Page 1
INTERVIEW JVP AND
UPALI : Fortu
Smiles.
the UN
Politics today oc
Mao on trial n.s
IMF and the Budg
ls Martin Bormann de
O NEW DILEMMA
- Gai Omvedt
 
 
 
 
 
 

H. N. Fernando
No. 7 January 15, 1981 Price Rs. 3/50
ovin R. de Silva
anmugathasan
et - Kethesh Loganathan
ad 2 - Jayantha Somasundaram
(D BALANCE OF POWER
- N. M. M. Hussein

Page 2
Is sriti-użu to si o 1111, s_1 + 1:1 , , , , I-II, or swael • • • a) on surpaeae s.r.o. , sluostąpud oso!!! 10 collios titud, olou dloq , !|\|\'+sər wael! po jualussa, ut pu e ɓa ŋŋŋŋŋ uwở Israeli so sulae: unpəluə səld op|Jo Aw p || || 1:41 so os dood „ısı sır!!! !! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! |l|li|ol: sae -: Indoo)ayrılı suri so s 1-s}}, LL:1, 15:31, suosit', urt|1|trit() s, , , , , , , , ', :, suae!!!!!!!!!! It's rossos:131 si ut soolo!!!! !! !! !!1!!usulae Io sols||u, si so ot;|| 1:3 || syrsor') !! !! !!}} 'wolae) je bluu,” s-suoli äss, It's ! saessassanos osse si sonssi su, solo was suɔ, nɔ tslowHusto, sp swwp!|5-opiso puto osuus! '$11,3|| -o yılı sını | israelul sol, o 1 *|1,1·1 so stuks os putoosatud vision|q|q poziţeloods ous. It issourou quae uudus suitslae [ru:stui sens saepiprie puso pəlul Id so kłosiew oplow o sosiip, 1, *11*1, )
- --> i - דייוין : * i * i **_*4+ ו-יי הו יני =
nų I slow samu, a un lo lied senjodu: ue si il suos, siqi so si|niso, o q;słul Ierus || 1:18, s[] osallium, suidos, p (so wuucos el 11:11, asɔ, sɔtuŋso-sistiĝojs||pdt fris, utol || up!!1!!18!!1 urspølso: , ,,, ]] , [] u,u'on aelsi stole olsı so otuos outo o sotsisuori possui iuuuus!
put furonol, sus slezsloppuu It’ırı) ouanpa "L'osses ndod 'Isle):|| 'sup11||1|fiti 'poo |
əuļuɔɔ qɔueə səH suauido|ɔwɔCI Įeuo!ļeudējusi
LNH.W.dOTHAHCI CINV HON HIOS
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

6|| ! :) Los eposley 's waels) |M|*}}} &C) 또 "_1}{{|| sw: Isus ou 0151, I susile oluristultuŋƆ
ar alır, aqq psri, wo slus, put suisse!!! Grid so sols to 10 |
osauritirio o sı:Idol, op Lus , 11 osson!!! !! !!, ši libriodopistloo !"× 1), usilo?!!! Poiro |------ - - -- - - - --, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , 11“, 1; i fırs is aer sål

Page 3
WHAT's THE QUESTION?
So the UNP has found an answer to the Kala wana problem in the Third Armendment and a referendum. In this instance, W fi di t's important however is mot the Jnswer but the question. What is the question which will be posed in the referend urn? If the question is Intern ded, as we d te told to "TCCommodrte the elected member of Kalawana' I hen we sha ! I ha we two MP5 far Kala warna. This of coL rise med ris that Mr. Pilapi ti ya whom the Speaker designated "the lawful
MP for Kala wana" by virtue of his romination remains.
Quck-Worthy Is ths obser
Y autor of Dr. Čolyfr R. de Siwa, the architect of the 1972 con5ti tLu ! fJ 1. “ʻAt |ed st the LUMP has taught the world that it is possible to ha Ye the cake egt it'.
ndם
Or the lig fh ter side, the Colorriba circ. It has nO W picked Lup a story whose authorship is still a secret. At a London books flop a student of Sri Lankan positics 7 sked for a copy of the Sri Lanka Constitution (1978). The Polite reply was: "Sorry, we do not se per codificas".
PLOT THICKENS
TOQI BLIS y explain ing to the people a tangled Tess of Kalaward where everybody, accordi Ing to the UNP, is right and nobody wrong, UNP propagandists Tissed a news report whichCould ha ve been perfect grist to their Tı II. The Dinakara, the SLFP paper recently carried
a speech of its leader, Mrs. Bandarandi ke. The report said that Mrs. Barda ra na i ke threa
tened to expose high level cons
pracy in the
top SLFPers wi. Cğrfi il) { withı tlı While, both is of Four and th - are preparin
of the 350 EX LEWE OF close to Mrs.
that meeting, t W II have to g BrI flk".
NONALI
Pra-UMP
officials guffa |ran est fi Emb{75 acused the of 'dbandցոin Last week they |dugh when the 5 for picked an SLFP paper t5 igned article Karl Wita whose Cribed humourg cles as SLFP ( Werrn and C "" er 5 tafes'". 5th Summit, p. Mrs. Bandardic was elected to 5J CCčSSů / J5 Č Παrld Ig πει: Πανε
This Ji be by provoked sar dari the pro-UNP F had oppreciated the Chinese Go tion to d grouէ lawyers. While Berg charged abuses of powe
tribunal, a del lawyers was delegation fric
Jayewardene's
Jayewardene QC Zoyza, the che the Special Pre is 5 fon, and Mr. Mrs. Birdrdria

Party, 1rı yolying
were r is e UN P. Mean| des – the Gang le Dirty Dozen g for a meeting strong all-island Pfaff? Ĉ. Syfte 5
B. say "After he Dirty Dozen o to the UMP Job
GNMENT
Foreign Ministry wed when the 3y in Colomba SLFP leadership g nona signment' had drother (oud Informat on Dwstern from the Ie Nation. In a by Peking-liner '''Party" is des. LISTY in Left CirMarxist-Leninist), Lyta were cassed It was at the resided over by 7 ke that Cuba be Srí Lanka's Fairman of the
"īrīt" tic Sin eers a mong . O. lads who the tiri ing of o erri ri erit"s ryf3 of Sri Lankar Madari Mao was for "rroris trous r' by a special eg] [içar of local 7 Circ. The 'Lided President brother, H. W. , Mr. A. C. de if prosecutor at Sidentic || Corl7 mH. L. de Silwau,
ke's lawyer.
form and content My reply to Samudran (LQG,
Jan. I was full of printers' errors which obscured my meaning, but in order not to
take up too much space, I shall correct only one which is especially misleading. In the printed version. I appear to be objecting to Samudran's descrip
tion of Brecht as
Socialist'. What I was
'a great really
question ing was his reference to
Brecht as "a realist – the being the last.
great operative
socialist Word
Reggie Siriwardena
Colombo 5.
LANE
GUARDAN
| Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian
PLI blishing (Co. Ltd.
ELTÜ-Asil Building,
No. 246, Union Place, Caltimbo-2,
Editor: Merwyn de Si Iya
CONTENTS
News Background | Forcign News
The LSSP
Магtim Ha:ITIапп
1.
Financial "discipline" : rud 1MF criteria 12
Nil ırı "Til"
SL) utill Asial
As I like it
lrı işçisi Tı il d the . ""P
Randaran:Likes and thc Left
PrintCd by Anald Press 825, Wolfsendha | Street, (III) 13,
Telephane: 35 75
ld
17
| Wol. 3 -0.7 January 15, 1981 Price 350

Page 4
If you are ,
for a caree
REMEMB
When your parents open for youth Minor's Investment Savings ACCou PEOPLE'S BANK, you are assured financial assistance to completey exducation. Thousands of men & Women grad are now fruitfully employed in the private Sector will willingly testify PEOPLES BANK was their secon Thother in their hour of dire need, When your parents start plannin next birthday anniversary, tellth Lasting gift for you is a Minor's Ir Savings Account-to climb the your future prosperity.
 
 

still studying r in life....
2 EXCEtusiwe rnt ir the
of monthly our higher
Lates who public & that the di fälther & .
ց WOLIT
the Westment iš LSS LSS L LLLLLLLLS S L S SSS S adder to - "esser part
»k_E"S BANK
e with our nation's youth,

Page 5
UPALI - The busi
f
of politics he New Year brought the Lanka Guardian a surprise gift,
a copy of "FORTUNE", hot of the press, with greetings from its
board of Editors. Like TIME and LIFE, Fortune was founded by the great American publisher
Henry R. Luce, the man who said that this century would be "an American century'. Fortune certainly 5 miled on Henry Luce. And now it has smiled on Sri Lanka's "dashing deal maker". Upali Wije
Ward cric,
"I'm Upali Wijewardene . . . . I'm running for President'....., Thig UNP did not give Upali a chance to intraduce himself to the cca yokels of Kalawana in this fashion. Other wis 2 we could have witne 552d an American style election campaign and also a classic contest between the apostle of pure unbridled capitalism and the future leader of the Communist Party, But there could be other openings on the way. Baddegama was vacant last month and the Hanguran keta UNP MP died on January 4th.
In Britain, he has a string of horses. His favourite jockey is none other than champion Lester Piggott. The animals består some interesting names: Kandos (the chocolate which made him the first Tillion he had sworn to make before he was 30); Ringitt (the currency of Malaysia where he has cocoa and coconut plantations) and
General Atty, a not unknown soldier. The man who ran his horse in the Derby is doubtless
still keen on the greatest race of all, politics.
Power is the point of intersection of Big Money and Big-time Politcs, and Upali has already set his mind on another track to power, a national newspaper. Upali's future biographer — and ha must surely purchase one sooner or later-has only to twist the title of a Soctt Fitzgerald noyel. "The Last Tycoon'. Upali is our first tycoon. By international standards
the only. Cambr Urhile wer ExecLLui" che preparation f who had inheri business from bi family.
While many w their waggon to climb aboard h others might reg kind of aspiran stopped in his gathers jat-speed
Some months ag Ronnie de Merg think they could into a South Ko
that the UNP w socialist party. Lho UNP who
South Korea and is the natura|| blazer,
The continuing Upali's entry into Særl LIS attention lifL, like his re has symbolic muar
When he mar Rawatte's daught Wisses were Priri: Minister | his uncle, the Opposition, Mr. J. The architect Promotion Counc was its directorBandaranalike's go ready prepared th the FTA and dr Investment Guara the victorious priority to the have to look far 2x 2-ttl|ti'ye for Upali Wijeward.
RaLWyatte as cie
If such a m taken place, a 5cc hawe had to inye than a sharp ru
strong clements linking the last y regime with t|

(SSS
dge education and e training were or a young man ed a fair for ith sides of his
uld like to hitch this rising star or s executive jet, ard hirTi a 5 the
who must be racks before he
o, Finance Minister minded those who convert Sri Lanka rea or Singapore as a democraticBut for those in are tantalised by Singapore Upali ideological trail.
speculation about
politics commands because his private markable career,
23 LOC.
Triad Dr. Seewali er, the attesting his aunt-in-law, Bandaranaike, and Leader of the R. Jayewardene. of the Export il, Dr. Ratwatte general, when Mrs. vernment had ale blue-prints for afted the Foreign Cee Law, When UNP gave top FTA, it did not to find a chief hic (GCE — Mr.
Inc., with Dr.
of his deputies. arriage had not :ia | historian would nt it, Far in ore ture, there are
of continuity ear5 of cha SLFP he UNP's new
CCCC" | OCCā5 fons,
On President that even another SLFP government is unlikely to depart radically from that strategy.
strategy. the
Se Vera has said
"If Upali wants to parliament, let him the front door" critics, meaning СČftěšt d 5 Ell. to take up the wls thwarted.
come through said his UNP that he should Upali was ready challenge but he
if he continues to be blocked in his bid to enter politics, through the UNP will he look for other avenues? He is the first Sri Lankar to hawe his profile Published in a Journal as fastidious as FORTUNE. Louis Kraar has revealed Upali's business style. He has a habit of buying up "sick companies" and firms whose fortunes are sagging but which in his shrewd opinion have a great potential for recovery, "In the business of politics to day, purchasing SLFP stock could be a sound investment" says a pro-LSSP businessman, adding "Anura who said so many nice things about Upali
in parliament may not mind".
Demonstration
Wednesday afternoon, January 7,
saw a demonstration outside the Chinese Embassy at Turret Road. Demonstrators carried placards and shouted slogans:
Release Chiang Ching!; Release Mao’s com rades; Long liwc: Comrade Mao Tsetung!; Long Live the Cultural Revolution!; Down with Teng Hsiao-ping.
In the Telee that ocurred outside the gates of the Embassy (which were quickly closed), the show case was smashed. The crowd, thereafter, dispersed.

