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LOSER TO HE MUSICAL RUTH
C.C. تشيكي يهية
thers
ENTERPRISES OLOMBO 11

Page 3
C. P. - COMING IN FROM THE COLD
The decision of the 5 party bloc to in ví te the CPSL for ther joint May Day rally is another step in the general director of grit -UNP unity which was the most significant trend of politics in 1980. In fact, in a leading orticle entsted “MAs DAY | 8 | Left Projections', the L. G. predicted a 7 party bloc by May Da1 y. BLI t Wa75LI de ya's MSSP [s Str|| JLIt In the Cold WhJe the C. P. is i nchi ng to wards the old familiar 'coalition of anti - UNP fores", This ho Wever fa5 cost the party a price which Cunnot be fully gauged right r10 W. TWQ yo)LI rI g rd d I ca /s from the Central Committee Haye զuit, and the debate inside on tactics
EO E 5 Ճn.
ABORTIVE MOVE
The demonstration of Maoists outsi de the Chin ese embassy prompted frontic efforts to cobble
together some little front' of ex-Maoists who would support the official Peking line. The
M7 () ist 5 led by the weter dari Shan hawe their own bloc card a re now in business with their own paper. Besides, Shan has a much bigger public profile as represertative of this group in the 5 party bloc of SLFP-LSSP., TULF -MEP-CP.
But the pro-Peking liners, (mostly remarants of the Pol Pottist Janavegaya) are now a ose group of sidry individas 5 Cattered a betweer. Hulftsdorp and the "Dina kara'. The "front" has yet to make a public appearance, Lond. of clge Q)
Parliam Democracy
Although I c amused at the Trottor working about "our grea horitage cf parli cracy" being in Trotters alway. passion for the Todel of goverr its finical proc old House of C Philip used to 5
I do agree th de Silwa's article: We must all be But why is it his practically every the threat to o democracy. He the wast pow: the executive pi the face of it appear wide or ciwe C ditat wery similar in E. E. the Dr. Colvin mu Tore to expl: powers in our dent are a dan mentary democra in explicably weg different tack. such Tatters as of the poor ma devaluation, infa lisation, etc. al doubt deplorable not Pose a threa tary democracy Dr Colwin Ilean to lead to the tion he has b advocating and his life.
LMFA
GUARDAN
Wol. 3 No. 20 March I, I 93 || Frite 3/5)
Published fornightly by Lanka Guardian
Publish ing Co., Ltd. Nu, 246, Union Place,
Colombg-2, -
EditT:
Telephone: 1758 -
Mervyn de SI Iva
CONT
Na 'Y'S BuckgroIII Freign News Schic Sys: liitterf. Hii ni i relaticar
IAITI (Cifererihçe Working class party Sirik:F cğrılır.Inits & II ici DÒCIS L Leysky (Cer:när Content, For Mir 'N M1' Fli Book Review
Printed by A 82/3, Wolfen Colomb
Telepline

entary ' in peril
å mot but be spectacle of a up a lather it and precious amentary demoPerill (Sri Lanka 5 did hawe a : West inster I ment arid even edures - "Your commons rules' neer).
A DI DIT Collwimi R. : is on a subject concerned about. article treats of hing other than Lur Parliamentary does spell out T5 W 25 tieq ir resident but on these do mot mora condurship than the pewers vasted US president. st say much lin why such executive presiger to Parliaicy. Instead he : "S off om
He discourses or
the takiпg away n's ration book, tion, derationaof which are na but they do .it to părliamenas such unless they are likely kind of revolueen alternately prophesying all
ENTS
3. 7
11 15 f de דן y ] !!। kist Criticis IIn
3.
In India Press dhal Street,
.
57
thԸ Nation I saw Dr. Colvin's subject
In a recent issue of
treated much more relevantly and cogently - and in just a few
words: "The essence of parlia
mentary democracy is that a government holds office only while it enjoys the confidence
of parliament. Traditionally the way a lo 55 of such confidence is expressed is by members crossing the floor. Under JR's new dispensation (government members) Crossing the floor is no longer possible because any rebels would find themselves deprived of their parliamentary seats and replaced by nominoes of the ruling party, The UNP rimachine is controlled with an iron hand by JR himself,
This in the context of a 5/6 UN P Tajority means that one who is not a member of parliament decides what parliament shall and shall no do".
| think these few comments serye much better to explain
why the president's wast powers have imperilled parliamentary democracy in Sri Lanka than do Dr Colvin's maunderings.
Dr. Costain de Wos Kolupitiya
An appeal
This letter is penned to focus attention on a political question which some have forgotten and others are in the process of forgetting. The Secretary of the Democratic National Front and the ULF's candidate for the Beruwela seat at the 1977 General Elections, Comrade G. I. D. Dharmasekera, today languishes in the Magazine Remand prison after having being taken into custody in connection with the incidents in the city of Colombo on the 8th of August last year. As of Feb. 24th Comrade Dharmasekera has been in remand for a period of 200 days.
Comrade Dharamasckera was taken into custody while participating in the Satyagraha protesting against the dismissal from work Čartir er ed ar page 2. ||

Page 4

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Page 5
NON ALIGNED
Delhi diplomacy
semantics
Mervyn de Silva
ho anti-US leftward trend, a
dominant tendency in the NAM from its early anti-colonial beginnings, reached its peak at Havana, the sixth summit, in 1979. With the United States successfully marshalling all the basically pro-West forces within the movementalbeit an unweildy coalition whose unity may prove quite tenuous in the next few years - the Delhi meeting marked a perceptible rightward ählft.
While this remains the first and most important point to be made about the Delhi Conference, the actual content of this "shift" requires much closer examination in terms, first of all, of internal and external factors, and then in relation to each of the principal İSSLICS,
Understandably, the transnational news agencies which have been long accustomed to regard a nomaligned convention as a theatrical exhibition in US-baiting have eagerly saluted the conference as "a victory for the moderates' "an amazing blow to the Cuban era" cic. (This, having confidently predicted at first an open split in the NAM.) To their immense delight, they now saw some Big Bear-baiting. Hence the
CITTOLIC)
When the last hurrah has been shouted and the excitement dies down, a careful study of the Delhi Declaration and Appeal may prove quite disappointing to those who so impulsively joined the cheergangs of the western media.
To the average Western correspondent, a Third World conference is pure theatre. That is his outlook and his style.
The curtain falls and he passes on to another newsy" ewent having
taken in the ' colour" "the Scen go5 sīp". It is pār ephemeral nature
Studiant5 cof are seriously inter problems cannot the event in this
Sermantic exerc
If this was a tril it was a victory That is what th will demonstrate personalise the glorious display c the singular achiev team of able lind such gifted pract Sa the and Eric C
Delhi diplomac, Lo sãy, is a de år. Kautilyan Stateči education. Kauti strategy and the of diplomacy is the British foreign tional nursery of former colonies, master of the ar fine linguistics in ennobling service
itself is only p pants.
And English
international lang
So, night after five in the lorri worked in the dr especially in th cof Tittee, re-3. TI altering phrases, ces, re-setting cl: To what purpose Patching-up proce composing differ opposing schools reconciling the ments which stoc

and
Eers ornalitics" "the
e' 'the backstage
t of the inherently
of his trade.
ionalignment who
ested in its current
if course approach
.חסfashi
isa
Imph for anything, for smartic skill.
final document If com a Tlust point, it was a
of Delhi diplomacy; "ement of a small lian officials led by itioners as R. D. Goncalw e5.
, one is tempted lly combination of aft and English ya furnishes the tactics; the rest word-play. And office, the tradidiplomats in the houses many a ane art of superthe not always of diplomacy which
ilitics in striped
the undisputed age today.
night (often ti|| g) lndian officials ifting committees, ! main political inging pāragraphs, "e-writing SentenJSes and comma5.
Of course, this 5 Was aimed at :Inces, satisfying of thought, and har Per disagree
in the way of
The Editor of the Lanka Guardian spert C fortnīgi ir India on the invitation of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs. The nona signed officials' meeting (Feb. 4-8) and Foreign Ministers' conference (Feb. 9-12) prepared the ground for the 7th Surimit scheduled for 1982 in Baghdad, On Feb. I thi, a special commemorative meeting was held at | the Wigyan Bhg van to rimark the
20th anniversary of the Belgrade
conference. The chief speakers were the Indian Prime Minister | Mrs. Indira Gandhi, and Dr. Kurt | Waldheir T, UN Secretary-General. ||
In a fortnight crowded with events commemorating the 20th an niyersary of Belgrade, Mr. Wenka rata marn, Indian Misri ister of Finance and Mr. Ti war, Indian Minister of Parr rig, participated in a sympos um or "The New Inter mot for 1 Edomornic Order" | sponsored by the Indian Institute of Nona signed Studies.
| The School of International St Ludies of the Jawa har la Nehru University also organised a discu 55 fam on "The New Ira terrigtsafn | Information Order". Among those who participated were Prof. K. P. Mis Fıra, Dgedir of the School) || for International Studies, Sabeth Ramirez farrier Chief Information officer of OPEC, Vienna,
and Meirw yn de Silway of the Lanka | Guardian.
consensus", that of pieties.
nonaligned piety
How do these differences on specific or general issues, bilateral or regional, reflect wider global conflicts. Have they been introduced from outside or merely aggravated and exploited by external forces? How finally do the responses of
3

Page 6
individual members and identifiable groups demarcate the broad line-up of forces within the Towerment? Therein lies the politics of this Conference.
Net To We
On the opening day, revolutionary Nicaragua from which the new Reagan administration has threatened to withdraw the aid pledged by President Carter had its powers as Chairman of the Political Committee effectively clipped. By a neat manoeuvre a special drafting group was created to help revise tha Indian draft Declaration om all 'contentlous Issues"... ..tha Suspension of Egypt, Afghanistan, Kampuchea, the Indian occan, the Iran Iraq War etc.
In both behind-the-scenes exchanges and public comments Indian officials took great pains to point out that the ''Indian draft' was not necessarily the Indian view on every issue but a carefully crafted synthesis of non aligned opinions expressed to India during the long
drawn out consultations that preceded the Delhi conference.
While the great majority of
delegations thought that the draft prepared by India was basically acceptable, there was also a feeling that it needed "Improvement' 'strengthening" and firming up' on certain controwersial questions,
The Indian draft, Still Cathers felt; was too much of a "conceptual paper", re-stating basic principles even in regard to particularly contentious issues rather than declaring a position. Those with strong group interests and regional issues preferred to return to the old practice of having at least a few paragraphs on each of these matters included ('stapled' was the wearily Cynical Word cho Sen by a veteran participant) in the finā document.
On these Cickish issues Were identified and isolated, it was decided that the work of the T1 à in political committee would move more smoothly if a smaller group (task force) consentrated on these questions while the political committee as a whole went through the larger, though less trying, exercise of studying and Fevising if necessary, the long list of other ites.
GE
Ο what \
a "private Singapore's De S. Rajaratnam h Alexander Hill State, on Jan. the Delhi conf to the Intern Tribune he to Haig had accc| a credible non native in Kamp that his plan * by ASEAN an China and ASE
forge links be
Ambassador J. B. was chos em as C smaller group. H three others LO the full approw committee he Tanzania and manoeuvre itself sition of this sp. both revealed. Africans, ofic: Lat amice Arab, MC
was a trib LICE: tc liberation organi: a soverign State represent the 교 Arab League, th Africans was a prepondenance Iargest single uni (and the UN) hä political factor.
Again, Cuba w natural Latin Af was a founder mowerTert and I Yet, Cuba Was the who contin if you trace the movement from Band Ling, nonalig A, sia zind the lr1C clear to those opening session, W. the region which critical situations come the 'conter th: mlo WEITEt C4 tracted to itself External conflicts

