of gradually came secit : , ; tit, Coty.set with neighbours this hypothesis
. . . . . Test, of argely un sati has brøken and cfictiwe dem com possibility of Indi relations With a |
gwe if som bi hawe yet to be
( h ) Sri Lanki
Theoretically : be the most wu of all its neighb. had more cons relations with India's other nei
MARGA QUARTERY
RS. C.S. Wolu T3 || N. || 4 - O Wolume 2 No. 1 A. O.
" No. 3 . 7
No. 4 4.75
Wolume 3 No. | 5. O)
3 No. 2 Special issue.
Sri Lanka Third World & Unctad iw 7 50
3 No. 3 Special Issue,
Non-Alignment & Third World Solidarity. 7.50 3 No. 4 Special issue.
Tea. W . GO At all leading Booksha
The Public THE M. 63, lisipatha ColorTibo 5. Sri Lanka.

h, as in the case H CHIna, but веп лаге и, а гtћу. consequent to Pakistan, India to feel mir D. uervo Teat Wats eased, Ewen if
15. Th{\t t_{}T T{= [[ , trat. 3 ste teotypę. sfactory relations there has been stration of the a having friendly its neighbours, lateral problems 5 o lwed.
Sri Lanka 5 hold nerable to India curs, But it has is tently friendly in dia than any of hbours. It seems
to be very significant that while India and China were ha wing bad rę lations, Sri Lanka mamaged to ha ve ga od relar Jons wirh both; India and China at the same tille. An important part of the explanation might be that India's relations with its mĖighbours ha Ye: been largely determined by security pre-occupations.
W) Ma\àïwes, The Maldives has not been much ir welvec wlth the rest of South Wsia. The only foreign Ti Issions In the Maidi wes are those || ||India, Pakistan and Libya. The Maldives acquired international importa after the British relinquished the Gan Base m 976, which led to speculation about Soviet overtures for use of its facilities. It is cur | 15 that neither the U. S. mor thԸ Sowit ԱniՃm Thail ta im 5 resident Tissions. In the Maldives,
(To be continued)
JOURNALS IN PRENT
Rs. Its. WolUT1 e 4 No. 1 5.50 4 No. 2 É , CO di No. 3 É - EO 4 Իlo. 4 W. 50
Wolume 5 No. 7. 50
5 No. 2 Special issue
Technology Transfer & Reverise Flow (The case of
Sri Lanka) 7 . 50 5 No. 3 Special issue,
Participatory development Dependence (The case of Sri Lanka) 2. - 50 E Իվյ. 4 9 . OO FPS (F7&' at the Iris ir tre
:ation Unit
ARGA INSTITU TE
na Mawatha,

Page 17
SIN HALA POPULISM (2)
Movement - no M
by Vikramabah u Karuna ratne
n objective situation favourAs to populist politics emerged in the '50s. Unlike in mid "ICs and Inte "305, thi 5 t frne, the capitalist boom created condition for decades of populist politics, Parlamentary der The cracy grafited by the British Raj was an added advantage Populi 5 m was able to o werwhelm the ir de Per der E working class movement to win the ledership for them selves. Naturally it was dominated by the new radical bourgeoise. Thus in power, in addition to its Sinhall chauwnism, it cleared the path for the new layers of bourgeoisie in general, and carried out a series of reforms mostly affecting rural society. Of this most important were the expansion of education combine with the extern torn af stat.: s. Etter producing more employment and the development of Cooperative |Titl" է:Ti:Il II:
By the mid '60s the economy was rowing into crisis and the militant, united, working class movement was challenging the leadership of populis T. No longer was there any room for the inflatornar y program of populi Sm. Thera were deep divisions as to the path they should follow. While the right wing moved towards the U.N. P, the so called "left' wing became the in Strument of Popular frontist manoeuvre for the bourge
oisie. Popular front governments of || 3 č.5 and || 970 wye te Tatked by counter reforms and cuts in
living standards. This was so, inspite of the reorganisations carried out, which were teally surgical o Petations dane on the ailling capitalist system. Naturally such sharp reorganisations antagonized certain Conservati'ye layer 5 cf the bourgecisie. Herce the pressure and support of the working class was wital in carrying out these reforms, Popular frontism is a delicate operation, Masses tend to go beyond the limi [S set. by the bo{Irgeoisie. This happened se Weral times during the period 70/76. However the main purpose of stalling, demora
Izing and confusin was àchlLW 2 d.
Populism drew plrticipation ; in 50's. Not only wer and shouting 5 "Ape Anduva b in the villages, : Cof the tradi Lion this energy was communalism b; leadership. How nature of små. cai tinued and
ficantly from
In fact institutio ticipation was of objectiws of the theless the mass strength of their It was this mood . that erabled Jamat mu na ta prapare Insurrectior. Eye masses were Street to oppose to consolidate th: During this peri M. F5 foi TT1gdi loi sa tions imitating red arries M1 were mobilizing
respective elect Caffair L5 - || m | ra and COrı yürt thğ to a self suffici:
Today, even as popular froI ti5 #1 Working class, th to be yery L5 eft oisie. Inspite of tion and confusi previous coalitiоп Proletariat, Uni TUAC, Is Lod independent clas: the Proletariam י"יira. , וחtuחEחסוח behind it, it will with in the pop Once it is clear In its present fo of in wolwing wor in a fresh coaliti serious attempts

