Page 1
Conversations: EGYPT, IR
- POLITICS
* UN P : End * SLFP : Tro
2. CP : Rest је јур : Tan
Also: O Power crisis S Tol O ULIS : Jam, but no b
 

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No. 2 March 5, 98 Price Rs. 3/50
S TOD AY
of Euphoria
ble at the Top ive Radicals
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Page 3
ROHANA TAKES A HAND,
While the SLFP are the old Left continue to charge the JWP of a "tactica I unders tanding (un written) with the UNP, Rohania Wijeweera in fact Fias been Content to play a game of solitaire, sa ta say, ever since President to JR pardoned the jailed leaders of the once proscribed WP. He has resisted the temptation to sit at the big table of national politics and play poker with the WEET 5.
A fortnight aga, however, he threw himself into the thick of the crisis (mainly economic) now confronting the UNP and the escalating conflict (enti rely polirical and personal) in the SLFP. At the Hyde Park rally he tore Into the sa-called Singapore model of de yelopment, lamba sted Lee Kuan Yew, exposed what he called the Lee-Upali connection and the Upali connection with both the UNP grid SLFP "family leadership',
In his own distinctly e o cator / cal style, accompanied of course by platform pyrotechnics he hammered the Bandarang ike-Rat Wyatte can and ca sed on the "noriInheritors' in the SLFP to have the "guts" to rid the party of "the cobwebs of feudalism".
Says a Widyodaya don with WP sympathies: "Rohana may not ha ve ar y natura ales but he has riatura enermes. He know5 that next time, Mrs, B. will put him inside and keep the key in her handbag'.
It is interesting that he picked on Upd|| who is not eyen On MP. But it is no secret that Upali is the pet target of a powerful faction in the UNP and this group is also fler Cely 7 m tİ-Sİ | Tid.
SACEP
So, 8 South A5 Jan nations hawe formed SACEP with a Secretariat In Colombo, Though this co-operative endeavour Is IIrITited to en yironment, it is un doubtedly the first practical step to the broader move for a South Asfart forum. An Initiative of Bangladesh President Ziaur Rah
In it is endorsed by Pre: offered Colombo the first meeting place fra Mpiris at
Eve.
Overcoming it tance, sri did has nove: Banglades, ter recently spoke
is nother ASEA much too prem e Yen be slightly . the re circ -f som: fruitful co-oper at
BALL
Foreign Mini
Wh) or i f est paper presents . (as in Qada f) (as in Hafeez a the Pd |est/r/ r ] bali' of the big
not true of the
The UNP r id Lle LFP F are facts of his: UNP proposed Countis, pro T started their fa pastine. . . . ... bei ITLU ma | drU Tn, I ma auths were take old warriors of Buddhist cause.
Алф поW the some joint meeti many other par the TULF part fait ro w Wydarts to ki SLFP has conced
LANR
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enthuslasti cally ident JR who as a venue for . It will to ke ser for oficias
翡 臀
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h Foreign Minis- th
of this "forum' N. BLI I that'5 ature. It may τορία Π αlthough агеas wће ге for is possible.
GAME
ster Harmeed, one Arab news is Abdul Qader fu l-Haj reed - Ms Sud), called SS LIE: 'tfie: sout
powers. Is this Tarn || 155Je too?
ge in 95W-8 e 955tory. When the
De ves opment
İrlert SLFP' er 5 yQuri te Tusical ut ing the cor1
d blood-curdling n / n Kandy by ' the Sinha" -
L-FP 7 5 | ngs, a long with ties, in which &Ecd The NP ow whether the ed Ee JT7||
DAN
15, 1981 Price 350
" by Lanka (Guardian
C. . .tl.
rii:Il Place,
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7 5
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The article: "Is Martin Borm-ahn, Dead?" by Jayantha Somaguiflam (L G, January 15th and February Ist) has provoked the Ambassador of FR G
iřtů a pachetic, feverish retort.
He has cited the merits and achievements of Willy Brandt and deliriously speaks of anti
Communism to side-track the issue. The character of a society cannot be judged merely
by the history of one indiwiduill: Nobel Peace Prize Lauseate
Does the Ambassador deny the fact that monopoly capital in the form of Krupp5 Thyssens and other huge companies wore thic main source for the emergence of fascism in Germany | T | tirti
Does he deny that these powerful forces are now encouraged and patronised to the hilt by the present ruling groups even under the SDP,
Will he deny that militarism and aggressive alliances are given wider currency under the rule of SÓ P H It ha gara party approved the deployment of Nuclear warheads in Europe by America which endangers peace?