ENUINE NON ALIGNMENT
(Singapore Style)
was described as
wisit" to the US, puty Premier Mr. d t || k 5 with Gen. is, Secretary of 29, a weak before erence. According atonal Herald ld reporters that sted his "plan for —communist alteruchela''. He added was also supported d China. The US, EAN would help
tween all grou P5
. Clarke of Nigeria Chairman of this c in turn selected assist him. With | If the Ai chose Argentina, the PLO. The and the compoacial group were There were 2. in American and Asiam 5. While i
the PLO that a iation rather than was elected to O member strong e inclusion of 2 sign that African m the OAU, the within the NAM d become a crucial
auld have se en a Terican choice, it
member of th: low its Chairman. ignored. So was
erit of Asiä, whic:r: awalution of the )elhi, Colombo and nment was born. |ian Ocean, it was who observed the was the crisis area; had produced those that had now betious issues" facing day, and had at international, 2nd from which neither
hosti la to the present Ka Tipųchean regime and then form a now government that would hawe their recognition.
Richard Nations (Far Eastern Economic Review) writes: "He (Rajaratnam) told reporters that the US should openly support anti-Soviet forces in the Third World and take a more active posicion on Indo-China. The US, he said, should give political and material support to antiWietnamese forces in Kampuchea and increase arms aid to Thailad'.
the ToweT er mor this conference was free.
The Strategem a imed at Nicaragua had of course a much larger objectivo. Efective control of the Conference (the direction of the debate and the revision of the: draft con the critical issues) was taken away from Nicaragua Chairman of the Political CorImittee. That this was na mere professional exhibition in conferencemanship but a calculated
political move was to become
transparently obvious with each
passing day.
Since Hayama, the West hård
mobilised its forces remarkably well. With the Reagan victory this ongoing effort must hawe been redoubled. The Western news agencies hawa hailed the Delhi conference as a "victory for the moderates", and doubtless the thousand "Third World' commentators academics and intellectuals will accept this verdict and the terminology tamely and circulate them as row calcd wisdom.
(In a surprisingly refreshing Comment, the Sunday Observer wrote editorially : "If anybody needs to be convinced of the need for a new information order, he has only to read agency coverage of the conference of foreign ministers of nomaligned countries in New Delhi , . . . . . The details of disagreement and recalcitrance, almost gleefully reported by traditional suppliers of news, brings us back to where we started. The

Page 7
world, and especially the developing, non-aligned World, can do witho' it news Ilien and others whg fish in troubled waters".)
Singapore's role
Who is a moderate For the Western press, Singapore for instance is a pillar of non-aligned rectitute, perhaps even a paragon of democracy. For others it is a supra, - efficient laundramat: a city state-cum-Supermarket and not a Third World country, (Incidentally, President Jayawardene, one notes with great interest, has referred to Sri Länka's culture and civilisatiom a propos the Sri Lanka — Singapore connection).
Those who saw the Delhi con
ference through the eyes of the Western news agencias could be excused if they were convinced
that the dominant personality was Singapore's Foreign Minister Mr. S. Dhanabalan. But those who have known that at the UN each year hls more distinguished prede sessor, Mr. S. Rajaratnam was always presenLtd as the "model Third World spokesman" by the self same media would be far less convinced. After the Singaporean Minister had finished his swash-buckling act to the resounding cheers of the Western press (and the quiet satisfaction no doubt of more powerful patrons) asked an Indonesian delegate for his reaction. Indonesia after all is the "big power" within Ascan. His answer was a smile of sweetly benign tolerence. Pressed for a reply he said "small fellow, you". A veteran Australian journalist who has covered the region for 20 years and was the first to describe Singapore as a laundramat said "Singapore gives same-day service but does it have to make a foreign policy out of Washing other peoples dirty linen?".
in short, Singapore is what an honest-to-goodness American would call an "Uncle Torn' or a "house | gr.
Hawa na and after
While the perspective of the Western media, basically reflecting as they do Western interests and prejudices, is perfectly understandable, Singapore's standpoint is no more representative of Third World opinion than say Egypt's wicw is
| zoNE (
hile Nic ministers the proposed C. on the Indian of Peace, the carried this Washington co, Para 5. Lam:
"The Pentag | gress for 418 in fiscal year 198. 1981) to upgri that could be US forces for | Persian Gulf.
The request. following: Diego Garcia, Egypt: 79.5 with 96.8 mil facilities and the needs, with airf I base. | Kenya: 17,6 r improve port US navy at Mc
Oman: 61.4
force facilities, | firဲba}|ly for të but this is not document пасје
a fair example on the Middle ei Equally, the F was not a typical However, since w political movemen identify and m changes and tren must necessarily point and yardsti
It was not Ju: ambiernice cor ( which rima de Haw occasion. World to set the scene ar
The Irānāri re away the King o powerful ally and CENTO, the l: sponsored militar ing Third Wa collapsed. Pakist standing US ally successfully scekir tg NA, M. |f | 5ęWerest blow to power since bitter blow had b

E PEAΟΕ |aligned foreign Ywere discussing lombo conforence cean as a Zone Indian Expres5 port from its respondent T. V.
in is asking Conillion dollars for (beginning Oct. de foreign bases used to assemble action in the
included the
. חסi||ךח ל. ל5| million together lion US army
rest for air force i elds at Ras Barnas
million dollars to facilities for the » Imbasa,
million for air all earmarked
1e base at Masira |
... stated in the
public.
of Arab thinking 15t.
lawana conference nomaligned summit. 'e are studying a and seeking to 2a sure significant ls, the last summit
be the starting .k.
t the Caribbean astro's charis Ila
na an cxceptional events had helped create the mood.
olution had swept Kings, America's regional policeman. st of old USalliances involvld nations, had in, another longjoined Iran in g membership in an had been the US Prestige and ietnam, another er struck nearer
home. Somoza, a tin-Pot Shah, had been overthrown by the young Sandiniitas in a rC'yolition which See med to hawe drawn its inspiraTiori from Cuba,
As the Sandinistas, still in their green fatigues and red-and-black armbands strode confidently into the Palace of Conventions the Latin American revolution which had taken such a brutal beating after the death of Che looked
om the mo'ya ance more,
Of the six now Tlembers, four were from the "third continent', and it is in Latin America, the backyard of the American titan that the conflict between the JS and the Third World is the in tensest, Economics, the transnational corporations, US-supported oligarchies, exploitative and oppressive, spel|| out that relationship. The blood from "the open veins of Latin America' (Eduardo Galleano's
colourful expression) pours into the blood-banks of Wall Street. Nearly a hundred delegations,
including liberation fronts, meeting in Havana, just 90 miles from Miami, provided the audience and the platform for America's most defiant challenger, Fidel Castro.
New climate
Plans for the Rapid Deployment
Force as part of a stronger US military presence in the strategic and turbulent Middle-cast were given a higher priority with the Iranian revolution and consequent "threat" to the sheikdoms in the region. The future of Saudi Arabia
became a nagging anxiety,
But it was the Soviet military interwention in Afghanistan which gawe a Stronger rationale for these US and western moves, and more importantly, allowed the US a much greater opportunity to mobilise forces within the NAM. The broad
coalition referred to earlier consisted of s the Islamic group (b) the French-speaking African countries and (c) ASEAN.
It was this "working alliance" which wo saw In action in N2W
Delhi, helped by a small minority of Arab states led by Egypt which faced its own unique problem of "suspension'.
(To be continued)

Page 8
SLFP's SECRET W
M. Gopallawa's death, which surely deserved more respectful attention by the government and the press, was a bles sing in disguise for the SLFP. The big battle on February 1st between the "gang of four" and the dirty dozen" was duly postponed as a mark of respect to the formar Governor Gërmëräl and President. The all-island ComInittee and the Working committee (the two projected battle fields) did not mect. The më e tings had been requisitioned by key party members throughout the country, But the initiative was that of Mrs.
Bandaranaike herself. Isolated in the 17 member polit-buro Mrs. B and her loyalists decided to
"bombard the headquarters" in true Maoist fashion. The fact that no fresh dates hawe been fixed for
these meetings does suggest that a later assessment of the balance of forces right down the line
recommended a ti of that tactica - fr
Now, publicly: truce prevails. H last? Behind the se secret war goes pamphlets and lwidely circulated. four" was the fir ... . . ... I'lleggrs folaith Stanley Thilakara. and J. R. P. Soo next batch of IE fir: wwider to de Ms Kalugala, Hal Moulama and oth Bandaranaike was special leaflet. W was a furious ra
gum fra åimed loosc from the wala Liwa'. At a
ing, an embarra se Läti We W5 old
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it least, an untasy ow long will it :gris, họWeyer, a on. Scurrilous eaflets are being A new "gang of st target of attack ripala Senanayake, 1e, R. P. Wijesiri riya Peruma, The aflets spread the ounce and wilify 22Ti Ishak, Alawi ar S. -- Mr. Anura honoured with a "ithin days, there tle of machineat "the dogs let kommels of the Trade Union Teetd SLFP represenby a prominent
Ieft organiser "J. problems but you SLFP must be keeping him
of laughte וייץ
R. has enough fellows in the li fits
Meanwhile reports of a speech at Amparali by Mrs. Bandaranalike published in the "SUN" and "LANKADEEPA" have provokel speculation once more about Mrs. B's future as party leader, She is reported to hawe said that she would step down from the post of President if "legal impediments compelled her to do so". Warious legal opinion 5 hawa becn sought and some have been received in writing. The law, as a leading Q. C. has soberly observed, is arguable. Matters may be clearer when the arTn endrTıer t5 to th2 el2ction laʼWw and the now disabilities imposed by parliament on October 17th are promulgated.
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Page 9
Kampuchea:
le visit by Mr.Zhao Ziyang, the
Chinese Premier, to Thailand in early February, was almost certain to renew military and diplomatic pressure on Vietnam to pull its troops out of Kampuchea, But the irregular Khmer guerrillas have little chance of loosening the grip of the Wietnam backed Heng Samrin regime in Phnom Pehn, unless another food crisis leads to widespread civil unrest. This is the view expressed by Kathryn. Davies and David Housego in an article in the inancial Times London
As or, Zhao himself made clear in Bangkok, the South-East Asians hawe managed to persuade China to endorse a leadership change which would place either Prince Sihanouk, the former head of state, or Son Sann at the head of Democratic Kampuchea. This would not only provide a more
| HAIGIOGRAPHY
GENERAL Alexander Haig has || contextcd the Paolish watchpot scime- || what nuancely, How, though, if the situatium deccontrols carı he stoppage it Thountingly conflagrating? Haig, in | Congressional hearings before his
confirinatory, paradoxed his audition- Eers by abrı turnnalling his responds so
that verbs were nouncid, nouns verbed
ad adjectives adverbiseci. Ille lech. niqued a new way to vocabulary his though is so as to infortationally uncertain anybody listening about
what hic had actually in Triplicationed. I At first it secmed that the General was ir Tıp eri:tra bilirig what ht bısic was clear. This, it was 5uppositioned, * w:als: In Willinguis tiç har bingered by NATO during the time he bell-we| thercd it. BLit close obsei wers have alternatived that idea. What Haig is dJing, they Coincep L. is t de couple the Russians front Withing they are IIloded to An example was to obstacle: Sir viet ambassador Dobrynin
from Personalising the private elevalor at Foggy Bolton. Now he has to coII imunal like leverybody clse,
Exqers in the Kremlin thought they could recognition the word-forms of Anerican diplomacy. Now they have to i afreshly language themselves Lup before they know what the Americans are subtling. They are like chess grand lasters suddenly told to k Tighi their bishops and rook their
|23"|15 If that is how General Haig war is It nervous breakdown the Russian
leadership he may be shrewding his way in the biggest diploitatic invent Since Clausewitz. Unless, that is, ha schizophrenes his allies first.
(GUARDIAN, London)
situation
acceptable intern oluşted Kamp;uc helping it to re. UN but it coul strengthen the g
Il är effort tara H; further, Mr. Z. South-East Asian arms supplies to las. But few diplo re-equipped and L. - and its unity is could dislodge thic
Private Retrog:
he question levying med become a cont
the Indian state c
The Indian M has written to Minister, Mr. B copies to the Pr the Medical Cour esting the Centre
offices with the
Tent to thwar Step of per Titt
colleges based on The letter for its Karna taka brami ing of three ngw recently in Bang Capitation fees ra lakhs to Rs. 2 lak The IMA recal O medica colle State and the more hā s Iced to because of unde Unemployment am duates.
"Medical profes a missionary spiri have paid huge expected to work zeal. Obviously, Commercialisation Profession," the
The IMA Gene Garg has also rei at the meeting : Comittee of the of India held on
The discussion was based on a re. by the Karnataka