lessiah needed
g the proleta rilat,
3 Cople into active politics over in ct here gatherings logans such as ut also thre WW15 in open defiance elite. Part of cham Teled in to y the populi 5 t Sver LHs social s rter"Weltic
increased signithe la te ť0s. nalizing mass par13 of thg main J.F. Fral L. Ngoyeris understood the Stion and inf-L of mass democracy h3. Wilkthi Perathe youth for an 21 after 9W, the rought into the Ehs J“.P 51d land take o war. od many populist itia type organiCH im C e or KL :: Im ny of the others support in their Crates for tha: || r :ie private property c:n t!r (2 2cornomy !nt Cooperative
a meins of playing
tricks of the e SLFP is ceased il to the bourgothig dermoral izaon created by the gwernm브n대, 대he ted Under the зу moving into actions. When moyement Eathers ting other ly 3rs, wider the cracks
uist. Im JY ET = Flt. Hit tha SLFP sm, is incapable
k in clä 55 parti 23 on, quite possibly will be made to
present a 'left' wing of popu|srn. In fact such a proce 5 started 1 1 | FF with the for Tition of the sa called Lirii Led left frant of the LL00LLLL SLLY LLLLLL SLLL LLLLLLLLS LL LLLLaLL peculiar feature of this front was that the central leader of the front was not specified. Subasing he stood as a bad substitute for somebody more important who was to ermerge later from the SLFP. A kind of John the Baptist announcing the coming Messiah! But this Messiah was not he assary. Tha Proletarin movement did not gather any significant strength to necessitato such a spil it in the SLFP. The bourgeoisie med mot worry when the U.N. P. clearly domina tas the rim35s mow ma mt. But today things are changing fast, When the bourgeoisie se es that the working class is energing as a national force giving leadership to other opp r2 33 g d lı yers, it Tay seriju 5 ly resor : to a & C:o find ėd|| of popular frontism using a 'left' faction of, or restructuring the SLFP for this purpose.
Still, this is fairly unlikely. What the bourgeoisie has in mind as the real alternative, is a right wing dictatorship. Towards this end they will need to Tobilize radicalized Petty bourgeoisie in fascist organisations which will do the spade work for the establishTent of a dictatorship. Such orgaria isations can develop within the frustrated petty bourgeoisie, some leading layers coming from the disintegration of SLFP. Impatient radical petty bourgeoisie, particularly the youth, are looking for a quick, radical solution. These layers have rejected the populism of the SLFP conclusively. In fact they hawe been mo wing away from it for the lä5. decada af d half. it is from these left moving masses that thịg Jämä thả Wim !!k thi Pữ famUT11 collected its membership. Then, with the proletariat submerged in 3 popular front, petty bourgeois youth had to mowe into a new radical organisation. The JWP developed into a mass youth Thove

Page 18
ment filling this political vacuum. Today even the JWP cannot have any independent existence. Either it should move towards the working class or should disintegrate in stages, some moving towards semi fascist organisations. It is the extremely radical nature of the masses that prevented SLFP leaders moving into any actions against the UNP during the last 3 years. They do not dare to start anything that they cannot fili5 Fı. With the Proletariat capable of indepc.dent actions, their fears are justified. However In order to keep the masses with in the confiness of their Influence they hawe to propose some pseudo-milltant Inter werntions, So We hg:: r 3f fir e-C ra: k g:rs thrown at UNP neighbours houses when Price hi kes are announced !
In the present situation populism
is not an alternative policy for the bourgeoisie- Those who consider today the SLFP as the viable alternative party of the bourgeoisie, are making twin mistakes. On the one hand they are totally confused as to the alternatives available to the bourgeoisie. First of all if the
SLFP is just another UNP, then it is not an alternative. Secondly
the intensifying Capitalist crisis has put an end to both the UMP" s pro-Imperialist liberalism
and SLFP's "anti-imperialist-popu
lism." On the other hand they don't seem to understand the growth and decay of the SLFP.
In particular they ignore one fact that it is the 'left" moving section of the SLFP that will be used for Popular Frontism. For this reason they could make the serious mistake of categorizing a new popular-front as a genuine worker-peasant alternative and wing of the SLFP. We may be asked to accept that as the "left alternative"!
Today the acutc its is is in capitalism does not leave any room for reform ist IllusiQms. |rftion combined with stagnation has become a common feature throughout the world. In spite of 8-5% growth (these figures are exaggerated and there were special reasons for the growth) during the last two years, our
country is no exce months, the pronol Finance solin 15 Ler increasingly fri bourgeoisie has
except to place the II asses and de cades to torm 2ut any hope Ort W. tin and Dicta Proletariat is not any longer. It is out. In concrete ship of the prole a government of on workers, peasa Councils with a . imperialist domi agrarian reorgani unification and de a ||y s Luch a gow) established only mont which goes b tary politics. In
m Gans Of A massi
Π Π Ε.
What parties w Gower left Wii alignments with ir working class, it |med as a golwern (T1) t 15חuוח וחס5amaja-C Even the JWP ca. auxiliary force re bourgeoisie youth dering Presert the JWP, one is jus ding that with thi class activities con the TUAC, this of the inability C to orient towar: class, will go in The possibility c out Of a 5 e i fa emerg Ing out of t Janatha Wimukthi
lrı bLuilding Lip mert which can e tionary left govern tion of drawing into actions will over again. (In
arte 35 it W||| bg Tas se5.) TH TerTi | r 3 e 1 troc of the Worki process of demo work place and r has already starti guarantees the working class, how rural Ima SSS ble dr

pcion. In recent uncements of the
hawe become ghtening. T
no alternative heavy burdens on pring misery for -even then withay out, Revolutorship of the a "'da y dream" the only way terms clicator:triat wat|| cd be: the left, basad its and soldiers rogram to end nation and foT zation, national I'mocracy. Natur:rnment can be αγ ή ma55 Πανεcyond parliamenother words, by we hartal move
ill dominate this -h Lhe present 1 the organized should be explasent, with Sa Tadolinatio. חly as aחס חlסj ר a presenting petty 1. Howeves to figida y politics of tified in conclua rise of working contrated around party, because of its loadership is the working to deep crisis. :a i tot be ruled scist organisation the disintegrating
Pera || LIl.
3 TT35 TT)''' 5tablish a revolument, the que 5 -
populist Tasses ris: y et and Ta,Til speaking : the pro-TULF JTJA,C v ||| for mobilizing 1g class. The
cratization with egional branches sed. Ewen if this struggle of the will the Sinhala 'awn into support
it? What a Te the m:arms of C:stablishing Peoples committeos of action representing the struggles of youth and the peasantry? It is here that the question of United Actions with the SLFP against the UNP arises even when one clearly rejects coalitions and United Fronts with the SLFP or a 'left' wing split of it. Today the SLFP has become a complete :Eritradiction. The bourgeois le in the leadership is frightened by the militancy of the mas ses who are following them. Hic ncc i L searches a way out within the bonapartist constitution, Tha tank and file are ha ras, sed by the present regime and the arrogant upper classes in every sector of the economy, and is bent in the opposito di rection. They are preparing for the impending 'returnbcut". This, combined with the objec tive pressure due to higher cost of living, has created an explosive situation within the ranks of the
SLFP. This is exactly why the leaders are afraid of giving any sanction for direct action. They are scared that the masses may take the hint seriously and go beyond their control to rally behind the proletariat, What they
really like would be actions glorifying their own leadership and not directly connected to the problems of the masses; i.e. following the example of Indira.
Clearly, a call for active struggle based on specific questions affecting the masses, is to the advantage of the proletariat. In such attempts for united action, it is futile to place emphasis on the participation of leaders at national level, though this should not be excluded. On the contrary, interest of the proletariat should be towards forming regional peoples committees, defence cc) Ti finitt24S etc. and drawing the rural T1 a 55 es into active struggle initiated by the proletar lat. Somewhat similar tactical questions can be raised in relation to TULF. Rejection of popular fronts is only a negative answer. That is certainly a necessary but not a sufficient answer, Positive, creative answers should be g1wen to th 2 Se tactica | que5 tion S If we are to build a massive Hartal movem erit and Iris Call a revolutionarry left Government.