Page 6
Onward Christian
soldiers
Predominantly Buddhist Sri Lanka, thc: Catholic and Anglicam churches are emerging as daring ånd, perhaps in official eyes, dangerous voices of dissidence. On Christmas day, the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation began its news bulletin with an item on Christmas in Poland. In none of its bulletins, did the SLBC broadcast even a sentence from the special message of the head of the Catholic Church. It was also ignored by the State-owned newspaper groups. This is the first time that such a thing has happened.
In his message Archbishop Nic
holas Marcus Fernando sald "this Christmas as we look around for Christ, where can we find him?
Where are the hungry, the naked and those in sorrow and want? 40,000 men and women lost their jobs in our country not many months ago, how will they face this Chrismas? So many thousands of workers with their dependents are on the streets, begging, trying to find other jobs, selling or pawning whatever they have, borrowing and perhaps even contemplating suicide".
The Archbishop has also ordered that all collections since the second Sunday in advent should be given to the familes of the dismissed strikers, The 'Catholic Messenger' and its sister Sinhale se paper, hawe started a special fund to help them. The new Archbishop has attracted attention in Church circles a broad after the defiant stand he took on the question of abortion at the recent Watican Conference. Fleading the cause of the Third World poor, he stressed the relevance of social and economic pressures in deciding doctrinal išš LC:s.
Some time ago Bishop Lakshman Wickremasinghe, the Anglican Bishop of Kurunegala, held a "workers mass" at Ratmalana, 200 yards away from the railway workshop where the general strike began. He said "we have to carry this struggle to the very end." The text of his sermon was released to the media but only the "SUN" published it, with some significant deletions. It ha now been published as a pamphlet.
Non-aligned
YJCOSI
ith prepar;
for the Fr. meeting in Delhi the propased Indi ference will be tht of the romaligned
region. The UN meeting of India should be held
year and the idea tedly endorsed by ir Hawa ma.
But the United been invited as powers' says th: tuпе". Inooportuи Plainly for the U created the inte Deployment Forc exercises in Egypt busy beefing up' Fleet as part of tarisation' of US
The Reagan wic entators agree, h can recovery fro: Watergate syndro this return to sa appointment of G Haig, a Wietnam a Watergate "plun of State.
The first “poli Rapid Deployment to torpedo the ! Zone conference.
While the US
A. delegation fr ches alsa flade t fortable for tha: recent conference
The meeting w; Sri Lanka "Centre | While the Budd Moslem clergy wh were discreetly c ports presented delegation were gency powers an excesses. In its nesty Internation widespread use o security services of cmergency rul province.

LAV ʼPURITYʼ
tions underway reign Ministers' Early next month, an Ocean ConTi I CICE2 T1
states of this decided that this Ocean Stat.S in Colombo this
was wholeheartil Sixth Sullit
States which has ine of the "big it it is "іпорраг
le for whom S which having - wentionist Rapid
, (it held joint recently) is now its Indian Ocean the general "miliforeign policy.
tory, US commeralds an Ameri
me'. Symbolising und health is the eneral Alexander
Commandër and liber" as Secretary
tical' act of the : Force: W| || bg2, ndian Qce: Il Paz. Ce
decision is under
"crm the two thuis| imgs, quite un Comgow Cernment at 2 on human rights.
Is corn wened by the or Human Rights." hist, Hindu and o also participated Lrformist, the reby the Christian critical of meri police and army annual report AmAl has alleged the f torture by the during six months
in the norther
standable in the light of its strategic interests what has begun to trouble the non-aligned members
of this area is the behaviour, especially the backstage manoeu - wres, of Yugoslavia, a highly res
pected founding father of the NAM.
Under the pretext of prescrwing 'the purity of nonaligned principles'. Yugoslavia is taking up position after position on various issues which objectively serve the interests of the US, and are Wory
much in line, within the movcment, with ASEAN.
"Study the Yugoslav economy
and you will realise why" a senior
frican diplomat who had served with the COA U for many years advised a Sri Lankam dele Fate 1 New York recently. A US-based Indian journalist who was present at the conversation if the diplomat's lounge of the UN, noted Yugoslavia's galloping inflation, its
unemployment, its mounting foreign debt, its exchange Crisis, its heavy reliance on the remittances of Yugoslaw migrant workers, (over a million) in Western Europe, and its increasing dependence on the IMF and wester "aid",
By equating the and Stating this as a basic principle, Yugoslavia helps the US to shrug off the responsibility for not signing SALT 2 (a step warmly supported by the Sixth Sull Tit) of Col. fusing the gr:neral issur's of scaling down strategic arms, and diwerting momaligned opinion from the fact that the US is now set to launch a new arms race. It also helps the US to prevent itself from being isolated as the exclusive targart of non aligned Ciriticism over its stubbornly negative policy on the Indian Ocean Peace Zone proposal.
superpowers
* Yugoslav 'purity' has become more and mare suspect with each crisis-situation. It was prepared to attack Wietnam which helped Karnpuchea to rid itself of Pol Pot, now recogniscd as one of history's most barbarous and genocidal rulers. But its "pure principles' stuck in the

Page 7
MIRJE festival
he Inter-Racial Friendship Fos
tival and Carnival organised by MRJE (Movement for Inter-Racial Justice ånd Equality) in Colomba in the las E. Week of Deccmbcr was notable: as Ehe first Cindawo Lur LC convey through the arts and entertainment the message of amity among the people across ըthրic and linguistic divisions. Around three thousand people attended the Carnival in the three days when it was om, This was perhaps less than MIRE
Yugoslaw . . .
(Jim Eined fra TI ftcie 4)
throat when Tanzania did the same service for the people of Uganda against their tyrant, l di Amin.
"When the Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping announced to the world,
on his way back from the US, that China Would "teach Wietnam a lesson' and proceeded to send
250,000 troops across the border, the purists of Belgrade found silence golden.
"With South Africa, Israel is the bete noire of the nomaligned, Under the sponsorship of the US, a superpower, a tripartite treaty was signed between Israel, Egypt and the US. The military implications of this treaty are now being
revealed in the US-Egypt joint exercises and the public offer of Ras Banias as a base for the US.
Its political significance, as the PLO indignantly repeats, is the sell-out of the Palestinian people. The Arab League has expelled Egypt. But Yugoslavia, the high priest of pure principles, is Egypt's defender
"Yugoslavia attacked Cuba for defending Angola against an invading South African army but this does not Prevent her cozy ing up to Senegal and Ivory Coast, who enjoy Pretoria's patronage,
"Afghanistan is criticised for allowing Soviet troops on its territory but not a word of criticism is uttered about the arming, training and financing of "rebel" groups, and other subversive operations mounted by the US and China, wia Pakistan, and with distant help from countries like Egypt. O
organisers had ho pioneer effort of 1 not really be cons| Moreover, MIRE handicaps of mea, (including a total Sinhala press) - what our mainst of Communal armi
Perhaps the mo ment of the MIR that it had succeed participation of the essay and post the theme of art friendship betweg erent ethnic grou children's posters were extremely striking. Another ful exhibit in Charles Dayanand drawings on the su five years of r ssion: these shc ånd made availa å Ļudiente in a mor The revival on
Ceylon Teachers'
Da tud Luka, port li ties and class : lives of children
Sri Länka – a m tion of social an: in wis a| term: The Presentation
nating Secretari: A reas of the pr workers should a illu Tination on th visirs t the c:
MIRJE. come ur to hold similar 2nd Jaffna in the year; it is to be Colomba Carnival är in Lual Cwmt. effort MIRE sho much experience next time. In p: nisation will hawe of publicis ing the e Yen if little : -- coming from the

ped for, but for å this kind it should iered discouraging,
had to face the gre press publicity
black-out by the an indication of eam press thinks
ty.
st positive achiaveIE undertaking was ed in enlisting the schoolchildren in er coTpctitions con i-co Tim unalism and in people of diffIps. SofThe of the oil this theme imaginative and original and powergraphic art was a's group of line bject of Twentynational oppreauld be preserved ble to a wider permanent form. his occasion of the
Unior exhibition, aying the inequadifferences in the
and education in 2morable Presentaalysis and criticism - Was Welcome,
by the Co-ordiit for Plantation oblems of estate lso have brought his subject to many arrival,
lderstands, intends Carnivals in Kandy Course of this I hoped that the tCO will be made From their first uld have gathered to do even better articular, the orgato think up ways event sufficiently peration is forth! mass media"
INVITE US TO
CATER FOR
YOUR PARTY
6
to 6O
Or
MO3
PAGODA
Catering is our speciality, We cater for any function large or small:
Weddings, engagements, Cocktails, l'un cheons, dinners.
PAGODA
RESTAURANT too
is available for your party,
Phone: 23086, 29236.
直 NGru
PAGODA
05, Chatham Street, Colombo I.
Cyril Rodrigo Restaurant

Page 8
You have
tΟ when y(
your sav MERCANTILE (
The assurance that your m Sri Lanka's largest || GROSS ASSETS OW Strongest Finan CAPITAL RESERWES & PROWISCO Сопрапy enjoying the hi;
PUBLIC DEPOSITS OF
A choice of Deposit Scher
Attractive return paid
ONE YEAR DE Return payable monthly 2O7
per annum Minimum deposit Rs. 2,500/-
TWO YEAR DE Return payable monthly
From Rs. 2,500/- to under 25
Rs... 50,700
per arlTILITil
From Rs. 50,000- to under t FS. 73,2099 - 22,
umחpg:r an
From Rs. 100,000 - A9 S a. n d oWer" 247
pr annum
MERCANTILE
The larges ( Arial Sfroorges Fir 7777 51 — 53, Janadh i pathi Mawatha, Colom
BranciFi Office:3:: -
JAFFNA: |||{ MATARA: 271/I, Dharma ANURA, CHAPURA: 2, Harisch KANDY: 90 IA, Per
Agen

everything gain Du invest ings with CREDIT LIMITED
oney is safe in the hands of Finance Company with ER R5, 250 NM||ILLION ce Company with
NS EXCEEDING Rs. 30 MILLION. ghest public confidence with
OWER. R. | 50 MILLION
nes to suit your con wenience
monthly cor con maturity
POSIT SCHEMES
Return payable on Maturity 227
וחper annu
POSIT SCHEMES
Return payable on Maturity
From Rs. 2,500/- to under - Ao FS. 50.000- 24/
- - - per Η ΠΠ. Π. From Rs. 50,000/- to under or RS. 700,000|- 25 1.
per annum
From Rs. 100,000
S and over 27/
CREDIT LIMITED
e Copa o i Sri Laika. hbo I. Telephone 2 6 ó 2 - 19
բer annum
, Stanley Road, Telephone: 32 2ala Mawatha, Telephone: 2 4 6 6 andra Mawatha, Telephone: 5 3 4 ideniya Road, Telephone: 496
4 5 fin all other important to wris.

