Page 11
the Programme of socialist modernization (which would utilize foreign technology while being based mainly on self reliance), Chou quietly insti. tuted a policy of rehabilitating weteran cadres of the Chinese Corn inLunist Party — Deng Hsiao Peng and Hu Yao Bang being prominent among these,
Contrary to these positive traits in the field of domestic policy, Chou En-lai corrmitted éxt်းဒါးမှ grave errors in the foreign policy realm in the period of the Cultural Revolution and after, that is to say, in the last decade of his life. Not only did he go along with the thesis of capitalist restoration in the USSR, he was also the first prominent Chinese leader to voice publicly the idea that the USSR was "social imperialist'. This was in August 1968, following the Czech incident. While Lin Biao held to the erroneous line of the CCP's 9th Congress (1969) which enviSaged a two front struggle against
US imperialism and Soviet 'social imperialism', Chou En-lai took an EE. TE E", "Cill E - Lig position.
In the wake of the Czech incident, the Sino-Soviet border clashes, and the US retrench ment from Wietnam following the Tet Offensive, Chou and “äo held the wiew that a US imperialism on the decline was |ess of a da Inger to China than a USSR on the offensive. This led to the strategic reorientation of Chinese foreign policy from 1970
-7 onwards. Chou Enlai's formula tion at the 1973 |Oth Congress, that the worlds people should
unite against the two superpowers,
namely Sowjet Social imperialism and US imperialism encapsulates this strategic line. Deng Hsiao Peng restated it in his 1974
address to the UN General A55embly which set forth in theoretical form, the new foreign policy outlock of Mao and Chou. This was the famous "Theory of the Three Worlds". The counter revolutionary Chinese position on the Bangladeshi issue, the massacre of the Sudanese Communists, and the April 1971 Insurrection were the stark examples of the changed course in the PRCs foreign policy, a rightward shift for which Chou En-lai must bear responsibility together with Mao Tse tung. The letter which Chou penned to the repressive bour
geois regime of is surely an ugly cheon of that gr
Despite these
ETT OTS COTT" | 2, of his life, the pc ins the dominant ment of Chou,
-Leninist and pr onary, Chou EnfoL5 services the Chinese te" cause of socialis Chima, and in
great contributi. revolutionary prc
A post — scr MAO
N. San mug
İnce my art Sje W፯5 yed, I add the
The exempla: courage display cc in the Co Luirt wi pefinitely faced death and had be even before be descrves a speci.
She : has donc has courageouly lutionary past that whatever she the leadership of present revisioni attacking Mao thr
She is reporte an old Chinese p oing to strike a of its master," חבוחI Was Chair"
ever he told me
She has al. featlessness in th She is reported a revolutionary beheading, divorc cut of the Par declared, "It is

Siti Ta Banda analke blot on the escuteat revolutionary.
extremely grawe in the last decade sitive aspect rema
orne in any ä55 e55A great Marxist letarian revolutla i renderd erto the victory of volution and the
struction doing so, made a on to the World cess. The respect
ript
and love of the Chinese people for
the memory of Chou En-lai proved
a major obstacle to the designs of
the Gang of 4, and the attempt
of the latter to revile the memory
of Chou, Prಳ್ತ an important
clam Cnt in their undoing. The well de Served Publication of 2 volumes of Chou's Selected Works this
January is symbolic of the fact that
the Chinese Communist Party is following his course in struggling against the ultraleft Gang of 4.
correctly reassessing Comrade Mao, rectifying style and pursuing the goals of Socialist Modernization.
ON TRIAL
atha San
icle on the above inadvertently delaa few paragraphs.
ry revolutionary | by Chiang Ching here she almost the sentence of 2en adjudged guilty ing found guilty, Il trib Lute,
two things. She defended her rewoand openly stated did she did under Mao. She accused the st leadership of "ough her.
d to have quoted roverb, "If you arc dog, think first She told the court
Mao's dog. Whom: to bite, bit."
so displayed her (2 face Clf death. to have said that TU5 t not ficar e, or being driven ty. "She proudly not but your
small gang that is on trial in the
court of history."
Contrast this with the snivalling of Teng Hsiao-ping when he was Placed in a similar position during the Cultural Revolution. At a session of self-criticist of the Central Committee of the China se Communist Party, held in October 1966, Teng declared, "I have not raised high the banner of Mao Tsetung Thought, I have not even raised this banner up!" He ended his preliminary self-criticis T with the slogan
"Long live the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution
Long live invincible Mao Tsetung Thought!
Long live the great teacher, the great helms man and the great leader Chairman “lao!
In the hearts of millions of Chinese and as well as people all over the world, Chiang Ching's exemplary and revolutionary...behaviour before counter-revolutionary persecution has earned her the title of a heroine on her own right. She was like a Caged tiger in court.
9

Page 12
JVP- the curren
situation
Q. li'ould it he correct lă say that you consider the prevailing Eyalar ce of forces to be sich har direct actio and Hass struggles agains the UNP Govery left are risky Idve res footero file FWi,7ľ is vo z r. 73 ses Srie, ľ čof ľ're present conjunc i tyre ariel III e Irlski of the Lefr in the curreff Sir Hariri'
A. We do Mot, Cyper for al tiny fraction of a moment, consider the existing balance of forces to be such that direct action and mass struggles against the UNP regime are risky and doomed to failure. Although not publicised by bourgeois and petty-bourgeois mcdia, the JWP has engaged and is engaging in direct action and mass struggles against the governing bourgeiosie to a far greater extent than all other parties of the so called left do - which makes your opinion null and void. For instance in Thuhiriya Textile Mills, the Socialist Worker's Union of the VP embarked an direct action with the sprightly participation of the workers for the first time in the reign of the present UNP government. In fact there are Tany more examples that can be quoted.
Nevertheless, everytime the JWP put its best foot forward, the petty-bourgeois leadership which is
A grade Erigreering from Peradeniya Campus, Lorel Ropage, Who Servel fi y'ears rigore) is ir pris Jr - P77 er 7 f, is the cu 77 'y' p r ) r77 frier neither of the JVP's (Fre "7 ) "a les (Gruia "d" 7 ) rei F77 ir ar Rosarz I Wije weer cu's side roday. Bopage fis I he I lu Thor af a hooklet ol “A Marxisi arcy's is of The Natio Fra) Prer". He is is frtisNa e iri i tij Siri i Ilir" Lëri i I's "April Theses. He is Acrg. Gen. Sec. of the I WP.
to the Hilt blir cau and է arran, was ; the struggle.
No matter whe the ruling UNP bourgeois regime struggles must alw guided by a proleta party. It is quit: strife can be le che absence of p and organization. launched by fed
JTUAC failed I they lacked these crucial factors,
The present bo no doubt, walking The political ri bourgeios socio-24 presently be witn UNP, the SLFP petty-bourgeois of repression cort by both parties are riore than E this. Despite all been instances w class (mot as a though) militantly forefront of actic its overwhelming from the capitalis did tha: partles so-called left do Didn't they, on guiding the strugs utrTigSt assistant9 rulers to crush aspirations of the they wholehear Ļrdes cap thousands of prole aries and impris. life? They indeec have the blood on their palms T. that it was their la that gave rise to and lethargy pers class åt present,
CircLImstances evident that we tasks before us: the proletariat