(Soricin led om pige 24)
CONTENTS
NC. W's Backgrou Ind
Forcign News
Singking in the World
JWP's ideology דן
NSSP, WAMA, Trotskyjsm 10
Cuban fills of the 70s
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Page 5
GROPING IN THE
urrent crisis. Power failure, Energy shortage. What with 4 hour power-cuts and more extensive cuts predicted, political
columnists and correspondents in the
mainstrea. In media can be for not resisting the of facile puns.
2XCUSed temptation
Past the midway mark in its parliamentary term, the most powerful government we have had is projecting en image of being powerless, of running out of energy and of groping in the dark for solutions to the economic problems which now threaten to overwhelm it. The mainstream media placed the entire blame for our economic discontents on imported inflationat best, a half truth. With even lCSS reas Com it is been argued that fickle and unkindly rain gods are responsible for the present power shortage. In fact the problem has very much to do with economic policy.
In the early 70's our own experts predicted a "power crisis" at the end of the decade. The U.F's Minister of irrigation and Power presented a cabinet paper on this subject, and in the follow-up action
sounded the World Bank and the ADB for ald. Since these two agencies were supporting other
projects, the UF government concluded in February 1975 an agreement with the Soviet Union for the construction of the Samanel. wewa Power Project. When comPted it would have generated 20 nega-watts of power an annual firm production of 398 million kilo-watt hours, while secon. dагу елеrgy averaging approximately 30 million kilo-watthours
annually would also have become available.
Appreciating the urgency of the situation and the impending crisis a top level team of Sri Lankan XPS, led by professor. K. K. Y. W. Perera, urged the new (UNP) government to giүe the project the highest priority. Their report was submitted to the government on 5/9/77.
When this san last year, Mr, Mai the former Mini. and Power, state letter to the pr eme been accele recommended by
Wr team of ex 1977) which it a are it POW Would have had : supply by J980, a situation need Further, there wi need to rush de chase gas turbing which has now CE2 til riu TCLIT."
Why was t Project a bandon Troops had not er that Particular arg. have been adduce placate NATO Singарогеan, Souti And yet at phenc turbines werg or the CEB was po Treasury to use to pay for these the French line ol the government o lack of planning : ency, Mr. M. Sena lined a new factor the situation, i. e. Zone, liberalized li is generally know Porean model of gr in this journal by examined the into this new pattern Power consumption
But all this wa Post-election euph Corwiction that a flowing in, and wi called upon some "laws" inherent in action. The IMF Bank are now te|| laws are as the Pl the end of the steadily from the our Policy planner:

: DARK
e Situato a rose tħri pala Sernanayake, ster of Irrigation !d in a challenging eSS: "Had this sch. lated as had bec
this Government's P Ertς, `ဧpုးfibး PPointed after it ver, the country In adequate power "1d this un fortunato mot hawe arisen. uld have been no sperately to purS at colossal prices given room for
1e Samanglawawo 2d Since Soviet 1 Cered Afghanistan Jinent could hardly !d to please or Cor Sri Kotha's 1 Korean friends. menal cost, gas dered. Last week leading with the he grace period turbines under credit. Accusing f lack of for sight, ind gross Inefficinayake also underwhich aggravated the Free Trade n1 portS and whit as cur Singarowth. (An article
U. Kar Linatilake gral link between of growth and
1).
is part of the Oria, the na iwe fd would keep 2. Would no bg day to obey the such courses of and the World ing LiS what those "overbial fight at tunnel recedes grand vision of
SLFP - A
matter of recognition
hern the || || 8 Tlë, Tiber Work
ng Committee of the SLFF meets on March 20th, an Interpretation of the friapentary Election. Act No. 1 of 98 which was certified on 22nd January but was "proclamied" only on February 16th and its legal and political consequences for the party will dominate the days discussion.
As reported in the L. G. Feb. 5, Mrs. Bandaranalike, the Party presdent, Will come armed with legal Pinions from sever lawyers, notably her chief defence CC sel in the more controversial cases she has recently been involved. The view taken by her is that she can function Inti parliament is dissolved. After that the new disabilities imposed on har on Oct. her from Canvassing
in agent for a candidae any way Participating in an election.
Sources close to Mrs. Bandaranaike say that she "Tihy announte that she will leave the country for the duration i.e. between nofnintion and election day.
^n equally powerful lawyers has submitted however that the law, as it 5tands, 15 gable and only the CJlf"LS L: finally decide on the CO2t it. Pretation - that is, :
battery cf
tention. Arguing thus, ey ob5erye that the SLFP will Tri 5 eroj 5 oks, if the courts re against the opinion held by Mrs, B's legal advisers. The
risk is regarded by the OPPOS ing school of thought as more serious than before because Political parties have been given three months (May 16th) to appiy for "recognition". One of the requirements is that Party must subsTilt its list of office-bearers to the Elections Commissioner who grants recognition.