Page 9
The left in India (3)
NEW DILENMA
Gai | Omw edit
he cultural activity also reflects
tensions on the left. To give an example, in recent assembly elections there were three street
play groups in Bombay, giving hun dreds of performances in front of factories, railway stations and workers' ternements; One Pro Pagting for the CPM, one Naxalite group urging boycott of elections, and one other ML group calling for a new constitution. The latter two in particular denounced the bourgeois electoral system, but the Naxalite group was afterwards beaten up by CPM sympathizers for its boycott ca|. Similarly in Kerala the CPM, which until recently overwhelmingly dominated the cultural movement has been charging that "Sex and Naxalism" are taking over the stage and some of the ML poets have been arrested in State action against the Naxalites there.
In spite of these strengths, howewer, the Nax?, li ta' frowe riħa rit as a whole is politically floundering and urā ble to come forward with a national rewolu Liconary al tornative. Lo
the "left and democratic front' which it disagrees with. First there is political division. In terms of
Lactics, the emphasis of the various groups waries from those still proclaiming and practicing Charu MazLumbar’s cld "arı mihi laticri cf clā55 eneminies" line to those who hawe more cr le 55 eschewed armed struggle to Coffice:s tirate. Om ma SS Corgå
rising. In terms of international loyaltics, recent developments in China hawe shek en them as much
ass Marxist-Leminists in other o Unltries, and positions now wary from "allying with the U.S. against social imperialism" to conde Tining China itself as "social imperialists." All major sections of the Naxalites have suffered further splits in the last two - three years: the CPI(ML) once led by Satyanarayan Singh has now broken in two; the old CCC (Central Organising Committee of the CP (ML) and the UCCRI (Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India) have also split, and much of the splits are in effect along linguistit segional line 5 go that
the Naxalites in their mass basic or
Those groups
"ädwerturisrin” ä on mass organisin it must be stre those who or | 9É7-72, wgTit of annihilation bru tal repressior ir rich the sal other communist establish mass E areas where larg faith in Indira Ga how to build TE TWETTI 2: state. The Na. the CPI and C conceive of the state' in their on revolutionary at all levels, wh define their " and "peoples' cally the same as the existing up to and inclu of parliament the legislative, cxec CLIC, A\, t Point S the Maxalitos hay commit [2(25" BUI crushed the a groups hawc foi uբ any real բC Lhis basis. In CP and CFM ment" has bec. elections, for has become of and the propagan
It is partly frustrations that i lndia a resu 'annihilation" organisation op four 5 ou the rin 5 nādu, Andhra, conder Tirniring ål revisionists and | c organise dir lords. The rc. they hawe gaine at least tempt agricultural labo

ow have much of lly aC a regional lewel,
that ha YE TELJICE nd flow concentrate g (and these include, ssed, almost all of ce the ITISelyes in through the fires armed struggle and h) find themsel wees me dilemma as many trends - how to Jolitical support in e sections still hawe indhi and democracy, up a revolutionary directed against the xalits differ from FM in that they 'new democratic programme as based peoples' committees lile the other parties lational democracy" democracy" in basistructural terms , bourgeois State, ding the two houses a separation of the LI tilwe, and judiciary in their struggles built such peoples' t, ante the staitę "med struggle, the ind no way to build litica | Tha weThermt dan fict, while for the the ':political mavo:Cme equ walent to the ML Sections it ily armed struggle da of ar med struggle.
becauge of 5uch է there is once i rgence of hard-line Jolicy. A naxalite 2 rating mainly in the tātes Kerila, TamilKarnataka) has been the other trends as uriously again trying Čtt åttiåck 5 cm landsult has been that 2d Some Ta55 base orarily among dalit lurers in North Arcot
and Dharmapuri, two backward districts of Tamilnadu state. And once again, with all fanfare and special polica Units, the mailed fist of the 5 cate has CorTie dCyr, and the arrests of hundreds of cadrcs and the killing of many (supposedly in 'ëscape attempts' but actually in police firing or as a result of torture) is dispersing the movement.
Besides the Naxalite groups, which still share an analysis of the Indian
state as a 'semi-feuda.' 'semicolonial" one dominated by comprador bourgeoisie and landlords,
there are some other parties and organisations that stand to the left of the CPI and CPM but with a very different analysis. This include such parties as the Lill Nishan Party (LNP) in Maharashtra and the Socialist Unity Centre (SUC) mainly in Bangal, which have a strong tra de Luniori base år Titang both urbari and rural workers and agricultural laburgrs ard which 5. ldiā ās ā bourgeois state and refuse to join thc (Pi-PM || diantic: with blgeois parties. In addition there are many ex-Naxali Ic or Scmi-Naxali II: or simply dissident Marxist-Leninist
groups and individuals working among the misses.
The Naxalites themselves (like
the CPI and CPM) call for a "four class alliance" of workers, the petty bourgeoisie and the national (or small) bourgeoisie. They have never really compromised with bourgeois parties to for T a political alliance,
Similarly, they h3ʼWe rie'werwavered in their support for the liberation struggles of such groups
as the Nagas and Mizos in India's northeast perhaps because these have represented the only really successful application of the ML line or armad Struggle and libera Led Zon 25.
Finally, in regard to the Assam movement, after å period of som: debate most ML groups now give it critical support. All of those distinguish them from CPI-CPM-led front, along with the more expected differencës). Arra pro, Sovjet, foreigr. policy, リー

Page 10
The party, the and ourselves
Dr. Colwin R. de Silva
he Lanka Sama Samaja Party
is now fully forty-five years old. It is by far the oldest political party in Sri Lanka. In fact, it is the only political party functioning today whose beginning goes back to the pre-world War II period,
During these forty-five years, the world has undergone decisive political and social changes. The changes have been such that we can say realistically that politically and socially there are in fact two worlds today, and not one - a decaying capitalist world which is a 蠶 ower from the historical past and burgeoning socialist world which demands the future. It is the major task of mankind in the coming years of this epoch to complete the replacement of capitalism with socialism throughout the planet, thus bringing into being that new World order which will enable mankind to ascend
to the next higher stage in its development. We know that the movement of history is decisively
in that direction already, whatever be the obstacles the past may place in the way of the future.
Political and social change has not passed Sri Lanka by, these fortysive years, though a Socialist Sri Lanka is still a phenomenon of the future, in fact, the political and social charges which Ceylon has undergone in that period are both far-reaching and deep-going. Politically we have moved from direct Imperialist rule to self-rule, from imperialist subjection to national independence. The task in that field
is to safeguard the independece we have achieved and it needs safeguarding specially in view of
present trends in politics and to carry forward the struggle to extend that independence to embrace specially the field of the national economy. Our economy is still a dependent economy Subject to dominant imperialist cxploitation. That exploitation is conducd by other means than
B
before independe neo-colonialist in replaced the col been politically struggle is not c the continued di. cconomy on the economy will hay cussions on the demice wę: hawe shall see, this st with the struggle and for socialism
In respect of 5 has not been th: continuity of des larked in the change by the gra in 1948 and the completion of Ind the adoption of th
Nevertheless, the sociai scene C different from, le war social scene. landowning charact bourgeoisie is go of the present r private-capitalist have not gone f. successful enough CC 15 titLJ CO2 a TE: capitalist big lan traditional village under the lissault talism, disintegrat beyond the possibi The cultivator, ir national subsisten caught up into even International the rural econom farmer that char; outside tha: planta: class has swelled, Ing class. Thic fo derably from the
the latter drawi reservoir of the inflow has broug
honorienon of n here is also, wit and the upper mi

mOVement
ice, namely, by the eans which hawe nialism which has displaced. If this arried to success, pendence of our
imperalist world c adwerge reper
political indepenachieved. As we uggle is enmeshed
against capitalism .
ocial changes, there
ut fracture in the lopment which is field of political
nt of Independence
consolidation and ependence through 2 1972, constitution,
n important ways f today is sharply : I us say, the preThe dominantly er of the Sri Lanka me, the endeavour 5 egime to restore big land-owership Lr enough or been | 0:Xt Ert I.C a restoration of d-ownership. The has disintegrated of invading capicd, that is to say, ity of resuscitation, cluding the former :e farmer has been the national, and monetisation of Y. It is a new cterizes agriculture tions. The middle as also the workmer drawing consirural well-to-do, ng on the rural displaced, whose it about the new ass un employment. in the bourgeoisie idle class, the new
phenomenon which is referred to nowadays as muda lalidom. We have of course, had mudalalics before. But the mudalalies of today, an entirely Todern post-war phenomenon, represents in the main the small capitalist enterpreneur growing into bigness. He is less westernised than his big brother and is altogether more Swabhasa.
There are other and major features of the contemporary scene to which attention needs to be driver before we pass on. There is first of all the pervasive welfare state, or rather, the pervasive system of stato-provided and financed general welfare which has been steadily built up in the years since independence up to 1977. This included in later years the so unique and expensive rice for the mass of deprived people in our country. It included free ceducation and free public health services and cure, such as was remarkable in a developing country. The subsidies to the consumer would make quite a long list.
Another noteworthy feature in the post-independence scene is the growth, with gathering speed, of a strong public sector of the economy, marked by an expanding constellation of state corporations in which took place the major pert of the nation's production (6 | per Cent. as of 1977) and, until the present, government took over, thc predominent in Westment from which the expansion and development of the economy ensues. Included in this sector, as the major section of them all, are the planta
tions, which werc all nationalised in the post-1972 years, Let us remind ourselves that the second of the three fundamental aims announced at the inauguration of the LSSP in || 935 was "The natio
må lisation of the means of production, distribution and စိးffiူဂိ The first was the attainment of a society free of discrimination on

Page 11
the basis of race, caste, religion and Sex. We Hawe inded achieyed much in our forty-five years.
Another feature that distinguishes the forty-five years we are considering is the wide Trade Unionsation of the working class. PreWar Trade Unionism was largely confind to Colombo and its crl WiThe largest and the developed section of the economy, namaly the Plantations, the unionisation of which had only just begun in pre-war days, are today completely unionised. The trade unions become both an accepted pronounced feature of the political and social landscape. They too are, cf Courgo, Lunder attack from the UMP (Government.
TE
The proliferating political parties which so characterise the political landscape of Sri Lanka today are almost entirely a post-war phenomenon, although the Uniwersal adult franchise which accesitated the formation of mass political parties
for coping with process was intre is far back as pervasive politi armong the masse best was only in |In 1935. It | 5, CF which hawe dome nising the local in LUnions, which, cf early days had a links.
Let Lus round { underlining that three features to has been drawn, ing State welfa Unions, the W. parties, reflecting rally of political c the mas SCs, repr that feature at t political landsca the tremen dous mentary Democra This all-embody ture of indepen. in many ways t
PION
. . . in ALK
CEYLON RESINC
64, Ananda Coom:
Colom
Phone:

the Tlass electoral dLoge in Sri Länkä |93|- There is a
al CC 13 ci: LIST : s today which at an incipient stage Le political parties the job of orgaasses by the trade course, from very so their political
off this survey by specially the last which attention namely wide-rangrism, the Trade alter of political the growth geneC3CCLIS 1255 ali Tiong Csent, along with he centre of the 7e - Parliament - growth of parlia
cy in Sri Lanka. ing political ficalent Sri Lanka is
he most precious
heritage of our people from some fifty years of political development It is a heritage in the creation of a development of which the LSSP as a party and Samasamajism as an ideology and a movement played no mean part. And let it be remembered, included in that heritage is an authentic mass Towerment which from its beginnings came under the radicalising influence of the LSSP and Samasamajism generally. In that way, We are ourselves part of this great national heritage and not merely, like so many others, just inheritors of it. It is the most treas ured a 55 et that we possess. built over forty-five years of unremitting work among the masses and unfinching struggle against Imperialism and Capitalism for independence and socialism. We cannot let it go without fighting to hold it. That fight is a fight not only for our future but also a fight for the future of our nation. The responsibility We shoulder is no less,
(NEXT: 1977-1980)
EERS
YD RESINS
PLASTICS LTD.,
raswamy Mawatha,
I b o ? .
28673