Page 19
JVP - THE INSI
Interview with H. N. Fernando
Q: Why did you leave the JVP?
A: A [hga J'WP had informed certain newspapers that I had been expelled from the JWP as well as from the Central Comi | Lee cf the Socialist Union. To date, however, I have not received any Intimation to this effect. According to the Constitution of tha JWP, such a step cannot be taken without first holding a Disciplinary Inquiry. At the same time, hold office as a member of the Central Contro Commission that is in charge of Disciplinary and Financial Affairs within the party.
spokesman for
I do not know if the JWP's leadership, acting against the party's Constitution, hawe taken such steps against me without
my knowledge,
Q: Piar 711 de you stay on far so long' Arid, indeed, what riotivaIed you (o join the Party in the first place'
A: I was associated with the JWP from as far back as 1968. After having been imprisoned in connection with the struggle of
97, resumed work in the Ceylon Teachers' Union after being released from prison. In
1971, after the proscription order on the JWP was lifted, as an organisation we strengthened our links with the JWP. It is worthwhile recalling that, in 1976, the CTU was the Convenor of the Jan atha Wyaparaya (People's Moyement) to win the release of political prisoners. It is significant
that you ask me the reasons which led me to join the JWP. As a person who had been
associated with the LSSP from a young ago, by the end of the 60s had reached a position where I could no longer agree with the theoretical deviations taking place within that party. After the LSSP joined hands with the SLFP, which is a political party that represents the capitaist class of Sri Lanka, I left the party. Among the subjective factors that led to thẻ birth of
the JWP, a major fusion and disi || 5 by the class-colla E är id 5 t h c |gftw|| At that time, w to be the Politic rewolution, mot t
(2; Tactics fa ιππεί ήg / I P η Ι geri eral s rike foi Jy's) ir Pia F "Y Ffi 5 irr regic Wireo fh; Curi re: it is i ri dagai first offic U:WP. Fays { { { F ": benefit the SL F part riers. Hoher : W rris en Flavia fic
A: The idea the WP that confrontation w which is the par 13 expсо5іпЕ опеg and that the reb its "left" henchm is totally false. in an active str. political repressic policies of the aliona ting itself fr of the Tasses; time, they fulfi they seek to : popular accepta as the only at present regim place the I r comfi; ble Organisation against the ba ruling class, not querable Party Confronting the one is to build geois 'third" pop face of two bic partles that alre base, we 5ge th: erred in IE 5 stra Legy and tact
(2. p7rt froří concerning the J l'arking class si hai We Jr.. y other F. i'r ffe „WTF” e
A: We can ha and not personal the leadership

DE STORY
one Is the con ion mi en t trgoà ted Oration ist politics sig in Sri Lanka. e held the WP :al Party of social of social reform.
fror skrer regJ', {{"rft:y L'Éfl fit flir it'el, accordig fo ferien fror the fr iiri the preserit Hiye to triggle The J. P. P. also 5 rruggle 14'ola TP a rial its "left" Trè jour crificirg
ro
put forward by by engaging in ith the UNP, Гy In power опа elf to repression y the SLFP and en gain strength By not engaging Jggle against the ins and economic UNP, the JWP is on the confidence at the sa The the very task avoid - namely, of the SLFP ernative to the
e. The people dicence in a tangi
that struggles barism of the in an um CCof the future."
question of how
up a non-bourular force in the Burgeois political dy have a ma55 at the WP Has choice of both
ics.
' 'our difference PP's III.iii. In Triggles, da y'ou Lolitical diferer 7 ce:F
der hfr?
we only political, ... differences with
of the WP,
According to our understanding, just as we joined hands with the WP by taking into consideration the histor||cal 5 ignificance of the IWP with in the left, Towerment in Sri Lanka, we critice the position of the JWP today with that same historical significance upper most In our minds. Yet it seems that the leaders of the JWP consider che difference 5 that have a rise
between us to spring from perSom ål, and not political, toots. While those in positions of
leadership publicly bragged about ki || ing Lus coff, a handful of misguided members who are blind to all but the words of their |leader 5, were bold enough Eo attempt a55 aut of individuals and destructions of our offices. It was with great difficulty that we managed to avoid such Confronta tions. In truth, in the face of this situation, we had serious reservations regarding the political ideology and structure of the JVP. It Tust be m entioned thät, without doubt, all these incidents led to the acceleration of the political differences between Lus.
On the other hand, the recent str|ke gave us an excellent opportunity to guage the mentality of the JWP's leadership. A major allegation levelled against us from their public platforms, was that we had no right to call out our membership on 5 tr || k = yy h em cu T yw i w Es had met joined the strike. The problem li e 5 not in the true cor falsa nature of this statement, but in the attitude revealed by it. It is only a full-blooded Tale chauvinist who would argue, in simplistic terms, that the There fact of the husband's going on strike would be sufficient to Take the working
wife also come out or strike. There a te many wives who, either due to ther | gwell of
political consciousness or to other Tea5 ČTS hawe mot Struck work while their husbands participated In the recent strike. A woman has the full freedom and right to do so. If we are to criticise