Page 6
UNP economics - end of euphoria
olefully, an SLFP veteran now D. retirement pronounced "the party is finished". Riven by factiona stri fe, the SLFP has Still to emerge from its condition of
prolonged crisis.
For the UNP too 'the party is ower', meaning its good times and spending 5 pree.
A fortnight ago, Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel, who in the first years of the UNP regime had shared Tuch of its bouyant hopes of spectacular growth, decided to
tell it as it really is. Time was certainly running out, what with the IMF and World Bank teams preparing their final evaluation reports.
The government is truly caught
in the crunch. Arı episode in his recent money-raising tour of sewen nations is symptomatic of the SituatiCs.
Bonn has picked up the Randenigala project for aid up to 400 million D-mark. (The economic return on this, according to the World Bank experts, is far higher thăm søme of the 35% Crfated folahāweli projects). There’s a Catch though. The IBRD wants the UNP to slow down its pace of growth, and IMF, in a supporting role but with a firmer voice, demands that less money is pumped into an "over -heated economy" because inflation has become a nagging anxiety.
Sc thc: Finance Mimi istor would like the 400 million D-mark kept
in reserve for 1982-83. That places the aid-giver in a spot. The ruling SPD in West Germany,
which is facing economic problems of its own, plans to make some budget cuts this year. How ther is it to keep aid for one country, Sri Lanka, in re5 erwe? The German MP's are going to how in protest.
But if this governmgnt starts cutting down expenditure and postponing (re-phasing" is the
euphemistic term) o MP's are bound to
all, the UNP wi majority on two Prices. Prices hawe Jobs hawe been giv made only a dent
problem.
Eu "stritgo fim: is the IMF || IBRD P without IMF paymi UNP hasn't a hope the frightening dif be caused this deficit, the balanc and the continued the rupee which boasted would b| strongest currencic
Mr. de Mel had
- borrowing fro banks. This was
in Lorhdon, BLu t. i he doubtless anticip IMF "suspends" country, the bad
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Using the In Auction as the E melancholy messa,
(which includes ministerial colleag MP's), the Finan
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earning only hall million to be s mainly oil, fertilis
The Sama sad the government's ted revenue || 40 Ըxpenditure doub

the
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Page 7
The Left's
pro-S
- and CP dilemn
he dominant trend within the
Left Movement today is clearly that of a renewed drift or lurch towards the SLFP a la I964. And this drift seems to be an inexorable one. The predicament of the CPSL is a good indicator.
The United Front coalition government of May 970 was a product of a 20 year long campaign by the CPSL for the formation of a United Front against the UNP, This was based on a resolution adopted by the CP's fourth Congress held in Matara in 1950. This resolution did however stress the leading role of the working class within the United Front. The formation of the United Left Front in 1963 was a triumph for the CP's afforts. But in 1963 when the LSSP split the ULF for 3 portfolios, the CP too fell into crisis and agitated for a role in the SLFP-Left government, thereby departing from its conception of the United Front as envisaged in 1950.
In 1968 the CP entered the United Front with the SLFP and LSSP for the purpose of defeating the UNP at the General Election. In doing so the CP in fact accepted the leadership of the SLFP. The next step in this process was the CP's participation in the SLFPLeft cabinet of 1970,
Two positions emerged within
the CPSL leadership during its self-critical phase 1978-1980. The party's new General Secretary K. P. Silwa held that it was cor
rect to hawe formed an electoral front with the SLFP and LSSP to defeat the UNP government at the 1970 election 5, but it was a mistake to hawe entered the coalition given the unfavourable balance of forces prevailing at the time (see L. G. Wol 3 No. 3). The CPSL's radicals led by Jaya tillaka Silwa w 2 re however of the view that the party's position in 1968 was more basic an error than its subsequent
participation in th ment. For them fundamental depa
from thic. 1950 i What the CPS Oth and 11th
heavily weiled c. sense there was original stand United Front led class, with the front was to be mere electoral
parties but by
mass Struggles. ln th congress (19 the 1950 resoluti forward for the CPSL history the dictatorship of th this sense the 11 was a throw-bal (Stalinist-Zhdanovi of the party's 3r In Atureliya in leadership of Ha dena,
וחסprווThe cor var led interpretat strategy and tactic The old soft-line full centre group line of the 10th which permitted ment and United SLFP. They utili formula of the Democratic force included the SL category. They the weaker sloga Socialist orienta the twin formul: raad" and the 'd proletariat" whic by the Party ra line was pre:5ent Silva in a 4 pa Aththa which issued as a b. title "Towards ship'. It was bi lysis of Sri Lar P. WiT.alaratine lished in the C newspaper. In fa

LFP move
aS
g coalition govern96.8 marked a
rture in practice
resolution,
arrived at its ongresses W. promise. In aוחס a return to the If || 950 I. e. a by the working proviso that this achiewed tot by lacts with other Inited actions in some aspects the 80) went beyond on in that it put first time in the slogan of the e proletariat. In th Congre55 line ck to the hard st) Cominform line di Congress held 1948 under the rry Abeygu nawar
is meant that Ons of the party's S Wå 5. Possible. is and the powerfell back on the (1978) Congress electoral agreeactions with the zed the broader Inity of "Left and and gradually in the latter Prefered to use of the 'path of ion" rather thar ! cof the 'socialist tatorship of the were deployed Cals. The radica d by Jaya tilleke
series in the was subsequently klet under the Nie w LeaderKad up by anaa capitalism by Pքn-narne) pubL Youth League it is this nows
paper that became the most a curate reflector of the radical interpretation of the party's general line.