irreversible
ational image to the hean Goworm frent, tail its scat at the d also conce i wa bly uerrilla forces.
i rass the Wirtämine 5: hao has won the s' backing for more
the Khmer guerrilmats believe even a Inited "third force'' i Muth in doubt -
Wietnamese.
"Whatever the diplomatic manoeuvring, even those who admit to anti-Wietnamese bias concede that Heng Samrin's Kampuchea is well on
the way to feeding itself, and is now SLJ5tainable as
Medical Colleges:
ade step
of private, feeical Colleges has
Towersial one in of Karnataka. edical Association
the Union Health Sankararald, with ime solinister an Icil of India, requto use its good Karmataka Goworn"t the retrogade ing new medical Capitation fees" xwed reports from h about the openmedical colleges alore, based on nging from R5. || .5 his for a seat.
led that a Iready ges Were in the Pening of three
genuine a gitation -employment and | mical g
Sİ Črni should hawe and those who SLT5. Carlot to : with missionary this Will force of the medical MA, said.
al Secretary, Dr. Erated this view if the executive Medical Council December 17.
at the meeting resentation made Medical Students'
a political entity," concludes the Financial Times Article.
and Junior Doctors' Association
and by the Indian Medical Association. The Director-General of Health Services, Dr. B. Sankaran, and the Director of Medical Education of Karnataka, Dr. Rudrappa, who were Present, were reported to hawe kept silent. The IMA re Presentative regtted that the scourge of capitation fees continued in Karnataka while in all other States it had been got rid of.
So far as the Union Government i5 Concerned its Policy continues ta be against medical colleges charging Ciri Pitation fe225. This was reitera led on December 9 in the Rajya Sabha in an answer by the Union Health Minist, er
Notwithstanding the fact that the Union Minister himself had ParticiPated in the foundation-ston Iауіп5 function of one of the three medical colleges, he informed the Rajya Sabha that efforts were being made by the Government to impress upon the State Governments to do Bay, with the unhealthy practice of charging capitation facs.
He confirmed that Karnataka had issued an order in June 1980 permitting private Colleges in the State inter alia to charge special tuition fees of $20,000 payable in foreign exchange or in rupee equivalent in respect of Certain specified number of seats in each such College.
"To this extent this Fractice operates against the interests of the less affluent students," he said. He, however, did not indicate what steps the Centre was Laking to remedy the situation.
7

Page 10
Iraq's French Connecti
n Iran, the newspaper of the Islamic Republican Party, which dominates the country's politics,
said that France had entered a war against Iran with its delivery of four French built Mirage F-1 fighter bombers to Iraq.
France is to continue blocking the delivery of three missile boats to the Iranian navy, despite Iranian derlands for their release, Handwer of the boats will depend on the outcome of discussions on Outstanding French claims against the rewo
lutionary Government running to gyger | hundred miliom dol||3rs.
Following announcement of the
Mirage deal, Iraq has resumed shipTerits of crude til to France. These Were supended in December following renewed attacks on oil installations by the Iranian air force,
Before the Gulf war Iraq was France's second largest supplier of crude with about 24 per cent of total imports,
Meanwhile Iraq has issued a Weild attack on the Soviet Union, its
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chlef weapons su|| Taha Yassir" Rär: First Deputy Pre Moscow had "stop pre war (arr:Ts) cor Iraq."
Moscow cut of lies to Iraq at the wat with | tal but Soviet arris reach Iraq throug The Iraqi gow accused the pro-S unist Party of b onal force conspi ams in the conte: fict, 1 Eir Sharif, a promine the radical Popul: Liberation of Pali Caled for the for nati crnal fort ir arried overthrow who is one of porters of the Ir war against Iran.
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pplier, when Mr. Ldarı, the Country's Thier, claimed that
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Gulf States met. In Saudl Arabia in Carly February to discuss coopCration against internal and extera threats. The conference is the latest in a scries of mawes Lawards greater regional coordination by the Gulf oil States, including Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, which started after the fall of the Shah but hawe so far failed to produce Tuch Thore, thar, rhetor it.
The Gulf States at the meetingwhich will not be attended by Iraq, are eager not to give the i Tıpression to Teheran that the group is specifically aimed against a potential threat fron Iran,
The plan being discussed in Riyadh involves greater cooperation between the armies and police forces of the six States as well as increased economic cooperation. It appears to be partly based on a security Scheme put forward by Saudi Arabia last year to increase internal Security and prevent great power intgrven Lion in tha Gulf. Oman has also put forward a plan to secure free navigation for shipping through the Strait of Hormuz,
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Page 11
SOME THOUGHTS SCHOOL SYSTEM
Sunil Bastian
Sroblems around higher education and university admission
hit the headlines of the daily press in next to no time. In the '70s the question of standardisation dominated not only the media, but also many seminars and discussions on education. This question was so important that it became a fundamental issue in the formation of a political party, Now the admission scheme to enter into the university is onca again in focus. Sorme a spects of the scheme had been challenged in the Supreme Court, which had upheld that the scheme violates provisions on fundamental rights in the constitution.
While the questions of university admissions become a topic of dis
cussion, some of the Thore fundamental issues of education remain Lunnoticed. What | hawe in mind is
the simple question of how many or what proportion of our children of school going age really get an education in the present set up. In other words, the question of the cffectiveness of education in terms of its ability to give an education to the children of school
What can be
going age. TE fundamental to a discussion on education? In this respect let me
quote Dr. Swarna Jayaweera, Professor of Education, University of Colombo, to give an idea of the prevailing situation. Talking about the level of participation in education she said, "While the partici
pation in primary education did increase from 57.6% in 1946 to 74.4% in 1963 and in secondary
education from 11.2% in 1953 to 43.3% in 1963, there has been a decline in enrolment ratios in both primary and secondary cducation since then. This decline has been largely ignored although the Consumer Finance Survey of 1973 drew attention to the increasing proportion of non-school going children in both urban and rural areas. Estimates made in the mid seventies indicate a participation rate of 54.4% in 1974 for the age group
6-13 ջrs. (the : schools was rals as compared wi and 56.7% in age group", l brought home
observe the inc rates in out ed
What all thi a large propol majority of school going a an education b |m an e5timation Dr. Jayawe era s cational opportu has to be view that 40% of sc not yet receive education, 60% reach ing the G.C. classes which lea cation for at employment and ceed to grades determine access - له " mنti
(1 ) Swa rna j3y3 WC
?itחtuחסppכ latilion Ir S
(2) Sri Lanka
Sciences W. 1979.
To complete we hawe to add at least 10% of age population any education at entering grade year, con an av Tanage to get in Despite this star Ten tiomed ea Tlier related to our ignored wery ml discuss education Problems of highs 'social issues' an discussed, challer courts and made forming political my mind clearly nature ef our class ideology dic Con SCiousne55 in

ON THE
age of admission to ed to 6. In 1972) :h 65.2% In 1983 97 for the 5-9 The Same fagt s to L5 when we reasing drop out Ication system.
S TE ar 15 is that rtion, in fact a Our" childr'er of ge do not get eyond grade five, of this quos tion Lates that, "Edunity in Sri Lanka :d in the Con taxt hool entrants do any secondary level leave without .E, ordinary level d to basic qualifi. east Iniddle level 80% fali | to pro|| II and || 2 which to higher educa
-era - Educational а пd Sch Col age papuTi Lzl rik, 3i.
໘f Sccil 2 DeccTıbür
Jorna |
| Mc.
the picture what is that here i5 CLI ir School going who do not got 1. Fror a cohort in any particular rage only I-2%. o higher education. k reality, as I have th:25 e a re questions education systein zh by thase who In contrast thig education become they are widely ged in the Supreme COTTET ST es i
parties. This to reflects the class Society and how
minates the popular LIs country. Higher
education in reality is largely a problem of the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeosie in the sense that it is they who are directly affected by the questions related to higher
education. It is their children who manage to reach a level in the schools so that entry into the
Luniversities becomes a problem that is crucial for their upward mobility. And since they dominate the power structures of this society, they are able to draw attention to those issues which are dear to the T1 and
this creates a false consciousness among the mas Sas. An extreme manifestation of this phenomena was the way how the question about overseas student fees in Britain dominated the Commonwealth Education Ministers Confe
rence held in Colombo which is a problem of a small minority in any part of the Commonwealth.
The false consciousness on any question is created by emphasizing Certa in a spects of a question, which automatically leads to a deemphasizing of some other aspects. This I hope to illustrate taking as an example the problem of heavy drop out rates in our education. There had been a numbar of studies and teports on this question and one thing that all tha Sic reports emphasize as the main reason for droppiring out is connected with the economic de privations that the dro P out children's families undergo. This may be supplemented by rea
SOls like "Traditional wiews' on Education among parants, specially in relation to girls, etc. It is not my
Com en tiom that these reas am 5 åre not important. Obviously in a class society if the education system allows children from different social strata equal chance in education it will be under Illining its own cxistence. Hence the society sees that only those of a certain economic class get an education and therefore economic and social factors do play a role in deciding who are in schools and who are not. But my objection is, by emphasizing only the

