Page 1
Exclusive
حیح سمعی حجیےحصیحتہمحیححبیع~عریح حیخ=تعحجیےخحیے
Argueles Morales
El Salvador
GO
NUCLEAR 2
- E. Carlo Fernando
ANAGARIKA AND ARUN
TROTSKYISM AND THE
JVP ON LSSP, CP
O ASEAN O "NETRA
 
 

A CHALAM
== 3. Srikanthiadas
= Sharita de Alwis
- Lionel Bopage
А" O FORM, CONTENT

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ASEAN and NA
in what was described as a "working holiday' of four days, Prine Minister Lc KLar
Winner-takes-ali election wictories, had only Foreign Minister Dhanabalan in his entourage, Sri Lankan leaders, Mr. Lee probably guessed, had a full dose of Singaporean economics from Dr. Goh, the city state's miracle medicine-man.
Dr. Goh camc, diagnosed our ills, wrote out his prescription and
went away, promising to return. On inflation, une conomic Projects and the ailing export sector, he
had recommended strong medicine. On economic strategy, the UNP
has certainly leaned Singapore-wards.
What of foreign policy?
Emboldened by its success at the UN on the Kampuchean Issue, WSEANN has worked overtime to alter the "consensus that was reached in HaWana by the nonaligned. The Kam
GUARDAN
Wol, 3 No. 19 February || 5, 198|| Prica 350
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place, Colombo-l.
Editor: Merwyn de Si Iwa
Teleple: 35 22
CONTENTS
Ney, BackgT) Ltd Feig News Should Siti ELika gur Nuclea TT
A Lhallgarik 14 & Aruna chillam 1
WP on LSSP, CP 3. Tritskyist, Walla & NSSF Way to the future 1器 Fining of Interal "Netra" (gyview")
Prin led by Anastill Press 825, Wolfendha | Skrect, CLılab IIIbJ I.
Telephonic; 35.975
Yew , . fresh from one of his customary.
puchean scat, i TeThail Yacat L. ign ministers'
(The meeting w
in Dghi).
The ASEAN of Pol Pot (ar
was led by Sin shots were fir self at the CCT held also in DE lts iri terriational is master-minde Minister (forme S. Raja ratnam ' his once distir pen to write a lent polemic on the Thost succes acs in history,
Behind the WS is also anti-Wie is the U.S. an
Since Singapo which respectable and elites regar mixed feelings Mayor Daley's ( very efficiently Carry much clou And President December pushir in Pakistår änd siam Pr || 13 Miri duled to visit the Delho | rmeetin trip to the Mald
ASEAN and ence in Saudi A. tern 'pincer" in nonaligned Teet
President JR' ...ttled convictic Cndship with
0 foriros tre of policy) has prove vailing force ta lobby of the Srik the business co ign collaborator UNP academics
The Indian Fi WEmkatarara, Lankan relation5 : He was the f to Wisit this coul took office. CThe Of Mrs G; policy adviders,

Conference
t was agreed, Would In Lil the next for e
meeting in 1981. as held last week
campaign on behalf |d against Wietnam) ga porc and its first ed by Mr. Lice him monwealth mecting :lhi last September, propaganda drive d by Deputy Prime Foreign Minister) who actually used Iguised Journalistic fatuous and flatubehalf of one of :sful genocidal ThaniPol Pot.
EAN campaign which narr and anti-Soviet i Chinä.
re is a city-state 2 nomaligned licadors "d with the Eama they reserved for Chicago (it was also run) it does not t. Indonesia does. Suharto was busy in g the ASEAN line India. The Malay ist er was also scheSri Lanka before 1g. Dr. Goh did a i wes from Colombo.
conferthe westhe Delhi
he Islamic Tabia form
חE5 C"ים ing. 's Indo-centrism (a an that a firm friIndia Tust be the Sri Lanka's foreign d to date, a counterthe heavy ASEAN otha Young Turks', mmunity with fore'S, and , Some Proand F. C. "experts".
e Minister, Mr. said that Indo-Sri Were "at their best". rst Indian Mister try after the UNP
Mr. Eric Gonsalves,
andhi's chief foreign was also here to
clear up any differences between the two neighbours on such con
trowersial matters as Kampuchea and Afghanistan. Both are members of the 36 member Coordinating
Bureau where "consensus' rather than formal vote-taking is the recognised mode of decision-making.
So far, Sri Lanka has played according to the rules of the NAM.
1981 : A difficult
year - Ronnie
he 6th Conference of the
Governors of Central Banks in South East Asia (SEACEN) was held in Colornbo, Sri Lanka from January 14-16, 1981. It was attended by Gower nors and officials from the Central Banks of Burma, Indona Eia, Malaysia, Nepal, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and the Monetary Authority of Singapore.
Also present were an Exocutive Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Director of the SEACEN Research and Train ing Centre, and their supporting staff.
The Governors and officials were welcorned by the Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, who was elected the Chairman of the Conference.
The Conference was officially opened by Ronnie do Mol, Minister of Finance and Planning of Sri Lanka. In his address, the Minister referred to the difficult period ahead, particularly in 1981, due to expected slow growth in developed countries, decline in the rate of aid flows, higher costs of capital imports, growing inflationary tendencies and protectionism in the developed coun
es.
The Governors of the Central Banks. also disused thĒ.--Yoyors en ing inflatíöriary Situation and its possble iTpact of thc: S. E. Asiam coun
es.

Page 4
News, views and TN
dominance
66 have never attended an internaconference where the reporting by the western media YW 5, mot 5 lamtid". This charga would have been far les 5 asto Lunding if it had come from any mcdia personality who was not as wellknown to the world press as Mr. Esmond Wickremasinghe, the first *53 r. Charträfl of the International Pross Institute, a yeritâblo of western publishers and He was speaking at the on the proposed Computer|sed Data Bänk for the Marialigned countries, a project which President Jayawardene had approyed already, he said, The sominar discussed 'current problems of the non aligned movement".
ba5tion editors, BM|CH
At another seminar, exclusively devoted to the New Information Order, a panel of distinguished
speakers invited Institute and t Foundation (CH Minister A. C.
Neville Jayaw cora SLBC, brandod t of the multimatic and Western
CorT T UT1 i Calitions 5 liest for of co
In the discussi of the Media irn på ints heard of t dominance of re. international CWer
the local newsp TV by the trans Only in the pi
and Lanka GLa could the Sri La analyses and co reflected Third
aligned perspectiv
Death of a don- a C
academic
unerals have a habit of becoming FNDIR of heightened consciousness and political rallying points, So it was with Somapala, the worker, who died on the "Day of National Protest" in June. Whatever the official versions, his fellow Workers believed that he was a casualty of the 'goon squads' and his funeral, as the L. G. reported, was "one of angriest" ever held in Colombo. With the funeral procession marking a new point of working class End T. U. solidarity, Opposition politicians, including some not known for their sympathies for the trade unions, rushed to Karatt to deliver funeral orations.
교
Mafia
Dr, H. A. de
sudden death an similer psychologi own, if smaller, academics which I the tragic victim -bureaucratic Mal the University fic and helping c generation of Sir dents, Dr. Guna "first" im Eo Ceylon University job of Permanen ning. For reasoi chose to teach Order tL raturs t has 8 PhD's in Et

C
by the c World Wiew ill, Foreign S. Hameed) Mr. form or ChairTan, he insidious impact inal news agencies dominance of the
arga
ystem the "deadlonialisTI".
On on the State
Sri Lanka, particihe "near-complete ws and wiews on
its and issues in apers, radio and national agencies". ages of Tribune ridian, it was said, Ikan reader find Immentaries which
World and non
"E호.
the lum
S. Gunasekera's
d fineral had a Cal impact on his ||
community of
low regard him as
of an academic ia. After serving ar over 30 years, 4 d.C. te a whole hala-speaking Stusekera (the first si C5 from the ) took the exacting t Secretary, Planns of health, he in Colombo. The ɔ Peradeniya which conomics (ColorTibo
Plea for strikers
everal well known personalities
hawe addressed a letter to Mr. Rani | Wickremasinghe the Minister of Education employment and youth affairs, urging him to reconsider at an early date his decision regarding the re-employment of striking teachers. BCaring the signatures of Sir Senerat Gunawardene, H. A. I. Goonetileke, Carlo Fonseka, Prins GunaSekera, Paul Caspersz, and Reggie Sirlwarderma, the lotter regards a5 follows:
"With the opening of the new school year, we are distressed to note the fact that those teachers who participated in the strike of July 1980 have not been re-emp
loyed, thereby creating severe difficulties for students and doing damage to the entire educational
system. This is in spite of the fact that public servants who participated in the strike in other Ministries and departments hawe since been reemployed unconditionally, in some cases even receiving back wages. Meanwhile, thousands of teachers and their families hawe contin Led to suffer as a result of their being deprived of their means of livelihood, and in at least one case it has been reported that a teacher has been driven to commit suicide because of his desperate situation. Taking into consideration the plight of the stríking taachers on the one hand, and the situation of innocent students who start on a new year without an adequate and experienced teaching staff on the other, we earnestly appeal to you to reconsider your decision regarding the re-employment of striking teachers at an early date."
had only one) would have a 5 a rude shock.
Dr. Sarachchandra, who felt the cold winds of Establishment disfavour after he signed a petition on the issue of Mrs. B.'s civic rights, spoke on behalf of the university at his
CCSITE
friend's funeral. He spoke with feeling. This speech is still the s Lubject cof concerried discussion
among students and teachers on all our campuses.