cratic, reformist ill out to let go
ther it is against cor any other in power, Ta55 rays be correctly rian, revolutionary a obvious that no d to victory in ro per preparation The 'struggles' erations such as miserably because two transparently
Lrgeois regime is, | on a tightrope. flection of the It is crisis, Call e 53 ed all over the and every other for Illation. Acts 1mitted aspecially °r T |970 tab date nough to pro We that, there hawe here the working complete force came to the in and expressed desire to be fr:: it squeeze. what representing the on such occasions
the pretext. cf gle, render their to the bourgeois the hopes and proletariat? Didn't tedly help the italist 5 T553 CITE tarian revolutionin the rest for I did. They who If the Proletariat ust admit the fact rge-scale betrayals the nonchalance ading the working
being so, it is
hawe two major firstly, to relieve of the petty
Interview with Lionel Bopage
bourgeois, extremely opportunist, utterly sluggish leadership and then to make it rally round a truly revolutionary party of its own. The JWP has struggled, is struggling and will continue to struggle Lintil guich time that thc Proletariat, is totally emancipated. Its actions will always be as direct as can be, and by the word 'trul5 it as ri 1155 struggles, nothing else.
A Party to Which ya II leve reserre Wiki y') reëblly' ) ? Coccersias, le CPM), l'hile essertig fra le ciclis class 1's beig irripellel I CO11'T r el riglif a Llorifranjs Inc thfs fendercy Was prese 77 f iri hoth h Q Zurgeois-Marx allora political for"Yřia filo JZ S", Th'erio (ow to identify the Congress (I) and sprificly the dirா-Siy : as the Iain source of the right maritari erger. fero idertij virg this Is the rri ai i aria irrr media te threat, they adott ed flexible facia", (Calliances, blocs efc) which eralled they to energe Is ffe gyer"|77 frog p7 r' y ir 5 stares arid as the r air orgart ised oppo sition T ! () the Congross. DQ J'ai see d'IJ'' Iseful parallel o 1'er flere o More concretely would 'sly identify the Lics Baldra Haike - Rat state fanily group, 'if ( Siriria and Αττι. Για κι Ι ή IPε και, ας Πίτε η επίτι ďči Figer ľa ďay"? Pła u ľď 'ů I. vaj" fi af he cert '7''' ( 75 k is fa prever Their refrir a Po'i'er Silice al 1'Grill 'Esul fil a righf í7rifhL ritarfan or veriff-scoff offs soro Do Jocr er visage ca. 717.555 fy'é Suppression of L S SSLLS S S L S S LGGLLLGGLHHLLGLLLLL LLLL return to gover Yerital office? Does f die ir 77 i ffre 7 f of Coffer 'e' '1', 'Iffrir era e roy hero
A. By and large, there are certain issues on which the JVP sees eye to eye with CPI (M). The Moscow Peking controversy could be regarded as one such issu 2. Ther': 'wiw: obser" w:d with clarity that they be not blindly follow in the footpath of either the Moscow or Peking camp but adhere to their own assessments of the international political situation and frarne their own Conclusions regarding the samg, We could

Page 13
hardly expct a behaviour of this nature from any of the so-called Cortunist Parties, Blind imitation,
which is one of the causes of the opportunist stands of these Cornmunist Parties is, however, firmly rejected by the JVP Yet, we are not in agreement with the CPI (M) concerning the line of action and programme of work adopted by it. to further the tasks of the Indian Socialist Revolution. Non ethelass, we feel quite able to have a fruitful dialogue with them for the simple reason that they hawe leaned neither on Moscow nor on Peking.
Despite the fact that the CPI (M)
managed to attain parliamentary power in three Indian States, we state positively that their identification of the Janatha Party to be better than the Congress () is incorrect altogether. We rigidly maintain that the Janatha Party is as much an enemy of the proletariat as the ruling Congress () is. Both these parties of the capitalists can never be chosen between when it comes to the point of Indian Socialist Revolution,
(C) Lur åtti Ludd towards the twin bourgeois groups - the UNP and the SLFP-down here in Sri Lanka is just the same. Never do we consider either of them to be better than the other. Opposed to the revolutionary movement of a country, is the capitalist class as a whole. The central task is, howeyer, the transformation of the existing capitalist system into a socialist one.
Surely, there cannot be anything
More central thar that,
As for the couple of queries
you have raised lastly, we are
positive, in accordance with our assessment of the prevailing conditions, that the SLFP can NEWER again come into governmental office in Sri Lanka.
2. The November 1979 issue of your paper 'Ginisiluya' var ned that the UNP is dar rempt ing f a Concert rate all poker fri the hards of the individuať a vid fherehy build a bourgeois dicta orship. The 'Niya niya issue of April 5, 379 spoke of thé need to Shoulder the immedia te task of de ferdig der Lucre fic: riglifs. It is
fris perspective ! b'ou o ir r ii iare
Ir 7 ir el cria VI fouge! les parties. Thé issue of "Rarh . the formation of e 77 el e yer had a . If I he JTU. afterwards hotel'er Τιμ. Soon, ο ν εΙr (de Claret yw'r torri III / κία νοι εκμίαιη Ι
If the breaking LSSP 1" title: "I refer the loc constituent partie corrusia FTF ? - R First Cap Pgre, FF Ffe. fhere is seither f. 77 or subjective ca, (cf for for der Tocra I. (Irie K. Does f'ref' yra L have PEr Fr EffPg 1'srich
*
A We hawe pronounced that t to coalesce with : Prepared to wo building socialism. started enacting all tion and implemer of terrorism agai class in 1979, function. We had Safeguarding the hu tic rights of the the JVP gauged would not be po. do this alcme, sin petty-bourgeois pa the majority of t in their trade unii circumstances, the best to en ter in te and appeall thus ti astray to set out
path. No sooner dome than ha " 'action' against
crudest mammer.
ho means a bla: there for the 5: and 'teaching". Duri table days of 'u reliably learnt tha comprised all ant —JWP elements wh to atta in their cowr rather than secur rights of the pr we quit, we convIn of their trade uni

ef & E; ES VEl
a campaign of "her with 5 other ! Octaher I (7.
(7Yrk (2, Triniaid Priced
this cricor blac kiri al 1 Word | (o sayo Č, Noť log . this Ela broke Jy g&o, y) fiad
TLAC, II, is
o ve s de f the Jozi asteri pt 10 tit f lze u trer is or with fresh esolution of your ľ ľey ľhať pre serifly ri Ejective Freed tacity for fired "rico right 5 befit'e er Thίς τα Ι' ητεία η 'l. La Paged Jyotr l'equa ed e rier
wery clearly he JVP is ready any political group "k uprightly for
As the UNP repressive legislahting their plans
inst the working the immediate to shoulder was Imam and democra2 Thasses. There correctly that it 5sible for it to Ce bourgeois and rties were holding he working class omis. Undert these JVP thought It » the 'action bloc' o the masses led on the correct had this beer tion bloc' started :he JWP in the Though it was by it, We remained ike of "learning' ng those unforgetnit Cc action' we it the action bloc i-pralcarian, antі | 052 Sol IT was 1 Literior motives the treasured "oletaria. Bafore Iced the workers ons, als and When
the circumstances permitted, that they had been tragically misguided.
Even when the first congress of the JWP was in progress, our estimation of the UNP regime was different from those of other contemporary political formations. Most of them asserted that it was a fascist one but we said it was mot. It was, and still is, a bourgeois regime using fascist tactics. (If we Call the present bourgeois regime fascist then how are we to call the previous SLFP-LSSP-CP one We, therefore, continue to maintain - as we did earlier on - that there is no objective need at present for united action against a fascist regime.
Further, if at all you say that we had been "kind' to the JTUAC are Indeed misreporting. We ave perceived beyond any doubt
that the Thore we arte kind to them, the longer our people will have to suffer, and that's that,
We are mot so insensible lor insane as to believe that they who murdered those very rights and buried them in the sand of their disgraceful past, will genuinely co
operate with us to dig them up
rd resurrect the,
Q. Ir. September 1979 yaitu
ga 1'e II public lecture o PT “The
SLFP's Final Journey' which was republished in " Niya niya'. In it yol stated tha f the SLFP las alı'y's required the Support of the le fit parties ! () corre info office. The forl77 a fior of the Five parry action blog had depr ved the SLFP of such allies or Political crutches aid therefore the SLFP could I of hope to succeed electo rally, you said, Taking this line of Aarga rret f of yours to its lagical conclusio 72 coulad 14'e 7 of say thar the break-up of the left bloc has a rice again supplied the SLFP 11'ith the se Crutches? In other W’or els coulal ve 7 of Say that yaitur 5ec fari 77 is ar f'dards your riya si ir le lesi "Proyer?Ter i ha s only driver ther in tu the arris of the SLFP? II short, quite apar frori T se yicdespread a lega for Thiar b'ou are a iddir g The LI NIP, i iir riat (I fact that unconciously and ojeci vely you are help ing the SLFP?