The National Protest Day of June 5th, the failure of the General Strike, the question of Mrs. Bandaranaike's civic rights, and finally the Kalawana by-election saw the ascendency of the centre group, the revival of the fortunes of the soft liners, a bloc between the
two and a steady retreat by the radicals. The centris interpretation of the congressional line become
the definitive one. At a recent central committee session held to discuss arrangements for May Day, the party took up the position that united actions with the SLFP at leadership level as well as electoral agreement with the party are now seen as lot merely permissible but desirable. The CP's defence of Mrs. B. over the issue of her civic rights had been a clear signal that they had modified, in practice their hardline. The party still draws che line at entering a government programme with the SLFP. But as far as the radical are concerned real deviation in practice from the lith Congress line has taken place.
Jayatilleke Silva an alumnus of Moscow's party school, member of the CP politburo and head of its
educational bureau has resigned in protest. In a short explanatory note he sets out his reasons for
joining the CP and says that those causes can no longer be fruitfully fought for within the confines of the party. Criticising the leadership for disregarding this Party's self-criticism and departing fróm the line of the 11th Congress, he
calls for a discussion on these
questions,
How much support will Jaya
tilleke Silwa muster? He ha ; "loya
lists', especially in the youth league and among District Secretaries. Their response will determine how serious the new challenge will Prove, in the party.

Page 8
NEW
DELHI REPORT - {2X
The West's Cou
Merwyn de Silwa
B: Hawaa, the US Press eagerly assisted by Peking publicists faithfully playing their self-elected role of Washington's Little Sri Echo (last week Foreign Minister Hua was berating Moscow for allegedly sending arms to El Salvador!) mounted a virulent propoganda campaign which in effect challenged Cuba's credentials as a Nonaligned nation. When this callpaign reached its climax at a preparatory meeting in Belgrade, the basic Western alm becama abundantly clear to have the Hawa na Summit postponed or to have 고 ITE\ 법『1山.
Though this manoeuvre failed, the campaign did not cease. With the help of some Nomaligned members, notably Egypt and Singapore, the West sought to promote an ideological attack on Cuba at the Hawa na Summit itself. It had chosen as cas LJG belli Castro's rc:- mark that the Soviet Union was "the natural ally" of the Third World. In the nonaligned context, the phrase made its first public appearance at Algiers in 1973. It was Castro's reply to the new Chinese Theory of "three worlds", with the super-powers as the first world. At Algiers where the clarion call for the NEO was sounded, economics was the dominarn. Chemie. In thallenging the Chinese theory which sought to equate the two super-power and their respective relationships with the underdeveloped countries, Castro asked where were the multi-nationals owned by the Soviet Union. Where were the coal and Copper mines, the oil fields and the plantations and the banks owned by the Soviet Union in the Third World?
If the "natural ally" remark was the issue, the champion chosen by the West and its supporters within the NAM to fight it out with Castro at Hawa na Was the highly respected patriarch of the movement, TiCo of Yugoslawla. For many
6
good rea Som S, TI the disruptive ro The post-Summit West and thc
within the NAM dissa pointment, d Afghanistan was
A socialist Co. Communist Party closest fraternal Sowiet Unio. of nomaligned co equally close and political, economi links with the governing class hawe readily open to systematic ex multi-nationals. press and the own intelligentsia repeat its senti about the nomali those countrics. the new darling media.