Page 5
Seminar Report
Tariq on racism
ritain has to be situated conBE ... within Wester European capitalism if one is to grasp the phenomenon of British racism. More specifically, racism in Britain can be understood only in the context of the crisis of British capitalism and of Western European capitalism in general. This was the view expressed by Tariq Ali speaking on The Economic Crisi5 and Racism if Britain" at Colombo's CSR auditorium. His lecture was organised by the Movement for Inter Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE).
Tariq Ali Thade his reputation in the heady days of . Student Power' in the late 1960's. A former president of the Oxford Union and the son of one of Pakistani's best known progressive journalists, Mazar Ali, Tariq was in the forefront of the anti Wietnam War protest movement of 1968' 69 in Britain. A founding member and leading personality of the Trotskyist IMG (International Marxist Group) Tariq Ali Thaintains clo52 links with Profe 55or, Ernest Milde's Unified Secretariat of the 4th International. The author of 5ey eraill book5 on the South Asian region, he is a guiding spirit behind "Socialist Challenge" which is regarded as the best produced Marxist newsaper in Britain, Tariq also writes or the left oriented "New States. man' and the liberal Guardian", He spent two weeks in Sri Lanka late: las C. Thornth and addressed the Political Science Association at Peradeniya CafT Pus on the subject
of "Class Struggles in Europe
1975 - 1980".
At his Colombo lecture, Tariq
Ali said that Brita lin had boon
different from Western Europe in that immigrant labour had enjoyed certain rights in Britain. Now the attempt was being made to bring Britain in line with Western Europe in respect of immigration. Racist movements were gaining ground in Europe as a direct consequence of the economic crisis, Currently there were 0-2 million
People unemploye and tha tuling scapegoats to ex situation as Wol labour movemen black racism.
It was a wide that Blacks irn marginal jobs w considered too manning the L. Board. The fact centrally insertex industry, and the to Tee 1 tion th: Service, would g without the part labour. In the co crisis, when redun. Blacks are the fi. The function o justify this capit:
In a now fair COf The Int, Mrs. T Britain was in 'swamped" by no the same slogan the National Front The Immigration extremely tight : and as the e cor til UE2; tO TOLlt, for a "repatriatio Sation' Solution a 5 i Face. The E IOW as brutal as and American Southall for inst ir to action with Wogs", and made On their knees t while blows Wert heads with trunc in the Police Foi cisms by қауіпg, t stay at home an trouble, thereby Black who is out Working hours is a and deserves any ln short, the Bla to go to Work come horne and in point of fact place is that the Front) and the F Lupo Coereign of L

in Britain
i in W. Europe classes needed blain away this as to divide the Honce, aוןti
prevalent myth Britain occupied ich the whites menial, such as Indon Transport is that Blacks are British סtח1 car industry, not National Health rind to a halt cipation of Black n text of economic lancy is inevitable, st to be laid off. f raci511 Is to list requirement.
nous pre-election hatcher said that langer of being whites. This is that is used by i. e., the Fascists. laws are now and openly racist, Lomi, Crisis Conthere'll be support in with compenpresently practised British police are their European counterparts. In ance they went cries of it ikiill the 2 activists crawl hrough a gauntlet, rained on their heons, The high ups *Ce answer Critithat Blacks should d keep out of implying that any : of dors after sking for otrouble" that he/she gets. cks aro expected
in the factories, then stay home. what is taking
Fascists (National 'olice are stepping hc: Black comrnu
FOREIGN
nity with a view to forcing the latters acceptance of "repatriation with compensation".
The Blacks are fighting back, however, This is taking place in a spontaneous fashion, as the violent upsurge in Bristol (one year after Southall) revealed. An alliance in action is being spontaneously forged between Blacks and Asians, with the poor whites joining in on occasion. Asians used to consider themselves superior to the West Indians since their skin was a shade lighter, but now the ranks have begun to close and the Asians have begun to consider themselves Blacks' as well.
Despite the efforts of some organisations dominated by the older generation which attempt to act as "dampers', the realization is growing that Racism can be defeated only by fighting back. and it is only when the Blacks fight that white attitudes towards them change. As long as the Blacks are quiescent, then the white attitude is one of contempt. "Here to stay here to fight!" is the slogan of the Black youth today. The Blacks arc in Britain today because the British were in the countries of Africa and Asia for two centuries.
The question of racism was never taken up seriously by the traditional organisations of the working class, charged Tariq Ali, who said that even the left organisations within the Labour Party didn't take up the race i 55ue Ln til recently. The overwhelming bulk of anti racist activity since 1960 was carried out by groups outside the structure of the traditional political Organisatinns. For instance it was the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and the International Marxist Group (IMG) that were the main motive forces behind the Anti Nazi League (ANL). The utilization of popular Rock musicians such as Tom Robinson to attract working class youth a dience5, was one of the main factors for the success of the ANL. Therefore the ANL could not be understood apart from 'Rock against Racism'. How

Page 6
ever the ANL could not make the
transition from a broad art fascist front into an anti-racist movement. Now there were attempts being made to regroup the components of the ANL into precisely such a movement.
A "Strategy for Black Resistance and Liberation' has yet to be developed' admitted Tariq Discussion were going om in journals such as Race and Class and the Institute of Race Relations headed by Sri ankan A. Siwanandan (who also edits "Race and Class") is acting as a powerhouse of ideas in this regard. The Campaign Against Racism and Fascis TI (CARF) and the Campaign Against Racism in the Media (CARM) also need to be Tertioned.
A strategy for Black resistance, Carrot Tillic the Black Power lovement of the J. S. I ndeed, such a strategy thust necessarily be a a Working Cla 55 strategy, 5 ince 90% of the Black community in Britai are w Clarkers. Black hawe, thereforte, to be liberated both in their workplaces as well a 5 in their CCITT LI rities. The Black cannot be asked to hold on until the Socialist Revolution com es a long to 5 olwe their problems. Rather, Black CaLICL1525 (Tust be fo Fried in the workplaces for the purpose Of Otga ini sing Tinea 5 lutes of selfdefence against racist attacks. There are presently 3 milion umemployed in Britain and as the CCC i Iii E, W CIES things going to get rougher for the Blacks who are going to have to get ready for a long struggle. A positive feature of recent times however, is that trade union demonstrations now contain a large contingent of Black people, including Women,
Replying to a question on Ireland, Tariq said that the recent "Dirty Protest" in the "H Block" of the Maze Prison had evoked a massive wave of sympathy and that the mass mobilization which took place around the H Block protests often involved the populace of whole towns. These mass mobilizations were bigger in scale then anything since 1959. This phenomenon had led Berna dette De w|lim to håWe a dialogue with the Provisional IRA and tell that while they should hold on to their guns, the -stress should be on building up the mass
4.
movement. Any : are undertaken sh that would be d organisation of th It is when the ne tant dialogue reach extremists that E. husband were she
Making a refere Tariq Said that h the progressive r Christian clergy. in the stand of question of the s the activities of Caspersz on the discrimination. Lat fine example in traits of Lenin air a familiar sight in said Tariq in cont
D. Jaya tilleka , mecting said that was as Anglophile Elite. This wag but that evening bad into good", phrase, and lear Tariq's experiences in Britai. The economic crisis an as between racist rolę wart to Sri L. the link between that is to say, th between the str equality and work i, e, socialisr1. A fa had to be avoide city of the racial to be gras ped. I. slogan of organiz 2 gå inst racist attac| relaven L in the H tiCIn area 5.
Po
Aster The inley it
''Eir here is only
(15 ffilïae'r 4,5 fi i: Whose l'alers fr
| Trico 7 5 rret figlif
! "?" gli Y lle 7:
Cerrories of co,
by K
(Correy:

irmed actions that ould not be ones eleterious to the
TE WESTE, ws of this impored the Protestant errädette ard her
mCe to Sri Lanka, e was struck by ble played by the This was evident lhe church om thc ...trikers as well as priests like Paul
issue of racial in America sets a this regard. Por|d Jesus Christ a Te today's Nicaragua, clusion.
who chaired the the Lankan Laft 2 as the ruling negative feature, they had "turned IO LI se , Mali led such froT in fighting racism linkages between d racism, as well and fascism, were Inka. So too was race and class, e interconnections Li Egle for racia | kers emancipation cile Integrationism d and the specifiquestion needed this context the ing self defence k5 was particularly il Country pianta
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Page 7
Briefly - -
ܕܟܕܧ܌ܕܨܧܝܼܧ-===-"=ܩܕ
IN EL SALVADOR "more people have died.... during the past year ... largely as a result of government-condoned Rightwing "death Squad' killings. than in all the other nations of Latin America".
This observation which appears in a report of the Council of Hemispheric Affairs, an independent US group representing academic, labour, political and religious interests, is quoted in an editorial of the Christian Science Monitor. The Council puts the death toll in 1980 at over O,OOO.
While neither the Right nor the Left are described as "homogeneous groups', the opinion of former US Ambassador Murat Williams is cited. According to Mr. Williams "the heterogeneous Left has the support of more than 80% of the population, with the Centre, less of what remains than the Right".
The American casualties in these
ruthless killings by the "death Squads' offer an illuminating glimpse into the political nature of the
wiolence and the conflict of interests. The three nuns were working with a Christian Social Welfare organisation, while the two American men were engaged in a land redistriibution program.
o The Old Line
INSPITE OF the blistering blasts of the Chinese press, Professor Ray Clines on to his Taiwan theory and the Hsinhua sharp-shooters are
at it again. Cline of course is no ordinary teacher and that's why the Chinese keep the heat on.
The former Deputy Director (Ops) of the CIA, Ray Cline is now a professor at Georgetown Centre for Studies, which looks suspiciously like the recruiting ground for Reagan foreign policy advisers. (Roger Fontaine is tipped to be an adviser on Latin America).
ln n interview with the NYK Times, Cline said: "I have long supported the concept of dealing with the two Chinese governments on a de facto basis."
fragic Toll
Describing this . . . without the -Wisher of Sino. . . . this scholar-tu become so overt judiced that he old-line imperiali: guiscitated to lettl day public."
O Sacred
NO RESPECTE Washington's colu nists are getting the (new) Presid first the President lavish inauguration the best Hollywo complete of col Sinatra and the M
The promise to probably brought
any other issue,
would so by slas spending. The w Mr. Jerry Wurf American Federat County and Mur protested: "It we
if the Reagan adr to launch its antiby Cutting feder Social programs Stamps, Welfare, Lunemployment Com Sa Time: Li Tile it haric to corporations, a the wealthy",
Where and wha the dilemma. Just Certain Welfare be "sacred cows' system, One cart bоy Reagап appє Carter for advic returned to the COWs were sacred be slaughtered? ask "er, Ron"

Posture as "Cling mask of a well MrThrilän relatiom 5 rned-politician has earing and presounds as if an it has been reJre the pressnt
Cows
RS of persons, Trists and cartooCO WYork crl II ent'5 mem. But himself, and his
C2: TTD 125 | d style and taste. Jrse with Frank la fia.
control inflation him Tore than Reagan said he
hing government elfare programs? President of lor of State nicipal Employees uld be a disgrace ministration tried -Inflation program a spending on
as such food health care and 1 Pentation at the ls out tax breaks il Companies and
t to cut – that's as in Sri Lanka, -nefits have been of the political 100 might | 53, W. Cowly!aling to Jimmy e as the latter rarch. Which and which could just hafta שס"ן"
Marxists, Christians
ver since hls wisst to Salvador
Allende's Chile, Fidel Castro has spoken out in favour of cooper. ation between progressive Catholic movements and Marxists. In Jamaica in December 1974 Fidol articulated the idea of "an alliance, not tactcal but strategic, between Christians and Marxist-Leninists." Returning to Cuba from a visit to Liberated Nicaragua in August 1980, Fide restated this slogan and extended it to the extent of calling for "unity' between Marxists and Christians. This formula of strategic alliance and unity between the two sectors, was an explosive one which would undermine the basis of Imperialism in Latin America, said Fidel on that occasion. (Earlier, in a Time magazine interview. In December 1979, Fidel, commenting on the Iranian revolution and the role of Khomeini, spoke of the possibility of an alliance between Islam and Marxism as well as of the correctness of a policy of Support for Khomeini).
Most recently, Fidel's main героге to the 2nd Congress of the Cuban CP, while stating that "only the first Christians, in the time of im Perial and pagan Rome are comparable to Communists", to say that:
Went yn
"In Latin America, the active participation of the Christian forces which go beyond the conservative. at times reactionary - stands of the Christian Democratic parties in the region and actively join the struggle for social liberation, democracy and social change of our peoples, becomes increasingly important. The fact that leftists are joined in the shoulder to shoulder battle by Christian revolutionaries, including occasionally Catholic priests and high ranking clergy, is a notable aspect of the great historic changes that are taking place in our countries."