Page 12
IS MARTIN BORMANN DEAD? - (i)
The past has not
Jayantha Soma sundaram
A." despatch from New York a few weeks ago reported that Ladislas Farago the Hungarian -born journalist, had died. Farago made a name for himself with his biography on Gen. George S. Patton, later made into an award-winning film. But right: now we rem cimber Farago for his series of articles in the London Daily Express and his book Aftermath, published in 1972 and 1974 respectively, in which he claimed that Martin Bormann, Adolf Hitler's deputy, was alive and well in Argentina. Since May st 1945 when he disappeared in Berlin, German authoritics hawe sought to establish that Bormann die in the fighting. In 1946 hOWgwer, Bormann was sentenced to death in absentia by the International Military Tribunal at Nuremburg.
The media did not only remind
us that Martin Bormann might Sti|| be alive. News week's October 20th issue had as its cover story "Europe's Neo-Nazi Terror," in addition The Deccan Herald of October 21st published a UN|| Story datelined London, below the headline "Spectre of Fascism haunts Europe again."
Was Farago right and is Bormann alive. The question is relevant not only to sensation-seeking or cranky
journalists. It becomes the question around which the political future of our world rewolves, Boca
use the circumstances surrounding Bormann's alleged escape to freedom, the secret fascist organisations that he is said to hawe built and the growing fascist movements around the world, will together determine the chances for de Ticcracy today and for world peace tomorrow,
EICH-1ANN
Martin Bormann had been DePUly Fuehrer since the defection of Rudolf Hess in 1940. And when Hitler committed suicide on 30th April 1945, Bormann became defacto head of the Third Reich.
O
L. Bezymensky bi mann from the m Berlin, hours af Goebbels had Cor Ho as Writter Marti | B) rimarry if chat Bormann brol as it was been rir
troops. He heade Alping fortress," Austria prepared
Nazi fugitives. Frc refuge in Denmar being tried in ab burg. He chen
trip" south to ta and daughter has wows. Finally, acr to Argentina wh mann was already mann was later k Israelis, tried and
Prof. Hugh Britis historiäri : conclusive wideric d.h. i * | hawe 3 C) suggests that he where his wife li
Dr. Heinrich D Chief of Polica i E HA ETT13 IT IN 315 in isolation from which the Nazis the crash in Ord the lives of the out the world to ‘reception points' We know that including Switzel birk. Onto o firms set up. Th were destined f fugitive leaders, finance the i apparatus eve prepared for le Lunderground ätti
GALLEIT
Fritz Bauer, of Hesser, a We rance, says: Bori c. caping to Soul Italy where he through the A True, so far all

ended
Megan trailing Borment he entered er Hitler amd mimitted suicid C. a book Tracing which he claims ke out of Berlin nged by Sowict d south for the a redoubt in in advance for in there he took k, whilst he was 5entic at Nu rembegan his 'grand ly where his son taken monastic "oss the Atlantic erg Adolf Eichin exilg“. Eich;idnapped by the
Executed.
Trevor-Roper the jays, there is no e of Bormann's me evidence which
reached Bolzano աԸd",
Juermayer former ni Wienna writes, e cannot be wiewed the preparations made long before er to protect the leaders. Throughe Nazis set up for the fugitives, n any countries,
land, camouflaged ere opened and 25e colossa. Ileans
rst to finance the
and secondly, to Isrnational fascist ything was being Ing thy and active ity." ER CIRCLE general Prosecutor
eran of the Resiann succeeded in 1 America from was secretly taken yine Brenner pass,
efforts to Tid
חוזaוחין טB regult. і 5 поt
hawe mor yielded any But the Borman case terminated.
The past has not cinded.
Are Hitler's appointed leaders and the secret organisations that they set up in the last days of the Secord World War active — ard are they responsible for the growth of fascism throughout the world in the last thirty five years?
Before he committed suicide, Hitler appointed a new cabinet with Dr. Werner Naumann as Minister of Propaganda, Naumann is said to hawe helped Bormann to escape from Berlin, and was then himself hidden by Countess Lea War Divoet, cousin of Belgian fas
vist chief Leon Degrelle, until arrested by the British Military Police II) Du55 Eldrf in 953,
In the intervening eight years, he along with Gustav Schcel, Minister of Religion in the postHitler cabinet, built up in West Germany a neo Nazi organisation called the Gauleiter Circle, Para
llel organisations had been Springing up in other parts of the Federal Republic. In what was the British Zone, Wehrmacht generals Mantu effel and Schwerin joined SS cadres Franka-Grieksch and Beck Brorchsitter LQ form the Bruclarschaft. In the US Zone the Leading Committee worked openly for the release of Nazi war criminals. And all such groups maintained contacts with Nazi fugitives in Spain and South America.
5E|G HEIL
The charge has also been made that inco Nazis hawe infi litrated the mainstream parties of the Federal Republic. As early as 1950, Werner Nau Tarın remarkad that "Adenauer is not at all a bad choice for a people which lacks confidence. But National Socialists (Nazis) to be able under these conditions to influence political events must join the Free Demo

Page 13
cratic Party and gain control of it."
At Nuremburg Goering had tauned the Armericaris: You think it is enough to arrest Nazis and introduce democracy overnight? Do you really think they hawe become in the Slightest degrge less Nazi because they have been adopted by the so-called Christian parties? They hide for a Thin u te behind the priests' surpices
Youger German Dr. Rainer Barzel use famillar arguments for territorial expansion When they ask the Sowjet Union to hand back "the Zone" (the German Democratic Republic) and speak of their claims to regions "'ca 5 of tha Cider and Meisse."
The fear has also been expressed of Gorman rearmament under Hitler's generals, some like Speidel, Heusinger and Foertsch piloted the Bundeswehr in Its early years.
politicians like
The Frankfurter Rurds chau reported in 1977 of a "mock burning of Jews" aL the Bundeswehr College in Munich om February || 6th. "There were shouts of 'Seig Neil' and the Nazi antham "Die Fahne hoch" was sung.“ At the Bundes
wehr College Sub-Lt. Sosar w and given a
Rossbau IIT". And dJor Wyas "Don't Jews," a slogan Jewish shop keep
LEO Cadets at the have joined an S storm troopers) extermination of rigt s". At thg v Pamphlets hawe dismissing as a that the Nazis ext of Jews.
Military experi the rew Germar enables on to armoured forces the most formid and perhaps in name is itself pri ries-not Tigers ; feline sisters, Li
subtle but perhi tant factor in th апce is the esр
its tough, proud Lark-troopers. traditions that o
MARGA QUARTERLY
RS
S. Wolumg | NC, i 4. CO Wolume 2 No. | 4 , (OO) No. 3 . 75 ). No. 4 , 75 Wolu The 3 No. 4 5. OO
3 No. 2 special issue.
Sri Lařinka Third World & Jmcta y W .EO
3 No. 3 Special issue,
Non-Alignment & Third World Solidarity. 7.50 3 No. 4 Special i 55 ue.
Tea. W. 5)
At all leading Books. THE PLI THEM
63, Isipath Colombo ܣܩ
Sri Lanka.

n Hamburg Navy s called a "Jew' icknam: "Sholom smica red con his buy anything from 5ed to Lorrorise ers in the thirtie5.
A ROS Hamburg College A-Sturm (squad of and call for the "Jews and Commuuremburg Barracks Jeen distributed. lle the accusation erniilated millions.
is acknowledge that tank, the Leopard, “egard the German once again as able in the West, the world. The agnant with memoiny more but their apards. A more aps equally impore German's dominiirit de corp of tightly-disciplined Carrying on the fice ranked their
redecessors among the elite of itlers armies, thay drggs in distinctive coveralls and black berets
that set them apart from other Bundeswehr troops; they move smoothly, almost cockily, around
their beautifully maintained vehicles.
"All of which goes laments Newsweek generation is!"
to show" ''how short a
Some months ago Hans Filbinger, Minister-President of Baden - Wuttenberg was identified as a courts martial officer in the Nazi Navy who had handed down death sentences to 20 dissident Nawal officers. This led British TW commertator Tom Bower to characterise West Germany as the safest and most profitable place for Nazi war criminals. When the Farderal Republic closed Nazi files in 1965, on the twentieth anniversary of WE day, only 12,000 out of the 160,000 Nazis on whom prosecutors have files had been brought to trial. In any case the sentence, passed by German Courts arToUnt to one hour to one day of imprison ment per Nazi Timur der.
JOURNALS IN PRN
R
Wolume: 4 No. 4 No. 4 No. 4 No.
Wolute 5 No. 5 No.
5 N.
5 No.
"ops ad at the liris it ture
ication Unit
ARGA INSTITU TE
a na Mawatha, i.
3.
- Ct.5,
50 OO 50 50
50
Special issue
O Technology Transfer & Reverse Flow (The case of
Sri Lanka) 7 . 50
3 Special issue, Ճրl Participatory development Dependence (The case of Sri Lanka) 22 50 9 OO

Page 14
Financial “disciplin
IMF Criteria
Kethesh Loganathan
he first part of this article
sought to portray the real character of the two major "achievements" of the UNP Government Tertioned in the 1981 Budget Speech - namely political 'stability" and increased "diversification" of the economy. Thus, it was pointed out that the true character of "political stability" in Sri Lanka, as in the case of other "peripheral" capitalist social formations, is state repression which is both dictated by the demands of tht Export-led Growth Model and a response of the contradiction inherent in the Model itself. Likewise,
the so called "diversification" of the economy referred to in the Budget Speech as another major
"achievement" by the UNP Government was explained in Part | of this article as a proce 55 characteriZCd by "unbalanced growth" led by export-import trade, tourism, banking and other Serwicca 5 with hardly any potential for authentic industrialization and "balanced growth" leading to self-sustained growth and development.
Part II of the article placed the trends cited above as the outcome of the IMF, IBRD sponsored cxportoriented development strategy and went on to elaborate on the emerging contradictions. An attempt will be made in this article to place the budgetary proposals Within the Con text of the scritic titled byw e. An attempt will also be made to highlight the continuity in the policies pursued by the two major bourgeois parliamentary parties, despite alleged differences in their class basis and a false treatment of import-substi
Thie a ii Ihor iswho Iran jo red irr Escori formics ዕII IP 1 ή της αν η Georgesc !!! Urriversir 1', prirsted his postgradu Life studies at the l, D. S. Sussex, III el is presently (77 the research staff of the Social Scientists' Association of Sri LirikT.
tution-led indu export-led ind Models which are
Let us now pr Some of the Salie Budget proposal, Budget speech, reflects the gove ment to fiscal and as a way of cc and for the utilization of production orier To qaute: "The have to take eve unnecessary ex fiscal and incret: increased local only way to Co far as possible." , cf this Goyer designed to gene resources from in Westment." In :rerlt! TEהםםi
P the ' would gladden the technocrats, is orie... lri short, li both the manife hoc response to dictions inherer 5ΡΟΠSαrod export ment Strategy wh il Part || 3f F5 ; Tanifestation of tht in the Budget spe
(i) The slashin di ture by Rs. 2. three "lead proj brunt of it. Rel decision to discout C:ştimāt (28 ănd thệ of the profit.' Enterprises.
(2) Domestic ture of Rs. 375. CIf the i Tı it or RS, 2, OCC milion:
(3) Foreign b turi : :f R5, B. I