Page 12
economic factors and social factors for the drop out situation this reasoning deemphasizes the reasons within the schools itself which displacc the children of the deprived classes out of the schools. That means there are features both in the structure and ideology of school model that prevails in ou T socs ety, which go against the children form the poorer classes. These features work hand in glove with the economic and social factors that lie "outside' the school and complement each other in the task of keeping certain sections of children away from the schools. shall describe below, some of these key elements that go against the poorer classes in order to make my point clearer.
First let us look at the way our school are organised. As we know a good school in Our Society is not just a building with desks, chairs, blackboards, etc. with a teacher. Every good school in Sri Lanka “ha s a host of other facilities. This includes libraries, sports facilities, dental clinics, photographic clubs, farms, etc., etc., We call a
principal a "good principal' One who is able to develop all this for his school. A school band is
an addition to this list in the case of girls schools. All schools attempt to "develop" in this way making use of resources, influences and power that they can wield. What is important to note is, in our society, the schools attempt to do this indiwidually or as SC Parate units. In contrast to this it is possible to visualise a systerm where most of these facilities are communally owned and belong to the entire community of a particuliar area, region etc. and the school can use them. If we try to do this in Our Society we can see how the material base of the prestige of "our" schools crumbles, because this amounts to socialisation of all those possessions which give our schools their identities as Royal, Ananda, S. Thomas's,
t
In this funda Tental Principle of individual ownership of facilities, which is a key element in the manner how our schools are orgamised lics a root cause for the drop out situation that I described Carlier. The individual ownership
O
creates the name the school on whi the confidence a child can haw means of social for those from this confidence pla tant tole in dici child in school C ties of the schol childrcn hayé t0 anyway evoke parents or in th be in schools de ations that Const This is specially compare the dep the more prestig quite clear that indiwidual o Wri 2r: which basis Lur nised lay the b: ation to arise.
Secondly there arrangement that process of trans that go against attempt to be ir know, in our Sch syllabus is covert according to a ti when the subjek portion of the and this leads on and so ori. This ar a certain type attendance. In benefit of the e to conform to
til UOLIG ått degree. If the student will fing
Lup and this Wo out. My content continuity of at by out school m only by a certain
not possibila to e' chose who canni are keen on ki schools we ha', systemi SC as to al ities of attendar
than expect th
demands put .
Todel.
The third as
Todel that lead out" of the chil. classes is connect and the Walues
school model. H heard the compla who are mostly

, or prestige for ch in turn depends that a parent or om School as a mobility. Specially che pooter classes гуs a yr Impording to keep the r nat. The facilials that the poorer attend, do not in he confidence in e child so as IC spite the deprivantly beseige them. true when they rived schools with gious schools. It is the principle of hip orfacilities on schools are orgaL5 e for this situ
are features in the
we hawe for the fer of knowledge, the poor in their schools. As We ools, the material of ad in the class ro OT me table. Each day it is taught a certain material is covered to the next portion "Tangement demands
of continuity in
3rder to get the ducation a pupil has this de land of
dance of a certain re is a break, the it difficult to catch uld lead to dropping ion is the type of condance demanded odel can be satisfied class of people. It is veryone to do it and at, drop out. If we zeping the poor in e to change this dopt to the possibilice by them rather en to satisfy the ut by the School
rect of thic School s to the "dropping dren of the deprved 2d with the ideology that prevail in our ow ofterm hawe Wwe ints of the teachers, from the riddle
class or aspre to be in that cla55, about the behaviour of the children of a different social background whom they teach. In my own expcrience | hawa Heard and Seen this in relation to the schools of slum areas of Colombo. This principally reflect the class differences and the Walue differences of the school and the social background of the pupil. Our schools dominated by the middle class values of our Society act aSa repulsion to the pils from the deprived classes. These values are expressed not o:i'y through the individual teachers but also through the behaviour fatterns (usually called discipline) expected of the child in school.
These features of the school model supplement the economic and social fectors of the society in causing the heavy drop on rates among the poor, The school model therefore reflects the socio-economic relation that prewall in the Society.
Trends . . .
Continued fror page )
IMF TALKS The IMF's back. Technically for | "consultations Lunder Article Four "of the agreemerit between Sri Lirika Trid tie MMF The tr Luth | is the IMF wars to be sure that the budgetary cuts introdued py the Fridnee Minister will not pro Ye art other opti Call illus i On. || The 1979-80 budget was swolfer. by supplementary estimates to the turie of Rs, 6,000 milion. | Sri Lanka is learning to five with the omnipotent IMF, So much that the newspapers and SLBC reporting the Cabinet spokesman on government decisions said that the FRG had granted 400 m/sion D. M. "subject ta IMF apprawal" (sic) and "that Yugoslavia and Roma- || na Tay en ter joint ventures here 'subject to IMF a poprowa " (5 ft) !
The IMF suspended dlsbursemerits to Sri Lanka. In July Jast year. The disburserients were ma] de Luricer di 3 year agreement signed in January 1979 for more than 30C0 rT i II som US dollars in || SDR's under the Extended Fund | Facility. Payments support will | be for r h corn ing if the government Sarlsses the IMF om "financia discipline" to control rampant Înfition. (Contd p. 23)

Page 13
1NTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Towards an alternate
Dayan Jayati| eka
theory as in praxis, the destructive function precedes the constructive, and the critique of what exists, is the point of departure. Such is the scientific, dialectical method of inquiry, adopted by Marx in the domains of philosophy, |Politics and political есопопу. "Capital” after all was, among other things, founded upon a critique of Ricardo just as the criticism of Hegel, Feurbach and the Utopian Socialists provided the point of departure for Marx's philosophical and political thought respectively. Likewise, the 'weapon of criticism' must be levelled squarely at the fundamental bases of the dominant 'theories' of international relations, if one is to attempt the construction of a genuinely scientific alternate general theory.
At the outset it is necessary to identify and isolate the interrelated Set of problems that constitute the theoretical framework of the con
wentional international relationists, That is to say, we must identify their basic problematique. A
glance at the history and evolution of the discipline of international relations will help. Though the very genesis of the discipline could be traced back to the writings of
Thucydides, Machiavelli, Danto, Rousseau, Benthan and Kant, no systematic developinent of the
discipline really took place before World War I, J. David Singer a mong others, is correct therefore when he speaks of "the relative infancy of the discipline of international relations".
Un til G4, and in deed eyen up to the 1930s, International reations was almost uniformly perceived as being predominantly concerned with international law, international organisations and diplomatic history. It was during the pre-World War II decade that ဂိငါးဝfး from both sides of the Atlantic really attempted to grapple with the pature and Scope of the discipline of international relations. Consensus was no
easy task. For
Sir Alfrid Zimm International rel; stated that: "the tional relations
natural sciences ; philosophy , . . . .at defined the field subject but rath subjects. . . . . \i순 angle." It was N who first artic around which was subsequent Spykman's wiew tions was prima "In terstate rela definition was im the host of litera on the subject
decades. In a ti described as haw impact on the of international J. Morga thau principly with "poli In setting forth
nation state be Category of his cor Ywas "nationa l-i Ray попd Агог Work. “ Peace ani tains that the a "at the heart ol tions", Accordin ti Cm7 | relations c among the po which the world given time, rangi city states to th --States. The cas tiveness of the d tional Relations a of politics or p im his wiew, in
Relations deals w Wcen political un claim the right II its own hands ar arbiter cf the di nor to fight." Fo Tany of the C national relation is tical interactions states form the q terrational Relati.

general theory
іпstaпce iп 1935, err, professor of ati ("O'r 15 at Oxfordd ! study of internacxtends from the 1 t one end to mora|| the other." Hg "not as a single er as a bundle of wed from a colmon licholas J. SpykTian ulated a definition I broad consensus ly reached. In " lnternatioma relaily Concerned with til corns", and this plicitly accepted in ture that abounded in the post war 2xt that could be ing had the greatest Jiniversity teach ing relations, Han 5G. concerned himself ltics among nations." an explanation of haviour, the key 1 Ceptual fra The work Interest'. France's 1, in his major d War" also rail. ction of states is * International relag to Aron, internaomprises relations litical units into is divided at any ng from the Greek modern nation for the distingiscipline of Internais against the study hilosophy resides, that International 'ith "relations betits, each of which Io take justice into hd to be the sole ecision to fight or : " Ĥron, as for-"rםLחl IבחסtiחWEוחב E5, while the Pol|- between nationUintessence of In2ns, these political
interactions themselves comprise two components, namely the diplomatic and the strategic.
Lucio Colletti, Writes that al non Marxian thinkers indulge mainly
in the 'psychoanalysis of society'. This holds true in the realm of International Relations too. While Morganthau claims that political
relationships are governed by instincts deeply rooted in human nature, Arnold Wolfers speaks in terms of "national urges' and Robert Strauss Hupe, in a similar vein, theorizes about "power urges'. Thus, not only do the orthodox theories of International Relations focus on the political relationships among sovereign nation states, they also construe these political relations in terms which may be defined, in the strict philosophical sense, as "idealistic'. It is now possible to identify the problematique, that is to say the set of busic and interrelated problems that constitute the conceptual framework, of the dominate theories of international relations.
I. Individual nation-states are the predominant units of analysis, and the central concern is the understanding of the behaviour of nation states. (Incidentally this is borne out by David Singer's statement in his article "The Level of Analysis Problem in International Relations": "Most of us hawe tended to settle upon the nation-state as our most comfortable resting place").
2. Nation States themselves hawe been understood as societies with separate and parallel histories. As Immanuel i Wallerstein puts it critically, for the conventional theorists "the fundamental paradigm of modern history is a series of Parallel national processes."
3. The focus of analysis is the Political relations between nation. states, while the 'substructural" relations are either neglected or