Page 8
El Salvador : Twa concepts of wai
Arque les Morales
anama City January 22 -
whereas leaders of El Salvador's ruling JUNTA claim to have 'smashed subversion', leaders of the opposition Farabundo Marti Liberation Front (FMLN) say that their January offensive has "achieved its aims.
Experts consider that now that the evidence of what has happened during the 12 days of the offensive can be seen more clearly, the the contradications in the claims 'of the two side5 a re due to different concepts of the kind of war being fought in the country.
An FMLN spokesman also blamed some of the confusion on news reports spoke of the Guerrilla campaign as the 'final offensive", rather than the term they really used, the "general offensive". The two sides see what has happend over the past two weeks with differing criteria: whilst the government Interprets the fact that it has prevented the Guerrilla from taking over the major towns as a "strategie Wictory". The FMLN claim this is not the case at all.
They say that their attack om
the towns was aimed at pinning the government forces down and denying them mobility, and to
"convert the whole of the country into a fighting zone. They point out that until their January offensive the regular army was able to move more or less freely throughout the country, except for a few areas in the North where goverment control has virtually broken down altogether,
Now they say that the army is restricted to the capital and the larger towns in the interior, and that they themselves control most of the countryside.
Foreign wisitors hawe yisitod Guerrilla camps in such strategic places as San Wincente on the
6
Ex-site ( | from INTERP Forld" Nels A
slopos of the Wolk
pequc and in th in thic, North.
The Guerrillas
Seyeral important ding to ay awitinas number of peas "dě5m' dar Eo regions already in opposition forces,
it also seems t Guerrilla troops back to their E theri make: srt attack barracks, p government office their enemy freec
The FMLN insi: objectives they se the beginning of t been achieved. it as yery irtıp troops i hawe i na W in positional com warfare, which th: te one FMLN m marking a 'decisi progression from
if a Revolutionar
The FMLN : : offensive gave the try out their ney includ : w arri RPG anti-tank In their wiaW the strengthened their groups, and haw Lotablish in Surrect mittees (CD) wh provide the bas and defence in th
The army tak wirwy, The Misi Colonel Guillermc said that "if the an offensive and of has won the
(Cantinucid

Trika Gardia RESS (Tlıfr | ger Cry", cano Chin-Chontee Guazapa Hills
have also cut routes, and accors reports from a ant 5, the artiny go into' several the hands of the
hat although most have now pulled ases, groups of les everyday to olice stations and s. Thus denying dom of action. --
it that the four it themselves at he offensive have They also regard rtant that their been "blooded" bat and in siege 2y. See according ilitary leader, as We step in the Guerrilla to that y army'.
io say that the m the chance to w weaponry, which w:als s Luch as the
rocket launchers, y have tested and
Zonal Guerrilla : be: ab|: to
Iona define comich from now on is for resistance he fighting areas.
..es the opposite ster of Defence : Garcia recently
enemy launches is crushed, the
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Page 9
Central Americar threatens Reaga
he capital cities of the repub
lics of Central America are surrounded, for the most part, by huge volcanoes. Some are smoking and have half the crust torn away ta reveal a red hot internal lake of fire. Others are quiescent, silhouettes on the skyline. Eric Wolf, the great anthropological investigator of Central America, called his book on the area, Sons of the Shaking Earth.
Today the scismic activity is mostly political. The entire isthmus is absorbing the reverberations of the great Sandinista upheawal in Nicaragua in July 1979 that swept away Somoza. In almost every country new forces are emerging. Simply by existing, without having to lift a finger in support of the struggles elsewhere, the Nicaraguan revolution has changed the atmosphere-Just as the collapse of Portuguese rule in Wingola and Mozambique gawe: hope to the black 5 of Sowet and Zimbabwe,
A, "er Centra Americā h old battles between peasants and landlords, between guerrillias, band its
and regular soldiers, are being joined again. The ancient alliance between Church and State has been broken. Even the old ruling class 5 at odds with itself. The local arried forces, corrupt and divided, turn increasingly to the
most barbaric forms of repression to sustain their crumbling position. The grisly work of the officiallyinspired death squads continues unabated and Urichecked. Priests and runs, journalist5 and academics, trade unionists and politiciansno one is entirely safe, But the great bulk of the assassinations take place in the countryside, involving anonymous peasants - a largely un reported and un Sung Struggle.
Yet the great mass of the people, dicnic d a Woice for decades, are now finding new leaders and fresh ways of expressing their grievances. Honduras is still quiescent, but in
El Salwador, Lulit: United Farabundo Front are trying tC. try-wide insurrer
Guatemala Guerrillero de
Guerrilla Army embarked on the
Ard a| this is down the road | Texas, in the w. of the United Si Precedent is any the area will p drop to the firs the Reagan presi
Central .
President's
his the United Wglcanoëx, CC et LI of influence w suffocate them
* ,1961 וזCuba I 1985, CHille i 1 record, how in
Nicaragua be alle Arid car Rei gärn idly by while
Guatemala explo:
El Salwador is point in the for Cisem and ir ment. You don't Pentagon general the toppling of th doilinges. The lat SorTozo Taintaine of relationships, military, with all the is thrus. Wii guan godfather, access to the at of the Armer Canal Zone, the of the Cital has been faltering a new and chanյ thé officero in divided as to w to meet the c minority, deman

earthquake
of the recentlyMărti Liberation 3 spark off a countionary struggle. the Ejercito los Prabres - the of the Poor' - has : same project.
taking place just from California and ilnerable backyard tates. If historical thing to go by, rovide the bဒငါး t great crisis of dency. For when
adwocate Sterner methods
assion.
On the left there is a new mood of optimism. After years of political opportunism and heroic failure, there is a feeling that change is now possible. People are sharpening their pens and dusting down their old handbooks on guerrilla war, The Sandinistas hawe a slogan, posted on the hoardings around Managua, "El amanecer dejo
of rep
da ser uma tentacion". It means, roughly translated, "the dawn of the revolution is no longer a
dream".
America could provide the new
first crisis, writes Richard Gott
States allowed red pt in its sphere ithout trying to 3uatemala in 1954, Sinto Domingo in 973. Against this 1uch longer will aved to Survive 's America stand El Salvador and
e
flashCrisis, nevitable develophawe to be a to hawe predicted e Central Americam e General Anastasio al Intrica te weawe both enonomic and the countries of hout their Nicarwith his easy wice and expertise military in the purposeful march Americam dictators g. Confronted with ging situation, even their armies are hat to do and how hallenge. Some, a reform. Others
the latest growing
For the Americans - for the State Department, the Pentagon, the press and the business comunity - Central America has for long remained a conundrum. For more than a quarter of a century, ever since the CIA helped overthrow the left-wing government in Guatemala of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954, it was terra Incognita. State Department policy towards the area was conspicuous by its absence. Propaganda in favour of the reformist slogans of the Alliance for Progress in the Sixties fel on deaf ears.
Oligarchic and military governments were put together and patched up by the Pentagon and American business interests on a purely Prag rimatic basis. General Somoza was a model for the area. The American press dutifully reported coups and earthquakes but otherwise took no interest.
that has Reporters from the New York Times and the Washington Post travel up and down the isthmus. Think tanks in Washington feed Central America into their computers. Ambassadors on special misslon and assistant secretaries of
NOW || changed.
7

Page 10
state jet into the capital cities for emergency consultations. Meanwhile, business Ten and military advisers wring their hands,
The Republicans tend to blame Carter for handing Nicaragua to the Sandinis Las com a pla LC2 — thCugh that was never the State Department's aim, and the guerrillas had to fight for what they eventually won, Old Southern crs argue, more convincingly, that the man who began the destabilisation of Central America was Henry Kissinger"the faceless wonder in striped pants" as they used to call himwho embarked on the process of "giving away" the Canal Zone. More important than either was the earthquake of Christmas 1972 which destroyed the city of Managua and eventually, in the aftermath of intensified corruption and misrule, helped to destroy Somoza himself.
Whatever the origins of the
crisis which has now spread from Nicaragua to the rast of Central Allerica, it is Cre peculiarly Էif the Americans' own making, and one for which they alone bear responsibility. Unlike other trouble spots in the world - the Middle East, Africa, South-East Asia, Europe itself — Centra | Americā Is är area where the Europeans hawe few interests in play. The United States is alone with its backyard, without allies. The fact that Britain owns Belize ånd ance held the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua is largely irrelevanti.
More significant are the recormendations of Wenezuela and Mexico, now more than ever important as the suppliers of America's oil,
They are both firT supporters of the Sandinista goyern Tient and would deprecate any AIIlerican
Illove to overthrow it. But need the American market at leagt ag Truth ag Amerita needs them, and in the Pas L they hawe never been powerful arbiters of hemispheric policies. And their attitude towards the unfolding crisis in El Salvador, which derland the most immediate attention, is profoundly ambiguous.
they
In their campaign rhetoric, the Reagan Republicans convinced themselves, misguidedly, that what was
going on in Cer Moscow-inspired. Reagan. "Lot Nic: a || become additi outposts for Sawic Will the next pi Hawamal, axis ba Guatellala and t and south to F.I.'
Socing the wo terms, the camp: torn to te:Tnnd si We are confronter said J2äne Kirkpa to be Reagan's : Uritė - Mlation 5, as', is till to T1: autocratic govern fricndy to tho , pormitting it to CLI bam-train Cd, CU sроп5cred insurg assist thic moder:
This was perhap more thăm the | old Republican the Eighties the U be hard-pressed rately repressive
Both in El Guatema la cha interests that t as Back for fighting with ow. can find. There : in their policie people hawe ble E both countries a: sruggles to survi
So in practice
States administi General Htig, ha State typically
detal of Centrä forced cithgs to
line (with a diff to embark on military interw
disguised. If it gQvernment5 in Guatemala that 1 outlets for the below, as Carter's tried to do it up the dictators words and riore what the campai those dictators is exactly what for - and was weeks before th

ntral America Wa5
L: "''. Si Lragua. El Salvador onal “Cubas", new t combat brigades? Ish of the Moscoynorthward Lo Cm:C: T Mcxico, Costa Rica and
-ld in 5 Luchi simple Lign rhetoric went imple solutions, "If with the choice," trick, now selected Imbassador at the "between offering derately repressive rent which is also Jrited Statics, and be overrun by a bar-armed, CubanCmcy, we would lite autocracy."
is meant as nothing Teitėra ticorn of ar trid itiori. Bil It lr nited States would to find a mode
autocrit."
Salvator and i
old conservative a United States Hocicle 5 ara rita Ww :ry weapon they "II"air" 5. Thousands of an assassinated in s the dying order 넘문,
th meww I tard ration (which, in s a Secretary of un ver5 ed in the | America) will be fCCW che Carter crent rhetoric), or a programme of IoWCWC חנ_itםחר
car not patch up El Say: dor and cry to find political explosions from i ambassadors hawe will ha'ye to back with II note th31 y. That is certainly gn rhetoric has led Lo expect. And It Somoza's son asked denied - in the e Sandins ta wictory.
Would it not be possible, Tachito Somoza asked the American a Tı bassador in Maragua, to 5end in several hundred American military advisers, officers familiar with Nicaragua, to movc into the National Guard at command level and stiffer
morale
That is the kind of request that President Reagan's ambassadors in
San Salvador and Guatemala City will shortly be receiving. It is a quastian to which Che Gueyara
always hoped the Americans would answer yes. "Little by little," he wrote, "the obsolete weapons which are sufficient for the repression of small armed bands will be exchanged for modern armaments, and the United States military 'advisers' will be substituted by United States Soldiers, un til åt a gi wen moment they will be forced to draft increasingly greater numbers of regular troops 5. the relative stability of a government whose national puppet army is disintegrating before the attacks of the guerrillas. It is the road of Wietnam; it the road that will be followed in aur America. .. " | L is the road that SLJCCC. S siwe American administrations for the past 5 years have tried to avoid.
(The Guardian, London)
E! Salwador" . . .
| Čipri Lin Luci fra 77 Page & )
This seems a simplistic judgement of a very complicated situation, and there is good swidence to believe that the army Ywa 5 SLJr Pris 2d at the number of new weapons which the Guerrillas had available in the
fighting.
Perhaps they should also bear in mind that om June 27, 1979 when the Sandinista troops pulled out of Managua the Capital of Nicaragua, after more than 20 days of fighting, Arnastasio Somoza boasted that "the subw crisive offensive has been crushed at the gates of the capital'.