Page 20
her, Such criticis II should be aimed at her level of political consciousness and not at the fact that she refuses to o mulate her
husband. Yet, if we are to |1:15, ԼII : participation in the strike in terms of political
consciousne55, it be come 5 un necessary to talk in terms of a male female ratio because, as We know, a large number of male workers also did not participate in the strike. It should go without saying that the lewel of rewclutionary socialist consciousne 555 of an Individual is best determined according to the male-chau winis Tı Inherer [ In that Irid iwidual's ideology.
Q: What shout the JPP's theory α η Η Με αίας ν' Hos do you characterise the JVP's ideological pasir fer y ffaf i'r ar trificis 777 Hollad Joro tiu por ĉi ke of 5 T4 c/ Jouyi tion?
A: Not gewer what could be called a substan ital, let älarne a co Tı Plete,
analysis of the JWP and the struggle of 1971 has been made up to date, within the JWP or
outside it. The analyses put forward have been either biased, or false. Ewen the JWP itself does not ha we a correct under.
standing of what it is. In this connection It should be pointed out that they came out from
Prison and began engaging in open
political activity without making an analysis of the struggle of 1971. They should realise that shortcoming is not fulfilled by
merely declaring themselves to be the "revolutionary political party of the proletariat". In the same way, no other left party has an analysis of the JWP. It seems that many attempt to pass off criticisms made at a personal level, as their political analyses. This brings to mind the proverb about people who live in glass houses not throwing stones!
The struggle of 97 was a protest against the social injustice which had to be endured by the generation which was born in the era of social reform that took root in this country after 1956. If one is to define the majority
of those who participated in this struggle as a class, they belong to the rural proletariat,
I do not go so far ass to
B
identify the JN political party o tariat.” Yet, maximum partici class. Sin çę you largest proportic tion, it is only a new political
a majority of yol an active part
In addition, th SLIpport of rur: students. Today, the JWP ideology sufficiently sub i fler of M was able to g force beca Lusa i strategy of the
and because of
which attern pte activity from t state machire a
traditiana Marxis wye see the fac the WP had ng widen its spher include the urba to be a major semi - Marxist which was put
WP as the tF revolution. They this opportunit factors: One, th; reformists whwithin the workir placed every ob! the path of the that the leaders at Cha , iThe hai ress of how to the working clas
With thc2 || Iftin Llon Cr der On L hope was that fulfill the primar ing the working clutches of c. геformism withir was tightly locke A large numb actively engaged of the CTU Joi the WP with thi in their II inds. most of us E triumph of the revolution depen together of ti forces of the rur
the urban worl the recent strik could no longs

WP as the left if the rural prolethis party had pation from this th constituted the in of our populanatural that such party would have Jng persons taking | || 5 ti'yi tie 5. ey received the 1 "lumpens' and We realise that had not be jected to the
-x i TF WP row as a social t eam braced tha armed struggle its style of work d to Coy er its he eyes of the Si Well as fritirTi it parties. Today ... that by 1971, It been a le to e of Influence to in working class, actor Ethird the electic Ideology forward by the Leory of social did not receive y due to two at the opportunist reigned 5upre ITne ng class movement 5 tacle Possible in
JWP; and two hip of the JWP d no clear awarejoin forces with is .
g of the proscripFh2 JWP, ut orie the WP would y task of deliverclass from the pporturi is II and whose grasp it d at the Toment. Jer of persons in the activities ned hands with S hape upp9rrToit This is big cause elieve that the Sri Ları ka Socia || St. ds on the coming 1e revolutionary "al proletariat and xing class. Yct, e prowed that we !r entrust 51-h
hopes to the JWP. The process of a general strika, which Is already under way, is the first organised attack launched against the UNP government presently in Po wyer. The political orientation of any party - be it bourgeois, reform ist Or revolutionary – is revealed in its attitude to a 5 tri ke of this fina ture, launch ed by the militant sections of the working class. The "protectionist' stance adopted by the JWP to escape from the state machinery clearly reveals their attitude. This "protection is T' is directly linked to the basic strategy of the party, We say that if elections, with II ass participation are seen only as a tactic which brings us closer to our goal of socialist revolution, than a "protectionist' line in the face of the Economic 'gerilla Struggle'ı which is a strike, is irrelle want. Such a line becomes necessary only if elections are part of the final strategy of the party. Thus it becomes clear that the strategy of the JWP is geared to elections. This is the line of action of refornis II, not of social revolution. We Tust keep in Inind that there are many parties which have chosen the path of reform is II while mouthing revolutionary slogans. Parliament2 ry glectEco fins hawe been the 5 trat egy of the two other major left-wing
parties in the country-the LSSP and CP. We never magned that the present leadership of
the JWP would, so quickly, 52 ek equality with the LSSP and the CP, who, after years of experimer ting with their chosen strategy and after suffering defeat upon
defeat, have proved that for them
there is no other path. When,
upon the strength of the 1971
struggle, the JWP leaders received the support of the masses, they directed it to the building of a movement of social rifornism. We are doubtful of the success of such a now Einent as the JWP is
now trying to build, because the right-wing part les such as the UNP and the SLFP also enjoy mass support. Cm the ong hand, we see that the present leader
ship of the JWP has been confronted with the proble II of
(Cα η τίπΠει ση μετέτει 24)