Page 14
A lit is quite possible, as you say, that the break-up of the five-party action bloc restores crutches to the paralysed SLFP, for those extremely opportunist, petty-bourgeois formations hawe been up to that all these years! In other words, if the present trend continues, the eruption of the five-party action bloc may result in a seven party alliance with the SLFP which is toiling wainly to stand erect with the support of its good old henchmen. Although these crutches had been strong and able to elicwate the SLFP to wictory in 1970, they are all in a dilapidated State today. The Stalinist groups and cliques including the LSSP are so feeble now that they can no longer be a crutch to the collapsed SLFP, Besides, the unsteady position of the SLFP appears to have been Worsened by the long-standing Conflicts within its structure and we Stick to our for Filmer a 55è55 Tent that it will never come to power. We hawe new er said tha SLFP will
never come to power. We have newer said the SLFP will rower come to power because it does not enjoy the support of the crutches. The SLFP will newer again come to power because of its own internal weakness,
Secondly, it was not our sectarianism towards the so-called left that has driven them into the arms of the SLFP. It is, most certainly, their sectarianism that broke up the five-party action bloc. They embraced the bougeois SLFP once again on account of their classcollaborationist policy, line of action, programme of work etc.
etc. and also owing to the fact that the masses are reluctant to confide in them. Just because they
hawe al submerged themselves in the boggy marsh of class — collaborationism, they wanted JWP too, to do so. When we declined tha: same pointblank they had no other alternative than thundering in chorus that the JWP was sectarian.
Those who are subjected to fair Criticism by the JWP, in turn, hur|| slanders of every kind, at it. Although the UNP's onset on it is not very conspicuous, its police, C.I.D., governmental political staff do everything possible in secrecy to cur
tai the growth the JWP. its frequ ault5, espiophage ar tha complete dest party. Our picket always batton-charg very recently in
cwcir 50 Cor Tradig; e ing were assaulte and six of the
When everything
in the last resort, ing ower our com
In spite of all LSSP, CP and Mac smearing the JWP that i. is the ta But when it comic of proving it the as possible. If th permit, they are brush shoulders w repulse US. For i campus election it kara. University, CP joined hands f UMP to defeat US more than anyon our justifiable c their true solves b When we divulge practices, present their polities — line of action (whi to inaction), and infertile theory, t lessly to envelop to face the facts Willification mi med a theless with all fabrications rangin to green if they ruffled, may be it mistake they are just one bit ruffl. minous expression: know as to why There i5, ämd wiwi|| to bark alongsid right, but the ca.
1.
And Thaw it lo try to slander us are helping the S called left is alwa tion or a front eolis parties and openly and in set do everything po advancement you then it is they ously and object SLFP, not the JWF
(To be ck

ind progress of Int threats, äSS: all meant for "Luction Cliff our" lines ait: almost sd by the UNP; Kamburupitiya, tgaged im picketI by its police "wera remanded. else fails they, attempt at buyādes.
hat, the SLFP, ist cliques keep to the effect of the UNP is to the point " IT-Tħar as il u t-2 circulsar C2S repared even to ith t18 UNP Q instance, at the the Widyalarthe SLFP and utilely with the They hate us e els: b: c:a use riticism unveils efore the Th15: es. their corrupt as well as past, if any - their -H often am C.Jnts their ut terly they struggle fruit: their inability with sland crous it the WP. New Crtheir colourful g from pale blue think the JWP is : Is the biggest making! We are, 2d by their calu5 for we clearly chey spread them. be many a dog a the path all *ayan will surely
oks as if you too Sawing that we LFF. If the &c. — lys for a coaliWith the bourg5EČTarif I LJE recy, (that they 5:ssible. It hal Lur already know) Who a re Corn Sciively helping the
antinued)
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ATTA FOUR
IT WIS MOST" NO UNIRISHNING
AND HEALTHY
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ATT A FLO UR
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FOR SWEETS MAKE OUT OF HIGH QUALITY WHEAT
Rs, 376/ — PER 3, AG OF 55 Kg.
PlêIFé Cros
Sri Lanka State Four Milling Corporation
Na, 7, Statiori Roi à d.
ColorT. bc. - 3,
Telephone: 2300, 23152, 28008

Page 15
Parliamentary d
Dr. Colwiri R. de i Siwa
oday, the great and precious heritage, as just described, which our people accumulated in the heyday of parliamentary democracy in Sri Lanka, stands placed in peril by the policies and acts of the Government, which the People therinselyes, through an Overwhelming vote, installed in overwhelming parliamentary power in July 1977. Indeed, democracy itself which enabled the accumulation of that heritage stands gravely, perhaps mortally, imperilled undar this Gayerriment.
On the political side, the threat has been distilled and given legal force and shape in a new Constitu tion — the Constitution of 1978. The contral and essential feature of that Constitution is the near-dictatorial position given to the so-called executive President it has created. As the Constitution phrases it: "The executive power of the pacple, including the defence of Sri Lanka, shall be exercised by the People." The elected executive Prosident is "the Head of the State, the Head of the Executive and of the Government and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces." He is also a member and Head of the Cabinet of Ministers, the Minister's being of his own choosing. He may at any time take any Ministry into his own hands. He also chooses, appoint 5 ånd promote:S the High est Judges of the land, namely the Chief Justice, the President of the Court of Appeal, and all Judges of the Supreme Court, the Court of APPeal
and the High Court, these being the highest Courts in Sri Lanka. Finally, he is also the repository
and vehicle of Emergency powers which, which activated by him at his discrction, make him virtually an open dictator,
The cxtent of State-power gathered into the hands of the President under the 1978 Constitution is manifest from the above summary. Pertaining as his powers do to
every aspect of substantial contri
SIL TIL TE 5 : '', fest. The Preside head the countr country. In fact, responsible to Pa hO is Enot a mem "ch c d L exercis discharge of his functions", does fact. Parliament's Thi55:1| of the Prt narrow a base a to implement tha of the power is illusory. The Pre be added is imm criminal suit,
The Gowenile a root and branc electoral system. general elections,
system of singl tuencies, with a member constitu
first-past-the-post ing the winner w There Wi || im5.23d representation is districtwise and r a list system of wo nuIIber of memb trict. Indiwidual "independents' air and the Small par with electoral ex ducing a high cut per cent. for t list in the appar By-elections will
llt will be sg tw0 major poli designed to se immediate but test interests class and also t in power of th: instrument or ag ing, namely ti reW fashion CC draws and sub lates the powe

emocracy
state-power, his ol of the state:— hoe is älsa Taniint does not merely y; he rules the that he is made rial ent of which iber, in respect of 2, performance and powers, duties and Tot dirilish this powers of disasident rest Clso ld are so difficult
it the possession İtigelif i r geride rğd asident, it should
une from civil or
it has also Tade h change of the As from the next tha British-model e-member constiprinkling of multiencies, as well as : system of choos'ill stand abolished. be a proportionalystem, operating iot nationally, with ting in the assigned :rs from each di 5candidacies by 'e made impossible ties arc threatened tinction by intro:-off point of 12 1e eligibility of a til T12Int of :Cat5.
be no more.
in how these tical TOY e5 are "We not only the also the longof the capitalist he consolidation at class's specific gerıcy for govern
B UN P. T Institution with Stantially insu
I-centre of the
state-structure from the direct press Li re of the Concession-sooking ma 5S es which characterised, a lar Ted and ultimately positively en dan gered the interests and rule of the capitalist class. The new electoral system is intended to ensure the continuous presence of the UNP in or near to the centre of governmental power on the basis that historically, on the ano hand, the UNP along of all parties or combinations operating on the political arena has ever chalked up, as it did at the 1977 general clections, more than 50 per cent. of the total poll in the country; and, om the other hand, that the UNP wote at a ganeral election has never fallen below 33 1/3 percent. The sharp contraction of democracy and the direct blow at the
revolutionary Left through these two moves are manifest. The bourgeois interest is not the
explantion of democracy but the constriction and in certain circumstaics, the abolition of democracy. Or, in other phraSeology, the capitalist class has found the financial and political costs of democracy too high to be borne. So, away with democracy — as has been the sorry tale in a brutal procession of developing COLIm Eries.
Harshly using its new-found power, the UNP has been raining a wide range of stunning, and, sometimes, murderous blows, both direct and indirot, On the Tasses and the mass interest. The taking away of their ration books has of the general body of the Tasses, including the middle class (except perhaps its topmost layer) helpless and naked before the raging inflation in Sri Lanka (now perhaps of the order of over 50 per cent), Financing of a boLinding state expenditute by inflationary means has further
accelerated the bounding rises in Pricos in Sri Länka. The drastic devaluation of the rupee, which