Page 14
relegated place.
to a wholly secondary
4. Funda Tental international political issues are thought to revolve almost exclusively around the relations a Tiong the hegemonic or 'world' powers,
5. Nation States alre portrayed homogenous entities while "national interest' is presented in class-neutral terms.
6. The major preoccupation is with 'stability' and the maintenance of the global status-quo.
The basic Weakness of this orthodox analytical framework is that in focussing primarily on the nation states, it implicitly denies or ignores the existence of a single world system in which national states are merely the component units. By 'world system' we mean the dialectically contradictory unity of the capitalist and socialist world systems. Since the world capitalist system is structured unequally, unevenly and heir archically, different nation states occupy different places within that structure and thus play different roles. To understand this and the kind of relations a given nations ta te has with others it is necessary at the outset to locate it within the world system. Quite simply, nation states must necessarily be considered as parts of a complex unevenly structured totality, and this is precisely the kind of perspective
that the dominant theories lack,
Our recognition of this fundamental weakness of orthodoxy
indicates to us simultaneously, one of the basič characteristics hit ån alternative general theory must posses. This is what Immanuel Wallerstein designates as the "world system perspective". This perspective is grounded in the understanding that, in the words of Samir Amı irnlı, "all countries are integrated, though to varying degrees, in a worldwide network of colliercial, financial and other relations, such that none of the T can be thought of in isolation, that is, leaving these relations out of 1..... " In sum, the alternative general theory of international relations we are attempting to construct must be informed by a perspective which recognises that
as J. W. Stalin ex back as 1924 in t of Leninist1: .. formation of capit system of financial colonial oppression ted the separate r and national territ in a single chair *".yוזrסחסec
"Formerly," Stal analysis. ..., ካኣ'á& L from the point economic state of tries. Now the r approached from of the state of for individual court national economies be self sufficient become links in a world economy... speak of.... the e world Imperialist single whole."
The tendency
theories to port states as homoger "national interest"
concept indicates ni another necessary c genuinely scientific While a given na the very outset,
the owerall globa |TL. also TE" the interpenetratic
relations and int within the domest profiles, class c.
Political struggles. possible to count theorics of "natio understand how relations and poli be efort.5 to alte World capitalist sy position within th is to the ad vänta, of particularo socia With in a gi wen sti: a recognition that Social layers alw portray chair pari that of the cIntire this constitutes a of the dominant it in society. An implies a definitiv this ideology,
The conventior relation istis preocci, political relations

pressed it as far he Foundations ... "The transalism into a world
en slavement and .. ..hä5.. converlational economies -ories into links called World
in Cortine 5, "the isually approched of wiew of tho In diwidual ciclummatter must b: the point of view world economy; :ries and individual have ceased to urilts and hawe single chain called ... Now We Trust in tire system of economy as a
of the dominant ray the nationious entities and as a class-neutral 2gatively to us yet haracteristic of a ; alternate theory, tiOT1State T1 U5t at be located within il structure, YY: ourselves with in of international ernal structures Ili 50 Clio 2O1O T iC 2ntradictions and It will then be er the do Tinant nal interest, änd various political y Postures may :r or maintain the stem and also a is system which ge or disadvantage | groups situated 1 te. This implies the hegemonic ays attempt to :icular interests as : nation and that central element icology prevailing
alternate theory C: rup Luric with
Ial internationai
Ipation with the between ration
states is fundamentally misleading. Though the realm of politics is relatiwelly a LJ tonomo Luis, and the political factor may even be dominant, it is not, in the last instance, the diciterminant factor — which is nome other than the mode of production. It is this titanic contribution of Marx in opening up the continent of History to science that must constitute the very foundation of an alternative theory of in terrational relations. To put it differently, we must extend the materialist conception of history to the realm of international relations, in direct contradistinction to the conventional analysts' near-exclusive focus on political relations between nation states.
If the perspective ought to be that world system and the methodology, that of historica| materialism, what then should be the key analytic Category in an alternati we theory of International relations? A brief digression needs to
be made at this point. Though the nation state has been the focal unit of analysis in most theories
of international relations, there arte Some scholars in the field who hawe adopted a "worldsystem perspective' of sorts. I refer principally to Morton Kapalan, George Modelski, Richard Rosecrance, Leonard Binder and other such systems theorists who adopt a 'macroperspective." While they have awaided some of the pitfalls of an analysis which considers the nation state as its main focus or central Unit, the profound flaws in their methodology and analytic Categories hay C gens Lured the basically unscientific nature of their theories too. (For instance, George Modelskis use of the Riggsian ဖွံ့ဖြိုး Agraria/Industria te werses the analytical gains obtained from his macro perspective.)
Thus it is clear, that despite superficial resemblances, the world systerT perspective as defined by Lus earlier, is täidically different from that of all the dolinant theorists. As stated before, while our perspective must be that of the world system and our methodology must be that of historical raterialisII, what is necessary now is a valid analytical category which will be the key category in the conceptual framework of an alternative theory of intor national relations. What is

Page 15
the category, resulting logically from
our overall perspective and metho
dology, which will cnable us to grasp and represent the complex texture and the overali, if contradictory unity of social reality? This category must transcend the static and particularized approach which fragments social reality into economies, sociology and politics.
While integrating the economic, sociological and political planes in an overall understanding of the world system, this category must also be capable of embracing the longterm trends and forces within the world ဖူးe† and the natural history of the integration of its Various components.
We may present the concept of 'social formation' as fitting most of these requirements. According Lo Louis All thusser, "Social formation" denotes the historically concrete complex whole comprising economic
practice, political practice and ideological practice at a certain place and stage of development, Historical materialism is the science of social formations. By cconomic, political and Ideolo
gical we mean the processes of Production and/or transformation. Economic practice is the transformation of nature by human labour into social product, political practice the transformation of social relations by revolution, ideological practice the transformation of one relation to the lived world into a new relation of ideologicial struggle. These three practices constitute the social forIllation.
Since the World capitalist system cannot be reduced to a mere juxtaposition of 'national capitalisms' no concrete social formation can be seen other than in a Worldsystem perspective. Thus we can say that the central concept in a gen Liměly scientific alternatiwe theory of international relations should be none other than that of "social formations on a world scale." (Herc wish to acknowledge my debt to Dr. Berty Gajameragedera, Senior Lecturer in International Relations at Peradeniya, for suggesting this definition),
An im Portant qualification of this 5ättért needs to be nad immediately. Although social formations must be viewed from a worldsystem Perspective, it is imperative to
Understand that åre: "éclosed" 5 tional frontiers.
not fall forcy t logical monism
planetary social
above its articula Political system,' an assumption, a Krasso, was one
errors.) Thu | theory we seek the refore orbi,
perspective with
for of the autono Institution of the hIT self provides ple of how this be reconciled, an Manifesto where that capitalim h; Systern, he also the primary unit is the nation, and are fought out national love.
"Since the pro of all acquirep: Illust rise to be of the nation, m Self the nation, national, though n: Sense of tha wo
Thus if our a theory of internati not integrate an the social format Scale with a gras autonomy of the that Is the natio be able to make blems such as th indi. Çd the recrud lism as a politica the capitalist and the contemporary One final obs
panying our key formations on a analytic framewor COP15 Irut Illus Yitally important : juncturo”. Identifie Sci and Althussor central concepts Science of politics exact balance of State of overdete Contradictions, at enabling us to utiliz im Portant assessin lation of forces 5cale, which dete instance, relations

social formations P to speak, by naTherefore we must o "a kind of sociowhich assumes a Structure, soaring tion in any concreta ' (Incidentally, such ccording to Nicholas ! of Trotsky's basic Til termati ye gerrera
O IQ 15 ÉLUE TIL 5 ne 7 Worldsystem ( reit St. my of the political ! 7Ette. Marx an excellent exatContradiction can d in the Communist he clearly states as become a global acknowledges that of class struggle that such struggles principally at the
letariat must first litical Supremacy,
the leading class |U5 L COT13 titute - it is, so far, itself at In the bourgeois rd."
Îternative general ional relations does
understanding of ions on a world P of the relative political institution 15 t CO2, WYe Yi || Not
a Concrete proe persitence and e5cence of nationa
| forca in both Socialist sectors World.
erwation, AcconConcept of "social Worldscale", the k we wish to also utilize the concept of "con
"d by Lenin, Gramis cle of the of the Marxist it denotes the forces and the rimination of the In given To Tent, e it in the vitally rt of the correOn 1 a World Tires in the last among nations.
HUNAS FALLS HOTEL ELKADUWA
WHERE EVERY
PROSPECT
PLEASES . . . .
RESERWATION5
PHONE: 3 By
|21, SIR JAMES PEIRIS MAWATHA,
COLOMBO ,

Page 16
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SHTOI UMÝTNI

Page 17
Observations on Tamil Conference
Sachi. Sri Kantha
Dept. of Biocherr is try, Faculty of Medicine, University of Peradeniya)
write in reply to your comment
under "news background" on "MGR and Tamil Sub-plot" (LG, Feb. 1, 1981), Since this comment contains so many inaccuracies, and as a Sri Lankan delegate who was an eye-witness to many of the scenes which had been referred to in the comment, I am compelled to reply for the benefit of the LG readers.
Prior to commenting on the incidents which occurred in Madurai, | would like to draw the attention of the readers to a sentence which gives a serious misinterpretation of events which occurred in 1974. | categorically deny your Statement that, ". . . . In 1974 at the last Conference several persons were killed in Jaffna when Police fired on demonstrators shouting slogans against the Bandaranaike government and demanding Eelam". Firstly the columnist had erred in equating the incident of Jan. 10, 1974 with the demand of Eelam. Eelam demand had not been originated at that time, if political records of this island hawe to be beliewed. This demand was first put forward vehemently by S. J. W. Chelwanayakam, the leader of the TULF, when he Contested the KKS by-election, held on the 6th February 1975. Eelam demand was officially resolved and unanimously adopted for the first National Convention of the TULF held at Waddukoddai on 4th May
97.
Secondly, regarding the incidents of 10th Jan. 1974. I would prefer to quote from the "Report of the Commission of Inquiry, on the Tragedy of January Tenth, 1974", published on Eth Feb. 1974.
The Commission consisted of Mr. C. L. De Kretser, Mr. W. Manicavasagar (both former Judggs of the Supreme Court) and the Rt. Rev. Dr. Sabapathy Kulandran (former
Bishop in Jaffna) inferences made
The irresis III () is that Light Was guilty կuilt in unnects: itiE: T 5 MW li, that they lacked * expected Jfp. police frce wh
clsul ha milling difficult situatium.
“Tll- wiederlL was not all that The police im 1h the city assault in C.. I at 55 for Lihat the people they were erat ile
W if suffered physic:ll dal III age, lid thig liye 'y','T I hic i chain of cycnts : Lin Impletely wrւյI1ց JIn the part (of Iliade it. We Fir It all for the pro frem Çeless and inn
These inferenc learned Commissi cate the assertior columnist that, demonstratiors aga inst the Bandar and demanding E. choice for the Li
qut which is corr
Regarding the E Conference, being agree with the L "pro-TULF Tamil tէ յ "in tornatioria and to a greater succeeded." Thoug stall organised by porters Who tray USA, was derinoli. tructions of Tamil the administration the activists pas depicting the "Jai

the
To quote the y this Commission,
ible cco I 1clLIsi.}rı "Ww': the police om this of a vicalent al I'll ay at tack con unha med gravey conccThed the judgement which |licemen in al civili u II }5c du lies call fut cVeil in the inst
establishes that this look place that night. Ceir armed might rowed g whorns ever they In beller risun li in Were doitag wiat I to tla.
Çin için i hit those wlıcı injury and muterial ise who lost their nocett victims of a Sct in motion by it and unwise decision hiç police officer Who I lind no justification lice assault in dic
cent citizens." es made by the on, do not windi1 made by the LG "Police fired on shouting slogans amaike government slam." I give the 3 readers to pick ".
vents at Madural
an eyewitness, G Columnist, that expatriates sought lise" the issue,
extent they had gh the exhibition
the Eelam supeled from UK and shed on the Nadu government,
could not stop ting the posters ... O Incidents of
Π5
Madurai
1974 Conference' all Madura | city,
ower the again on 7th night,
As a matter of fact, large crowds converging to Madura i city, gathered around the places where these posters were pasted; the poster5 themselves were different in colour, content and appeal. In fact most of the commoners were blaming the M.GR Administration, for not allowing them to know what had really happened in the 1974 Tamil Conference.
It is strange that LG columnist had not been informed of the speeches made by our two Tamil "Generals" of J. R. Jayewardene. If Amirthalingam delivered a very restrained address at the Opening Ceremony on the 4th of January, it seemed to us, the Sri Lankan delegates, that Thondaman had played the role what Amir was expected to play. Thondaman's address at this function was more political, exceeding the limits warranted for; and mind you, he was pleading for the Tamil minority community. He went to the extreme of quoting General De Gaulle's sympathy towards the French-speaking Canadians living in Quebec
Though our Speaker of Parliament, had been recognised by the LG columnist, as the Tamil-speaking Moslem MP, in my humble opinion, he did not perform well to bring repute for this compliment. Bakeer Markar, Tade a smattaring speech in Tamil, mainly reading a lengthy text with awkward accent and unwarranted pauses, Many of our colleagues commented that, Professor Asher from the University of Edinburgh delivered a better impromptu
address in Tamil for a full fifteen minutes
5