Page 11
SHOULD SRI LAN
NUCLEAR
E. Carlo Fernando
Hydro-power Consultant, Ceylar Eller City Big Jrd)
NE Power generation is not a matar" for a few indiwiduals to push through in Sri Lanka. I cansider the following fourto en basic questions should be answered in the first instance, for the public to know what we are heading for, The points raised in these questions should be of concern to a power industry, responsible for power generation in Sri Lanka. Apart from those, there are many aspects
Ywhich hay to be delt with concerning other disciplines,
Q. An energy shortage over
hydro capability will start in 1987 and develop to II 000 to 1500 MW by the year 2000. System demand ir | 387 will be about WOC) MW and by the year 2000 it will be between WOO and 2200 MW.
What is the capacity of the Nuclear plant recommended to meet this requirement?
Q. 2 in the U. S. A. a country with no lack of nuclear technology it takes a minimum 2 years Lo get a nuclear power plant through.
So can Sri Lanka with no experience in nuclear technology put a nuclear power plant on stream by 1992 as recommended to the CabiTet?
Q. 3 is not the safety of a nuclear plant a relative matter - depending on the degree of technological development and ma internance standards in a country?
Nuclear is Said to be safe, provided that all the stipulated Standards and precautions are taken. What is the estimated gap in years between the advanced countries like the U.K., U.S. A., Germany and a poor country like Sri Lanka in this respect? ܡܩ
The answer to: quite wident if Sri Lanka's pe
following -
Es train growi
on time; G hardly any cle is Upto dārds;
O to get a
has to wa e practically is a pow All the
of boilers and tissa Power Stat of order five ye. ioning. It is to nuclear plants ha Controls.
It is rare Lankan professio, who wi|| be pro a remote place power plant Col. alternative is to plant in Colombi. for the citizens whether they w their backyard c
Q. 4. Where to be sited
Q. 5 What ar
to dispose of n rial.
Q. 6 Australi; resources, but nuclear power i reason given is want to depend logy. Do we foreign technold What extent
Q. 7 Energy India advocate a in nuclear powe go fast

KA GO
3 this question is We just consider rformance in the
zes which r Swer run
o manufact Iredatiinternational star
telephone call one it for hours;
every day there är failure;
automatic controls
turbing 5 at KelanilCm ha we been out ars after commisse noted hera that we fully automatic
if a de woted Sri nal can be found pared to work in where a nuclear ild be sitod. The have the nuclear 3. So it is a matter of Colombo to say vish to hawe it in
If I'lւյt,
is the power plant
e the arrangements uclear was te mate
1 has large uranium she has ruled out this century. The that she does not
om foreign technoplan to depend on gy and if so to
Policy makers in go slow approach r. Why should we
Q. 8 in Hong Kong with a fairly large Power system the largest operating units in the colony are the 200 MW gets and even if there were an inter-Olm Oction b2twaén the two networks the combined system capacity would not support currently available nuclear systems at an economic level. A study made by the International Atomic Energy Agency in 1975 revealed that even a modest programme of tyo 600 MWW units' in the Thid 1980’s wCuld Cø5't TT1øre tham double the S HK 2 billion estimated for fossil fired plants of equivalent capacity - Comments?
Q. 9 Sri Lanka's installed capacity is almost at the bottom of the list of international power systems. Can she with 300 MW conpare herself with giant power systems in advanced countries, as in the UK, USA and so on, with systems of over 50,000 MW range?
Q. 10 What is the capacity of the smallest power systern to which nuclear power has been added on a commercial scale? Taiwan's power system was 4000 MW when the first nuclear plant was added.
Q. || From where can we get nuclear fuel Without aligning ourselves with power blocks. Recently India had to face the crisis of having her uranium Supplies cut off. This matter was dealt with at the highest level in the US Congress.
Q. 12. Thorium is available in beach sands in certain parts of Sri Lanka. As a by-product from the Mineral Sands factory at Pulmoddai about 10 T of thorium could be had per year. Supplies here are said to last 20 years. Have we got the capacity to open similar factories at other products ilmenite, rutile, zircon?

Page 12
Moreover the thorium cycle is an advanced fuel Cycle and it is only academic at present. It is expected to be introduced commercially only by the turn of the century, The use of thoriuli is based or fast breeder technology, It is Certain that this technology will not be available to Sri Lanka as it leads to the production of plutomlum used in the mā'nufacture of bombs.
Q. 3 According to the conclusions reached at the world Energy Confergnce 1978 on the World Energy Resources 1985-2020:-
O beyond 1980, known resources are believed capable of suppor
ting a maximum level of annual production approaching 10,000 tonnes uranium, achievable by 1990.
from 1990 the rates from known decline.
production resources will
g some 300,000 tonnies of uramium per annu nin gap b2 [W2 en production from known resources and
Free Public Lecture
on Christian Science
UNDERS ANDING GOD'S SCIENTIFIC LAW
by
WILLIAM A. BAXTER C. S, Member, Christian Science Board of Lectureship,
Sat. February 21st, 5.5 p.m Dutch Burgher Union Hall, | |4, Reid Awcnue, Bambalapitiya
Fro22 Literature
No collection
ALL ARE WELCOME
taken
* Ausplces: Christian Science Society Colobo.
uranium de Tand pated introductio brocd:r5 in the develop between
this deficit met by developm
S.
the task yorld with ura required, optimistic demand on introduction of ders, is truly im
Carl a poor Lanka base her f opment plans a nuclear supplies : logy:
Q. 14 |ti iš Čil is the safest sourc safer thän hydro hazards posed by in the Three Mi Pennsylvania, US gerated. If the: correct why is t year after the : closed
Met-Edison Po" mates it will ta years (Federal at figure close to the plant. How data has bec h energy for powe proposad to the
if the world's cally developed hä5 to tak: So open this plant small leak on w Sri Laikal Ywith erit: whilt:Sower beter than the
A responsible cannot face the
OO MW luar kept shut, may a similar accider here. Just cor damage this nati recent months . power Cuts.
Next: The by J. Г.

following antici
in of commercial late 1990's, will
OO
will have to be erit of ri ew so Li r
of providing the ni um at the rätt: under the rather assumptions based torTi Tiercial bree
||f||1 ,
country like Sri uture power deven such uncertain and nuclear techno
aired that nuclear :e of energy, even
and that radiation the small leak | 2 ||sland Plär i
A. has been exag
Slt: S :his plant now one accident, still kept
war Company estike at least three Jthorities put the five) to re-open Is Lhat sich vital idden whom nuclear :r generation was
Gorwering intent?
most technologicountry U. S. A. mamy years to rewhich suffered a what grounds can no nuclear experibe qualified to do
U. S. A
power industry consequences, if a r plamt has to be be permanently, if II '"'" : . " i sider the Erno Tic om has suffered In lue to Just 50 MW
cost factor Diandas
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Page 13
  

Page 14
by Dr. Kumari Jayawardena. p. 170). The paper was so venomous in its attacks on the Muslims during the height of 1915 riots that the Government had to take a decision to ban this. In a letter to the Secretary of State for the colonies, on 1915 riots he says The Muhammedans, an alien people, who in the early part of the 19th century were common traders, by §yါ6:{ian methods became prosperous like the Jews. ... What the German is to the Britisher that the Muhammedan is to the Sinhalese." (Return to Righteousness р. 540–41)
Nihal Perera wants us to treat
all these deep seated reactionary views of Anagarika as mere 'short comings' and "understand in the light of historical conditions, while conveniently ignoring certain significant political and social developments. Anagarika (1864-1933) lived at a time where organised working class agitation in Europe created P: which lapped the shores of our country. The printers strike of 1893; The laundry workers strike of 1896; The carters strike of 1906; The railway workers strike of 1912; The general strike of 1923 are a few examples. Also, it should be noted, that this was the period in which the Great October Revolution of 1917 took place. In this milieu Anagarika's speeches writings hurling aspersions at the non-Buddhist local population would have only helped to retard the progress of the organised working class. This, too, facilitated the rulers to put into operation their divide and rule policy rather effectively,
Nihal Perera in his endeavour to teach Gunada sa Amarasekera, the difference between a Marxist and a Patriot throws himself into a labyrinth. He cites what Mao Tse-Tung has said about Dr. Sun Yat Sen, in a different context to give Anagarika the veneer of a patriotic leader. Nihal Pereta wouldn't have been in such a dilemma if he had ever read what Mao Tse-Tung has said in unequivocal language on patriotism"There is the "patriotism' of the Japanese aggressors and of Hitler,
"
Contin red or page 4)
 