Page 16
ha5 floated into further and heavler devaluation since the abrupt and drastic dowaluation of November, 1977, has had the same result, The value of savings is being drained away by the runaway inflation; wage and salary increases are being denuded of their intended impact; and the standards of living are being eroded, in some cases to the point of collapse. Malnutrition has become more widespread. Plain hunger and starwati on hawe returned to the
5eепе.
The UN P Gowernment ha 5 no solution for the problem of inflation, Its panacea is the provision more widely of employment so as to raise family, incomes. The direct relief given to a favoured few through the incote-support policy ငှctဗုဒ္ဓ|y the dole) has been abandoned. But unemployment has kept rising despite extensiwe ower-mamming in cwery sector of the economy. In any event, mass Unemployment has continued to characterise Sri Lanka's economy, and seems to have become a permanent feature of our social scene. Whether the true figure is fifteen lakhs, as claimed by the Ministry of Plan Implemation, the affliction, socially, is too burdensome to be borne in our little island. Society is sagging beneath the weight of this now peren, i. problem.
Regardless of the deterioration of mass Standards of living under Conditions of raging inflation and mass unemployment, the Government has also gone foward relentlessly with another aspect of its socio-economic policies, namely, the dismantling of the welfare state which this country built up in the thirty years of independence upto 1977. Announced propagandistically in the name of the needs of development, the dismantling of the Welfare state is in fact a fundamental part of the Government's increasingly open service of the bourgeois interest in
Sri Lanka. The Welfare state has over the years steadily eaten into the financial reser
wes of the capitalist clas5 in Sri Lanka, until it became too costly to be borne by that class. Started by that class in its political interest in conditions of expanding parliamentary democracy. the post-war history
|
Of Sri Larka 5 Capitalist class 5elf Lunder thi
limiting closely its resources. Th of static Welfaris namely, Static-Subs under attack - as ted under a UN as early as 1953 yake, doyen of L introduced rice at only a bare one earlier!) The Goy pelled by the m from that measure (the great Hartal and 13th, 1953); GQ'wern rT1gent rg:LLu Under various gui only Upon the ac challengable power UNP could not or attack on the rice Ydw i den thg framt a mounting attack system as a who commodities made state at specially part of history a reality; and the left on all fronts the rapacity which cterised the priw Lanka. The poli to the Sri Lanka increase in the of any commodity the abolition of of consumor goot sitates - adds to polity hea P5 on also adds marked når y Process. It that the subsidymot only foods : also transport Co. vices and ever FI last two of whic in subtly-conceive offensive against Goyer Trint o al age grou P5, not the infants and c hand or the aged the other.
Arnother Tmā55 iwe ment Policy also | in term5 of the sidy system, but is part of its policy private capital an In Sri Lanka. In policy, not only

hows that the early found ite necessity of this drain on e principal symbol † Im Sri Lanka, disc.d rico, caric was to be expecP Government - (Mr. D. S. SenanaJNP leaders, had 25 cts. a measure -and-a-half years ETIT BIL (15. CCIT
555 to TETË31t : on that occasion of August 12th but every UNP rred to the task ses. But it was he werTent of urin WW that the lly return to the 2-subsidy but also of its advance to In the rice-subsidy e. The basket of available by the low prices is now nd not a current OTETTE" has Էյց բn at the mercy of has always charaate trader in Sri cy of passing on TSUITET every international price - a policy which the subsidisation ds logically necesthe burden this the consumer and ly to the inflatioshould be noted Withdrawal affects and clothing but Sts, the health Ser"ee Cducation, the h are under attack d ways. It is an the consumer by fronts and against excluding either hildren on the one and the sick on
aspect of Governnas been Presented attack on the subreally an integral of ensuring for un restricted reign LĖTT 5 Cf that he steady growth
of the public sector of the Sri
Lanka economy but also the very existence of that public sector is a Scar on the facc of capitalism.
Accordingly, this Government has systematically, and often in subtly conceived ways, set about dismantling the public sector of the Sri Lanka economy. The methods are broadly four: direct handing over of enterprises to the private sector is one (e.g. certain plantations); the conversion of public corporations into joint enterprises of state and private capital is another (the latest example is the Building Material Corporation); a third method is to hand over to private sector firms the management of public enterprises (e.g. the The ThuhiriyaTextile Mill); the fourth is the opening of sections of the public sector exclusively reserved for the state to conpetition from private capital (the most crying example is the carliest major nationalisation forced by the mass movement, namely the Bus Transport Service, The The private bus-owners skimming the cream of the business, are today eating into the very entrails of the Ceylon Transport Board, reducing to shambles many of its operaions. The menace of this move of the Government to their jobs has already been grasped by the Corporation's employees. They hawe reacted with violence against the private buses in several places).
The basic line of the UNP Government's policy is the handing over of the Sri Lanka economy to Privatic Capital for i un restricted operation - the so-called free economy, The question is not whether this is an attainable objective. The point is that it is being systematically pursued. And it is of paramount importānce that the Policy golcs, na less for foreign capital than for indigenous capital; perhaps even more so for foreign capital than for indigenous capital. The outcome is the so-called open economy; that is to say a national economy open to the unobstructed operations of the international Ilarket and of foreign Capital. A necessary incident of the open economy is a system of free imports and exchanges free of serious controls and restrictions; all in the name of a com
samtin Leif Gmi page ??)

Page 17
SLFP/UNP :
continuity
Kethesh Loganathan
conclusion, I wish to emphasize the point that rily characterization of the Budget as a manifestation of the IMF, IBRD sponsored ex por LI—Origin Led de We lo por Tent 5 trategy after 1977, in no way implies that the economic-orientation prior to 197W was in sharp contrast to that which followed after. It is ofter a rued that im Port-substitution [ed industrialization and export-led industrialization are strategies which are mutually exclusive, It is further argued that the SLFP opted for import-substitution led industrialization strategy under the leadership of the state sector since it represented the interest of the authentic national bourgeoisie and their "left" allies harbouring visions of a non-capitalist path of develop. ment, while the UNP opted for export-led industrialization strategy led by the private sector, since it met the demands of the other section of the bourgeoisie which it is supposed to represent namely, the comprodore bourgeoisie.
Theoretically speaking, the Export Led Growth Model demands wiable domestic manufacturing and agriCultural sectors. In short, it could be argued that import-substitution is a theoretical pre-requisite for export-oriented industrialization. Thus, it would be incorrect to treat these Models as being mutually exclusive and standing out in stark contradiction to each other, Further, in the case of Sri Lanka there is another factor which esta - blishes a
fundamental continuity between import-substitution and export-orientation, namely, that
both strategies failed to bring about
any industrialization it must be mencioned that the import-substituting industries were mainly
cngaged in providing the frills and the packaging of virtually finished imported products, which is no different from the internal mechanics
A b
of the Export-L In tho fä ära of an integral Wage goods sect goods sector ( Department || | Inology , ngither
mor import-Subs! the impetus for
As regards th the import-sub Lunder the leada Sector during th constituted a no development basi of the progres: geoisie with the "left" while the development strat the leadership of was inspired by articulates the Comprodore bou! to state is tha 5 irTı plistic ar1d 5l Linderstanding af the State sector of the two ri; parties. The Bud, for in Stan-C. gril
i-Oriation C in the following "what I ha'ye ra export oriented in Westment under to 'fades out" formed his cataly above quotation v tratics ch: inwaldi substitution ws
argument.
It is Tay cor bourgeoisie in Sr characteristics - c. dependent' bourg dly that it is w; its capacity to indu the bourgeoisie signs of emerging tic national bourg C2:55, W35 fitiw : factors, both, int

SC
ed Growth Mode. ysis, in the absence tion botween the or and the capital 2epartmenէ 1 and ri Marxist terliexport-orientation citution can provide
industrialization,
1e argument that stitution strategy rship of the State e 1970-1977 phase n-capitalist path to sed om the visions; iwe: national boursupport of the : export-oriented egy of 1977 under the private sctor the UNP which demands of the geoisie, all I wish t it is far too 1 0 WWIS 3l ni interrett the character of and the class basis ajor parliamentary get Speech of 1976, inciated the colonoif the SLFP regime Tanner. To quota: ther in Tnin d is alını approach to foreign which the in wesOnce he has pertic function.' The 'ery clearly demonsty of the importexport-orientation
tention that the i Lanka has two пе, that it is a geoisie and secon2ak in relation to strialize. Although,
did once show g into an authengeoisie, this proy stifled due to erma| and exter
nal. The import-substitution phase, I would argue, was an aberration yn the funda mer tal character of the bourgeoisie. For instance, although during this period there emerged numerous firms catering to a captive internal market, the fact still remains that these firms were hawily dependent on the import of raw materials. In short, the so called emerging national bourgeoisia were in fact the 'old' dependent bourgeoisie, What we are witnessing to-day is the full expression of the dependent character of the bourgeoisie, as witnessed by the fact that firT15 engaged in manufacturing for the internal market are now shifting back to the Erili parting of the sama Product.
Let us now proceed to examine the character of the State sector during the 1970-77 phase. The State sector basically performed two functions. Firstly, it was a mechanism by which the limitation of "individual" capital is overcome by "combining" them under the auspices of State corporations. Secondly, li was in responce ta pressure from the petit-bourgeoisie
for greater employment opportuinities and access to the political power centre. In other words, it
is Thy contention that the interest cof the class base of the i SLFP (the dependent bourgeoisie) was during this period sic The what subordinated to the immediate interest of its political power base, (the petit-bourgeoisie) which was dictated by the dynamics of the parliamentary system, The dismantling of the state enterprises and the formation of public companics, Under the present regime, however, is not a fundam anta | de yilatiom from the scenario depicted above,
The joint-stock device is merely another way in which individual capitals arc combined and in this
(Caritiri u ed on page | 9 |
5