Page 18
Building a partу
Shanta de Alwis
T: though flowing from theoretical positions, aro not identical with them. The question Warma was posed with was not merely the clarification of the nature of the SLFP or of popular frontism, but also of winning the majority of the working class to a revolutionary programe, to build the mass revolutionary party,
The best theoretical position in the world is of absolutely no use unless from it flows a tactical
approach to win the working class to it. Even if all these ridiculous neo-Stalinist sects mentioned by Chintaka had a perfect Leninist position on the SLFP, (which they certainly did not), it was of no use to the working class,
The point is that in the entrist period 1970-77, our slogans did not directly reflect our full theoretical position. The slogans were necessarily transitional ones designed to raise the consciousness of the workers from their present level to a higher one and to drive a wedge between a bourgeoisie in the coalition and the proletariat. Except for a few workers who could be Won over directly to our positions, the vast majority of the working class had enormous illusions in the the old leadership and "Wama" had to take an extremely flexible approach.
When Wama agitated for 'the rgmoval of Fglix, Mathrl, etc." we were responding to what the LSSP leadership was telling the
workers. The question raised was, if these gentlemen block the progressive measures why don't the LSSP leaders themselves agitate for their removal. When we wrote about the three TB's etc., we raise the question of why the so-called left in the government (identified by the LSSP-CP leaders) did not fight the right wing since this would accord with the strategy put forward by the Party leadership itself.
work
Furthermore,
ma's reactionary out explicitly in c ban con the U: Labour (controlle in November 15 tactically correct
citly: the questi LSSP and CP |ea to destroy Sir regima and bi (Walma Sama samaj then om our m; "(II) wrthrow Siri|| "build a United L
Our tactics we up the leadershi proved incapabi out the very promised to ca. entered the coal campaigns had to ledging the exis and participatio class in it. Withi tactically correct tion of the "Lef wing (the latter through which th at that 5 tago) and all our slogan: of the coalitic taken up by the to the coalition's ers, hawing more of the se gentlem the working clas Lo do 50 precisel:
On the other the part of the le: in the minds of the sincerity, ir tionary perspect – for they wer along the path had mapped out
It is through (based on our t that the tiny " å ble to grow i class party whil theoreticians "Nirdhamaya' l Circle" etc remal,

ing class
the ques tion of Sirirole was brought ur slogans after the ited Federation of d by the LSSP) rally W4. That was the point. Lo Po5e expli- in of whether the ders were prepared ima's crisis-ridden ild an alternative. aya Dec 1974) From nin slogans had been na-Felix leadership' eft front".
re ai med at Showing p in so far as they even of carrying struggle that they rry out when they ition. Certainly our start from acknowterce of the front in of the Working that context it was to pose the quest" figh thing the right being the medium a bourgeois operated the objective of ; was the break up n. Our slogaris if SSP would hawe lead
break up. The leadintelligence than any len on the fringe of 5 movement, refused y for that reason
hand this refusal of lders raised questions the workers, about Itegrity and revoluiwi of the leadership refusing to mowc that they themselves to the party
such flexible tactics :heoretical positions) Wama' tendency was nito a mass working st all those superb Cof "Mitipahara", anka Social Studies led in the wilderness.
This is the second part of Prof. de Alvis" reply to Crii, taka" | Tticle "The NSSP and the IL SISP" | | Lurraka Guardiarro October || 1980). | Dr. Silla de Alvis is ore.350 ' of mathetics at the University of Sri Jayawardenepura and an associate 11e III ber of the IIntern Eltional Centre for Theoretical Phy| sir s; at Trieste, litaly. He has serci n the Poli Lit | Burea LI O | [he: ! Central Corri muittee of the Nava
SI SA III ja Patty,
". . . . . the Wama group did not take i clear stånd om SLFP and borgiak yayithi Lig: gali tiom after 1971 when there was no real need to 'expose" the SLFP further front within the UF since that party had signalled in the bloodiest fashion, its transition from reformism to counterevolution'."
The above quotation from Chintaka clearly shows his theoretical confusion. Firstly the question of "Wama' breaking with the Coalition does not arise. Warna (in 1971 limited to a tiny discussion group) was a tendency within the major working class party in Sri Lanka which was in a coalition. Its prime objectives were to win over the Imajority of the LSSP worker activists to its revolutionary program and the forcing of a split between the Workers parties and tha bourgeoisie. Demonstrative gestures such as leaving the party after the JWP insurrection would only hawe isalated Wama from the mass organisations of the class and Wama would mat hawe ach iewed either of the 5ė objectives.
Secondly "Wama' did not have a perspection of "exposing" the SLFP from within the UF but of "exposing" the LSSP leadership which had taken the working class into an alianco with the SLFP.
Thirdly the mechanistic thinking chrāteris Li of Chink view developments exclusively from the point of view of the radical petite

Page 19
bourgeois youth, is revealed in the last clause of the above quotation, In the last analyses all bourgeois parties are counterrevolutionary and no 'signals' are needed to deterIT in that. Howevery if the phrase “transition from reformism to counter revolution' means that after suppressing the JWP insurrection a sort of semi-fascist dictatorship was instituted, Chintaka must have been living at that time in the fantasy world created by the frightened Petty bourgeois,
H- forgets that the mass organisations of the workig class were intact and remained in the coalition. He forgets that in the utterly futile and meaningless split in the CP, its worker base remained with the "renegade Pieter" as he was referred to by the 'radicals'. Furthermore he forgets the mass mobilisations spearheaded by the organised workingclass on the issue of the nationalisation of the plantations, the 28 demands and the semi-fascist threat from the NP.
Far from being one of triumphant counter-revolution, it was a period brought with revolutionary oppor. tunities. Wama participated in the se ITass ..ctions and its slogans were aimed towards taking them beyond the limits within which the LSSP and the CP tried to constrain them for fear of "rocking the boat" and breaking up the coalition. It was precisely these pressures which led to the break up of the coalition in 1975 in spite of the attempts of the leaders to save it.
Furthermor c it was the line of actior prepared by us that brought about the final breakup in early '77. Not only was the railway strike of '76-77 the culmination (in this period) of our strategy of breaking up the popular front, Vama also played a leading role in it through the largest Union in the
railway the D. gamaya. Warna majority as its tee including leiders U. E. Pe lt was that str CP to break Fr and finally brou EC är Emd. It : of gaining freed had been held
97.
The CP radica never put for Critique of the after they split What they oppg ment policy of de rather than the thrust of thir left in the coalitic and Pieter, rach wing.
Furthermora w Werę put forwa "Wama" campai implementation cals initially counts Finally after thr antics they reunit gade" Pieter: at government had to the right.
One might als people were doi was kicked out the CP expressed åt, the develop taken place but ce the Coalition and the progressive : "c of Sirrā Bā addressed an oper radicals ("Warna S: ber 1975) to pres break from Sirin evidence of such of these radicals. CO2S WI. Its the ||9 76-77 Rai radicals who split suppression of i bourgeois youth, to say when the ment was attempt Workers back to point! Crne can оп split of the radical: ely an cm piricalad ures of the radic youth. It achieved

Jmriya Seweka San
had by then a
EXCCIti ri
its most popular rera and Satyapala. like which forced the "om this government ght the emergency also had the effect lor TI for those who without trial since
ls on the other hand Ward a fundamental Coalition teelf even
on the CJC issue. ised was the governepending on the IMF
Soviet Union. The
attacks was on the in, especially on NM :r than on the right
then the 28 demands rd by the JCTUO gned for their whilst the CP rad*rposed |0 demands. 22 years of these :ed with the 'rene
Lirrie when the Towed even further
O ask what these ig when the LSSP if the coalition and its "deep regret" rms that häd rtinued to defend So'W illLI5icor15 3 bgcout Inti-imperialist matndaranaike, Vama 1 letter to these CP ImaSämajaya" (OctoSirië thair CCC to la. But we see no activity on the part Their position be: Lestionable with lway Strike. These On the issue of the the radical petite did not hawe much SLFP-CP governIng to send striking work at bayonet ly conclude that the i in 1972 was mgraption to the pressal Petite bourgeois absolutely nothing.
United Front Tactics
In his anonymous phase ("News background' -- Lanka Guardian st June 1580) Chintaka predicted that the NSSP will fall within the ambit of the SLFP by May Ply 98. In his pseudonymous phase ha has seen fit Eo. Post Pone thë day of reckoning by two years. (The 1983 general elections) wonder what penance he is prepared to undergo when his predictil is falsified?
The point at issue is the NSSP's United front (UF) tactics. Chink forgets that while advocating UFactions with the SLFP in defence of democratic rights, the NSSP for the past three years has also been advocating the formation of a United Left Front based on a revolutionary socio-economic program. It has called upon the CP, LSSP and the JVP to form such a front aud was the only party to propose such an alliance at the last local government elections.
During the present strike we pointed out the need for a clear political lead and Perspective. The SLFP-LSSP were giving one kind of Political perspective a POPUlar frontist, Parliamentarist one which will give back the job in 1983 etc. It was necessary to pose the question of the formation of a left government through the extra-parliamentary struggle, whether this was an immédiate Perspective or not is hardly the point. It was necessary to counter the parliamentarist illusions being sown by the SLFP -LSSP. Thus it was to the CPSL that we posed the question of a Programmatic blo-3 Pose the left alternative. Unfortunately, the CPSL refused even to discuss this question!
(To be continued) — དག་ཐ་དད་ས་ག་ཟ་བས་བག་ལ་པ་ས་ལ་ MARKET REPORT. Today's Bullish in Sri Lanka On the covy sod si | Fa' childrer _f}"ỉng kĩrgo,
They determine the kites' heights. The fir children are capitalist.
Patrick Jayasuri ya [Peratic miyH),