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Page 15
interview with Lionel Bopage - (2)
SSAeMHSTSAALLAAAALL LLSLSLL qeqAAS MSAALASSSASLLALLALA LASLLALLSqSqqMMqeAeeAASASSLLLLLLSLLLLLSLLLLLSLLLLLAALqLLLMMAAASASASS SLLLLLAL
JVP on the LSS
Q: You are of record as having repeatedly addressed the young elements at the ha se of the CPSL a 7 di Turged thern to cha Page their சாtership and make , efcriticism. If this was done, you pledged that the JPP to d ii'illingly enter int to united actions with the CPSL. Owig to 7 Variery of factors, internal and external, a Self-criticism as made, a leadership change effected, a da re-orientation of the general irre took place("of cer Tig tie SLP, the IT for II baurgeoisie etc. But far from responding favourably you have Corrir i'r ied fod ar fack the CPSL (except for a brief inferregnum). Why do 'ot refuse to enter faired a criors with this party? As ar. earlier period you had expressed J'Or l'illir gorz FS to e ter i'r Yr ur fred actions with those sections of the left which had not participated in and had conder Fried the repression of April 97 r. At a press conference given immediately after your release you e yer express el 11'i llingress to LLLLLS S LLLGLL S LLTLLLLLLL S kkLatCHL S GL defence of democratic rights, vir ''; the Devil's grander other. Why have ya abalIdoned these positios?
A: You are right when you say that we urged the young elements at the base of the CPSL to change their leadership and make selfcriticism concerning the betrayals entered upon by it plus its extremely class-collaborationist policy. Also, we declared there that it was only after the se requirements were met that we should consider whether any united action with the CP could be possible.
It is true that a leadership change was effected and some self-criticism was made, but this was all for the purpose of deluding the mcm
bership of the CP and, on the whole, blindfolding the working masses of the country. The re
orientation of the general line of the CP Illust however, be tested in practice. When the said 'reorientation' of the CP is scrutinised with care, it is not too difficult to percieve that it is deliberatlely done
to take the T We know that SeYeral instance Was on the brir the so-called (Maybe the CP to resist the ap of the old Inti rushed to plant on the checks of Their virtual stat collaborationist, policy of followii and thair uncea sing to Undermine th the JWP made
5 O TE any kimd with the which did not ta had cond sed til April '7 espec too have develop with the SLFP a - collaborationist. OLur best to co they have taken the stick but the to deviate from Yery much apprec Thess ir the face2 repression but it' they are against lot Torc than th in 97.
We, however, we are willing to action provided t –be are truly so a Party or a grou gen Linly for built Sri Lanka — regår devil's grandmothe it - We Would li сопрапу.
Q: li (; , carrier (7 3 par! W. SISP", "If I e' " of the LSSP'. I, Ιή ( , SSP είτε Propaga fel iacial I') ) saak i de Ir leadership aid I Pro Pig i le 1 var "Rh LHt" | Î55 Le 14’en 1 071 ro left actions were 777 is fakes, it can

, CP
sses for a ride. there had been where the CP of repudiating ra-orientation. found it difficult etising memories acy, and almost couple of kisses ts ex-lowe, SLFP). 2 of being classtheir unaltered g Moscow blindly, sectarian activities : organisation of : impossible for united action of 1. Those sections ke part in and le repression of ally the CMUed close relation5 nd become clas 5 We endeavoured 1 wince them that the wrong end of y were reluctant their course. We late their uprightof the massive s a pity that now that uprightness a ey were for it
still maintain that enter into United hat our allies-to :ialist. If there is p ready to work ding socialism in i less whether the :r too belongs to we to be in its
the 'Niyaniwa' Feries (II I The The las „Warrey it is stated that ris er braced or ist ideals Foley aditional politira! gai Popularity king class. The fri its April I 37
say that the old “ra accidents or 1 scio LAS 777 d (deli
Lione Bopage is Actg. Gen. Sec. of the JVP. ||
hera te berrayals'. Is it your contention that the LSSP has ne'er made a positive coi tribution a gy stage if its 5 year history ? Furtherritore is it ritor ironic that you' party has now adopted in any theoretical positions that the LSSP arriculated in its ti-Sivis heyley? The gai, Why have you refra sted front corrin erit ing critically on the LSSP's Trotskyist East?
A: The LSSP, as a politial formation, has been striving throughout to secure the class rights and interests of the petty-bourgeoisie of Sri Lanka. This can be proved by analysing its doings in the last 45 years, both theoretical and practical. But as a consequence of the organisation of the working class which the LSSP did solely for the purpose of attaining its class aims, there had been, so to speak, numerous b -products. Among the se gains, Whိ႔ were totally accidental, was the struggle to disperse Marxist ideology. Yet their deliberate attempt was not to equip the masses with Marxist-Leninist ideology but to inject a concatenation of pettybourgeois thoughts into their brain cells.
We are of the firm opinion that the 45-year old LSSP has never made a positive contribution to the Socialist Revolution, whereas owing to the doings of the petty-bourgeois groups such as the LSSP, CP, MEP etc. the Working class had been able to acquire some sporadic benefits which were not less than incidental. And We did analyse Trotkyism in the LSSP some time ago. There we asserted with precision that we have major and fundemental differences with Trots
yT
Q: While you ardently support national liberation struggles fie World over, fr ) r77 Puerto Ricu to East Tinior aid from western Sahara to'o N'avio! ilia, you areo vehemier tilly opp (3. sed to the slogart of dari ir depr7 de 17 f, Secular", socialist Tariail Eallar & Fall you Tills, reject (Irried Striggle to achieve this
3

Page 16
goal. Furtherior care 1'C ha ve 7 alker7 up a pesifici 77 14’ltic eq FC IES, CTT defauces equally, Siri has chal 'i- ristir ard Tarris ne fiorialis 777 the rehiyo gioring the fundere il Lei ist dis rivier for Piet weer! I te hij urgeois *Natiornalis rw7 of ar7 el oppre şoseal VI ĈI TI for! "Miicl las « derrocrat fic: Carl progres ofre content. Cwing tơ this you ha y'e heer der ou 77 cead (77&dh č7 Y'e denounced in firm, the militari i Tarmil youth orga Friza filo 77 i 14'lı) sho Lu/ail ha7 1"e beeri yo u "" YI a7 I Zu "a! allies. Is your internationalisri
Y lly for explor!”
W: We have always distinction between the bourgeois nationalism of the oppressor and the oppressed. Hence if someone says that we have denounced, Sinhala Chauvinism and Tamil natioalism equally or equated them, he is badly mistaken. We have proclaimed enough that Tamil nationalism is bourgeois nationalism induced by Sinhala Chauvinism. Thus We haWe truly recognised the democratic and Progressive content of the struggle of the Tamil-speaking people.
mod Chr:
We do recognize the indisputable right of the Tamil speaking people to self-determination, i c, to Separation, and continue to agitate 50 a5 to Take these rights recognised by all. Can anybody say that this is not the genuina Marxist-Leninist position concerning the matter in question? We are, however, opposed to the slogan of an independent, secular, 'socialist' Tamil Ealam since it runs counter to the socialist social ewolution which i5 o Lur Supreme aim. Therefore in principle we do mot agree on the contents of this slogan but this, by no means, means that we do not recognize their right to seperation. In case the Tamil-speaking people arrive at the decision to be seperate, they hawe the right to choose the sort of struggle they should adopt. As far as wo are concerned, new er hawe we suggested them either to accept or to reject a particular form of struggle.
It is indeed true that We Woiced our disagreement when terrorist tactics were in progress, for We believe that any form of terrorism would drive the masses away from the revolutionary movement. Altho
A
ugh there are 3 organizations of Ta
claim to hawe tt: Leninist positions National Question
understand that the
Frior ta conclu: mention that cur is nothing other internationalism wh genuine Marxism-L
Letters
UNP and Balogh-ne
The more I rea m rg3 || 31T1 rerThirh H Balogh's observation type of education premium on diale: than knowledge The reasons why alternative to the U where they are, a Will those intelle educat themselves
Gangoda
Anagarika . . .
Cortin Luced fro
and there is Communists Tust the patriotis T' . aggressors and of Readings from the Tse-Tung. p. 13). that Dr. Kumari also prompted by look when she ga label of a 'Budd while making the wations about At Arunachala Tı Yayas ir and liberal minder in both his politics tc | about. In ma specches on Pol issues, he had to in order to acco conscrwati ya CPP ir Ceylonese politica Rise of the Labo Ceylon, by Dr. dena, p. 2004)

cweral i militant mil youth that ached Marxi5 T
regarding
we reliably y have not.
slon, l wish to
internationalism tham Prcolta län ich is based on
ininisT.
у
d "Chintaka" the cd of Thotas 5 on the Oxbridge
which "Placed a til ski|| rather of the world'.
"The only true NP have remained re plain to see,
LL als m2 ver
ITE
G. Punchirala
III իdլ է 12)
L patriotism. resolutely oppose if the Japanese Hitler" (Selected Works of Mio It would seeT Jayawardena was - a similar olut we Anagarika the hist Nationalist" following obser"լImachalam - "But nore than tultured d: he was radical and his approach Iy of his public itical and social restrà ir his wiews modate the more
ions of other I leaders." (The Jr. Mowgment In
Kumari Jayawar
the
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Page 17
Trotskyism, Vam
Shanta de Alwis
hintaka has replied to my article
on the NSSP and popular frontism" u sing the standard Sta||- nist techniques of slander, willification, distortion and falsification" will ignore the personal attacks and concentrate on the political questions he has raised.
Trotskyism
Let me first take up the points about Trotskyism in general. Essentially he makes two points: One is that "all victorious revolutions hither to, hawe se en fit without exception, to incarcerate and/or liquidate Trotskyists precisely because of the infernal nuisance they make of themselves by their incesSant magging . . . . "
This point cannot be answered fully without a detailed explanation of the concept of deformed workers states and the Marxist theory of colonial revolutions.
Since the main subject of Controwersy, the historical record of the NSSP, must be dealt with in some detail | will content myself here with the following brief remarks:
If the Trotskyists were merely an "infernal nussance" why was ir necessary to destroy them physically? The reason is that all these rewolutions, due to various causes which I have not the space to elaborate on here, spawned forth parasitic exploitative bureaucracies which cannot Lolorate any kind of dissent. Least of all can they tolerate Trotskyism which advocates the overthrow of these bureaucracies and the establishment of workers' power, Even if Trots Eyists are numerically insignificant, the bureaucracies realize the potential power of their ideas. If for example the Polish Stalinists had not liquidated the Polish Trotskyists, the Polish workers would not have stopped half way, thus leaving the way open fof the bureaucracy to reassert itself in time and remove cwen the limited concession wrung out of them, as happened in 1956, 1970. and 1977. Instead, thic workers
4?FII .T:IrliıF Ty 3 15 TE? Y : sciation's Study Circle kpc, L' II le 3, ... F. Ho
In tlieir cirr III; the S. S. A. wrot. Siltill: Populis III KITLI TI I T Er yyli բIlh listigil in thը h21 - 2 gong: Tri tie ĉi : troj , orTs yo : il go-l : til LIre sild Ll11rligt Freedon Party'".
TIL E ELTÉicli i Wiç:lk. Te:rL1:1 bı:a Hiu Ka, the discussi u li li TT : l I do I trilit bF i loft Er et i | N, S. S. P., Forus. I r I I heal N. S. 5. Fr:I tism. A rep! filo Ĥkor wwii & puh i ishi issues. In view res in this hij w publish, 1 rej by Shan til de A
would have mow: the bureaucracy : ers' power. This moШ5 гершrcussict Europe and the bureaucracies in t extrefTely unstab unable Loday to of bureaucratic
The second p about the anti revolutionaries to
Name Dropping
Nowy if name Sure of theorg ti Chintaka deserwes a Nobel Prize : of making in Ch "ILI dicroLuis exhibitis, ling his theoretic should ba duly deprived of the of the Lanka G form. However of this journal h; ap Prais all of such the paaple he m Gramsci ftong of be considered a tionary,
Che Glevara rojo figure, a rey