The relationsh Soviet Union and aligned Chairman distance from W Indiari Ocean w the main area activity after the gave the US an inity to use the for a new propi
Cf COLUrso th outside had rea inside the move governments whic We5t. The atta also part of a On the radical5 ment, notably W issue was Kampus tan, the instrume was the Islamic puchea, it was A Kampuchea; Isla Cuba Vietnam. pon, and the im

nter-attack
o refused to play le assigned to him, response of the Pro-West gro! P was marked by ejection and anger, to change that.
untry led by a Cuba has the relations with the here are dozens untries which have sometimes closer c and even military Inited States. The in those countries ed theit e Con Crimi 25 sploitation by the But the Western members of our who, parrot-like, ments never ask gned credentials of Consider Singapore of the Western
ip between the | Cuba, the nonand its physical "est Asia and the hich had become of US military | ranian rewolu tlon, excellent opportuAfghanistan issue oganda offensive.
is offensive from dy support from ment from those :h arci basically pro:k on Cuba was generalised attack within the moveietnam. There the hea. On Afghanisint of the West Group. On KamSean, Afghanistan) mic Group/Asean; The issue, the weamediate target.
Once one perceives this underlying pattern, then the ultimate objective becomes much clearer.
The real target of course is the Soviet Union. A large section of the membership of the NAM has been mobilised in order to serve the Interests of the west in their struggle against the Soviet Union. Naturally the US has the willing asistanco of Britian, France, West Germany, their modia, economic and diplomatic influence, and of course Peking falls dutifully into line.
This is how one must grasp the politics of the Delhi meeting, i. e. its widest significance in terms of the global power struggle. But what of each issue? When you study
the final document and the Statoment on each issue carefully, it would be seen that the Western
victory, though far from hollow, was much less substantial than what the "Hurrah! hurrah!" squads of the western media hawe led many to believe. Just one example. The western press has written, and now everybody religiously repeats, that the Nonaligned Ministers Conference hawe called for the "withdrawal of Soviet troops" from Afghanistan. This is simply not true. They have called for "a political settlement on the withdrawal of foreign troops". Now everybody knows that the foreign troops alluded to are Soviet troops. Why then is there no mention of Soviet troops? This is the rhetoric of diplomacy coming to terms with the realities of power.
(Next: The issues)

Page 9
THE IMPATIENT
THE PEAC
leepy and exhausted after å
long hop from Mexico city to New Delhi, Boutros Ghali, Egypt's forcigll minister, exllded cha TT11 and self-as su Tance: Els he greet cd Is in his suite at the Ashok hotel. But when he starts to talk, cspecially about the current Middle East affairs he is Illuch more the professor, slightly impatient with the antics of fellow Arabs, a noisy bunch of undergraduates obviously universed in the sinuous skills of diplomacy. (in the course of the discussi. 11, he used the Word 'sophistication' five times, hinting gently that Egypt's coa Tsc tradul ceTs were, also, um touched by this virtue of Egyptian culture).
What had taken him just before the conference to Latin A II e Tica'? T e o can was support on the 'suspension' issue? No, he said firilly.
"It was to keep the Palestinian issue alive. We ha vic to keep hammering at it... otherwise, world opinion and global di plomacy have a habit of Illowing quickly to the latest crisis and ignoring far more important Lul Tesolved ques Lions ... we hawe suceeded in getting the Europeans to recognise the issue, to grasp its dill:Insions that is, to realise that it is a key problem in the complex liddle east... a middle cast where they lha we wery wital interests for decades, the Israelis have had their Way but recently the Europeans hawe cop cinecl their eyes to the Palestinian question . We Want to do that in Latin All Tica too."
Mr. Ghali's choice of "openers’ fo T O LIT ÇOI 1 Wcrsation ca Ille as a Surprise. Palestine, one Would have thought, was an issue to avoid when the PLO and the entire Arab League accuscs Egypt of ẩbando ning
the Palestinia | their just al II Again, the ge time decidedly
““T Taitors to Wii with Onwards whi diers in rou who spent Illi of dollars on ... Egypt... We tory we are We hawe solvi clair Ini Ing that the best solu our contributi o Inc can dico Carl get ill be quicker soluti with Israel, take Iraq, th Who call us
they could Israel instea III'''
""But by si With Israel, Arab ranks.
Now the *'Since 1948, state of Israel. 37 inter-Arabi troubles, mi clashes and 5 had nothing
Right now, 1
is slaring at LIImy and ho for war. Wh
"You will Lihat y Col1 ir šis your ag Tecne: on Palestini al tonomy Israelis have
"That's co which was ac I admit, has by Israeli a. In other Ica 50 concentrating

PROFESSOR AND E PROCESS
s and betraying
tl noble callse.
tl: SIl'ile bL1 L this
cynical.