Page 18
MARTIN BORMANN — (2)
The future
Jayantha Sormasundaram
quadron Leader Roy Grenville,
commander of the mythical RAF 633 Squadron, said that people don't like to remember their debts. He predicted that those whom he led to their deaths in the battle against the Nazis during the World War II would in time conveniently be forgotten. But they are not the only ignored creditors-so are the six million Jews who perished in concentration camps at Auschwitz, Dachau, Belsen, Buchenwald and Treblinka. This was the culmination of centuries of anti-semitic persecution in "Christian' Europe-the ultimate pogrom.
Yet today this holocaust is almost
forgotten. The older generatioп і5 reluctant to recall the traumatic past. Among the young there is
just historical indifference, typified by a 23 year old American Univer
sity graduate who asked: What holocaust?
Ewen in Israel the holocaust is
relier bered with embarrass Tent as a Jewish defeat and disgrace. And the Sabras tend to subscribe to the grossly over-simplistic view that in Europe the Jews failed to I"giGL. the DI "TO",
Ewer the Temories of the holocaust victims are hazy. "How does one remember?" asks Elic Wiesel a survivor of Auschwitz, "it dofics language, it defies memory, it defies category."
List of Tortures
The experience of Nazism which men like Martin Bormann Provided for a haple 55 world of both Jews and Gentile dissenters, is too valuable to be forgotten. The diary that Anne Frank left behind in occupied Holland, the tragic drawings and the pathetic poems like "I never saw another butterfly" left behind by children who perished at Terezir camp are relevant to our day-because fascism's past as not ended; in fact, its future has already begun.
has
Nowhere do present as dra Chile. Not or government
through a militar does it have co where political Jews arte imprisc not only does secret police, b Þayroll SS Standa R Luff!
Rauff, who th -Zeitung descri the biggest crimini Was an associate Eichmänn. Hg ert
with the Mai 1939. He thin tute the massac Poznan and G
HiTiller took hi LO extet Thirlate G Hawa Khebira ghe was the Tobile he used in add the Sowiet Unic Apri | 1945 he f of the Americam jail and escaped And today he c« that he began Himmler.
Gastor Garcia Journalist, who Mexico City sessi Commission has long list of th used by Rauff in
Diving Helmet
"Application of different parts o genital organs in ing into containe
Whipping, forcin witne55 the tortu of other prison fracturing of a dropping the բ height; in Utilation hands); pulling c the prisoners to Cxcreta. Interra,
false promise tha

already begun
e5 past meet matically as in ily did a fascist to םםwer
y Coup, not only ncentration camps
dissenters and ined and tortured, it have a wicious Lit it ha; on t: rifur r* WILCr
e Wienna Arbeiter bes as "one of als of this century" of Heydrich and ared Czechoslovakia troops in March w:mt om to Instiits of Poland at dansk. In 1942 In across to Tunisia '0,000 Jews in the tto. His speciality gas chamber which
ition in Belgium, in and Italy. In ell into the händs s, but he broke
to South America, intinues the Work for Hitler and
Cartu, a Mexican articipated in the oms of the Helsinki documentated a e tortures being
Santiago.
electric shocks to f the body, the particular. Plung5 filled with oil, g the witti II to ring and execution S. Deliberate in injured arm; risoners from a
(cutting off the Lit tecth, forcing swallow human gations under the torture will be
discontinued provided the victims admit the charges that Imembers of their family hawe committed
heinous crimes. Collective or individual raping of women in the presence of the victim's parents and brothers or sisters, Puncturing and cutting of various parts of the body, Application of drugs, orally and by injection, Placing of infected rats cn Wounds and introduction of infected rats into wagina, introduction of sharpened bamboo-sticks under fingernails. Dropping from Col Litir to WW2"S.
Burning of vital parts with scalding water or acid. Branding with red-hot irons. Injecting air into women's breasts and beating of genital orgaп5. Introduction of bayonets and clubs into wagina, leading to rupture, transportation of prisoners from one place to another by helicopter while hanging
from ropes tied around their bodies, Torture known as "diving helmet" which includes the following
methods: (a) covering the victim's head with a plastic bag until he or she dies of asphysxia; (b) immersin in barrels fiu || of water o immersion in the sca while hanging from the picr's and (c) steelhelmet is placed over prisoner's head and the victim is left out in the sun. Application of tourniquets on head legs and arms. Pau de arara" (an invention of the Brazilian Inilitary) which cc.nsists of tying the victim's hands and legs and letting him or her hang from a horizontal bar. Flooding of torture cell with excreta and urine and placing the victim's face down on the floor with his hands and feet tied, introduction of broken pieces of glass into the vagina (a method applied by drunken Marines in the Quriquina Island Nawal base.
Cold or Method
"introduction of the wictim into a metal drum which is then beaten with sticks and metal bars. This torture leads to punctured ear drums and loss of mind. Injection of air

Page 19
into Weins, which causes a slow painful death. Prisoners dropped from planes into Arauco Gulf on the southern part of Chile.
"The condor Tethod: is thrown into a cage with a hungry condor which tears thc victim's body - already subject to torture - to pieces," Actions aimed at intimidation. This method was illustrated with the following report: "In the early hours of November 13, the lifeless body of LLum | Widela Moya, Wife of Sergio Perez, member of the Central Committee of the Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR), was thrown into the garden of the Italian Embassy. The body showed signs of torture as well as evident signs of an absolute lack of nou Tishmen E. "
Die Welt one of tha most influential West German newspapers writes that "despite military dictatorship, Chile is a country that belongs to the western world, a bulwark against communism and we should accord it our full support: whereby this support is naturally accompanied by pressure for the establishment of democratic structures.'
prisoner
Euro Fascists
Poor, backward South ATerica with its ignorance of democracy is not the only evidence of fascist upsurge, so is North America and Western Europe. The economic crisis in these countries - the traditional democracies — Particularly the shrinking job opportunities, is giving rise to racism, anti-Semitism, terrorist wiolence and fascist parties.
"The deteriorating CCT i situation, particularly youth Unemployment has led to a hardening of attitudes," says Maurice Ludmer, editor of the British Searchlight,
At the end of a decade of rising fascist terrorism in Europe, with around a hundred deaths to their credit during nineteen eighty alone, West European Intelligence is now convinced that an Euro-Fascist organisation, headquartered in Spain, is master-minding things. Ludmer claims that the Fascists had an European Summit in Bruges Belgium, earlier last year. The Euro Fascists arc also linked to the National Socialist (Nazi) Party in the USA.
Britain's Natior Its target not so but the non-W Commonwealth - dians, Pakistans Mosques as well being defaced. W never experienced has only recently three decides of acks on their op. to the outlawing : groups in Spain.
Italy, the hom Fascism, has an grou P known a 5 t They hawe taken the recent explc railway station PC20 ple. A fascist Con percent of the it i5 531 i d to b{ organisation called which systematic: opponents of the
Capt. Dreyfus
France has bee much Fascist acti few months. "Fr.
Anti-5 erTi i tio Countr M355g, Professor Wisconsin Univers out the country officer, Capt. Dr and sent to Dewi Is later the Wicky 75,000 Jews t camps during the
In the USA,
both through the the KL Klux Kları scramble for Jobs Blacks who becom moving into a Whi åre the targets o the Klan. So arc and liberals. Thi the US line up in tion, Wear swastik justify racial discri for the persecutio communists.
Canada Loo is fel fascism - rece family were harras: when they move neighbourhood. Ir Synagogues are als c with swastikas by
}

a Front has as
much the Jews In ites from thc West Indians, in
and Ceylonesc. 3.5 synagogues arc "hilst Britain has fascist rule, Spain o come out of t. Terrorist attonents have led if several Rightist
2 of European a','wä5Dքlic St:tr"t:Լ 1. Third Position. responsibility for sion at Bologna which killed 84 party which has cloctorate behind : linked to an the Black Terror lly a 5555 is lates Right.
in the arena of vity in the last Lice is the classic 'y," says George of History at ity, Speaking abwhere a Jewish eyfus was framed Island and where Government Sent
concentration War.
fascism operates Nazi Party and I. Here too the feeds racism, and e competitive by te neighbourhood the Nazis and abour leaders Nazi Party in military formaas, praise Hitler, imination arid call in of blacks and
eling the presence a Ceylonese 5ed by the KKK d into a White Canada Jewish being plastered nico Nazis.
In the Netherlands a racialist movement the Wiking Jeugd" publishes a journal called New Anthropologie, which claims that "the salient features common to negroes
and criminals is their subnormal intelligence." The journal provides "evidence' of an above average conviction of Jews in fraud and forgery. -
Wolfgang Nuer ath, the German leader of the Wiking Jeugd" says that "the coloured (black and
brown) races will never understand anything about Nordic culture, Wiking members are not permitted to marry coloured people, even to associate with them."
Class Struggle
In South Africa a fascist regime upholding a totally racialist ideology is in Power. Bertolt Brecht has said that "fascism transforms the class struggle into a racial struggle."
Klaus Altman former chief of the Gestapo in Lyons who was Sentenced to death fn absentia in
France had occassion to thank the Supreme Court of Bolivia for rejecting the French request for extradition. Altman was convicted of the Turder of hundreds of children in France and of the famed resistance fighter Jean Moulin,
Kurt Lischka of the Gestapo sent 73,000 Franch Jews to their deaths at Auschwitz and Maidanek. A Paris court has sentenced him also to death. But the Federal Republic of Germany where he lives wi|| mot allow him to be extra dited to France. The French request is being Stalled in the German Bundestag by MP Ernst Achenbach, who was in Paris during the war working at the German Embassy.
Achenbach, according to Die Tat "was the author of the order to take 2,000 Jewish hostages for an assault on Hitler's army. The 2,000 were deported to Auschwitz whore the gas chambers awaited them."
In an opinion poll in the Federal Republic of Germany 31 percent of the respondents cxpressed the fear that the rise to power of a new Hitler is possible if Germany were to be engulfed by a severe crisis with more unemployment.
7ן