a and
, the Social ScienCirrelat Affuirsi hored il discussion
r tu participants, | ""The Friulis III hy Wickr el 11:Libahu 1 11 ere recently Larry kızı Qvirirdi: "; great del of coilte regir ding the ir if tlı ev sri I,ınlığı
Ilıcı L. G. by ilir. un aritike, Who led the S. S. A. fullon to this journal rilenber of the Shinta de Alwis, P. and Popular to this by hiri:d in subst gitnt | tlı 2 ' Irrarı 1 inteTulit : d issues, NY": in der to Chintaki
2d on ta overthrow ind establish workwould ha ye enor15 all ower Eas Gerrn USSR, as all the hese countries are e, for they are resolve the crisis lan ning.
oint he makes is rathy of various
Trotskyism.
t
dropping is a mçã= cal literacy then the equivalent of and I'm guilty of intaka's words, a. in of himself flaunall illiteracy" and unished by being right to make use Luar dia in as a platbelieve the cditor E A TOT TILLIT matters. As for entions, excepting the others car
Marxist revolu
was a romanticheolutionary in some
the NSSP
good sense. However, ha cannot be cansidered a Marxist. Marxisi holds that the working class is the only revolutionary class in this era, and Che Guevara certainly did not base himself on the working class. His tragic attempts to reproduce the 'Cuban Mode" in other South American countries like Bolivia, show the essentially petit bourgeois romantic nature of his thinking. His hostility to Trotskyism is hardly surprising.
Practically all Third World revolutionarie 5 hawe had similar conceptions. This is a consequenca of the petit bourgeois nature of these Societies. Tho domination of Stalinism which is a petit bourgeois dowiation from Marxism, over the left movements of thos countries, is hardly surprising. The consequence has been that in spite of enormously favourable objective conditions, revolutions in the Third world have been relatively few and even in those cases, they have taken place in a distorted fashion.
As for tha warious author5 he mentio 15, lam rot unaware of their hos tille attitude to Trotskyism. In fact that is exactly what I would expect from them. Let us take a few example.
Explicit Stalinist
Alth tusser was onte an explicit Stalinist. Today he has broken away from the ideology of the parasitic counter-revolutionary bureaucracies of the workers' states and not having been able to come to a Marxist position, finds himself in a theoretical and political wilderness. Debray is today a leading adviser to the French reformist leader Framcoig Mitteriand. Furthermore, he propounds a reactionary thesis of French Messianism! Emmanual produced a weighty tome to "prove' that workers of the Imperialist countries exploit the workers and pcasants of the Third World. It is clearly not possible for me to give a detailed analysis of the theoretical positions of all these people, but | should emphasize that many of
5

Page 18
them hawe clearly reactionary positions and the others have thoroughly confused ones.
The conly exception is Gramsci, However Gramsci’s writings, inspite of many profound insights, are perhaps as a result of the difficult conditions LInder which he Was writing, full of ambiguities and paradoxes. Indeed it should be noted that Euro Communists (especially the Italian ones) trace their political ancestry to Gramsci’s conception of the "war of position" which he contrasted with ths "war of marcu Wrc". The latte" (revolutionary offensive - Walid for the East not for the West) he wrongly attributed to Trotsky. The irony of this was that it was Trotsky who (together with Lenin) criticised the ultra Leftism of the Italian Party (led by Gramsci) In 1921-22 and advocated the United Front (war of position).
The point is that Gramsci was writing during the so called "third period" phase of the Comintern when it had rejected the UF tactic. Hi5 Critici5T of the Stalini St Corintern and Trotsky's criticisms of that time are practically identical.
NSSP Walla
Let the now deal with the main issue; the question of the attitude of Wama Sama Samajaya and the NSSP to coalition politics. In Ty original article | pointed out that the NSSP from its origins as the Wama Tendency within the LSSP, was distinguished by its consistent opposition to the popular frontist policies of the leadership, Chintaka seeks to dispute this claim. In the process he has completely distorted the history of cho NSSP.
Let me first deal with his factual errors both Tinor and Tä joit.
(a) Kumar David has not left the NSSP as Chintaka claims.
(b) Oswin Fernando had absolutely nothing to do with the notorious "Hansa Regiment”, (see Lanka Guardion 15 November 1980) Reggie Mendis however, who flirted with us for a few II criths, found a more confessional place to expiate his guilt regarding that episode, in the JVP.
(c) As an example of the "fact" that Wanna had "no clear conceptual
| É;
grasp of the SLFF did not articulate
on the question c that party" Chin "famous Second R. LSSF -onferers in fact is however t Second Resolution' of November (chei July) 1972 was in
lution,
Wartha Position
The Wama posi Resolution is cle letter to the Ger th: LSSP datigd F
-"From the begi that there were di us ( i.e. betwee! solution tendency thought that the ought to be base. critique of princip opposed any con bourgeois radicalisir a draft of the ri reject Cd on the sig too abstract and
"A split was i agreed to give Cl to their attempt our position in an
This letter tog document:5 "Whit. "An introduction which put forth II (circulated inside are published in question within t
(d) "Then agai yery much of during the 108 day
A5 i rätt" | a very clear st:
Trad Jo I Strik 3. || II är Strika ('Marxw,
1972) it pointed L'âcle Urli-Inst (T) defence of TU TI that in this peric cratic rights of are being threat that the struggle in every TU in fundamental right CT1g"
As a conseque on the Barık bureaucracy thise: the magazine.

and consequently
a clear position if relations with tak a quotes the solution of the
July 1972". The Hat “Ehe famous
at the conference e wasn't one in ot a Warna. Tesa
ion on the second arly stated in a eral Secretary of O W,
inning it was clear Frences between the Secord Reand Wama). We Second Resolution on a fundamental e5 and we strongly cessions to petit T. When we made asolution it was rounds that it was theoretical,
nevitable but We ritical support to
and to publish internal document.
ther with the two her Bourd' and to Philosophy" he Wama positions the party in 1972) "An important he party."
n nobody heard or from, 'WaTa' Bank strike...."
f ft "Wara' took ird in defence of ights during the ticle om the bänk adaya"), Sept-Cct out that "every List fight for the ghts. This implies 'd when the demothe working class ned the slogans be launched withdefence of this becomes a crucial
ince of Our Stand strike the Party atengd to suppre55
臀 April 6th I977 press release which Chintaka refers to is not a Wama Statement. It was issued by the group which was expelled (or left the party) with Wasudeva Nanayakkara. It in corporated many centrist currents as well as Wama members. Warna hegemony Wwas egtablished only at the December
|977 Conference.
The oritical position
Wama's basic theoretical positions are contained in the documents collected together in the booklet "An important question within the party' (Feb 1, 1974) and the Tagazine Marxism especially the article "Socialism and Statisation". Later on the thoretical (middle page) articles in Warna Santiasa, majay o elaborated on these positions.
The fact that the funda Tental critique of the coalition (yes from 1964 onwards) strategy of the LSSP leadership and a clear analysis of the SLFP was present fron its inception may be verifield from the documents of 1972/73 contained in
“An important question, . . .".
Thig document "Whither Bould" is ir fact the draft that Warna prepared as a second resolution for the 1972 conference, and was rejected by the leaders of the 'f'amous resolution" tendency. The Wartha documents is an analysis of the rise of Populis T1 during the 50's and '60s. Furthermore, it critically analyses the LSSP's relationship to the populist movement,
Let me take a few quotations. "Wlthough during the Bandarana ike era the working class thought its struggles and the rural masses through its influence (on the movement) won certain concessions, fundamentally its content was the consolidation of a new bourgeois (muda lali) class" (An important question...." p. 12)
"We may identify it ( i. e. the SLFP) as a populist movement which bases itself on the aspirations of the struggling middle class in order to make the changes in the social framework necessary for a developing bourgeoisie. While the UNP exists to defend the existing capitalist frė Work th3 SLFPo rose i ordet to widen the Capitalist framework by cutting off certain "reac

Page 19
tionary' capitalist sections if necessary." ("An important question. . . ." բ. 14 - my emphasis).
These are just a few highlights of the analysis of the SLFP contained in the above document, but ever they make it abundantly clear that Waima had not only an extremely clear understanding of the capitalist class character of the SLFP but also of its specific role in contradictinction to that of the UNP. That is precisely the point I made in my previous article.
Chintaka writes "One had to wait unti || late 1975 — 76 to har froT the Wama group, a clear denunciation of the 1964 betrayal." Let me quote again from the same 1972 document,
'The SLFP was unable (by 196162) to carry on with its inflationary welfarist policics. The working class which had been politically quiescent began to move into political class struggles. The 1961 General Strike is the mass example of this. However our party (the LSSP) which had been accustomed to evaluate political trends only through the Parliamentary process did not believe that it was possible to go forward, taking the country as a whole in the above fashion. Our leadership argued that the rural masses Ware definitaly bound to SLFF politics and thay questioned how strike struggles would help to bring about the separation of these masses from the SLFP, and Unite them with the working class. Their conceptoin is is roughly as follows:
"While the SLFP has been pushed towards taking anti-imperialist democratic measures it has also won the confidence of the Tasses. In the face of today's crisis it will move further left. Taking them forward is our responsibility. While according to Trotsky's theory as these tasks are being accomplished the working class acquires leadership, to tht extent that the working class becomes active the government's for
ward movement y Truly a worker. government similar tion would be process will lead class becoming thi force,
However the t that by 1962 in Crisi5 the SLFP wards and the mas away from the Sl new paths. The s by the United this extrem ely especially clear t class, had critored struggle. As a ri the 1962 right SLFP badly needed through a compi working class. Th of 1964 rust be way. The SLFP the needs of a deve in a period of boom was over : on the verge of third place its fa our (i.e. the LSSF important ques tio!
"Because of thi in capitālism irn t it seened as if foi risis. Will the way was cle: reforms, these wi. actually necessary ment to take place 'new' Situation, E began to seep in rmaw:mt:rit, asid S. lutionary intellect to abandon the it the working socialis is the
Lition." Um doubt was caught up current" (i bild F or mot to split?
"The question Ti inds of every · ch: above critique whether. We sho split from the c it most likely tc break away is t ask in the end? under favourable should work ta Werily, the quics way. The quest