Look who went sTac from 1948 lost thei T solcl after round. lions and Ilhillions this single cause lid so that's hisnot saying that d it We arc I lot Çur sol Lltico T1 is tion but this is on now if a Ty3 etter... if al Inyone tler solution, a on, through War et him try it . ey are the people tra i ti :) T's surely have attacked d of attacking
gling a treally You halwe divided
proessorial air. Lle bith of Lille there hawe been disputes, border nor skirmishes, o con and this o do with Israel. he Syrian army the Jorda ilian .h T: lobilisel ייף,
admit, su rely, lution, that is L. With Israel,
El self-rulle do T lt15 failed... the
"ect the process Vancing, slowly low being hated bduracy that's | why We are
So) I L1u1ch oil
keeping the Pales line issue before the world but we do so according to the realities of the situa Lion ... that is cliplomacy...What We did when We linkcd Our agreement 011 the evacuation of occupied 1:ırıds etcetter': with the Palestinian problem was to open the door for the Palestinians ..., to start the process going .. to get the Israelis to recognise that the issue existed, that the Palestinians had rights, and that this must be discussed With them ... now this has been Stalle d'",
"If one grants that there was som c h copic of Israel concessions, (and Illany people will not gra I l t this) do you think that the ill pediment to progress aa you in Egypt see it is Israeli politics, specifically the Begin gover In Tmct I'll t, and the
current political-economic
Crisis''
"That's rather a compli
cated II) a LLer but I will s: y
this that it is difficult to talk to Mr. Begin on this question because his whole philosophy, his whole outlook, Will not permit a Tecognition of realities and Tecessities......'"
"'And Mr.
ಕ್ಲೌ11
Shinol Pe Tes
"Things would be easier . '
"'Is it correct you have given a base to the US, at Ra5 Balas ?”"
Lihat
"I categorically deny We hawe given any base ,
"Facilities'
'Well, We have the soverign right to grant facilities to anybody and We exercise it but we do so in a Way that des Illot restrict our so v creignty ....." - M. de S

Page 10
CAMP DAVID : NOT
he cuddly teddy bear
figure of Ambassador Terzi, the PLC) spokesman at the UN, is now a familiar sight at any inte:Tnational col ference. Ever since the international news magazines splashed his picture when his "secret pow-Wow' with U.S. Ambassador Andrew Young put the outspoken Andy Young into trouble with thc Jewish lobby and the State Dept., Mr. Terzi is easily spotted in any conference corridor. The PLO is always Illic: Ws, any Way. As a result, it is a lucky pressmall Who can pin him down to a formal intcr wic w. Besides, he prefers the full-dress press conference or the lecture Where the audience is bigger. Naturally, it ser Wes his cause better,
These are Tando II) Ilotes for II conversations over a cup of strong Darjeeling Lea at the Ashok hotel lounge or at a table shared at bricakfast.
Q: “Mr. Terzi , the Egyptians argue that they never clained for the Camp David agreeInent a complete or quick solution to the Palestinian problem ... rather they say it is a peace process that will be long, hard sought out battle down the line with an Israel which has proved foT 30 years the nost stubborn and unyielding of enemies. . . they say, they have only opened d door for the Palestinians...”
A: 'Yes, I agree that the Egyptians opened a door. . . . the door was not opened for us . . . the door was opened for the Israelis, and what has taken ple.cc since then confirms Our vie W... the Israelis, encouraged by the Egyptian capitulation, that is the capitulation of the biggest Arab country, intensified the oppre
OPEN
ssicırı of the ...they passe ex pclled A Tali trieci L. Illul seized thici lInc. W settle Ille clail cd to Jerusalem Wa capital. . . . . d through all a Ind barbarou k:Inc.) will to th: coll munity, in of triure. . f they suddenly auda city . . , C it to theirl . .
Q: Wheny with treachery inplicitly deny Tegime the su" any nation to ties in its. Yn it perceives su
A: 'Good needs two lns it in Lhe in Egyptia Il picop Iliade a much Israel - returi for an end te belligerence, because he sait dispute with it had usurpe Lic Palestinian of their land LLIT T1ęd Llı cm As long as th reillained, Nils could not stol :15 an enemy. out for Ilothil sed relations all he has got
Ille has sold people. Now Elnswer. Ycs, sign a treaty
but it cannot which also be ests of a th this instance, of the Pale: That was part

OPEN. DooR BUT LICENCE
alestimian Arabs i new laws, they Mayors, they der them, they inds and cTeated lts, they prohe World that s their eternal I need to go their criminal s acts. . . this is e international :lu ding their lise om Where did get this moral alp Dawid gave
bu charge Egypt Are y C0LL mot ing the Egyptian ereign right of enter into treuIl interests as ch interests."