Page 21
TAM LITERARY
- A reply to my critics
by Samudran
pleased to note the response to my article on the Tamil literary scene. I thank all those who hawe replied and commented. As criticisam have come from a variety of sources I wish to deal with them se parately taking Lup only the vital points of disagree
T1E r11.
A. J. Canagaratne in his self contradictory note has mixed up many issues raised by me. In the first place he makes an attempt to take us from a debate to a "non-debate.'According to him there is no debate between
Marxists and Formalists. There is something called a "non-debate", between a "vulgar, reductive Marxism" and an "un dogmatic Marxis T'". He shifts the focus tota Ily away from Marxism ws Formalism and then reduces it to nothing. Having done this, he makes a big fuss about a "real
battle-field (which is not the pages of the LG)" and what is
more, he tells me warningly to "rush" there "arned with real guns and live ammunition this time'. There is a "non-debate'
taking place in "the real battlefield' and I am asked to rush; a fine fantasy. I wonder what poor old Kaspar would have to say no w Incidentally my "imperilled men. tars' are nome other thãn Tolarx, Engels and their heirs. They do not need my aid. It's their followers like us who need to use their scientific teachings as an aid to apprehend reality in order to change it.
AJC would hawa do ne beter if he had turned the erudite side of his mind to some real issues raised by me. Instead, he has, perhaps due to his 'un dogmatic approach", belittled them and Tade
them appear as "non-issues". When a debate becomes a nondebate, issues naturally become
non-issues, and having done this by Sophistry, AJC enjoys waxing eloquent on the "hurt pride of
dented egos". |etting myself dra nality clashes bypa that is at issue,
AC Seems to tati we un ili ne ar a historical change on my point of tionary creative aesthetic deficie in dictment of t |-larxist literary moving beyond " twenty years o te weal such ar at be an "un dogmal certainly it is 'what the foun Marxis T1 and t heirs really said maintain that the a "great leap for ssive Tamil liter: its prime move the struggle agair and caste oppre also argue that cccur every deca a regular cycle ( history zig-zags.
The significance | fes in a rare bt coincidence of pra both related but own internal laws Po|El C5 and CuLI
It was a great following reasons instance of praxi with in overt scc. to a higher level than in the pa: ccar theoretical primacy of conto these artists: thi influenced to wa the rising tide struggles all ove and the student and America; th poems, short st that showed a rewolutionary ori

SCENE
But I am Tot :gged if to pertsoEs ing the subject
adopt a quantipproach towards s. His emphasis "many' revoluworks having nies, and his he pioneers of tititi 51 foi o t "square one" for r more clearly titude. This may :ic' attitude but not based on ding fathers of heir ideological "... I would still 2 Sixtis markad Ward' in progreture and arts and
T Yas limi kad to 1st un touchability uldםw | . חס55i
such leaps do not de, mort Is thera if leaps. After all
: of the sixties È not So Lin SLI al X is in two realms, yet having their
of development, ||r",
leap due to the ; that historical ; Produced artists i al corT T Ittment
of consciousness t; there was a acceptance of the tower for II by y all came to be Ying degrees by if tha: || El gratiom the Third world revolts of Europe Te Ww2rg na wels, Jries and plays i un Pireccidented |inality and crea
tivity; there was a conscious questilon ing of bụrgeois ae 5 thotic wallues.
This does that the te
not, however, mean Were no deficiences or failures. In fact in quantitative terT5, if one were to enumerate the entire lot of creative writings produced in the name of progress and revolution, there may be more failures that successes. But my point perta in S to the qualitative changes from the presixties to tha sixtes. Il Would also remind AJC that even after many more "great caps" and with the
most sophisticated theoretical system of artistic reflection, creative arts will | not be tota|| y free from aesthetic deficiencies, Marxists do subscriba to any static perfectionism, SLJCh a "stationary state" can not exist in any realm of human activity. AJC is not justified in bemoaning over not
moving beyond "square one' for twenty years. In looking at historical developments, Marxists do not go by pure chronological time. Historical, diachronic time is what really matters. When a period of relatively intense activity is followed by one of reduced activity and te Imporary Getbacks for the class 5truggle, one Trust look for the Objective and Subjective conditions and causes that create such moments of history rather than blame individuals for not sustaining the UPSurga.
A comprehensive theoretical system of aesthetics Is not something that can be created by the pure bra inWork of One or two scholars without any reference to thc broader contest of the class struggle, where the instances of dominance may vary. Why can not people like AJC become more analytica using ther "un dogmatic approach' and enlighten us on the complexities of varying historical

Page 22
moments. But, that would mean moving from a frame of Impressionism based on quantity, to a plane of abstraction based on dialectical logic.
As regards creative works haying certa in artistic deficiencies but yet being worthy of praise as important works | could only remind AJC and his ilk of the wiews that Marx and Engels had expres5 ed on contemporary Work5,
AJC refer5 to a book on the history of 20th century Tamil literature as having sparked off the current controversy. In this statement ha subsumes the Thalin aspect of the contowersy as it has developed i. e. Marxism ws Formalism.
| must point out here that the debate did not origina, te from this book, but its publication gawe it a fillp. It was capitalised upon by the formalists to attack fundamental Marxist positions. The authors of the book hawe Pre5ented certain criticisms of progress we literature. Sole of the II are valid and constructive, while
others are superficial, unsubstantiated and false. All these criticisms were taken out of
context by the traditional opponerints of Marxism är d used with a Wehemence which caused a lot of embara 55 ment to the authors themselves. I wonder how many of the three authors of this book would identify themsel wes with the now overt, now covert formalist attacks mixed with personal wendetta that appear in the pages of Tamil Journal 'Alai" (wave),
Are pages of Alai the "real battle field" or is it that corner of the staff root of the Jaffna
University where opponents are surrealistically court martialled in absentia?
I do not see anything wrong In "nostalgically harking" back to
the stirring sixties. After all it is natural to te volutionary passion to relive the moments of a
known upsurge which is so close in historical time and space, and where one sees an organic coincidence of praxis in two different realms of the Superstructure, Politi c5 and Culture.
O
As regards AJ( of crumbling im hing to say. | amr rimatic foi a Txi SrTi optical illusions : controwersy.
Now, I colle to S. Sivaseram, | am fraid, hå: article fully. He di 5 t cord some of i " " TfLic"" thus som of the S 2t 5 ou I to refutë his own war Ped has also invent Com tradictions i T1
It is crystal segara Tn’s missio an entre period
three decades of to nothing. He se order to set up of his o Wn i choi forerunners of a tion which is yet this process he sundry with a ni
55.
| hawe 1 tot 5 tā tĘ
all those who selwei with t
Wert W
Marxists are to di bu L, in our cortex A, "2 T (C t. T C 025% A I my view all those to Imperialism an ssion, and repress king class are it is a fact that th the leading acti gress|we rTowem wrong to iri de Titif literary movemer particular faction, out in my article When I speak Towerment it doc The in that Progressive Writt Tirid, Neither boured the illus Lunity could be ach however progre with Ministers,
Balcem dra wa 5 target' of my art tries to interpret to "complain" w Balendra's transla