le' and
5τrializatioΠ and ustrialization s mutually exclusive,
oceed to examine : It features of the According to the the 1981 Budget rnment's Commitmonetary discipline introlling inflation Tobilization and esources towards ited in west Tents. government will :ry step to reduce en ditute, Strict ary discipline and production Is the tro|| || filatico a 5 Again, "The policy ment is primarily rate and redirect consumption to my opinion, the ;siwe stance taken Oweinment which the hearts of In fact a defensive e 198 Budget is, Istation and an ad Č 3 Is Cotiin the IMF, IBRD -oriented de welopich was highlighted article:. The: direct. a "crisis' contaird ech are as follows:
g of capital experbillion with the ects' bearing the ated to this is the age suբplementary : strict imposition
criteria on state
borrowings to the ) and the raising treasury bills by
Orra wings to the
Elliol,
EconoMICs
As far as the cut-back in Capital Expenditure is concernad, it must b3 ämttg that t fst8 in with the over-all stress on "fiscal discipline as a means of cooling an overheated economy. However, the fact still remains that the pattern of allocation of resources between the "lead projects' and other compoents of the Public west Tent Programme has been kept intact, In other words, the Budget does not in any way question the existing
pattern of allocation of resources and the prevailing "developmental' priorities. It appears that the
Telodramatic Tarını er İrı which the original estimates were slashed, was SLage-managed for a specific 'pLrpose“–namely, to demonstrate to the World Bank and the IMF that if it is 'fiscal discipline' that they want, then the Government is prepared to oblige. It must be clearly Linderstood that the blessings of th: IMF and the IBRD are imperative, only for development financing and balance of payments support, but even more important, to qualify for a high credit rating which would place Sri Lanka as a sound 'client' for penetration by International Finance Capital via the Transnational Bärnks and the Sri Länka Aid Consortium.
Another function of 'fiscal discip
line" is its supposedly anti-inflationary character. It is my contention hic Yợceyer, that the charatter of "fiscal discipline' enunciated in the Budget fits in well with the scenario which was aptly labelled by an eminent academic as the "paradox of inflationary deflation". (Cheryl Payer)
Firstly, the quantum of the cutback in Capital Expenditure will only have a minimal effect on confining the high level of effective demand generated, particularly, by the construction activities pertaining to the three "lead projects'-the Accelerated Mahaweli Development

Page 15
Programme, the Housing and Urban Development Programme and the GCEC. Secondly, the subordination of the State Enterprises to the 'free play of the market forces' under the guise of Profitability, Efficiency criteria and made cornpulsory by the decision to curb the use of supplementary estimatics, will necessarily lead to an upward adjustment in the price structure of the goods and services provided by the State Enterprises. Thus, tho increase in Transport fares, postal and telegraph rates, the price of milk clic. are just the initial strides cof an impandiring "galloping inflation"
Yet another consequence of "fiscal discipline' is that it virtually imposes a ceiling on the prevailing level of employment in the State Sector. To digress a buit, the retreich mant of ST 70,000 workės immediately following the July strike was openly justified by the Government, not only in political terms, but also as an economic necessity. It was repeatedly pointed out by members of the Government that the strike had made it easier for ther Til to get tid of redundant labour thereby, erabled the Ti to rationalize operations and make the State Enterprises more 'efficient'. The Budget proposal pertaining to the Cut-back on capital expenditure and the curb on supplementary estimate has, therefore, merely formalized a process which has already started taking place. However, there are clear indications that the tendency towards retrenchment of workers and the de facto ceiling on employTent creation by the state sector wil|| reach Lu Ti precedented lewels.
It is in the context of what was Stated bowe that an sic|d xinine the implications of the budgetary proposal Pertaining to the raising of the level of domestic borrowings to Rs. 3.7 billion and the raising of the limit on treasury bills to Rs. 2 billion.
The quantum of domestic borrowings by the Government could conceivably lead to a situation where the private sector Will be compelled tø cụt bäck Qn ĩnytostments due to the credit squeeze. This is not to say that the fears of the World Bank that private sector could well lose out to State sector in the competition for scară resources is valid. On the contrary, the
partnership betwe and what could E Capital (both loca W: 25tablished, providing the in clima C and ir investments by th och Cr hånd, thos Commodity produ ץ נ:וון alון"ן:rtחE iוth the resources to ci ment portfolio ta of the lucrative ex and other leading UriSIT), Construction fallen by the wa loor sector).
traders and p producers directl growth centres w ing on the brink the face of incre and concentration these circumstance employmdnt creat sector though hi; case of the Stati severely undermin Government's st buttressing the in by providing er |Cast LWC. Tombe dC35 oct hawe ar]
As far as the Eis are concerra impact is only particularly in ccc principal buyer is
The third imp the Budgetary quantum of for Dua to limitāti the complexity of Wii had be ex: fr:1 frgwark af Prefer mot Le dW Suffice it to say, |5 expected to fi Public Investment the crucial issue Bank Report to Consortium has p. ther ar not exte be available or ;
and in the Tag The irony is th .ndition is mot
Investment Progra ble Scrapped; om if tl: Codi Ilici i: Wo Ild be the trap'—:athe2tic bu peripheral' capita
To be

en the State sector e termed as 'Big' tl and foreign) is with the former ecessary business frastructure for e latter. On the engaged in petty ction catering to k and with o Luc. mange their in westreap the benefits sport-import trade g sectors like toetc. have already cyside. {{eg: handSimilarly, petty etty commodity y linked to the | Saon be lotterof bankruptcy in asing centralization of capital. Under !s, the scope for ion by the private gher than in the 2 Get Yyi || bg: Bd. I short, thig rategy aimed at pact of inflation imployment to at rs of each family y economic basi 5.
issue of Treasury d, the inflationary too well known, nomies where the the Central Bank.
ortant feature of Proposal is the "eign barrowings. ins of space and the issu 2 which iTined within the T1eo — coloniaiism, | 2 on it at length that foreign capital nanca 63% of the Programme and is, as the World the Sri Länka Aid ainted tout, "Whernal resources will appropriate terms nitude required." ha C if the abuye m2 L, The Public PTTı: Wi|| hı'ye tçı the other hand, 5 met, the cutcome INI [Kricou 5 "det I typical of most list States. Conti 1 L ed
HUNAS FALLS HOTEL
ELKADUWA
WHERE LEWERWY
PROSPECT
PLFASES . . . .
RESERVATIONS
PHONE : B | 894
| 2 | S || F. JAMES FEIRIS MAWAITHA
COLOMBO .

Page 16
The Bandaranaikes and the Left
OPTIONS AND SC
Chintaka
he Left should, in the present
Context, hawg adopted a modifical version of Lenin's position on the First World War, where he identified it as an inter-imperialist war and urged its COT Verg|On int) a Civil War, where the masses would break from, and overthrow, "their own' bourgeoisie. The Left should hawe utilized the exposure of Mrs. B and Felix, to ca|| upon the Pro SLFP mass C5 to overthrow their bourgeoisie leadership and join the Left, which is the only true alternative to the UMP, A Similar Ci should hawe been issu cd to tha pro-UNP masses in the context of the Budget burdens. The Left should have used the Commission's findings to expose the hypocrisy of the SLFP's democratic disguise as well as the shar that was the Lind Reform, the Foreign Exchange cases, etc.
The Left should point to the UNP's anti-democratic practices. This twin thrust would generate or enhance mass disgust with the two main bourgeois parties. A parallel would be the man mer in which the Artnerican "New Left" utilized the Watergate hearings and the Senate investigations of the CIA, while critici: ing the limited and bourgeois nature of those 'probes." The Indian CP(M)'s use of the Shah Commission's findings provides another example. In
siTultaneousy corrupt and
fact, that party's subtle, flexible tactics and its political campaign against Indira paid off in West
Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, and it was able to emerge as the credible alternative to the two bourgeois formations, in those important areas." Surely an examplc Worthy of emulation? The JWP is perhaps not Uma ware of this since, truc to its ideologically schizophrenic nature it has, despite its own anti-Stalinism had praise for the (Stalinist) CPI-M But the JWP has also chosen to turn a Nelsonian eye on the CPI(M)'s flexible and cooperative attitude to other left and progressive -forces such as the CPI.
4
Main blow
My argument th; context, the mair been and should thg SLFP, has a Stalinist antece der
The Octobor the to Etio 5 Caf Li
unists', Stalin Leninist tactic Imain byw â L. forces, thereby iso winning over the them, and polari. between the prir governing force) an forces. Of cours absolutize this cas by his broad allii: Id World War. to note that whi in the aftar Tath criticized Stalin's a polarization aimi at the middle Erı yer Hoxha ha 5 Lated this thesis
Extra parliame
Trotskyists (N: år: thrown into E If I SLFP er path of extra-pa struggle. In fact criticism of the Sl it was waiting Solution in 983 engage in extrapar But it is mot a that a party of til geoisie adopting ch tary road, is a p rriferiori... li fal, true, Such beha' bourgeois par"ty o it is moving away of bourgeois parlia cy. This is not : COL i tar-Te WO || Lu eron, with quasi The UNP Gowerm constitution, its rep it5 LI se of the giri the Emergency in and its deploymen

ENARIOS
it in the immediatic | blow should hawe be focussed on xcellent Leninistts. In his essay Revolution 2 rid e Russian Cosummed up the of directing the the intermediate lating these parties road masses frost zing the situation cipal enemy (the d the revolutionary Stair did not :tic, as is proven nces during the It is interesting e the Chinese CF, of de-Stalinisation, thesis of causing ng the main blow forces, Albania's correctly rehabiliis recent times.
itary politics
SSP) and Maoists 'cstasy at the idea barking upon the rliamentary mass tha NSSP's Ilmā ir FP has been that for an electoral and Wis reluctant liamentary actions. all self evident he monopoly bourle extra parliamonrogressive phenothe contrary is viour by a big nly indicates that " from the norms mentary democraprogressive, but |tiona Fy phenemfascistic features. ent's a Luthoritarian ressive legislation, med forces during the North (1979) t of the SS, are
at| pointers to a distancing from bourgeois democracy. But this carmot be taken in isolation. The UNP is merely confirming, institutionalizing and formalizing the antidemocratic authoritarian tendencies of the SLFP led UF regime. We may even say that the 1971-76 period was the most repressive period of Post independence Sri Lankan history. The SLFP and UNP regimes can be placed on a contnum, and the present regime is a linear projection (in terms of economic policies and concentration of political power) of the previous one. If the SLFP reassumes governmental office, it will definitely reconfirm and extend the present Right authoritarian trends,
What we are witnessing now is the shift away from bourgeois parliamentary norms, on the part of both political formations of the ruling dependent bourgeoisie, the UNP and the SLFP, The SLFP's in tornal reorganization parallels the reorganization carried out by J. R. Jayawardena in the pre 1979 period. The SLFP's extra parliamentary nobilization, like the UNP's has a Counter revolutionary content.
Chairman Mao berated his idcologues in the late 1970's by saying "you are supposed to be making the revolution but you don't know where the bourgeoisie is The bourgeoisic is in the Communist Party!"
Similarly, we may cell the local Macists "You are supposed to be fighting fascism, but you don't know who and where the fascists are! You are supposed to be fighting for New Democracy against imperialism and feudalism, but you don't know who the anti-democratic, feudalistic and pro-imperialist ellements arc. They are at the apex of both the UNP and the SLFP.'
The Indian CP-M, while correctly asserting that in the context of structural crisis, the capitalist class