Page 20
SOUTH ASA - (6)
LINKAGE AND
REGIONALISM
N. M. M. Hussei
fter the adumb ration of the case for regionalism in South
Asia, it seems useful to alert against undue optimism, not about the possibility of useful and meaning ful regionalism, but rather about the benefits that might be expected to accrue to the under-developed countries in South Asia and other regions.
There are sometimes illusions about the possibility of and bene
fits to be derived from, the delinking of the economies of the South from those of the North.
This is obviously the consequences of disillusionment over the pro5pects for re-structuring the international economy. It is questionable whether a de-linking is desirable, even if it is feasible, Certainly, with the w estern economi reċessior going on for the foresecable future, the prospects for the under-developed countries look bleak. But there is a growing recognition in the west that the further dynamic development of the west cannot be dissociated from the development of the economics of the South; to put in very simple terms, the South has to be strong enough to produce the raw materials required by the West in increased quantities, and they have to be rich enough to buy more of the products of the West. The inter-dependence of the North and South for further dynamic development is recognised and there appears even to have been re-thinking about protectionism as shown, for instance, by statements made by the French President, Giscard d’Estaling.
The vogue of regionalist ideas today seems to be partly due to the dynamism of the Common Market, the vibrancy shown by the Andean Pact, and hopeful expectations about ASEAN. The success of ASEAN seems to be of a thorougly ambiguous nature. Despite all the tariff reductions, only 5% of the trade of the ASEAN countries is intra
8.
regional. As for industrial projects plementatation by of 1976, Lheir f: the ground has b nical corrents. T countrie2S may sho mic performance Afro-Asian countri be due to a gr. linkage with the de räther tharı bec: economic co-oper: appears to be tha of the CapTo M cho Internal dynar. Ii ELI (EF1 I 

Page 21
recognising the obwious Predatoriness of imperialism, also viewed it as a progressive phen o'r rheinion, a Swegping away of moribund feudal structures by higher capitalist societies, which thereby initiated a new phase of development towards socialism in the underdeveloped countries "What we call history is but the history of successive intruders who founded empires On the passive basis of un resisting and unchanging societies." In his view, the "weakness and backwardness" of India pre-destined her to conquest and the question was not whether Bri
tain had a right to conquer her but "whether we are to prefer India conquered by the Turk, the
Persian or by the Russian, to India conquered by the British".
In terms of Marx's wiews, the countries that were colonised should hā we been better off than those that were not. In fact, this was the case: Sri Lanka was more deweloped at the time of its indepen
dence than Afghanistan, Napal or Thailand. The only exception is that of Japan, which is usually explained as demonstrating what the Afro-Asian countries might have done by themselves if they had not been colonisad. TH
explanation is rather to be found in unique developments peculiar to Japan.
The fundamental problem seems Lo be that of re-in w ogoration of societics, On which economic performance depends, and for which interaction with developed centres might be more cffective than interaction with other under-developed countries. What is required is a sensible and pragmatic approach towards regional co-operation, without iliusion,
South Asia is a region characterised by tensions, and sometimes conflicts, but there should be no ir superable problem in bringing about co-operation a Tong the small nations of the region. There has been increasing bilateral interaction in the region, and increasing regional consciousness, which should facilitate regional co-operation.
There should be no in superable problem about effecting regional Co-operation, at least Lo Som2 extent, involving India as well,
although this may be mare difficult both for political and economic reasons. In any case, there need be no
LI due anxieties ab inance and pepend The enthusiasr self-reliance has deal of theoretic; Prospects for regi The practical pos: co-operation in S Ehe explored in det: falls outside the pur In recent years, a commonplace th will" is lacking restructuring of nomic relations, b that the "political In the North, no But it is a famili the representative have sometimes to be ins Lufficien: irlternational for"; North-South prol
usually explained Consequence of in encies. It might
consequence of a "political wilI'' ir r:Thains to E. E. "political will" ex
to bring about reg except to a nar extent. The quest nal dynamism :
tountrieg, Lor Whit referred, is reig war
(CIn tIL
SLFP UNP..
Continued fro: sense, they pa function a3; g [a te cer the shift toward dominant parliame the emergence of
"sole political dependent bourge way, effectively
pressure from the base - namely the thus, rendering th tion of the state dundant. HowEwEr t: f'r' :t LC CCTl:-|. sector will comple from the scene. F Capital wil|| contin the state sector of the infrastruct Privateco capita | a apolo 'W2 function is. out by providing th participation in the which are now be | Conclu

ut patterns of dofT|- ence in the region.
m for allativs led to a great a study of the onal Co-operation. ibility of regional south A5, ia ha; tic hil, 1 ma[[cer which view of this paper
it has become at the "political to bring about a international eccy which is meant I will" is lacking t in the South. ar complaint that 5 of the Sut'i shown theiselves :ly prepared at dealing with blams, which is away as the 5titutional deficiequally be the n insufficiency of I thiը South. It lan whether the ists in Lhe: South ional Co-operation ginally important ion of the interof Third World :h this paper has t in this connection. Idcd)
r pre I}
for the sam: Iterprises. Further, is a one-party
ntary system and the UNP as the agency' of the Cisit has, in a neutralizad the 2 political power petti-bourgeoisie e political funcenterprises reit will be irde that the State :tely fada alway foreign and loca|| ue to depend on for the provision ire necessary for ccumulation. Tile now baing carried estate with eqJity public Companies ginning to emerge. I de di
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Page 22
Principles canno
negotiated
eagan and his advisers have R:: that they intend to establish an alliance with the rightist, reactionary and fascist forces in this continent. But the peoples of Our America Will never submit themselves to this ignori intous subjugation. The workers, the peasant 5, the intellectuals, the students wi|| k moyw how to resis. Such truel fate. Our hemisphers's recent history has demonstrated our peoples' combat capacity. It is useless to despise, ignore and underestimate them; Nicaragua, El Salvador, Grenada and Guatemala have proven that so doing is an error.
How E. Yake änd fascist Soldiers Will be reeded to SubJuga tę hundreds of millions of Latin Americans? There are no longer any Switzerlands in our America. Chille and Uruguay are eloquent examples of such illusions. There are no longer any masks to disguise our oppression. There are no longer military or repressive mechanisms developed by the U.S. intelligence agencies, no matter how cruel and sophisticated they may be, capable
of curbing the insurgency of the peoples, Who can prevent our peoples fron fighting sooner or
later Oppression will not last forever, terror and fear will not rule forever. The awakening of the peoples has become fore frightening than anything the oppressors have dgwised to submit thẽm... []mẽ must be blind not to see that. The crueler internal tyranny is, the stronger imperialist oppression becomes, the more rebellion there will be! And this rebelliousness will be invincible
It is truly incredible that in today's world some should speak of military interwentions and of
applying the "big stick" policy again in our continent. They should best awake from such dreams. Others also dreamed of dominating the world and turned into ashes. Currently the peoples have many varied forms of struggle. Latin America
O
- Fidel C:
and the Caribbc; tion of over 3 surface area is United States.
Reagan has sai the mistake was but los ing it. In mistika of milkin sent a greater d Wietari. Who Reagarn that ninak right to win it
There is talk probable interwi America. All Latir will fight with courage against in their territc. aris or it." in Central Amer
the United States the painful scene coffins arriving h go to kill Latim , hawe to resign The blame will refu 5 to ack mo'y of history and chänges that ha Y our World. No life in the Unite one, will accept, ined and heroics of the United IiᎳᏨ Ꭶ.
The till has Latin-American p anything or anya they reject the Tore scorin the The rhyth must c. interit of intimidat patriots, the so of Bolivar, of O'Higgins, of S of Yarelos cf and Ճf Mart| Tյլ
Reagan and his a military blocka any pretext, ever the Sowiet Unir Quit II di tiol il the world. This cyn i gall thought.