C's hallucination ges I have noti al for un dogand I have no bout the presert
the comments of This gentleman, ; not read Ty has del i berätely my ideas to make an easy task: wews which he are products of Imagination. He ed non-existing Ty article,
that. SiwaIl is to Ted UCe of more tham cultural activities eks to do this In som in diwiduals ce as the true rogressive tradito be born. In attacks all and Y tu 5eating wici o 145 -
clear
2d anywhere that identified the Tiprogressive
Marx i 5t 5. A II ubt progressives, t, all progressives rily Marxists. In who are opposed d national oppreion of the wor}rogressive. But, e Marxists were vists in the Proent. It is also y the progre 55 iwe it today with one It is as pointed highly splintered. of progressive s mot necessarily Haw C: always the rs Association in hawe wer hatior that national fewed by writers, sisiwe, conferring
mot the '"mā ir icle a 5 Si wa5egara ITn ... I did not near then I said that tion 5 Hhad gained
considerable popularity among the middle class theatre goers, I was simply Stå (ing a fact, and SiwaSagaram is bei Ing puerile in his attempt to deduce an implication that Lhe audi me to which the progressive lot catered were proletarians." They a Cater to simill T au di E1ce5.
He complains that I had wery little to say about Balendra's stagecraft. Since Balendra was not my 'main target" the article was mot de wote: d t ä i ex är Tination of his stagecraft, I know it would be a worthwhile and Interesting exercise and Balendra des er wes greater ät LgIl LCI from critics, However, I would not rush where angels would fear to tread and conclude that "his contribution towards the creation of this tradition is certainly more than that of all the progressiva dramatists put together."
Only a subject wist, mechanical mind could make such a sweeping conclusion, infused with an overda 55 of en thusia, Sri for å indi widual, Sivase garam loses his balance altogether. It is true that Balendra has ma de An Impact but to go further and compare his contribution vis-a-vis other, one Tu 5 t engage hirt Self In a dee per Scienti fic analysis. BiLL L, SIwasega ram's assertion is not the result of such a study. It shows his antipathy towards 'all the progressive dramatists Put togethet".
As regards aesthetic standards in literary criticism I would refer Sivasegaram to the works of the names I have "dropped' as a first and essential step.
He tells us, "'th a 5 ha||owne 55 of the progressive Tamil literary scene is only a reflection of the shallowing 55 of the progressive Ta mil Political scene." He does not go further and te || Lu5 about the causes of this "shall owness", instead he gives us a discourse or the Sir Hali radical lower that, He quite angrily refers to the 'Tamil Communal Wolves" but is very 5aft am Slmhälä matic malism and is very generous towards the Sinhafa radica | mh i'w cment bäst: d on it. He deals with the progressive side of Sinhala il tio mål i Stil and see 115

Page 23
to be fighting shy of looking at Its negative, reactionary side. We have had a good quota of apologists for Sinhala chauvinism among the Tamil leftists and, "sad to say', some of thern pose as super Marxists.
I am being accused of rejecting art forms of feudal and bourgeois societies. This is nonsense. I reject only reactionary bourgeios artid feudal artistic value5'
And, now we come to the most amus ing part of Siwa segaram's piece. After prescribing what the Tamil public needs today he goes com presumptu CLBsly to tall Lis that progressive theatra (and he is sorry to say that!) must "wait until time is ripe for the development of a genuine progressive movement" (emphasis mine). So, we hawe mot had a II y progressiwe theatre it all so far. This is in the first place a fantastic falsification of history. (Dr. SI was egaram has
here said exactly what the Tamil right wing was dying to Her fra Ti so Thole like him for years). Secondy, such a view
reflects a highly erroneous line of thinking. The class struggle is always on and the contradiction between progress and reaction takes place continually in all spheres - economic, political and c||tural. The Instance 5 of do Tinance may wary depending on the cur cum startes. Ewen when an organized progressive movement is totally absent the seeds of progressive cultura are certainly present among the exploited and oppressed labouring people. Progressive, popular arts have sexisted in ail prez-capitalist Societies, of course in an oppressed State. To say, that the trne 15 not ripe yet for progressive thea tre in a society like Sri Lånka, which has seen many struggles in the political and cultural spheres, is 5 har ba | derdash.
To think that "good theatre"
must preceed "progressive theTC."" is absurd. The what | 5 'good theatre' and what are ''good and holicist standards?" good for whom?
I think the studied and refreshing interwention of Reggie
Siri war dene deserwes to be taken up separately.
Sociological Association
Professional Sc ciation was fa with Prof. Ralph fir 5 L PT:5 idam I and singhe as Secretary a committee repres major institutions W. is practised.
The objectives a tion are (i) to por of discussion and broad sense ; (ii) with the content an of sociological knowl as an advisory group themes. When such a and Yw hem i is LF
At its initia || . A55ociation has t national bas with
expre55 ing concern cies to foreign dom cor i formal) of so Urniversity de partim logy. Consequietly i has specifically membership to tho: nationality.
Thig m (2 fill bert' 5 Inc. tha Gooneti || eke, gama, Kumar Ru Edirisinghe. Kapila and Dudley Dissan
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Telephone: 21300, 23152, BOOB