Page 17
is IrTıp elled towards Right authori
tarianism and that this tendency was present in both big bourgeoislandlord dominated political for
nations, (Congress and Janatha) went on to identify the Congressand specifically the Indira-Sanjay caucus as the main source of the Right authoritarian danger. Later they also identified the communalist RSS within the Janatha as an equal danger. After identifying these (ie: Right authoritarianism and communalism) as the main and immediate threats, they adopted flexible tactics manifested in blocs, alliances and United fronts, and emerged not only as the governing party in three states, but also as the main organised opposition on an all-India
basis, to the ruling Congress. We must give serious consideration to the parallel proposition, nam cly
that the Dia 5 Bandaramik-Ra. Watt oligarchy with Sirima-Anura-Felix at the apex, Constitutes a chief Center (together with the JR-Upaliat W group of the UNP leadership) of Right authoritarianism. A return to governmental office by the Bandaranaikes will lead,
probably within months, to a counter-revolutionary drive aimed initially at the JWP, then at the
Tamil people in the North and the Hill Country, and finally the work
ing class movement as a whole. Right authoritarianism and communalism will go hand in hand, and a semifascist situation will ensue. Since there are only quantitative and tactical differences between the UMP and SLFP, the same fate is in store if the UNP remains at the helm. The task
therefore is to prevent the Bandaranaikes return to power and prepare to prise the UNP out of power; to block the SLFP's path and blunt its forward thrust with a view to accumulating the forces to overthrow the UNP. These are tasks which are organically linked, tasks which are part of one strategic movement.
Scenarios
Cne objection to the aboye TE} tial Ed set of tā citics is that it
would encourage the emergence of a non-Bandaranaike SLFP leadership
which would be lore reliable to el tering a coalition with the UN P. We may advance Seyeral
| tl | III ..." argument. objection. Firstly tely certain that : ized SLFP would grand coalition W fact, corta in mom | aranaike clan Seewali Ratwatte) to lead the SL alliance than are SLFP caders. Bandaranaik elized down by purges, c splits etc may b an alliance with ther c. cxists a b Left, it may be ab influence within a SLFP. Indeed, paradigm remains Loft bloc, Should Bandaranai ke-izati si rice such än SLFF arnd thro for": rTh { pressure tactics, Mrs. B's iron gri pressure can be only if the Left Hcore choo bost e the CPI-M's pro, DCITOC Fiatic Frt. alliance of the IT ing class parties, is the central ax
On the other dė Barndaramaike-i
into a grand C UMP ir 1983, 84 possibility, When
account the obje a united front o in the context turşıl Crisi 5. from leading he a Coalition becau! able parliamentar her own feudal' not permit her but first place, ps Jedd progressi da Lighters who si ing sloga 15 ir 1 or
left flank of . thus perpetua te nance. With th
these elements, leadership, 2 speci

5 against such an it is not absolude Bandal ran likeinevitably enter a it the UNP. II bers of the Banda(such as Ari Lura, are more likely FP into such an man Bandaramaike Then again, a de SLFP, y Hittigd lefections, regional e drawn towards the Left, ånd If road unity of the le to wield greater a bloc with such those whose Tain tilt f än SLFP. be glad cof a de or of the SLFP, would be weaker are open to Left Ethall ar SLFP. III 3. Clf Cour 52 Such fruitfully exerted itself is united. Ixample would be 2ct of a Left and rt, in which the Iain Marxist, Workthe CPM and CPI, is,
hand, what if a Zed SLFP is draw Dalition with the " This is a distinct one takes into ctive need for such f the bourgeoisie f deepening 5 truc*rs. B de murred party into such 5: cof the Lurn favou -- y balance of power, pride which did tC. ACC: pt. Army thing and finally, the ve Star of her pout raldia || Sound"der to dcfcnd the he oligarchy and its political domi1e elimination of
ar älterrate SLFP ally if it contains
A mura Bandarä naik, well wind up in the UNP. Should this prospect dictor Leftist from launching attacks on the Bandaranaike family at this
articular conjuncture? Should the
eft desist from the (Maoist) Policy of "flogging the cur that has fallen im to the water?" Nilo, a thousand
is .
could wery arms of the
ls the scenario sketched out above becomes a reality and a united capitalist front is formed, so much the better for the Left, for the obvious reason that a sharp polarization will take place along class lines, leaving the Left as the
Sala alternative to a UNP-SLFP combina.
There is of course, still another Scenario, namely that of parallel splits in the UNP and SLFP, and a Consequent convergence of the
dissident forces. The Upali Wije. Wardene question may eventually create such a split in the UNP, and the anti-Upali forces could merge with the anti Siririna forces of the SLFP, leaving Mr. Աբili
Wijewardene to effect an alignment between the Bandaranaikes and those a L the apex of the UMP. Mr. Anura Bandarana ike's praise for Mr. Wijewardene in parliament recently (CDN Dec 13th) could be a pointer in this regard. In Such an eventuality, the Left would hawe to consider this super alliance of the most pro-imperialist, most monopolistic sections of the bourgeoisie, this new, political "Upali Group", to be the main enemy. But let us leave this speculative discussion aside for the moment.
The key tactical tasks then, are to utilize the conflict of interests (even though temporary) among ones enemies; to take advantage of their mutual enmity, which hinder them from making a deal against us and thus free our hands for a certain period to advance and consolidate the socialist revolution. (Readers may recognise these phraSes as Lenin's).
These tactics however, must be part of the overall strategic project, namely, the unification of all anti capitalist forces for the building up of a third force as the non capitalist alternativo to the Lwo main bourgeois political formations.
5

Page 18
MAO ON “TRIAL”
N. Sanmugathasan
y staging the trial against the
four leaders, including Mao's widow, who were associated with the revolutionary policies followed by Chairman Mao Tse Tung, Particularly during the last years of his life, the Hua-Teng revisionist clique in China Is in fact putting Mao on trial. The charges for which they arc being tried and which could carry sentences of life Imprisonment or even death, stem out of their activities during the Cultural Revolution and afterwards.
It is of course well known that the cultural revolution was personally initiated and led by Comrade Mao, The present revisionist leadership of China wants to erase out the entire episode of the Cultural Revolution and to reverse its correct decisions. But it cannot do this by frontally attacking Mao because he sti|| commands immense personal and political prestige among the masses of Chinese people. Therefore the Chinesc revisionist leadership is forced to mount an attack on Mao indirectly by putting the four leaders associated with Mao on trial.
But in an attempt to muddle the real issue, the four are being tried together with followers of Lin Piao, Chen Po-ta and five former top military men in the Lin Piao clique, They are being bracketted together as the "Lin-Piao-Chiang Ching counter revolutionary group" despite the fact that the charges are fundamcntally different. Followers of Lin Fiac arc being charged with the crime of plotting to murder Chair
mail Mao, while the main charge against the four leaders is that of trying to usurp party leadership
and state power. The four leaders are also being accused of having been associated with Lin Piao during the Cultural Revolution. But, then, which genuine leftist was'nt so associated during the high tide of the Cultural Revolution? Not only Mao but Chou-En-lai, one of the patron saints of the present revisionist leadership, functioned along with Lin Piao and Chiang Ching in the Cultural
16
Revolution Commi
Whatey er bc ti trial, it is impor tionaries to under cated ideological : struggles that to the Cultural Revo classic example of his farTous tactic Contradictions (am win cower the frar and destroy your one'. The Cultural necessary because China was polised revisionism and th Capitalism, as had Soviet Union. It fight the growing right that Maco initi; Revolution. But W of the revisionists, existed different headed by Liu-S'ha Hsiao-peng, was t revisionists who Krushchew and th as a model of should be. From t stood Chou En-la Sowict domination capitulation to U. |n between stodd 50 cm s to hawe by C3 who played an the early part Revolution, becau5 knock down Liu-S that hic Himself in of power, Mao realized that the pr ists like Liu änd greatest threat to and the rifle 5 cm Up with Lin Piao to strike at Liu he did successfully
It must be real: of personality, w Surrounded Mao, latter's blessing. F explicitly in his ir Americar writer, E letter written to 1986, Mao has sai bolic word that severa would hawe so r

3.
notives of this rt for revolutand the Compli1d organisational sk place during Lition. It was 2. how Mao applied of "Make Lu se of ong the enemy), y, isolate the few enemics one by Revolution became at that time, on the road of a restoration of happened in the was in order to power of the uted the Cultural ithin the camp however, there factions. One, o Shi and Terng he Soviet style looked towards c. Sowjet Unicorn what "socialist" he opposite end i who opposed by pushing for S and the West, Lin Piao Who in a careerist but mportant role in of the Cultural he wanted to häo Shi, in order herit the mantle See This to hawe o-Soviet revisionTeng posed the socialism in China | 5 to hawe teamed and Chou En-lai and Teng which
led that the cult th which Lin Piào
newer had the e has stated this terview with the dgar Snow. In a his wife in May "ץ סewח l I haveם booklets I wrote luch supernatural
power.... It seems that I have to concur with them. It is the first time that I unwillingly concur with otheri on major questions. I have to do thing; against my own will. "But he warned his wife not to criticise Lin Piato ir order mot to create a rift in the Anti-Liu Shao Shi camp.
After the fall of Liu-Shao Shi and Teng, when Lin Pio jumped out to pursue his carreer Mao had to enlist the support of Chou En Lai. But before Chou-En-Lai died ha had mowed on to the camp that opposed Mao. That was why Mao did not attend Chou's funeral.
All these revisionist cliques had one common political line, That was the line of the "Productive forces" and "dying out of Class struggle." "We have established socialism, so there is no more need to wage class struggle," they claimed, "the task now is to concertrate on the economy and make China a powerful modern country". This was quite clearly opposed to Mao's line of continuing the class struggle and revolution under conditions of the dictatorship of the prolitariat and putting politics in colland.
Ney ertheless, Lim-Pico's fall was a traumatic event for all China and had deep repurcussions at all lewels of society. It gawe: a big boost to the right, who used it as a pretext of combating Lim's "ultra left" line to launch an assault on the cultural revolution and Mao's line as a whole. Many of those knocked down during the early part of the Cultural Revolution were brought back dring this Period, One of them was Teng - Hsiao-Peng who became the spearhead of the right, while Chou-En-Lai became the rallying point and guardian angel.
The death of Chou-En-Lai was the occassion for an attempt by Teng to assert himself, through the Apri| 5th events in Tien-anmen square. But he was struck down again by Mao personally. But the
(Continued or page: IE)