t be
astro
In hawa a populaOO million; thir twice that of the
d th: t in Wietnam not making war Latin America tha g war might repreeficat han that of has told Mistar ing war means the
even about a 3n tion in Central 1-American peoples determination and rankee interwention yries. It Yankę vention forces land ica, the people of will again witness of their soldiers orme, Those who Americans will also themselves to die. all on those who vledge the les sons the Irréversible 'e taken place in one is threaten ing d States, but no without a deternitruggle, the threat States against o Lur
come to Say that copies do not fear ne; that, outraged, stick and furtherimperialist carrot, 2asc! The repulsive ing Latin-American is and daughters San Martin, o
Lucre, of Hidalgo, Morazan, of Maced 1st cease!
advisors speak of de of Cuba, under 1 if as they assert, yn weric to carry any other part of is a repulsive and
Cuba will be ready to defend itself against any military blockade or imporialist Yankee invasion! In this country the struggle shall not coas C a 5 long as con e single patriot remains capable of fighting, and there are millions ready to do so to their last drop of blood. "Whoow or tries to seize Cuba." Antonio Maceo, the Bronze Titan said, "will gather the dust of its soil dronched in blood, if he does not perish in the struggle."
The world knows that the United States authorities conceived, organized and promoted the assassination of leaders of the Cuban Revolution and of other governments. The CIA was the center of those repulsive practices. What can be expected now of that institution, when Reagan's advisers state that it will hawe carte blanche, and when no less a person than Goldwater will be the chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee?
We believe that one of Reagan's first statements should be that his administration shall not organize, authorize or allow any CIA plans to ässä5sinate leaders of other CCLIntrig.5.
We sincerely hope that these practices will not be repeated; otherwise, the United States Government would be institutionalizing and stimulating the worst form of terrorism in the world, and it will be responsidle and will answer for all the consequences of its acts.
If there is an olive branch, we shail not reject it. If hostility continues and there is aggression, we shall respond strongly.
Cuba believes that for the World it is a historical necessity that normal relations exist among all countries, based on mutual respect, on the acknowledgment of the sovereign right of every one and con non-intervention. Cuba considers that the normalization of its rela
(Continued on page 2f}


Page 23
--^- - - - - Notes from Dr. Fonseko's
(At C. W. Dias Memorial Hall, 23-12
for the Gray & Ceir fra Sfa fiori Blood (Irrives at des tira fiori
ČOf the hearr
Only to depart For urifica ia a carbor dioxide LLLL T TTLu TGlSL G mr L LHH LGtLLLLLL GLLLLLL DJ11"7 e f /fir 7 YL Y Fels as capilla ries, y''Eirls LGLL TTLLLLL LLLLLL HLH HL LLL GLGLLT LHLLLkLkL GGL CGLGL Ther Wre i'r ar 7 syr) i'r terd for frig yr ac i'r FViere they in Flenius' renair, The Heart is of Ille centre ČIPY seelings Ft I f f li e papir safiring regisser. Feelings, like though is, reside in the powerful br Travelling ad alighting like a passeger fror a He said, to hiri, a physiologist,
Il cicle ( 7 lly' a ra rior A7 list', Everything is physical | And FT of rg rry'sic''.
Piltri
Letters . . .
(Continued frymi bage ) at only because they exercise their right of freedom of moveTent and only because they dare to disagree with the opinion of their regime
H. Wocke
ArT135 Sador Čas Ehe Feder Republic of Germany.
What Next
Probably I am open-minded. | hawe been born into a U.N.P. family; baptised into the S.L.F.P. group; nurtured in a Communist fold and in this Third World find myself - in Kennel Club parlance —'a ridge-backed
Dobbermann Pincher". Today | arʼrh, 35 l 53id beforo "IC)FENMINDED)" - 3 mer "naturally
born "British" subject!
Quite by chance I came across your paper - "The Guardian" of I/5/80 "and a picture of Anura Dias Bandaranaike reminded me of his father. "Sonny Banders" of Oxford.
Politicians talk of Dharmista' societiles and "Diya Sevas"
but it would be wise to be true to yourself. Nevertheless your paper, brought me a
" "new-life" — İllik ker of about Christians
May your dian" be my gi that are left,
E.
Principles . . . (Continued fr
tions with the U improve the pc Latin ArTherica a and Would Conti detente, Cuba, opposed to find its historical diffe Urn [ted Statc25, bu expect Cuba to nor yield in its is and wil|| contir Cuba is and will friend of the Sol, al the Socialist Sta will continue being Country.
Principes canno
(Concluding rer report presented gress of the ( Party)

ecture
-80)
dir
Γαίη,
ck Jaya Suriya
:e the one spoby "born-again"
paper "The Guaruide in the years
ran Jaya sekera
hurch Orgarit
or page 20)
nited States would litical climate in nd the Caribbean ibute to world therefore, is not ing a solution to :rences with the t no one should hange Its position principles. Cuba | ue being Socialist. continue being a viet Union and of tes. Cuba is and an internationalist
it be negotiated.
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Page 24
N. M.-Past vs p
H. A. See Wiratne
an a political party that has
declined in spirit and consequently in its influence among the masses, uphold and windicate its past however glorious it might have been? This question ran in Illy mind after seeing the documentary film ern titled “Suriya Mala" - birised on the lific of Dr. N. M. Perera, late Gader of the L. S. S. F. The årlsvogr to this guestion, I finally realised, was to be found in this film itself.
The life of a political leader represents the tempo and the character of that stage of historical development of the society in which he finds himself. Conversely, an individual leader's outstanding calbre, the all-embracing intellect and the unyielding moral integrity and strength, which in the ITselves are indicative of the potentiality of the society in which he is born, also place their indelible imprint on the historical development of that society. The greatness of a political leader depends, in other words, on his ability not only to follow the ITasses but also on his ability to lead them. The L. S. S. P. leadership was able to live up to this standard te å ta "Cain cxtcnt L1 til it Icik : sharp turn to the right in 1964. Having failed to lead the masses at a crucial hour the LSSP leadership lost its capacity to follow them. These historical truths, no artist or recorder of history car ignore.
Tissa Abeysekera, director and script-writer of “Suriya Maha" was obviously faced with a difficulty, for he was apparently trying to confort to the requirements of the establishment and also of the present LSSP.
Th: HԱԼինr ճ է: Ell kng *f Sinliւյlu
is hur story writer, fiica y ėlis and liteti ri' r i Li, karš un activist ir ဝိပ္ဖို႔ grante Uniar. A present he is putting the finishing Iurches to the 38 grid our of his carrieritary gri i fi e lef: TrioreTent inliticid "Beyond opporLLLHSS SLES LlLaLlLLLLLLL SLLL K lawyer by profession.
"Suriya Mala" an indication as Perera and his pa philosophical and dation what so E this scrious lapse: th: abhorrice: Cor. artist for such theoretical foundat Leninism (and Tr the LSSP leaders followay? Cr 15 it. I Cole of the LSSP self-destructive an very foundations, with the historict.
ing class Struggle ing witable questic power under the
working class?
The handling of il the FirT 5. de Tonstrative of the death rather of Dr. N. M. Perit; is mot de wolid cof something more th fore, it is normal ta. Ia ak forwar wis Lual for Th, th, class struggle of if the leeft Towem im Whigh Dr. Pgf. did play a key ric in to far as the the plantation wo strike of 1947 an of important strik is indeed un pardon of August 1953, Contribution Of t history of mass ri list exploitation hãS beri teated dress and reek instead, a hypocri
been made to coloration to cha: M. Perra and
correct idcology" nature cam only li and ridicula in
IT155e25 Wwhc h13"W", through thc bitt: the ruthlessness o capitalist system.