will also take place. i' and peasants' to Lenin's concepformed and this
to the working el principal motive
rLC sitL3 tor WAS the facta cof the ad to move rightE3 began ביום הח ום.ם FP and look for upport obtain ad Left Front made clear. It was hat the working the path of class 25ult of this and wing threat, the to protect itself oilise with the e Leftward switch understood in this arose because of loping burgeoisie by T. Wher the ind the SLFP was falling again into It was broken by ?) support." ("An n" p. 14).
2 strong boom in he 1950's and '50s apitalism was free ile in this period red for various :ry reforms were for capital invest. As a result of this 3ourgeois decligies to the Workers 2me formerly rewoJals were led even th:25 is ":" fidem: class, the path of proletarian rewo:dly our leadership in this empiricist
19). "To split
which arises in the comrade who reads 2 of principles in Luld split or mot oalition. But isn't be dangerious to he question they If we can split circl II stances. We wards that
l. tion a rises in the ion today is not
whether to split. It is whether We are going to use the coalition and parliament in order to create a favourable situation for us under which we can split the very near futuro, or whether in We are going
to continue to attempt to work through the coalition. There can be no dba to about this. To have
confidence in working within the coalition is the path of defeat. Organising to take an independent road rapidly is the path of victory." (Ibid p. 8)
The popular front in Chile was far more "Left Wing" than the Sri Lankan one. It was dominated by the working cassis parties with only a small bourgeois component. However even with regard to that front Wama pointed out in October 1972 nearly one year before the coup d'etat: "that front Will be a forerunner to the victory of imperia
lism." (ibid p. 21).
My apologies to the reader for quoting at such length from Wama documents, but the unique and complicated nature of the history of the tendency and the distortions made by Chintaka made that absolutely necessary in order to put the records straight,
(To be continued)
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Page 20
THE WAY TO TI
Dr. R. de Siwa
As will be realised, and as is A. becoming apparent, largo sections of the people hawe bėgum to be not merely uneasy but to positively resent the adverse impact on their daily lives of the consequences of Government's above summarised policies. Government itself is is not un aware of this resentment. How has it Tiet the situation Characteristically, har dening of its law and order policie S. Characteristically also, It turned first upon the working class. organisations whose activities were anyhow seen as an obstacle to the free function ing of thc: Ciconomy the Government was sponsoring.
Cowi
No Other scction of the masses has moved against this Government during three and-a-half years of UNP rule in the Tharrier that the working class has moved But the Government, not Unconscious of the possible reaction of the masses to the blows it has been striking, has engaged itself systematically in the same period strengthening its repressive apparatus and arming itself with warious repressive: la Wys.
The aim of the legislation referred to, such as anti-terrorist laws, which cast a wider net than is generally realized, may be defined as that of passing in the ordinary law much of the repressive powers which previously were taken by Government only during declared emergencies, it is the steady strengthening of the repressive apparatus of the state against
possible public disci rder that is more striking. The police and armed forces have been
doubled in these three-and-a- half years; they have been armed with dea cilier modern we apоп5 3. Π τl Eraired i their use, Til tot agair 1st am y foreign fo e but against the
mass of the civilian population of their own country. The feared Lupsurge of the Ti asses in de speration against their sharply deteriorating condition is what is being prepared against by the dispersal of arted centres
18
by a
of specially arm police, as also throughout the preparation for anywhere agains Tas 5 action. Dë From the Presider Tent fea's the r oppres3 ing.
On this day : anniversary what realise first of all Go y Cerrimant ha 5 mi cal phase despite of its watum tid str during the July working class. Th hot from the act but from the U. cultics the Gower In respect of the boasted developm not merely that and frce economy calling for some The true source that the Gowers in a state of r causa? TH. TLITY is in the main that is Lo Say, mostly of its ow
The announced til NF (Go'y til achi:Yement development whi and dissolve the ment which has || ment feature of for instance, tha acceleration of tha High developmer investinent; and Contemplated wer of the Sri Lamik required finance2 be generated by developed econon be found from : cipal agencies wh the finance were Monetary Fund Bank; that is to collective lending in the interests and dominated ir ciri i fid polity

-E
cd and trailed military units, country in
in start action it any sign of spite bold words it, this Gowermasses they are
f our forty-fifth is necessary to is that this UNP oWod into a critithe cruel display ength, for instance upsurge of the crisis derives, ions of the masses, nanticipated diff"It Hi5, Turi ito financing of its ent policies. It is the vaunted open f is in distress, "evision of policies. of the crisis is ment's finances are lear-collapse. The way inflation which its OWI cratic the consequences 'n policies,
centra ir of -trThsert ha5 b22r1 of a rate of hi will | lower tak: Tass unem playресопе а permaSri Lanka. Hcnice
attempted high solah Aveli scheme. it connotes high the in Westments e colossal in terT15 a economy. The simply could not Sri Lanka's underny. This had to broad. The prinich could arrange
the: In Lernational and the World
say, the major agencies, set up
of world capitalism Chir Cyn final-making by the
FUTURE
the Governments of the advanced capitalist countries, principal y USA.
Banks are not բhilanthropic
institutions though bankers often speak in philanthropic terms. So, in fact, does our local Willage
money-lender also, Big banks lending big money for investment not only assess projects and scrutinise estirates with carc, but also ensure that the borrower's policies accord with the lender's concepts of the needs of protection of the Lender's
investment. This has in fact beer the source and cause of the policios followed by the UNP Government. These policies were
an essential part of the terms on which the money was lent to the U NP (Gg'wgrrnm ert,
The runaway inflation of the last three years has sent the originally approved estimate hay-wire. Costs hawe escalated three-and-a-half times in the course of the three
and-a-half years of UNP rule. And our last state is worse than the first; for, if the escalated
costs of inputs cannot be met, the original investment itself stands Imperilled to the point of becoming fruitless. A partially built dam which h25 to be a barndon (2od Were for botter not built at all. It is like pouring money down a sink.
That is the correct situation of the UNP Government. It is unable to raise the money necessary to finance the escalated costs by a long chalk. The economics of the Aid countrie 5 år in serious recession and, in consequence, they are not ready to contemplate increase of their Aid beyond the amounts originally promised. They demand of the UNP Government both that it turns further the screw of depri wation of the Tnasse 5 (e.g. the recent increases in bus and rail fares) in order to protect the investments already made and that it slows down development, by abandoning planned works or postponing them for better times.
The political consequences of the course of action demanded by the |MF and the World Bank can of

Page 21
course be disastrous to the masses also. The consequent slowing down of the functioning of the total economy can be calculated in money terms but cannot even be measured in human terms. It will affect every section of the people and reduce the masses to penury and misery.
This is the prospect for the UN P Gowernment and the mass C:S under its rulo unless the IMF and the World Bank relent and the Ald countries cough up the necessary cash, or other aid is found from other suggested sources (e.g. from private foreign capital through bank consortia or from the OPEC countries which a Hameed-Led delegation is soon to visit). This is what makes a deal oWet Trincothalee with the USA a possibility even if it has not already been entered upon. A desperate UNP Government will not hesitate to resort to desparate remedies. That is what makes the domestic prospects portentous. A failure of Aid can only result in the UN P Gowernment resorting to intensified repression to stamp down on the restless masses. So that whatever remains of democracy will be the first victim. It is a grim prospect unles 5 the masses interwone intime
to impose their own Socialist solution.
And there's the rub. The orga
nised working class has just suffered a major defeat in strike struggle against the Government. The mass of the victimised in that struggle is so large that recovery in the short run is not easy. It will require sustained intense effort.
At the sale time, if the financial crisis of the UNP Government deepers and spreads, as it must in that event, to the general economy, sections of the masses arc bound to rise in protest and to rcsist the Government. The task for the parties in Opposition to the present Government is urgently to prepare the masses for such protest and resistance, organizing them and educating them to a realisation of the situation and of the necessary courses of action.
Why do I say: "It is for the Opposition parties". For two main reasons. No opposition political party car cope with the task by
itself going it
coalition of par to cope with SCcond malm re: masse 5 tog need to generate the for successful co Government's re This process too coalition of the the various secti place their trust. need of the di united front parties which ci to prepare
dermo Instrate ir the GoverrIm So ding attacks
standards and cratic rights,
such a front a the Five Part for joint agital on agreed mi required broad parties oppose Government C: out of the joi the Five Par activities are c matically and to the develop economic situa
Developing thi: however, is only sibility that rest: shoulders right and no less urge the masses to t gramme of me has worked out of especially t inflation and m: has to bic: simult: by us. The perf task will have th providing the m: the necessary which to adw: pective of course of the Socialist society in Sri L mation which initiated nor successfully witho tion of the Inas: of the process. basic to our ph politics.
A word about any exposition

lone. A broad ties is necessary the task. The ion is that the to unite broadly strength necessary frontation of the ressive apparatus. requires a broad partics in which ons of the masses Thus, the urgent ly is a broad f the political I rn Work together the masses to protest against "n tʼs " &Wer—spreaon their living on their denoThe nucleus of lready exists in o arrangements ion and action Lss issues. Thea front of political to the UNP in well develop nt activities of ties, if thosis arried out systein close relation ing political and tion.
anti-UNP front, part of the responi om the Party's now. The wider nt task of bringing | e concrete proasures our Party for the solution Le problems of 155 untemployment neously performed ormance of that e added value of sses in action with terspective along nce. The persis the perspective transformation of anka — a transfortā neither be
carried through It the participaas at every stage That concept is osophy and our
this programme,
f which is - not
intended to be a part of this address. For an authoritative and lucid exposition of that programme, | refer you to Comrade Leslie Goonewardene's publication entitled The Way Ahead" and the resolution of the 1978 Conference of the LSSP on the " " Road to Socia
lism in Sri Lanka'. What I wish to do here is to stress the concretcnoss of the programme;
that is to say that the programme speaks of what concrete steps will have to be taken by the masses in power to get themselves on the road to a socialist society and to advance along that road. It is the duty of overyone in the Party and its ancillary organisations Lo study closely and master in detail this programme which we must actively take, individually and collectively, to other people, other parties, other groups and to the Π1.155. Εξ5.
- Before finish, I would like to make an earnest appeal to our membership. We are observing our forty-fifth anniversary in a changed and changing world and country, as pointed out at the
outset of this address, A5 | hawe pointed out in the second stage of my address, all of importance
that we hawe achiewed ower the Year of our existence as a party as been put in issue all over again and brought under evermounting attack in the last three years, which are years of rule of a revamped and reorganized UNP, using the more modern instruments of politics and political activity with which the masses of Sri Lanka a Te not familiar. This virulently reactionary and solidly anti-Left Government came into being with our Party, like the Left generally, pushed right back into the background of politics by the greatest electoral defeat that we have suffered in our history. That defeat threw us into a critical phase of our own history, which now coincides will a critical phase in the life of the UNP Government and the ToweInent of the masses,
The required effort to lift ourselves out of this critical phase of the party's development can best succeed through our throwing
- - - (Čanrir Leď -om - Page - 2+}
19