Llestical, and it wers. First, is terests of the le? Nasser Was better offer by of the lands the state of Naisser rcfused 1 that huis basic Israel was that d the rights of 3, robbed them s and homes, into refugees, Il grawe WTC) .Ing ser said, Egypt treating Israel Sadat has sold g and normali
with lisrael. , . s US patronage. ou L his own
for thc second a nation can
With all her sig til a treaty rays the inter
I'd nation. In the interests tinia. In mation. of the deal"
Q: "Is that the reason why y Ulu de II1 and the suspension or exршl5іоп of Egypt? Egypt regards this as a gross insult ild injustice because it was a champion of the Arah and Palestinian cause, and secondly it is a founder In ember of the non aligned movement”.
A: "My reply to that is very si Imple. Yes, Egypt was a leading force in the Arab World and a loyal advocate of our cause but that was the Egypt of Nasser. Tot the Egypt of Sadat.
“I did not know are differeat
Lihat the Te categories of
illembership - founding fathers and others. For LLs, there are only two kinds - those
who adhere by the principles of the movement arıd do so
by World :ınd ict, arı d those Who clait 1 to and viola le these primciples in practice.
Every single non aligned conference, mot to mention the UN, has taken a clear stand on Israel. Egypt forgets the lands ribbed by Israel from fellow Arab states, ignores the monst rous injustice donc to us Palestinials, and signs a pact with racist Israel, in defiance of all that the moveiment stads for. What is more, it signs this agree ent in the presence and under the aegis cof a superpicowcr. Further, it has a military a spect to it as the recent joint excrcises between the USA and Egypt proved. So it is not a bilateral pact; it is a tripar Lite agement. It is not only a pact with our common Zionist enemy, but a pact with one of the superpowers. It is not only a political or diplomatic deal but a military agreement too,
What kind of nomalignment is that? Genuine non align
let. . . . ? Ha ! Ha!""
- M. de S

Page 11
Why Iran
hortly after the Delhi meeting S?" sent five diplomatic missions to about 30 Third World countries. One such delegation, led by Pr. Mohammed Banki, wisitcd Sri Lanka, Philippines, Malaysia, and Singapore. Dr. . Banki is the political adviser to Mr. Bezhad Nabawi, Minister of State and Prime Minister Raja's principal aide. Mr. Nabavi who was Iran's chief negotiator on the US hostages issue, is de facto Foreign Minister, and in that Capacity, led Irans's delegation to the Delhi conference.
Iran flatly refusad to engage in any "peace talks" with Iraq and all attempts at mediation by others (the Islamic group, the nonaligned etc.) have so far failed.
Were these missions a sign of Iran's diplomatic isolation? That was my first question to Dr. Banki. Shirt-sleeves rolled up, the bearded Dr. Banki, looking every inch a student rebel rather than a senior official, spoke with great feeling and frankness. The following are excerpts from two conversations:
"No, we are not isolated. Far
from it. Wherever there are оррressed people, we have sympathisers.... they may not know much about our revolution, but they
know one thing - that we overthrew one of the most vicious, despotic and powerful rulers in the world.... and when I say 'we', I mean the People of Iran... this everybody saw and that is why the oppressed people of the world are with us and of course we have made папу friends among certain governments and Countries. . . . Algeria, tha Pales[imilan moWeement, the brawe rewolutionary people of Nicaragua and
Cuba. ... in Libya and Syria. . . . and we think in India and Sri Lanka too. . . . but it is our duty
to explain the character of our revolution, our ideals, and what We did and what we arc trying
to do. . . . that is our duty and that's why we have undertaken these wists'.
"Your Minister, Mr. Nabawi, told the conference that Iran- will negotiate with Iraq unless Iraqi
is ni
troops withdraw but isn't this
A: Iraq claim: territory is the the Algiers ag cited provides if Ճf such disput important, the occupies has no these so-called it has been rar ughout history. . that. . . we say th every inch of l; . . . . the aggresso from the and that is our stan that our revolut will not sacrific
Q: ''Iran Hը5 trying to export
Iu tion . . . especi
baLI r7 ng cauntries
A. : "Yes, the
O LJS... ... ... ili 5 t
to "Cion of the y part of the cam ted States is stil the Iranian rewo The explain abou lution and what the revolution . . age, ideas cannot boundari 25. . . TE most repressive : powerful secret p. пог. stop progres list and even Ma spreading in Iran trying to physi revolution in th War to targe other countries, Iranian people c frightens King : sheik, what can
Q: "What abol the ridia, TW et
A: "True, our
can be seen in shows the palaces howels of the poc the rich foreigher how they lived ei a message. . . then of Our revolution : other people . . .