resent
does not give to whether Dr. rty possessed any theoretical fourver. How corng
Does it suggest
the part of the philosophical and :itals äs Marxism, otskyism) which iip professed tc the natural out
leadership's own nihilation of those when confronted st of the deepenleading to the in of political banner of the
a wailable2 matria|| Iriya Mala” is an emphasis on thiall on the life ra, But the film a desire to Say ar, that. Therefor an audience "d to see, in e saga of the the first phase iert in Sri Lanka era and the LSSP
c. T. reti early struggles of kers, the general d the whole series ..e5 are concerned able. The Harlal the profaundes he LSSP to the :sistance to Capitain this country, with half-hearress in the film. tical a II empt har give a Buddhistic
life of Dr. M. to call it "the Attempts of this :ad to contempt the cycs of the c now grown up *r experience of f the Crisis-Striker
“Siri ya Mala”
doubt
be able to reach the public not merely through
There is little that
"Suriya Mala” will
priwa te shows but official film circuits of the State Film Corporation without a single cut. There appears to be so much self-censorship, so to say. This film might even be screened at political meetings to draw crowds. But its impact will of course be just the opposite of what is expect2d.
It is apt to conclude comment with a quotation from Trotsky himself, the teachings of whom the LSSP leadership professed to follow: "The old era will leave the s Lage with its men while the new era will find new men." In this case we have only to substitute the word "screen" for the word "stage" for appropriateness.
through the
this brief
Parliamentary ...
Corti ried frgrri PaEe 4
petitive process which ha5 long been overtaken in the capitalist world by monopoly processes.
Unrealistic policies however logi
cally they may be pursued, lead to unanticipated results. And so it has been with the open economy
policy. The sector of the economy to which this policy has given a genuine and strong impetus is that of the import trade, Our Country has been flooded with a surfeit of imported commodities of the greatest variety which moved fast at the beginning but whose Tovement has slowed down in most cases to a point at which the financing has begun to break down because of the weight of unsold stocks and of unliquidated debts. Thus the import trade itself has come under new risks and dangers.
(To be continued)


Page 25
The forming of
COntent
Saga ra
66
Il art", said Lu Xun, " " is propaganda, but not all propaganda is art". This statement. goes to the heart of the discussion on content and form which Samudra n’s article on contemporary Tamil literature and theatre has provoked. It illuminates two major aspects of the Marxist approach to si art, and, by implication, touches upon a third; firstly, that all artistic creations are expression or reflections of their social - or to be more precisa, their class — origins; Socondly, that the validity of a Work of art depends on the dialectical unity that exists between its content and its form; and fina|ly, that the work of ar L is mot a delimited, self-contained entity but one that exists in a social context and serves a Social function, Sometimes complex, sometimes simple, but always ultimately in response to the demands of the historical moment. It is necessary, I think, to take these aspects separately and together... as does the dramatic counter position and tense logic of Lu Xun's categorical maxim.
Any discussion of the form-content relation from a Marxist viewpoint must proceed from the social basis of art, with regard to both its social origins and its (contemporary or subsequent) social function. This, I believe, Samudran's original article did, in essence. Of course, as Samudran himself points out, art also has its own internal laws of development and the dialectical unity or interdependence of form and content is a major aspect of these internal laws. E. dialectical unity is not the same as the equivalance of form and content, which interpretation, I think, constitutes tha: C55 ential drift of Reggie Siriwardena's argument, although hic uses the terms "inter -dependence' and "perfect fusion". Siriwardena puts it so well that we are almost convinced; "There
can be no perfec a work of liter; relation to the tes and there car cant content beyo died and realised of for IT'.
This is a fine t
and any disagreen be posed at a d la Wel, i. e. it illus statement and 5u Carltrådigt it. Til unity of form an aspect of the development of but it is also pal dialectic, the rea art and society, 'what Lu Xun The ed of a | ar. b It is also the posit ed in Samudri replies, where he on the unity of but also on the p over for T. How di Tension which ing froTi Siriwa ons — at least at retical lewell. Per ted by the poler argument, where W Lulgarize the Mai the "primacy of c. by describing it ves treating form coa ting for the The inadequacies Marxist practice the å barndommet the refusal to g. but its further refim Cmerit ad i application. Parxi Continua|| tas ting experience and
3.
The concept of dence of form a ir i LS 23.521 CC 1 Lion but one that

tior of forrTh ir1 ature except in on tent it articulabe no signifind what is embo
in the Il diri
echnical argument ment with it must eeper theoretical it go beyond that surne rather than us, the dialectical d content is an Internal laws of artistic activity, rt of a greater tionship between This is preciely ant when he talkeing Propaganda. ion that is reflectln's article and insists not only form and content, rimacy of content ever, this is a seems to be miss"dema's obserwatian explicit theohaps he was divernical drift of his e he tends ta "xist standpoint of ioriter tower form' as one that invol. "as a Tere sugar ideological pill". of Ti istakes of must lead, not to of theory - or rapple with it - development and is more exacting Տ requires thԸ of theory against reality and wice
the interdepennd contcnt is mot Marxist formulaPredate5 Marxism.
Marxism has absorbed, clarifiad and added a furth Cr dimension to it; cha primacy or dominance of conC. Wr form. In order to understand what this really implies it is necessary EXוחבiם ח least some of the many levels and facets
of mcaning that Such a proposition iwowes.
Starting at the most immediate
level, the Marxist critic requires of the contemporary artist or wrter and the contemporary work of art or literature that they contribute to the development, enrichment and/or Lunder Standing of the social context in which they exist. This, of course, automatically raises the question; whose development and Crich ment. i. e. of which Social group or class. It is only the vulgarized or mechanical interpretation of this that requires art to directly relate to a specific political programme. It signifies, rather, the place which the work of art takes in the broad spectrum of contradictions which exist both in society itself and in the struggle for artistic expression and developTherint, at å gi wen moment of time,
Thus, in a Country Such à 5 ours, work which doc:S no. Contribute directly to an art and literature of struggle or criticism, but which
mewerthelle55 contributes to the formation of an artistic tradition which broadly takes its position within the national struggle and the class struggle, and which does not confu5e or oppose or ob Struct the IT, Illust be appraised accordingly. In Other Words, if corta in works of art make only a formal or technical Contribution, such as extending the language or sharpening the vision of an artistic tradition, while other works within than tradition make a more direct, but perhaps technically cruder con
tribution, the significant process that the critic must observe and encourage is che dialectical intera
23


Page 26
ction between the two. In a succcssful work of art, of course, and
one that may have permanent artistic validity these two proce. 35ės Would be iter twind. Bu
in a historical perspective, it is possible to imagine that a work of art which Tanifests the for Tier process might ultimately make a lesser contribution to the formation of an artistic tradition than ong which manifests the latter; a work which has a degree of formal perfection Inight lead to an artistic dead-end, while a crude", "propagandist" work might hawe in it the seeds of significant future development. Of course, the opposite could be equally possible. It is one of the responsibilities and hazards of the critical enterprise that it is called upon to make assessments of this nature, Marx's remarks about the growth of science are also relevant, pari passu to the development of artistic traditions; "Science, unlike other architects, build not only castles in the air, but may construct separate habitable storeys of the building before laying the foundation stone" (Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy)
thus,
Art, Marxist criticis II Taintains, is always a reflection of society and artistic development is dependent on and derives from the specific character of the historical moment. This is bost seen at times when the lines of struggle —C. g. national struggle cor class struggle - are clearly drawn, when artistic activity itself is inevitably brought into a clear relationship with the social context - or (which is in a sense the same thing) when it consciously keeps itself away from it. It is the nature of the historical conditions, their intensity and sharpness in this instance, which raises the problem is another level, beyond the purely political or ideological dimension.
교
leå and worthwhile bẹem neutral. Thị and witality of th impinges on the consciousness of th in a highly comple external conditions Within tha artist : art. The vitality art conceived in derives essentially origins and, in from the stand Creative imaginatio
Art - or at
tion to sharply division. The anal and literature of :
period characterize lopments would, I
out. It examplifie Percei wa ble manner which has much bri that the validity c Work of art arise: the Successful rela to Content, but fr Content as a whic wes from the relat art and society in that sėmse baco ger Concept than
of a relationship bel ("message", "ideolc and form ("techi sation" "structuring so on). The talk
fusion of for IT ang cially in such a co indicated above,
Thean ing of cont technical parameter
On the other h; withdraws into a artistic neutrality, draws its wital sus social context and merely reproduces gestures, symbols, in cof a tradition ar ther| 1 -- **th C2 emptio as it has been not only Social o also artistic content criticism correctly te
(To be co

5t 5ėrious, walid art - has never 2 wery irntensity e social context sensibility and 1e artist. Often, 2x mariner, the
arc internalised and the work of and power of such conditions frcorT1 |t5 5ocial many instances. oint which the talk CG in reladrawn lines of ysis of the art any society or d by such dewethink, bear this 5, in a clearly , a proposit lor radar application: if a successful not only from tionship of form Om the artistic la which deri. ionship between tself. Content fT1325 a m LIch larthe expression Ween meaning 2gical pll", etc.) lique", "organi", "style", and of the "perfoct content", espctext as the on IS TC || imit the
ent to purely
.
and, art which kind of false which no longer tenance from its which thereby the emptied lages and Totifs derivatives of 2d shell of form" called - looking political but is what Marxist rms 'formalist".
ntinued)
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