Page 22
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Page 23
The Forming of content (2)
Content has ma
Sagara
een in the broad est historical perspective, art that has perarent meaning and value did not
alse always in periods of great historical change or of heightened social turbulence nor necessarily, derive from an ideological stand
t which we would considerחiסp progresse. Some of the grca: est works of imagination were created in the Service of sila Y'e dynasties and feudal kings and lords and was based on the oppression and exploit tation of the Working masses, celebrating and enriching the life of the ruling classes and upholding and entrenching ideology. Nor were these creations limited to a period when those dominant classes were in a historically creative or rewolutionary phase, but also appear in periods of stability and achievement as well as in Periods of disintegration. This is equally true of modern times. Much of the great literature, theatre and painting of the 19th and 20th century were produced in a bourgeois or petit-bourgeois milieu, f not di tectly in the service of the bourgeoisie, at a time when the capitalist World order and the civilization of the bourgeoisle is in a state of acute crisis, Thus, the fears and confusions of the fraccured world of the bourgeoisie, che social, cultural and psychologi
cal chaos that has been created under its leadership, the precariousness of the individual predicaTent, the dehu Tanisation and distress of the Tlasses are all in ten
sely reflected in the artistic creations of Inodern times.
Marxist criticism makes a complex appraisal of all this from both an artistic and historical viewpoint. It views the art of class and preclass societies as part of man's long and continuous record of culCural achievement and draws on uses this great body of artistic experience to enrich the art and literature of struggle and, in societies where that is fossible, of socialist construction. In assessing
the art of the
attention to the and Craftmen, wł to the di irlärlit that all artistic the final analysis, congealed blood
Working people analyses the Origi tion of a Work
nes how its sign function has oft age to age and ence, It attempi to achieʼW (2 the b BS 1332 33 TT C
But that is r and 20th centur beginnings of the ssed classes and P. wide scale and the first time in societies of a ne with socialist asp had its reverber: of art and culture these primary at which supersedes attempts to go Carlier cor existin are cruder and less successful ch highly developed of the bourgeoisi matically render Marxist criticism ponsibility towart fic interest in thi an 2 FA Praisal of negative aspects ment and a highl 1é55 of the Histo which they hawe historic role the Especially in col where the achiy du Ced in a bourg geois milleu a re progressive art än e an art of strug aspiration - plays Tot a dominant tion af modgrn of thought and fuse the nature ment and the ca

ny dimensions
Jast it pays special genius of artists o rarely belonged classes and sees El tiof 5 WT2, il
drawn from the and sweat of the of all time'. It 15 and structuralof art and examiificance and social en changed from audience to audi5, in other words, loadest and deep
,
|got a II. The 9th y also sees tha Struggle of oppreeoples on a worldtheir attempt, for history, to create tw type (or types) irations. This has liticins in the sphere in general. That tempts at an art cor at least which beyond the art of social formations less "finished' or an, let us say, the art and literature: e does not autothem less valuable. ha 5 a special resds them; a specieir development, the positive and of their achievey sensitive awarerical conditions in cmerged and the =y hawe to play. untries like ours, ements of art proeois or petitbourmot substantial, d literature — i. e. gle, criticism and an important, if role in the formaculture and ways feeling To conof this achievenditions in which
Literary criticism
it arises with that of the well
developed traditions of capitalist societies is a basic error, while to ignore the dialectic which exists
between feudal, popular or traditional and bourgeois art, on the onc hand, and the emerging art of the oppressed classes and peoplas is also a mistake.
Proceeding in this manner, we begin to see that the meaning of content has sa Tany dimensions to it and that it also pervades the very concept of form itself, that is to say, the form and style of l work cof art is itself im bued with the historical and social context of the period associated with its formation and development. The fact that we can identify the distinctive forms and styles of a period or a culture is the clearest manifestation of this, just as the phenomenor that the forms created by one age or culture may be reused or re-interpreted (or for that matter may arise quite independently) in entirely different contexts and perhaps with very different signification, reinforces the idea of the primacy of content over form. While the effectiveness of a work of art and its power and vitality derive from the interdependence of form and content, Marxist citicism compels us to see that the very form and content itself and the meaning and function of that work relate to much wider para
meters, both internal and externa| to the work itself,
Reggie Siriwardena's song from
Shelley is indeed a useful test to which he himself should turn his critical powers and knowledge of European literature and society. He makes a fair point in quoting that poem and drawing our attention to the freshness and power of Shelley's language and imagery, but I think it necessary that he should go further. The present writer knows little about Shelle or the specific context in 'ñ! his work was written and received,
( Cantinued pri page! 24)

Page 24
Voluntary Steril For All
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22

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imum of Rs. 500 wil be paid h males and females - whether red or unemployed
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full-pay leave for male employees
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rest Government
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he Ministry of Plan Implementation)

Page 25
“Netra” : Counteri
ust as the inequities of the J international Economic Order are replicated within the national economies of most "Third World'
countries, the imbalances and asymmetries of the global information order are mirrored in the dorme5ti information systems of our societies. This is why radicals have always linked the struggle for a rew International economic order with the struggle for new domestic economic order. This is also why the call fot ne w internationa | information is being identified by the more enlightened elements in the "Third World" with the call for a new domestic information order.
In the absence of such a dimersion the slogan of a NO merely translates itself into an effort by the governing elites of the "Third World" to close off their countries' information system from news flows which have a critical character.
Under representation and misrepresentation hawe been identified as the characteristic defects of the Western dominated global information system. These features of under representation and misrepresentation are also characteristics of the domestic information systems, specially as regards certain social strata, national Tinorities and dissident political currents. This is na Surprise, since the classes that own and control the means of material production also own and control the means of mental production, which is why the dominant ideas in any Society during a particular period are the ideas of its dominant class. It is only recently howewer that progressive elements in Our Country hawe begun to pay serio US attention to the ideological state apparatus (ISA), that is to say the apparatuses through which the ideological dominance of certain Social groups is em Sured and the subordination of other broader social layers is maintained.
Since the dominant social groups are numerically much smaller than the dominated layers, it is necessary
to Promote divisi existing splits wit the working mass cularly so during structural crisis ir
the masses
religious lines is c Tethods of preve шp, a unity alо (i.e. class) lines w immense negative the ruling elite.
propogation of OWert And Lowert, not actively fostel ing a Luthorities. || personnell who man mass media are
dark Conspiracy te ruling elite ta ke divided allong racia that these perso hawe been socialis art Walues of our tinue to diseminat class biased and et and outlooks in t listic practice. Th the private newsp in the case of th media, the "comm them however push line with a far g class consciousness Semtiment thları da themselves. The the readers are With chau winistic
on a day to day dominant divisiw re Produced continu
This is why rad for "counter i alternative systems In Britain for inst the Campaign Ag the Media (CARM a similar organisati for Communal

ng racism
ons and exacerbate hin the Tanks of e5. This is partia period of deep society, Polarisalong ethnic and ine of the obvious nting, or breaking ng socio-economic hich would have Consequences for This is why the cha Lwinism, both is countenced if red by the governis not that the ned the country's engaged in some 2gether with the ep the populace | lines, but rather innel themselves 2d into the dominSociety and Cone these selfsame h nocentric wallues heir daily Journae Pro Prietors of aper groups, and "1 2 5 t2q. L62 'W'e issars" who run 1 this chau winistic Teater degree of and anti-people the journalists let result is that Subtly suffused SemtİTİığıt ü7ğ5. basis and the 2 ideology is ally,
icals hawe called formation" or of information. ance there exists ainst Racism in I). In Sri Lanka on, the Council larmony through
the Media was set up after the seminar in July 1979 by a core group of 25 people. The function of this organisation was being to be the promotion of healthy intercommunal relations and the exposure of undesirable communal manifestations in the media. To
this end the council organised a seminar on "The Film as a Medium of Cross-Cultural Communication," and has initiated two research studies, one, on the reporting by the press of Sansoni Commission's proceedings and the other on school textbooks and communal relations. The results of these two research studies will be published when they are completed in the course of the year. The Council has also begun a regular monitoring of the media in respect of material which affects communal relations.
The products of this monitoring is contained in a 4 page newsletter entitled Netra which is issued in Sinhala, Tamil and English. The first of these newsletters containing material derived from monitoring the media in the period mid September to mid December 1980 has just been published by Reggie Siri Wardena. In an introductory comment the CCHM requests readers to draw its attention to aΠy iτεπ1ς in the press, the radio, film or television in this country which Ппау affect CCT munal relations of good or ill and which seemed worthy of comment in the news letter. The CCHM would also be glad to receive the names and addresses of those interested in reading the newsletter. Those in sympathy with the work of the CCHM could write to Mr. Reggie Siriwardena, CCHMP.O. Box 601, Colombo.-D.J.
23

Page 26
Content has . . .
(Continued from page 2s)
but I recall that Shelley was something of a social revolutionary and a follower of Godwin and other Utopian socialists. What little poetry of his that I have at hand while writing this, seems deeply imbued with the conditions of the time-social, political, epistemological and or course literary. It is not Shelley's craft (smanship) - certainly a vital aspect of the poetry - which determines the poem but the coincidence we might say of his personal and social ဒိ၏းဖွံ့ Critical appraisal of the poem which limits itself to its message and sentiments and an analysis of its poetic structure, i. e. the way in which it works, is a valid, but an inadequate basis for contributing towards a general theory of art and criticism.
lf Marxist criticism is to fulfil its creative social functions it has
to go beyond a polemic that dwe
ls on its mistakes or inadequacies,
or the limitation lar school or te towards a cleare oretical basis as rous application Cal approach to ments. Theory no way be held "Marx's Capital It would mՃL I think that Sarn hawe shown that wiew of those ric most of his criti (Conc
The way to
(Continued frc
oursely es collectiwi into the task c ma 55 es in the interests against ment with a wię confronting that prevailing d ourselves under and opportunity, in our duty in a cause of the mā:
ARISTONS TOURS No. 5, Gower Street, COLOMBO 5.
Cables: "TURNTIDE"
FO MVEL VE A ARISTONS HI
GLOBAL REPUTATION IN THE FIELD
ARISTON'S HAVE OPENED OUT N
EXPORTS IN AN ENDEAVOUR TO CO
HEA)
A R S TO
5, Gowe
Colon
Phone : 8 8 4 3 6,
24

s of one particuidency and strive r grasp of its thewell as the vigoof that theoreti
current developin this sense can
to mean knowing
by heart" be unfair to say, nudran's articles
he has a clear or sponsibilities than
:luded)
If page. I?)
ely and indiwidually If organising the defence of their this UNP Goyeraw ultimately to
Gover ment and
it. If we fa || this test, challenge we shall be failing bigger cause, the ises in the struggle
for socialism at a Tost dificult
juncture.
Whate weer be our weakness at any given period, history shows that the LSSP has unfailingly risen to the occasion, art confident it will bo the sama on this occasion too when We find ourselves at perhaps the most difficult juncture in our history facing wholly new tasks. Let us get to our tasks, collectively and individually, with confidence in our own and tho people's futur:2. We hawe thc corrigt line, YY e ha Ye the correct programme. With correct activity among the masses and along with the masses, we can win the battles ahead and help open the road to the socialist future. Let us prepare ourselves also as we prepare the masses and thus become participants in the victory of the masses ower the UNP Gowernment. That is the next stage of political development in our country and also the next stage in the development of the Party itself. We have a role to play and we shall play it! (Concluded)
| AHALAF A CEWW7LWARY
AWE BUILT UP
OF EXPORTS AS WELL AS IMPORTS
EW WISTAS IN NON-TRADITIONAL
NTRIBUTING FOR NATIONAL GROWTH
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:r Street, nbo 5.
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Page 27
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ta vitatges exto auctorit ohdan Sages.
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th se ed and potted piants)
AT
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Page 28

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