Page 20
A
Jayantha Somasunder am
he Sri Lanka Government claims
that 40,000 workers struck work last July. The Opposition counter-claims that the actual nu Tber of strikers was 40,000. PricocCupled with the political debate concerning the justification of the Strike; em meshed in the Economic arguments to decide the strike, most people hawe forgotten the people who go to make up this amorphous, debated, faceless numeral.
Juan Piyadasa who would have been 3 this year is one of this forty or hundred and forty thousand. His wife, his children and loved ones are among the million [[:၃Plး who have been affected by ast July's lock out.
Born in the outskirts of the metropolis in Kadawatte, he grew up in Kelaniya where his father is
still a small-time trader. Typical of his generation, of the new literate proletariat, he aspired to
a profession career through the developing welfare state.
NEW RATES
the new posta and the Lanka Guardian
to change its
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Cheques and money orders to be Ta de caut in fal ya L T Taf | Linka Guarda II. Publishing Co. Ltd.
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striker commits si
At eighteen he studies interrupte an ordinary leve began work in th Working there as his sister-in-law a marriage, quite lonese society.
When the Tra a general strike a wage increase the face of forty Juan Piyada sa had aged five and A -and a third chll
Because he re the strike and his des, Juan Piyadas: tens of thousands employment for For five months :၀%8 for his y doing odd jo! But his health har and he couldn't
His brothers at ranks and pitched young family, but fast giving way t
With his wife third confinement, his parents home December he to feet in tradition then swollowed caustic soda. Ret taken to hospita he learned that birth to a thir able to bring bedside, for him Once before he of December,
He left behind to the Minister he merely tells Can mo Ww consid vacated his post
Piyada sa is th Commit suicide of months,

icide
fell ill, had his left school with
certificate, and
C. T. C. Whilst peon he married a part of an inter bппmon in Cey
Unions called ist July asking for of Rs. 300- in percent inflatiՃrl wo sons, Sa Tinda a aged threeחu was on the way.
used to betray cocked ou Contrabecame one of thrown out of laring to strike. he managed to lf and his family s as a labo Lurer. I never been good go on in that wein.
ld sisters closed I in to help Juan's : desperation was :c fatālism.
in hospital for her Juan returned to On the 13th of
Iched his parents al salutation and a fatal dose of
ching blood he was I. The next day his wife had given d boy. She was the baby to his
to see the child died on the 1 Bh
a letter, addressed
of Posts. In it , thern that they er him as having
sixth striker to in an equal number
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Page 21
The Dostoevsky
Centenary
Reggie Siriwardena
ast month the Soviet Union L=ိmmémöးatဇိုဖီ tha centenary of the death of Fyodor Dostoewsky, which fell on February 9. The importance ascribed to this occasion and the scale on which it was observed are a Teasure of the place now given to Dostoevsky's work in Soviet cultural estimation. Dostoevsky's reputation has undergone several fluctuations in his own country since the Revolution, but today it seems to be at its apogee.
The centenary was marked by a scholarly conference on the problems relating to the creative work of the great Russian novelist at the Gorky Institute of World Literature and an exhibition on his life and work at the State Literary Museum. Literaturnaya Gazeta, the organ of the Union of Writers, devoted a section to Dostoevsky, headed "The great writer-humanist." This included an article by Georgy Fridlender, the chief editor of the great USSR Academy edition of Dostoevsky's Complete Works.
It was in 1972 that the USSR Academy of Sciences, anticipating the centenary, decided to sponsor
the most scholarly and comprehensiwe edition e vet produced of DosLoewsgy's works. This edition has since been appearing volume by volume over the last decade. Originally planned to consist of 30 volumes (7 of novels, short stories and notebooks, 13 of articles, diaries and letters), it will actually run to 33 because the unexpectedly Voluminou5 mass of the movelist's correspondence which has been anassed from different parts of the world has necessitated the subdivision of the last three wolumes devoted to the letters. Arrangements hawe already begin made for the translation of the entire edition of the Complete Works into Japanese, owing to the exceptional interest in contemporary Japan in Dostoevsky's writing.
The major con Soviet scholarship to ārn unders tādi life has been the facts relating to hi It was for long graphers that Do. had been murder and on this sup Freud based an that the Turder sense of guilt in to his Oedipal h and unconscious p Freud attributed lepsy to the shot about by the fat last supposition v un founded, since i that the first signs c present before thed
In 1975, howevi tigation by a Sov circumstances of elder Dostoevsky rumour that he h; was spread by a was involved in a the Dostoevsky matter was thoro at the time and faul play was esta der of a landowr as W5 hot a lightly under the The older biog regarding the Sup Freud's psychoan: based on them now be rejected. large-scale biogra that is being American scholar, Frank (it will rur when completed), of the murder st text, and the ne' arrived just in t footnote before went to press,
Sowict scholars of Dostoevsky at
(Continucd

tribution made by of recent years ng of Dostoevsky's un carth ing of the
i5 fa che r"5 death. belia wod by biostoevsky's father ed by his Peasants, position Sigmund elaborate theory
triggerod off a
the son, owing
a tred of his father arricidal impulses. Dostoevsky's epick of guilt brought her's death. This as in any event it can be prowed if the disease were
eath of the father,
2r a fresh invesliet Schalar of the he death of the showed that the Ad been murdered landowner who lawsuit against family; that the Jghly investigated no evidence of blished (the murer by his peasTim 02 to be talkgn
Tsarist regime). aphical theories Josed murder and lytic conjectures Illust, therefore, Incidentally, the hy of Dostoevsky roduced by an Professor Joseph to four volumes 135 JT15ed the Luth Jry in its main Soviet discovery
T2 to måke a 12 first volume
p and criticism
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Page 22
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Page 23
e SOME CONCLUDING REMARKS
Content, Forman
Samudran
think I owe the roaders of the Lanka Guardian, who hawa been following the debate on Content and Form in Marxist Criticism provoked by my first article on the Tamil Literary Scene (LG. Sept. 15) a concluding note summing up my position. In my reply to Reggie Siriwardene (LG, Dec. |) | hawo cxplained the circumstances that prompted me to write my first article. I am thankful to Siriwardana for his timely and healthy intervention which gawe me an opportunity to elaborate further on my assertion of the primacy of content over form. The issues raised by him took me to the heart of the Content-Form problematique,
After Siriwardene's last reply it would seem that he is in agreewith my definition of content as a product of artistic reflection. If he accepts this definition he should find my assertion of the primacy of content over form to be a logical consequence. However, he does not seem fully convinced. This is evident from his comments on my insistence that content is more decisive than form within a framework of dielectical interdependence between the two. I feel that this point calls for some clarification before we close this debate for the present.
Content becomes decisive in determining the social relevance of a work of artistic praxis. Marxist criticism adopts political-culturalaesthetic criteria derived front historical experience and based on the necessities of the struggle for
the creation of a better society and the re-discovery of human essence in its totality. Thc social
relevance of a particular work is a function of its content. It is only through an analysis of it that one could arrive at the meaning, the conscious and un Conscious class biases and values and the emotional aspects of behavioural phenomena. However, it must be noted that deficiencies in content as the pro
duct of artistic | effects on forri impairment of t tionship between Marx and Engels Franz won Sick pointed referenc cig5 in Content against the o evolution of th LaSalle wanted
Wroto to Lasalle resentatiwa of th whose watch Wor liberty there sti of the old empir ought not in th absorbed all inte in your play, bL ti we5 of the p { these) and of
elements in the formed a quite background." En Lasalle's "relegati movement to ti major error W author to misre struggle. (Inciden time - 1859 - M contempt for Fo said 'our brood have nothing lef
What does
when he says th "is conditioned how, when and is made use of: läst small detail' various clements corn tent. Brecht 'eternal ads that interpretation of niques and the b the function of position further: represent it the tation must alter from nothing; t the old but that it new." A 5 TE of the cf the F 'Socialist-realist' wards Brecht, I were mistaken; view, a far bet

di Marxist Criticism
"eflection hawe their and lead to an he dialectical rollthe two. When criticised Lille", ;inger they made es to the deficiemwhich worked rganic, artistic e political message to com wey. Marx : "The noble repE revolution-behind "ds of unity and lurked the drea T. 2 and of club-law - lat c352 to have a rest, as they do it the representa2asants (particularly tha rewolutionary cities should hawe important active gels also criticised On of the pea Sant
he rear" as the hich induced the present the class
tally, even at that arx had nothing but Imalism when he of epigonous poets : but formal gloss")
Brecht emphasiza at realist writing ly the question of for wha, la 55 it
conditioned to the Obviously the and a pects of the 's rejection of laws' and his
the role of techoadening scope of art amplifies this "Reality alters; to means of represen00. Nothing arises וחסrings frקw sםח E is just what Takes 3rds the attitude gh—Pries LS of the establishment toaccept that they recht was, in my ir exponent and a
BRECHT's DEFINITION
"Popular II cans: Intelligible In thւ: hr: IItl T11:15ht: 5, :l dopting ind en rilling their furens of Lexpressiori/issum ing their standpLint, c ılı siriIlling : Iind correcting its represe F1 ting the m105 t pra|4r's sive section of the peuple ho
hıııf it can als surile le utlership...
"Realistic" means: Discovering the cistial complexes of society un mi sking the previzii ling wiew of things as the view of those Yaylı) are il p () NY er writi i g from the still ind-point of the class which Coffers the bil riu dest sluition5 four the pressin (I diffi'lı tic5 iLI yy'lı ith ILLI ILI A T1 s ) ciety is caught Lup/ enılıptı: sising the e leulent of leyelip II Lt...
Thore genuine socialist realism.
representative of
Siriwardene is correct in stating that Iny definition of content points to the fact that content and form Carn be se parated only as abstractions for analytical purposes. This is precisely what Marxist criticism does but not in a mechanical way. The dialectical Tethod of abstraction should enable the critic to make a functional differentiation between the two within their unity. Form deser was to be giyen the importance demanded by its functional role in artistic creation, however being less decisive in determining meaning and quality does not make form's specific function less important.
Marxist criticism would thus seem La bo a complex task and unifortunately many critics claiming to be Marxists do commit the crime of vulgarization and oversimplification reducing content to mere ideology. This happens with critics who 酶 not have adequate mastery of the Marxist method of content analysis. The inadequacy of the critic is not the fault of the mothod.
Turning to my other critics,
Particularly Siwa sekera Tn and Canaga
ratne, I note with deep regret that (Cortified II page 27)
|