Page 19
SOUTH ASIA (5)
Balance of
N. M. M. I. Hussein
most important question for אחך thc future in international relations is who ther international order will be established on the basis of balance of power, which includes alliance systems involwing Une qual relations between power centres and some states, or whether a new international order will be based on the true independence of states as distinct from merely formal sovereignty, equality of status in state relations arising from sovereignty, and international co-operation on the basis of peaceful coexistence, which are the fundamental principles of non-alignment.
It is necessary to explain before proceeding further that "balance of power" has acquired various connotations, some of them positive, through its practice over the centuries and the ideological support given to it since the 18th century. One political scientist has given eight different meanings to "balance of power". In this paper "balance of power" is taken to mean a system which involves alliances the true nature of which was conveyed very succintly by a British Prime Minister of the 19th century, during the hey-day of British power, when he said that Britain does not seek alliances but grants them,
"Balance of power" has constituted the typical order in international relations in the past. Since the breakdown of a bi-polar world there Is the possibility of the emergence of a multi-polar world with plural power centres, or an international order based on non-aligned principles. At the present stage polarisation seems to be weak. The international order seems to be far more egalitarian than ever before, but at the same time the world is characterised by a fuctual inequality between states, in extent of territory, population, economic and military strength, greater than ever before. The present situation has been described as arTounting to "formal democracy and real oligarchy" by Raymond Aron, who
ροννε
argues that the Power has been Plot over turred. that the World phase before a is established.
Some of the the Third W. significant. The by somme of the tries see to E exponential rate, Conflicts seem Many Third Wol been Lipset by t Cco and Maurit Sahara, by Ind: East Timor, Sam in the Ogaden PI Wietnam's action China's in Wietn Urganda, etc. Na is here being it rights and wrong: It is an indubital the perception of COLITIs ièg thoige very disturbing. are allegations abo which cannot take is a propensity to of the Third Toynbee would h; 'view that the Th tries are behavin Tänner that so wali always behawed: t It is arguable tha spread in the Thi site conflicts ti now new power
and international again established of power.
The non-aligned See T5 to be in familiar claim in oric that the incr ship from 25 at t it is B. Summit in 197ë ing Strength of According to the bership adopted it fications foro mem Postulated on nor

r
traditional order of transformed, but The implication is is in a transitional multi-polar corder
developments in rld seem to be purchase of arms Third World courte growing at an and Third World 9 be increasing. *ld Countries hawe 1e action of Moroània in Westgrn nesia's action in lalia's interwention rovince of Ethiopia, in Kampuchea, am, Tanzania's in | Ludgrinent at a II 1plied about the of these actions. ble fact that in many Third World actions have been Sometimes there ut wars by proxy, place unless there fight on the part World countries, ave been of the ird World coung exactly in the Teigi : Cate5 ha'ye hey go to war. t anarchy might rd World with King place, until centres emerge order is once through balance
TO 'w'TEt its IF difficulty. It is a non-aligned rher:a.Se in Teen birhe Belgrade Sumat the Colombo shows the gather
the movement, Criteria for mem7 1961, the qual|- bership are mainly l-involvement in
With 56 years of
experience and tradition
behind us C. W. Mackle &
Co. Ltd., offers you the
expertise in export of
Sri Lanka's traditional
and non-traditional
products. Not only that,
Our Well established
Import Department with
it's competent know how
create that unique
atmosphere for
International trade.
C. W. Mackie & Co. Ltd.,
3Ğ, D. R. Wijewardene Mawatha,
Colombo.
Telephoпе: 34446,34447,34448,34449
Telex: 209

Page 20
military alliances conceived in the context of great power rivalry, and the refusal to concede military
bases to a foreign power in the context of great power rivalry. But military alliances and bases
progressively became less important
for the great powers, and this led to the possibility that some Countries could qualify for non
aligned membership while being in fact aligned. The Declaration adopted åt thc: Colombo Summit was notable for its emphasis on the importance of maintaining the true direction of the non-aligned movement. Subsequent developments hawe not been encouraging.
Non-alignment might also be seen as a post colonial expression of the liberal utopianism of 18th century Europe, which in this century led to the League of Nations and the United Nations, The reaist critique of non-alignment would regard it as having unrealistic objectives after the manner of European liberal utopianism. The 18th century nation of "harmony of interests', between individuals and between nations, Was Tide
possible by the
sion of productic prosperity which y cars following til Adam Smith's
Nations', that is quarter of the
ColorT i SitĻJätis thereafter, but
'harmony of inte going by the Um significantly had a tic market till af the enthusiasm of for the League
is the analysis
his The 20 yea Lutopian backgroIII of Nations and In terms of this it could be argu principles might
in the context
World economy, economy is in di
This rclii, ciri anticipate the e power centres, un equal relations, a new for Ti cof context of the
FOR MVE OVER A
ARISTON H
GLOBAL REPUTATION IN THE FIELD
ARISTON'S HAVE OPENED OUT N
EXPORTS
ARISTONS TOURS No. 5, Gower Street, COLOMBO 5.
Cables: 'TURNTIDE'.
|N AN EN DEAWOUR TC) CO
HEAT)
A R S TO
5, Gowi
Colo
Phone: 88.436,

Lunparalleled expanin, population and marked the OO he publication of | The Wealth of um ti| the third 9th century. The changed in Europe the illusion of a : rests" was ke PI ited States, which expanding domicste 1929. Hcence, Woodraw Wilson of Nations. This by E. H. Carr in 5 risi5' of the nd of cho League he Jied Nations, realist critique, ed that non-aligned ha'ye müde seri,58 of an expanding but the World fficult straits today.
tique would today mergence of new alance of power, in other words,
facing difficulties that seen to be insuperable for the foreseeable future, new forms of economic i Tıpėrialisti might ble årticipated. But the economic theory of imperialist of Hobson and Lenir seems to hawe been successfully challenged by Schumpeter and others. A rew iwal of economic Imperialis T1 need поt be regarded as an inevitable outrome of the present situation.
(To be concluded)
Mao on trial . . .
(při ti r Lied fr:Ti dge Ič) death of Mao in September 1976 weakened the left camp and the right carried Out the Coup-de-tat in October 1976, by which they arrested the four leaders without the sanction of the Central Cominittee, Polit bureau or its standing committee. Now four years after the arrests, a secret trial is going to be arranged.
Whatever be the Outcome of this trial, the Hua-Teng clique will not succeed in wiping out the rewolutionary image of Mao and his associates from the minds of
imperialism. In the the Chinese people and the inter
world economy national communist movement.
- -
ΟΕΝΤΙΝΗ γ
AWE BUILT UP
OF EXPORTS AS WELL AS IMPORTS
EW WISTAS
|N NON-TRADITIONAL
NTRIBUTING FOR NATIONAL GROWTH
:ܕ:
() FFICIE
NS LTD.
er Street,
.5 סbוך
8 2 IO 2, 8 O 36
EXPORT DEPARTMENT
40, Front Street, COLOMEC) ||
2 | 302 RUWANI
Telex:

Page 21
A. citizens 28 equal, but...
Way Citize F1 5 h 27 || bg disr Flori frissed ag caii Sf C.F. The groE ridis gf race, rFligion, Trgslage, ca sre, sex, political op fr7 foy, place of birth or Trip one ofsuch grounds. — Article r g (2) / The
Cr y 713. Y ffurfio 77
AER: and intelligent graduate applied the other day for a
Jobs as a Statistical inwo Stiga Lor at
a State Research and Training Institute. He was interviewed by a senior official who asked him what he had done since
he graduated. "I was helping my father while waiting for a job," answered the young man. "And what does your father do?" asked
the official. "He is a laundryman," said the applicant truthfully. The interviewing official immediately changed his tack, "In that case," he said, 'why don't you follow your father's occupation? We hawe a residential section here which
has laundry for washing, and we
can give you the job." The applicant declined the generous offer. What makes the story still
more interesting is that although this young graduate was considered Luns Litable because of the work his father was doing, the institute has several statistical in wes
tigators who are not graduates, nor is the official with dirty linen in his head a graduate himself.
Indian cinema
The screening of Shyam Benegal's powerful film. Ankur, at the Lionel Wendt Film Society's International Film Festiwal this month raises once again the question why we nover See anything of the best Indian cinema in the normal circuits. There is no cinema from which our film-makers can learn morte and no foreign cinema to which intelligent audiences can respond better (because of the similarity of social context and experience) than the new Indian
T,
cinema — especiall Malayalam and T: the finest work generation of liri remains unknowl while we are stil commercial produ and Madras studi fact that in Lond more good Indian
than we hawe hat title.
One Purpose foi ower of film impi Film Corporation' by the Film Com tend and diversify
reign-films brought
Yet this i 5 wher the SFC has beer Under the last r tion of imports Crous by a gut ( Crazy Boys farc administration of
restored the 5tat
ted before the film imports, and t Commercial Indian
to be the domina | прогL 5.
Th: SFC"g r15W be that it is givir they want. This Was thrashed out mission's report: audience-taste in a tion by giving t kind of cinema, t to ask for what accustomed to. are already discri of the audianco goers who seeth and English-languag perfectly capable the serio Lis - Indi; doubt the SFC Take out of a fi if it were to im profits that it de of the Hindi musi But do we need tion to run the f
(ČDn třnued črt f
 

Puchstone
y the Kannada, lugu cinema. Yet lone by the new dian filim-makerg to our audiences, given only the its of the Bombay os. It is a sad or of Cal See cinema in a year here in a life
r which the takearts by the State was recommended mission Was to exto the range of foto the local screen. e the failure of I most conspicious. gime nationalisaMayaStendered ludi2f Carry On and es. The present the SFC has only Jis quo that exisnationalisation of he American and
tinueחםC הוחCImE It sources of film
er will no doubt Ig film-goers what is a question that in the Fill CoITif you condition Particular direchem a particular hey will continue they have been However, there minating sections (the samo filmc better Sinhala ge films) who are of responding to ln Cinéma. No cannot hope to Im lika Ankur, Port II, the big : rives from One Cal extravaganzas. a State Corporailm industry like
}dge 24)
YOUR SELECTION FOR A PROTEIN RICH MEAL
ATT A FLO UR
IT IS MMOST NOU RISHWNG AND
HEALTHY
PREPARE -
MEAL WITH
ATTA FOUR
Rs. 229 - PER BAGOF50 Kg.
RULANG (semolina)
FOR SWEETS MAKE OUT OF HIGH QUALITY WHEAT
Rs. 376– PER BAG OF 55 Kg.
Please Corraci
Sri Lanka State Flour Milling
Corporation
No. 7, Station Road,
Colombo - 3.
Telephone: 2300, 23152, 28008
PAMILT BLE

Page 22
Voluntary Sterili For All
MYCeffWe
Goverлте
. A Mi
to botl
employ (This Pay
2. 3 days 7 days
(This in a employes
Contact
your neа
Hospital
FOR HEALTH AND
PLAN A SMALL FAI
(Issued by t
O

Zation
S by
PP
imum of Rs. 500 will be paid
h males and females - whether
'ed or unemployed
ment is made to meet Incidental expenses)
full-pay leave for male employees
full pay-leave for female employees
ddition to the full pay leave for which the ! is entitled)
rest Government
or the AGA
PROSPERITY
MILY NOW
he Ministry of Plan Implementation)

Page 23
  

Page 24
these moves by using the tools of repression to stay in power for as long as possible,
The enormity of the crisis which engulfs the present strategy for capitalist development in Sri Lanka is clearly reflected by the many upheavals in the political sphere. We know that, turn and turn about, the UNP and the SLFP gawe political leadership to Strategies of Caಣ್ಣ: development in Sri Lanka, Today, the two are engaged in a subtle tug-of-war, in which the threat of one swallowing the other is great. | El secmis as if Sri Lanka m 22ds tWo parties to give political leadership to its capitalist system In the '70 - 77 period, the SLFP, together with the two reformist parties, the LSSP and the CP (who today protest that they did not enter into the government in order to bring about the dawn of socialism in that cra) passed on the burden of the capita|st crisis to the ordinary People of this country. Since 1977, the UNP has continued this task. To achieve this end, they have chosen the policy of an "open' market, large-scale foreign loans and the FTZ, which were all part of the SLFP's planned strategy in the last days of their regime. They were not able to implement these policies due to their fall from power, but the UNP to di Cārtie 5 or the s3, si : policies with gusto. However, knowing that political power will be snatched out of their hands as a
result of thes: Så The policies, wę W should not be surprised to see the UNP adopting drastic political ploys W
il cor der to com er hras o hir
position. The now Constitution, the proportional representation system, (OT the imposing of civic disabilities and all repressive legislation is a Η Ι part of this scheme, We wiew the CC conflict between the UNP and the SLFP as a There quarrel between fo
JR and Sirima as to what should be the Tode of Capitalist econoTic development in Sri Lanka. What is evident now is that the capitalist class has become stronger under JR's rule - this is why the entire capitalist class extends its wholehearted support to him. Our
country is in the Erip of the crisis F. that pervades all underdeveloped capitalist countries. The groups that are in power concestrate on Preventing their own fal|| from
 

ninvitation.
'henever you want orchids. hether it is a solitary stalk, beautiful presentation basket,
a gay profusion elegantly ranged for an important occasion ... Ime to the Fern & Flower I orchids that are beyond words,
- Øණ්ට් =Rု%)
HOTEL TA PRO BANE, FoRT. TELEPH o NE: 2o3s 1