Page 24
Mrs.
r5. Bandaramai ke has told K. K. Sharma of the Statesman (Calcutta) "that she suspects the USA has been given rights to establish a nawal basa at TrifComa ee."
Mrs. Bandaranalike's reference is obviously to the proposed oil refinery which a US firm, accor
ding to the 'Daily News' and "Sun hopes to construct near China Bay. According to the lC&Al press Riza co Internationāl
was ready to in west nearly 700 million dollars to build a refinery
with a capacity to refine about ISC) thou 5 and to 2Ü) thau 5ād barrels of crude oil. Under this
deal, the government would give 2,500 acres in exchange for 20%.
Ronnie , , ,
(Corter for prg )
time supplementary votes had ma de gaping holes in Mr. de Mel's balanced budget. The ceiling on Treasury bills had been exceeded by an unprecedented 5000-million and agitated MF was writing to the president. The IMF acted. It suspended disburserients to Sri Länka Under a three-year agreement signed in January || 979 for support amounting to about 350 million dollars.
In the sa The month came the geri 2ral strike over the demand for an all-round pay rise of 300per month, The strike was broken, 44,000 workers dismissed (official count) but the government knows that the unions are restless, What could the MF do? Present
another balanced budget when the overal deficit was 5 billion rupees, exactly half the budget?
While Migara's (Weekend) account of frantic behind-the-5 cenes activity indicates the strong conflicting pressures on the Minister his disclcs ure of the last minute a dditions (Pages 6la, 6 lb) underlines how tricky and precarious was the final compromise. Could local
Ε
B blames
US
of the shares of floated hic T.
Report. Ing from Indian journalist Bandaranaike in a we w with him. any oil. We air nery. So why do refinery?" she ir tres, t. In Asia she fools it is r
Diego Garcia. "I be happier with
Mrs. Bandar
told K. K. Shar happened to mс i A5 ja First ' | . W 15 Mr"5, GT she has now co, Bhutto w 5 ||ki || c. my turn'.
res OLr Cgs b räi: rich who had alre: large Concessison be controlled an A Tharket economi is the UNP's cri policy which the back. That is th Exercis E. SLJEgidi and so the CTB, exchange, has to 50 to 60%, but ca. remove the food which raintains tion at subsistance argues the MF, is but it still far t average 22% cut Yo tės: Cf || É. III || |: den i Fala project a year and thou from the Maha w c With drastic to wote of the Miri and Construction. Ppens to the ho create obs? Reven new prices of r liquor and er han etc. More is in to Sri Lanka per of the highest an account for more budget deficit (Rs The strike was .

a new Corin parth y
l Colombo, the 1. quotes Mrs. n exclusive inter"We do lot Hawe 'eady have a refi
We ne ed anche asked. The U.S.,
was growing and ot satisfied with
think they would
Trito ma l'".
anaika has also må "" whiä. Fi 5
follows a pattern ujib went, ther }hi's turn (though me back), ther id and mo'ww | E | 5
ied by taxing the a dy been granted ;: Could prices d import curbed? 1y and open trad 2 ado. It Is this |MF decided to 2 point of it's Es hawe to go an employment. p raise fares by the government 5 tam 5 sch: rml half the popula3 le y el Infation, less than 25%,
to high. So an in the capital stres. The Rail
is postponed by 57 m d m || || 1 tu ; li wote together duction liri the Stry of Hou s Frig What low hi35 If I «P" LI e 5 in Creased by milk, cigere tres, ced postal rates the offing. Aid Čia polta is como foreign sources hän half the 5, 8, ČČ Ti || || on. Critaino d a5 L =
NO JWP SALUTE
in local politics, Mr. Rohana Wijeweera is the naverick par excellence. Sometimes he plays this role con international Issues too. On the Iraqi - Iranian War, the WP ha 5 cho 5 e i not to take sides although the JWP's contacts with Baghdad are so strong that there was a delegation fram Baghdid at the JWP conference.
Understandably, the UNP government has also remained silent in this war between two of or major oil suppliers. The SLFP which Con dem med WEL nam LW er the Kampuchean issue, and ramained silent on the Chinese Invasion of Wietnam lined up strongly on Iraq's side.
The CMU which is so close to Mr. Bala Tampoe (the leader of the Trotskyist RMP) recently held a meeting at which a resolution was pas Sed saluting the victory of the Polish workers. The CMU paper Vanguard reports 'all but one of the delegates, a supporter of the Janatha Wimukthi Peram un (WP), Stood up in salu - tation, while the JWP sympathiser Critiri Led to Toma in Sea ted, indifferent and un concerned."
JSS and the MP's know by the promise of a pay rise of Rs. 70
has been granted sit employees.
"When we pay the bus fare,
the "take home pay' will be less by the time we reach home" says a CMU official sourly. And the police banned all pickets, hoisting of black flags and any demonstrations or November 1 lith Protest Day because a "group of persons' (un-identified) may lead a counter de Tonistration.
- M. de S.

Page 25
Blok, Christ anc
Red Guards
lok's The Twelve is not only
the major poem to have come out of the Russian Revolution; it is also one of the peaks of modern European poetry, When Blok wrc La it in | 7 |8, he consum rmated an extraordinary process of poetic development for which there is no parallel in the work of his European contemporaries except in that of W. B. Years. Like Yeats, Blok developed out of the late Romantic twilight, through an eccentric personal cult expressed in symbolist terms (in which the poet was the high priest of a truth revealed only to the Initiated), towards a visionary and prophetic poetry that was deeply engaged with the realities of the contemporary world. Blok's major poems — On the Field of Kulikowo, The Twelve and The Scythians - a re the Counterpart in this process of development of Yeats's Easter 96, Meditations in Tine of Civil War and The Second Согтning.
Just as the Irish Easter uprising and Civil War compelled Yeats to coThe to terms with the LLIrbul. once and violence of the age, so the much larger convulsions of the Russian Revolutions of 1905 and 19 I7 exerted a ginil ar Influence on Blok. In making this comparison, however, there are two differences between the Russian and the Irish poet that rust be noted.
The first is a difference in social Outlook. Yeats had a strong allegiance to the way of life and values of the Anglo-Irish landed gentry, and his response to the national upsurge in Ireland (in poetry as in life) was, therefore, profoundly ambiguous. Moreover In the post-Civil War period, he moved steadily to the right, and ended in the last decade of his life as a sympath isgr of the Irish fascist movement and an admirer of German and Italian
This is сепtenary o
month. Blo the greates Twelve, to two for this
fascism, Blok, birth where Ye aristocrat by a 55. the less deeply Owents of 1905 greatest poetic revolutionary st respons e evoked ber was the cl and his poetry; he sank into a which found e. the self-chosen poetic genius,
The second d Blok and Yeats of their poetic wrote his rhag Li () of 37, and died If Yaat 5 had di age, we would him only as a poet who woul foatrate in the (Dying young h; the fate of Ian Russian poets, Lermontov to B Mayakovsky More is, to my mind, werment than an poems, The CF crowns the pli comparison with ming; Blok's Yeats's mot only technical origina its profounder
The TWe We tive poem set of January 1918 was written. It Image 5 of black and wind in the The widence of ing up the snow off their feet.
ban mer with t power to the bly", Iš caught
rhythms of the the poem. The