Page 24
THE N M
Carlo Fonseka
Scientifi
awing had to learn H. by actually practis ing it, I reflexly look for the "control
experiment' whenever examine validity of a testable hypothesis. In his review of Tissa Abeysekera's skimpy documentary film of Dr. N. M. Perera's life and work (L. G. | February) H. A. Seneviratne says that the LSSP "tock a sharp turn to the right in 1964" and implies that was its crucial Wrong turn. I presume that by "a sharp turn to the right" he means the LSSP's strategy of working with and through the SLFP for the attainment of specific political objectives. On the hypothesis that association with the SLFP in 1964 was the wrong line, the hypothesis of uncompromjsing opposition Lo the SLFP in and after 1964 becomes the right line to have been pursued. This hypothesis has in fact been put to the test of historical experience by erstwhile LSSP er5 of the Calibre of Edmund Samarakkody and Bala Tampae (in whose CMU, film critic H. A. SErlewiratne was hin 152lf à great activist),
Concurrently witn the LSSP Pursuing its policy of working with the SLFP as far as it could go, these able men of unbending theory, who broke away from the LSSP precisely on tre i55 L e of that particularo policy, tried with great zeal and devotion to lead the direction opposite to that in which the LSSP took them. In other words, Sararakkody, Tampoe and others of their political ilk provided the nearest equivalent of "a control" to the LSSP's political experiment. Who will deny that the verdict of history has been infinitely more cruel to Samarakkody and Tampoe than to the LSSP? The maggies in
stantly, decisively and unalterably rejected their political line and leadership. Surely, the final test
of the validity of a political line is: docs it work? The line favoured by Mr. Seneviratne simply has not worked. How then can he imply Lihat the LSSP's decision ir 1954 to work with the SLFP was politically
P-M
urwise and Ywrong to lead the mass hour", pontificates "the LSSP leaders city to follow thi falutin Statement
as "a historical t embodies nothing
“. “1. PgrÇrı devout Buddhist nurtured as a B. educated at the college in the Cour he offered flower in accordance Wit had giyen his m ClCe ha W25 ne: the LSSP for 'nethra pinkarna'. 27th annual sessic Association for th Sciëns in | 7 || hawe a tradition coming down to Buddhist is the bird faith. It is of independent th
build on that gr: dow c-tail that political institutio the Buddha occup place in his priva he was cremated religio Lu s rites. T film made som C: aspect of N. M. 1r. Seg virate can only lead t ridicule in the e: Mr. Scпсwiratne himself the authe the feelings of til sumptuous and 5', of the sort he only from the p who is prone to in the pit of his the ultimate exp wersa || Lurge of man thank you for i helpful footnote Serewiratre's for

2 "Having failed e5 at a crucial Mr. Senawirate, hip lost its Capaam". That highis offered by him ruth"; actually it
but piffic.
was born mother. He was Iddhist. He was premier Buddhist utry. Every Wesak s to the Buddha
to
h a promise he ather as a boy. irly sacked from
articipating Ir1 3. Inaugurating the an of the Ceylon e Advancient of card: "'W. of democracy us from the ages. very antithesis of tha embodiment inking. We Trust
at tradition and critage into our 15. A statue of lied a prominent te room. Finally urder Buddhist issa Abeysekera's allusion to this Perera's lifa and diwines that "that a contempt and yes of the masses". evidently fancies ntic detector of ne masses. A praWeeping judgement a 5 made can Come en of a Writer identify a feeling i ČWm Stormach a 5 re5siQrn of 23 n LInikind. Mr. Editor, forming us in a that fiction is Mr.
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Page 25
A study in terror
Emergency '79 - A MIRJE Publicaric II Rap,
mergency '79 recounts the events that took place in the Jaffna peninsula under the state of emergancy.
The Jayawardena Yugaya however, Was alroady heir to a paradigm of police-citizen relationships that made the ovents which followed the declaration of a state of emorgency last July, a study in terror.
Unlike in other colonies, the absence of a violent form of antiimperialism had ensured cordial relations between the civilian and uniformed inhabitants of Sri Lanka. With the exception of 1915, the period after the 1848 Rebellion could be characterised as tranquil. The British were not compelled to resort to military repression because the leaders of the nation, the Senanayakas and Jaya tillekes, posed no threat to British rule. Even when combating the LSSP before
and during World War II, the rule of law rather than terrorism proved adequate for the British.
in the provinces, and in its dealings with the poor and powerless, the police could resort to bullying, but such activities had to be circumscribed.
With the granting of dominion status in 1948, the threat from the left opposition grew to the point where the Police baca Time congenitally anti-Marxist. But their response, barring exceptional circumstances, was "legitimate".
Impartial
In their response to the minorities, the Polico and Armed Forcos were impartial. In 1958, throghout the island, the Tamil people could count on the Police and Armed Forces to defend them. Whereas in 1977, it was from the Police Lihat the Tamils fled. Mrs. Bandaranaiko's efforts after 1961 to implement the SLFP's language policy in the North with troops under Col. A. R. Udugama, and the purge
of minorities which followed the 1962 abortive coup, changed the attitude of the Police and Army
ta the Tamils. Impartially gradu
ally gave way repression to t Right up to Police and Milit was minimal. did not m 2 Te ney, equip rri er it also gave t configuration. ticians were loc walas and Wag substantial links became Coordin; believed that th by now in a p such appointmen Military realised needed by the to "pull their c fire" is, 1 DG the 1972, Blink
As in the Sol LQợ, the Polict: intolerably unpop but to use terri existemce. So lo were dead or could be kept or the oppressed r assassinating their police officers, - Lo rush to their di Lerror which follo was stunning. Et was the crimplete mation outside the police terrorism.
Trends . . .
(Continued fr
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O repression, and roris 11.
, the role of the ry in national affairs he insurrection F gi w 2 th enn mot and power but beth a bipartisan Whilst UNP polied up, the Nugaat Lingas who had with the UNP, ting officers. It is Army itself was }sition to dictate s. The Police and that they were civilian government esnuts out of the remarked during i trike.
th. In the North which had become Jlar, had na option dit to 3; Tie i 3 ng as the victims Silent, tha wraps 1. But the moment Italiated and began to mentors-Tamil :he government had 'fence. The reign of wed the Emergency Jally breath taking throtling of inforpeninsula regarding - J. S.
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Page 26
Roger Woddis
Royal blue
“Tre s rare of preferir Þorld ser rico T and the arii rarc is largely the crea" | rian af Savier milli rary aggressi fi grad fore risere 7, ce ir ceir fries till cover ffe
l'arri.-- " File: Pilip.
Speak out, O frank and scarless Prince, Though less exalted spokesmen wince | while others Are beset with do Lubit,
Youge! your ducal firger (ul
O) how it warms the common het rt To know that you don't give a fart! We horitur indi salute y L1, Sir, Onoble Nuke of Edinburgh
No axe la grind, above the fray, LaL HHCHaa a LLLL La L OSOHHL aaLS You liat ter with a single bli w Tlic architcict of Lill cour wicc!
No other cause of strife exists But Russian guile and Russian fists: Nụ crime that plh=f & Thay c{}Illillit Has anything to do with it.
That you were speaking out of turn; You know when all is said ind done Which side your bread is buttered on.
-
Le tirThid SOLIls Express conçCTn
The Dostoevsky . . .
(Continued fram Þage l')
is marked by other significant differences from the approaches dominant in Western writing about Dostoevsky. While Western criti. cism has tended to emphasise the fantastic and anti-realist elements in Dostoevsky's work, the commentary and notes in the USSR Academy edition bring out the externt to which Do Stoc Ysky's Creation Was rooted in the social realitics of his time. Further, while many Western admirers have seen Dostoevsky as an anti-humanist glorifying the irrational and perverse aspects of humam natLE, Soviet Criticism find 5 the abiding contemporary significance of his work in the humane compassion for "the insulted and injured' in his Carly work and in his endeyour in his matur: nowels, as he 55id. "La find man in man.“
Shortly after the October Revolution, Sowmarkori, the Council of People's Corin missar 5 decided, on a proposal of Lenin, to erect monurents to outstanding revolutionary figures and Creative geniuses in Russian history. In the list of the latter of these groups Dostoevsky's name stood second, infinediately after Tolstoy. Lenin however left
24
behind no writings as he did on Tols ideological climate 'forties and early that the ಟ್ವಿನ್ಡ of Dostoevsky's la eclipse for Soviet stic genius. Tod: Sowjet critic, Yury ting in the Litera of February 11 sky's work as "on tions of the geniu: people in its ard wards social Justic lity and the broth
Some thought (Continuedfri)
their reactis We ar cow ett and CXLr subjectivism. What ssing is their alintellectual bankru lack of serious th sonorous rhetorica but a facade to
theoretical vacuity, is a clear reflecti psychology; this 1: particularly as his
Tamil of some s writings on cultu cism, etc. had led different ā55 ESSE
How could such to emotional out and sophistry? TF explanation seems chosen role as
cof a literary grc on gossip, slande which prevents h a lewell of 52rio | subject in which not count mnich,
Is it AJC’s “ni with Marxism' 1
E 5T "co implications' in Sa do not appear to cal basis in the subscribes to El notion of the haye, not se en present form but rcwised script ap that Mau nagur L. notable improver my view a muc tical issue that m San karar11"5 <3In Ler currerint Marxian

on Dostoevsky toy, and in the of the 'thirties, 'fifties, it scimed political opinions tter years might readers his artily, however, a Melentyev, writurnaya Goizeta hails; DS: 'W- pe of the in carnaof the Russian Lious journey to2, freedom, equaerhood of men."
5
rr page 2)
re marked with eme hostility and : is most deprearming state of Iptcy and their inking. For AJC's frenzy is nothing cover up an acute His last para in of an infantile ; really shocking, translations into erious theoretical "e, literary critime earlier to a ment of him. Lחסr ES "ייסוח חברוח 1: burst:5. invectivės he only plausible to lie in AJC's the "hatchet-man' up that subsists and charatarism im from rising to 5 debate or a personalities do
bdding acqua intance that led him to Jnter-revolutionary Tıkararlı! His Wie'W5 o hawe a theoretiplay, unle 55 he wulgar reductive class struggle. the play in its a reading of the
pears to indicate has måde som C hent:5. However, in
h deeper theoreay be raised about it, in the light of
scholarship and
debate on historical materialism is the representation of a unilinear Succession of Societies from primitive communism towards socialis T. But this has no "counter revolutionary implications."
Finally a word on the "real battle
field" about which AJC keeps talking so much. I must say that I am not at all alienated from
this "real battle field" and one of my very recent attempts to have a direct debate with a stalwart of the Ala group at a seminar in Colombo did not prove fruitful as he hurriedly left the forum under some pretext. Hic also disappointed many others who were present at the seminar as they too had many questions to be posed to this elusive, self Proclaimed "cognoscente”.
Letters . . .
CD 1 E in Lcd frige
of almost 100,000 workers who participated in the General Strike last July. Twelve persons have been charged in connection with certain events in the city on that day and their trial is proceeding currently at the Harbour Court in Calombo. Of these twelve the Sole indiwidual who has been denied bail and retained in custody is Comrade Dharmasekera. He has made one application for bail to the Magistrate's Court and three such applications to the Appeal Court. His fourth application was turned down on January 30th.
|rn thig situa Lion it i5 a primary task of all Left-wing and democratic sections in the country to launch a campaign on behalf of Conrade Dharmas ckera, Already our paper Desha Vimukthi has taken some steps in this regard. I hope that the Lanka Guardian which has given special place to the views and opinions of the New Left, will fulfil its tasks on this ocassion too. am certa in that the L. G. Čan be of assistance in focus sing the attention of the English reading public on this matter,
Niha Percera (Lesha Winukthr)

Page 27
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