Page 25
political grace rather than on solving this critical situation. What can we expect from the present ruling clique which is committed to act in the interests of a specific class? It can be seen that the ruling clique headed by JR is engaged in stabilising its constitutional dictatorship in a very shrewd manner. Yet, boging not experts but Tere! citizens of this country, we clearly seg the truth of the "Mahāweli illusion' and the stumbling blocks of the FTA,
We Tust wiew the left movement in this country through the spectruri of the for ration of the rightwing forces in this country. Accordingly, my opinion is that the left movement in Sri Lanka today
is going through an extremely sluggish phase. The movement grew and progressed from the 1930s
onwards; the uprising of workers,
and the common masses in 1953 was the high point of this development. With its defeat, we
clearly saw the true nature of the leadership of the LSSP and the CP, which were the two political parties most powerful within the working class movement. They ended up in the arms of the bourgeoisie. As I said before, the JWP was crganised, and grew, as a response do these
betrayals. This party, which spread largely among the youth of this country, faced severe repression
after the defeat of the uprising of 1971. Today they are active once again. But now their goals also pose a problem for us. After the struggle of '55, the leadership of the CP and the LSSP strowe to graft an survival instead of militancy on to the working class movement. This was the only way in which they could realise their personal ambitions ! It is becoming clear that the leadership of the JWP is also moving along the same path, he attitude of the JWP towards the recent strike was the starting plint of its journey along this path.
This is why I say that this strike
has been a standard for measuring the pulse of all political parties in Sri Lanka today. There is no
doubt that the UNP, which is now in power, came forward in all its strength to repress tha strike, and that the SLFP, ending its support, in principle, to this end helped to
sabotage it. Yet the CP and the
biggest Crisis in
reformist ideolog. arid the CF trid the Working clas: they were in p: |Tltչն է:Ifl:Ilլ "": 5: e2 lirminated | t5 o'W th:25 e fillows arte the support of w
2' 21 to SLS i
cally. The major clamour. The la the working clas with other sectio threwy them aut mentary El Dor engaged in produ the capitalist clas:
AS fai" as | ca which consists c labout unions and act as the poli capitalist SLFP ar left-wing parties, minority of wor sations that bloi forces, is no long It could not act the time of the full of carboard rose up to drive organisation purel Qf differences in Up to now t unable to organ of action to sup Wwho hawe been repressive actions Not. c:'wern a 5uto agi tation has bë they could do w membership, in se to the repressiv JR's regime. The Ji ded, inactive and st: to the various a of the political it leadership. Af deat a death blow idea of the SLFP CP seers to b trurlıp card in th The hunger and strikers contain enthusias ill. Thes lent their 'full Sup un til it got off t ned this tactic a. untered JR's rep to consider this mcars of s trengt

it is the LSSP, JWP that face the this regard. The y that the LSSP to generatic within Tỉ1CYēmant while CW or With in this strong that it n creators. Today, unable to obtain orking class forces the Tiselwes politity is deaf to the rger numbers of s, which, together ns of the people, of their Parliaado, are today cing a surplus for s of this country.
In see, the JTUAC if a majority of federations which :ical arms of the Id the reformist as well as the king Class organing to other radical er a LInited group. in unity even at strike, But it is Strong men Ywho US out of the y On the strength political ideology, hey have been ise a programme port those strikers victimised by the of JR's regime. essful campaign of :en launched All as to advise their cret, to bow down 'e edicts of the U AWC is. Such a di wiIgnant group owing pinions ånd idgas arties that give jer the strike vas w by JR, the only the LSSP aid the 2. CC use it as a i C: mccx . Celictions. the sighs of the their hopics and c partics, which port' to the strike nic ground, abando: 500m 45 i ti EIT CO2ression, and began repression as a hening their own
parties. Regarding the result of the strike, they put forward an intrgu ing formula: "Solwe this muddle as quickly as possible by bowing down to JR; if this is not possble, join our front and help us to win in the elections of 1983; stay alive till then; we will give yoU your jobs, even if you're dead by then'! They think of the repercussions of the strike in terms of nothing other than that they may be able to use the situation to get if not all, at least one or two, of their men into Parliament at the next elections.
I feel that this strike has clarified several issues. (1) Bourgeois ideology has the working class
movement in a stronger grip than any of us had imagined; (2) This is a direct result of its prolonged control by refornist parties; (3) Only a long drawn-out and painful struggle can rescue the working class mo woment from this situation,
Does the clamour raised by the WP, who mouth ideas similar to Some of those | hawe given above, but in a glaringly out of context and disjointed manner, mean that it is the true guide of the working class movement? Not at all. They who laugh at other's nudity do not see that they are stark naked themselves! Even though they do not realise how they intimidated and betrayed the strike just as the CP and the LSSP did, all thosc with some sense and underStanding of the working class movement have acknowledged this to be a fact. According to one leader of the JVP, "the primary significance of the strike is nothing but a loss in income for the party". Therefore, what is more important is not the working class struggle but the survival of the Party! In fact - no matter if the te is no working class struggle, no working class movement, no working class itself! What is important is that there should be a party to guide it ! Let everyone know that in our Country there are not on 2 or two but three or four of this kind,
It is significant that you ask me about the path for today. As said before, there is only one path along with we should travel; there is only one path to drive
23

Page 26
away the bourgeois and reformist ideology and power that reigns with in the working class movement today. This is the path of instituting the victory of proletarian rewolutionary ideology and power. It is a long and wearisome path. We will hawe to attack and face counter-attack. It is incwitable that many who start off with us will fall by the wayside. It will be a struggle against Farliamcm tarisc parties, a struggle to build cxtraParliamentary forces; a struggle against those who shout out rowolutionary slogans and keep Parliament firmly in view; a struggle against the UNP, the SLFP, the the LSSP, the CP and the JWP.
Numerically speaking, and thanks to the reformist parties, the maj 3rity of the working class is gathered around the true represenLati Wes of the bourgeoisie, the SLFP and the UNP. It is no simple task to rescue this majority from their grip, and, developing their class consciousness, to reaffirm within them the objectives of the social revolution. This task can be accorplished by launching an unceasing and organised ideological attack against the capitalism of the UNP and the SLFP, the reformism of the LSSP and the CP and the neoreformis II of the JWP. This is the task of the day confronting all Working class revolutionary CommUnists.
Q: What are the chances of the WP reorienting itself and adopting a correct line? What in
your wjew are the JWP's prospects? Finally, What of your o Wrı political future?
A: When one considers the problems that hawe arisen in connection with the programme of action adopted up to now to bring about the victory of the JWP's policy declaration. We can sco two factors wery clearly. Either the programme of action was not a systematic one, but one constructed as and when the necd arose; or clic programme that LIք O C has not been revealed to the membership exists. Whatever the truth of the matter, the opportunities to discuss shortcomings of the programme of action planned out by the leadership of the JWP,
교
within the pari Indeed. They sp prevent the gene the party from
of the facts rega differences betwe the JWP's leaders they realised that t
Conflict of opini they first built u of opinion agains
the country and to a discussion, Out that such a be fruitless, they around thic island Wold not attam It is because of nature that they below their digni as to reach a le. befitting to the r ship of a politic because we hawe that we hawe no Party struggle" because it is ab 5 to struggle agains ism of the JWP's and because withi ar 3 til is || unithinkable, that launch such a stru the party. Even as a gesture of present political the party, we m. that ther is a CC of militants withir åre also opposed reformist trends.
The major prot a group who war ted to the party: Period, ha y ė tc f. of the future of
Tenti com od ar liet, able to bring blossoming within IT12nt in Sri Lärka past decada mair Towerlet had weakened by the betrayals carricid di titornal reform is: It seems that the of the JWP has historical facts Carri, with att fer, attempt of the p to guide a move militant experience according to their

, are limited red no pains to a membership of coming to know ding the political In ourselves and ip. As soon as lere Wa5 3 SeriOLS xm be tweer U5, 2 a strong wave us throughout hey summoned us When we pointed discussion would Cr 2 ITT, CT2 WC2, t. declaring that we any discussion, this authoritarian hawe not felt it y to fa || So low fel which i5 mot esponsible leaderall party. It is been in the JWP faith in an "inner within it. It is olutely necessary t the no reformpresent leadership In the party such mpossible, really we decided to ggle from outside though we left protest against trends within Ist keep in mind 2nsiderable group the party who to the current
}lem that we, as e actively dewaFor a considerable ace now is that
the JWP. As , the JWP was about a certain the left Towethroughout the ily because the previously been series of great out by the traleft-wing parties. present leadership forgotten these completely. We predict that the resent leadership
ment based on 25 of the past, own formist
aims, will be a disastrous failure, and that they too will meet with the same fate as the leaders of th 2 traditional reform ist left mowgment. Time single reason for this is that within the JWP there are a large number of militants who arc dedictaed to the struggle for a structural transformation of our society. It is inevitable that the social reformist Lrends that arte now in ascendance will be defeated and the triumph of social revolutionary trends is assured. The present belief of the JWP's leadership, that 'in order to build up a strong party that can confront the gigantic repressive machinery of JR, one must lead a peaceful and struggle-less existence in the
present will, in the future, be clearly revealed to be best tactic of social reformism.
The political consciousness of an
individual is something which is moulded in accordance with the changes taking place within the country's political sphere. Those
who, while living within a bourgeois political framework, engage in an attempt to develop a proletarian revolutionary consciousness aro Ilost quickly subject to these changes. This is the truth regarding myself as well. From the time became linked with the left movement, I have been caught up in its currents and cross-currents. In the present too, I see myself in the same situation. Just as all other who are politically conscious, I too arm bound to be moulded by the changes which take place in the country's political framework,
All citizens (Continued frat Page 7)
distributor? I am not Cxpecting a total change in che pattern of Indian films imported: that would be utopian. All I am asking for is some diversification in the quality of Indian films imported each year šo as to include at least a few of the more serious films, with a recognition that profit-making should not be the sole criterion for a national film corporation.
a commercial

Page 27
A unified : contributic diversi
The Browns Group of Compa of trade, industrial and agricul With the acent on Group Pro
specialisation, each Momber or to provide services and goods (
Group, as a whole, is based
which as su res you of the o y
"O
THE BROWNS GRC
481, Darley Road, Colombo (
AGRICULTURE INDUSTRY,
TOUR, |SM, EX
 

and unique on through Fication
nies Co w er almost, è very aspect Iural de welopment i Sri Lanka. gres 5 through diversification and
Associate Company is equipped If the high est standard. Yet the on a concept of unificd service, era benefits of its combined
I rէ է: -
DUP OF COMPANIES
). P. O. Box 200, Te || 9 || || 7 || — 8
ENGINEERING, TRANSPORT, PORTS, TRADE.

Page 28
', A39.
 

aņķas
O
idenjoya taste of Paradise along the way
Wenow offer more than 60 flights weekly between Inka and the world. Our network stretches to Zurich, Rome, nkfurt, Paris and London in the west; Dubai, and Bahrain, he Middle East; Karachi, Bombay, Madras, Trivandrum, Bangkok, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore. And wherever you fly s, in Tristar,707 or 737 comfort, you'll be served in the warm
and gentle style you'd expect from the airline if the country that travellers throughout §A>
ave thought of as Paradise. ARLANKA A taste of Paradise
| Call your Traxel Agent of Air Larse ka