the
the first part of an article f the birth of Aleksandr k is regarded by many critics t of modern Russian poets,
Carm1 merr7 ora ting
ťľ ť: Blok, which falls this (?nd réaders als
His masterpiece, The
Whith this article is many devoted, was written after the October Revolution.
an aristocrat by ats Wa5 only proJelation, was neverstirred by the and found his inspiration in the crimi cf || 9 || W. The in him by Octoimax of his life in his last years political despair spression only in silencing of his
lifference between is in the tempo development, Blok :rpiece at the age. three years later ed at the sama hawe remembered minor Wictorial d have eartinged a literary histories. 45, of course, been y of the greatest from Pushkin and lok, Yesen in and tower, The Twelva a greater achiei One of Yea 5'5 rist-symbol which 32 TI faciliate 5 a The second Co
po e Ti Surpasses in its greater Lity but also in historical vision.
is a long marran the Petrograd when the poem opens with wintry night, white snow Petrograd streets. the wind, whipp, knocking people garing away the 12 Words, "All longti tu 2n : AsserT1in the whir||ing opening part of energy of the
wind and the snow storm is the elemental energy of the revolution itself. Just as the wind blows away the bann er with its slogam of the bourgeois parliamentarians, so the workers' and peasants' Soviets had swept aside the Constituent Assembly only a few days before Blok began to write his poem.
Blok's personal diary records his preoccupations during these days. The Constituent Assembly met for the first and la 5 t time on January 5-6, before being di 550 - lwed. On January 5, Blok recorded in his diary, “Instinctive ha tred for parliaments, constituent assembli es and so on." On January7, he otte di down fragmentary thoughts about Christ, linked with the conception of the poem. On January 8 the diary says, "The whole day - Twelve, and the next day, "The article "'The Inteligentsia and the Revolution" completed." This was the article which Blok ended with words addressed to the intelligentsia:
"The demon once commanded Socrates to listen to the spirit of
sic.
"With your whole body, with your whole heart, with your whole consciousness, listen to the Revolution."
"The spirit of music" was the phrase through which Blok habitually referred in his writings to the natural and primal energies which he conceived to be at the heart of life. It was the release of these energies which he te 5ponded to in the Revolution, and which he incarnated in the dynamic rhythms of wind and stor in in the opening part of The Twelve
Against the backdrop of the storm appear the twelve - Red Guards on patrol, marching through the streets of Petrograd. They are vigilant because che
3

Page 26
Blok Christ . . .
enemy is wide awake and active, they är e also imbued with the revolutionary a theism of the Bolshe wiks:
" Freedoi, freedom,
Hgy, hely, without a cross!"
But one of ther, Petrukha, is troubled by the infidelity of his girl, Katka, who has become the
mistress of à bouregois officer, Wanka, lm Lihe coLI r se of the ir match the w|wa Tum in to Katika and Wanka speeding In a cab, and Petrukha 5 hoo s at Warhká and un intentionally hits Katka, who is ki || ed. When the twelwa continue the march, Petrukha is haunted by guilt and remorse
for the dead girl, and even murmurs a traditional prayer for the dead, although his comrades urge hlin to forget what has happened: this is no time for personal preoccuPations. As they march on, keeping "in revolutionary step", they see
ãht:3d Cf thQm 5 red flag. Suspec call out, 'Who g Wing no lns wer, they lose sight new er discover Y the poet does,
conclusion of the of the twelve, c. walking through t Imed by the bul|
! White roses gar Jesus Christ ge
The Titlus||cor significance of Lwelwc. Red Guar
Christ are UW
Apostles.
(To be c.
JVP . . .
{{{y Fir l'Irre El Jr whether they arc suffer the bir' which they hawe
EXPORTS IN AN
ARISTONS TOURS No. 5, Gower Street, CCLCMBC 5.
Cabo Ves: "TURNTIDE!"
FOR UMWELL O WAFF A
ARISTONS H
GLOBAL REPUTATION IN THE FIELD
ARISTONS HAWE OPENED OUT NI
ENDEAWCUR TO CON
HEAD
ARIST OF
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Phone : 8 843 6,

I figure with a ting a trick, they Ce; g therit?' Riccarii -
they fire, but of the figure and
who it is. But in the startling * poепп, 1п fгопt
Irrying a red flag, ; F & ST YW, UT F3gts, is Frist:
landing his head, oes om a head.”
confirms the the title: Lha ds who disown Ittingly, his new
included)
# Page rង់)
to or true to Lcr cxperiences to go through
If the social revolution is to be fu lfi ed According to unders Canding, they seem to hawe
adopted a clear position in this respect, When a party with a membership which, in 1971, carrying locally manufactured hand bombs and rifles, confronted an army equipped with modern är rTamments, is nowy o wcircom with
fear at incidents such as stoning which occurred on the Satygraha Day held recently, and even comes forward to Issue statements decrying such Incidents, It is not difficult to arrive at a conclusion regård ing their state of mind.
It only remains to be said that the attempt of the present WP leadership to instill social reforT 15. a. TILLIdeo in ther membership, without their gwer baling aware of it, under the pretext that all other parties are trying to destroy the JWP, is painfully transparent.
(To be continued)
HALF A CEWTURY
AWE BUILT
OF EXPORTS AS WELL AS MPORTS
EW WISTAS IN
FOR
TRIBUTING
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Telex = 2 | 302 R UWA N |

Page 27
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Page 28

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