t alone
m your lands. . . . ritory disputed?'
that some little but first of all eight which is the settlement s. . . . but more and their army Ying to do with isputed area 5. . . . an territory thro... nobody disputes : Iraq must vacate
id it has taken must withdraw ne ha 5 taken. . . .
dard, the standard on maintain S ... We : our principles'
been accused of Îts !s l'arrc reyoally to the neigh
charge is known he deliberate diswastern press. . . . paign that the Uniconducting against ution. . . but let t the Islamic revois called exporting . In this time and be confined behind The Shah had the system, the most lice but he could swe ideas, sociarxist ideas from 1, . . "Wé2 a TE2 T1 (C) cally export the e sense that We in the affairs of but if what the |id to the Shah -ussein or some we do?"
it your Tedia. . .
ייל.
television which he Gulf states, of the Shah, the չr, the homes of 's, how he lived, tc . . . If that is it is the message. if it affects that is, if they
take a 255 on from us, then we are not exporting revolution . . . they may be importing it ! . "
Q: "But you have made special aup þegls to the Moslems . . particularly to the Shias...?"
A: "No, no . . . don't talk about these sects . . . this is part of the western propaganda plan, and part of their plot to divide the Islamic world . . . In fact, Just before tho Islamic summit, Kissinger himself discussed it with King Hussein, the Saudis, King Hassan etc. . . to try to split the Shias and Sunnis and start trouble that way . . . they were pleased that some success had been achieved in Syria. . . so they wanted to extend the plot... but we Lunderstand tha L. Pakistam was against it, and Warned them of the consequences. . . When we spread the ideas of the lslamic revolution it is to defend ourselwes, to see that our revolution is not isolated, that people in other countries will understand what We did, and that their solidarity will be our strength against Our Enemies who are Still conspiring against
s
Q: "Which particular you ha ve in mind. . .?"
A: "The US imperialists, of course, and their allies, the Zionists,
enemy do
mainly and some others in our part of the world. . . the US Conspiracy goes on . . . inside our
country and outside. . ."
Q: "But the hostages issue was resos wed. . . and relatfors het weer) Fra 17 tard he US. . . ."
A: There are no relations..." Q: "You claimed that the hostages were taken to expose to the
world what the US and the Shah had done. . ."
A: What the US under cover
of diplomacy had done and was still doing. . ."
Q: "'But no such exposure. . .
| near in the form of a trial took place. . ."
A: "Our government had to make a choice. . . to release them on our basic terms . . . a pledge
9

Page 12
mot to interfer in Itam’s affairs, the assets and SC) om ånd thc: Irial. . . the government took the first choice . . . . but the facts that we gathered from the Inquiries and interrogations were placed before the members of the Iranian parliament, and these documents, four documents so far, will be made awal lable to the public"
Q: "The hos tages have docus ed you of IT T-treatment Trid iri Some frista rices, of tort LI re...''
A: Torture... torture. . ." (Dr.
Banki breaks into derisive laughter.) "Torture is something most of us
hawe known and lived with for years. . . we do not practice it on other human beings . . . Prime Mini
ster Raja gave the correct reply in New York when he pulled out his shoes and socks and showed toes without nails, , . He said" "this is what your government taught SAVAK to do to us" . . . . Of Cour SC, the AITIerican press and TV did not report that..."
Q: "Can you say that the reports of serious differences dit the highest levels of your goverrirment and between warious politi CC] gr) Lips are silso distortions or fabrications of the western Tedi a? After a //, the Ayatollah Khomein himself has had to frter were . . . .
A: My friend, I'll be frank with you....we have nothing to hide., I know that you have studied our reWolution, ... So you must know how it came about . . . . so many different forces with so many different ideas and beliefs came together take the leading personalities . . . . the |Tam Khomeini was preaching from abroad. . . Prime Minister Rajai was
Mister Nabawi yw no iš ar
in Jail. . . electrical engineer. . . he too was in jail . . . for 8 years . . . President
Bani Sadar was writing articles and making speeches in Paris. . . many were in Iran. . . others were scattcred all over the world, including che United State5 wher | was a graduate student at Missouri University for Tiany year 5.
And many of us, from the Mujheddin and Feday Cen, . . . || Was With che Mujhaheddin, ... also caTe to appreciate the ideals of the Islamic revolution as proclaimed by Imam Khomeini , , , 5C thẽ unity was
O
forged... unity betw. and the intelligent what foundation. . . to overthrow the ship of Imam Khc restoration of the
ra . . . but each indiwidual must Ha about what to do how to Smash the tus . . . What sort and governmental si to do with the bar trade... our instituti |lis, what to di:Stric institution 5 to Croat the pace at which and 5 om. So di bound to aris, al Recently, the Imam ened to both Sides attentively and wi and hic pronounced differences but the differences which out . . . so we h and w: hii Ye COLI "å
''Whit. I bout the stration very recen which was strick Party supporters?"
A: That was u Fedayeen, the M Tudeh and other Li Haye their. C'WT1 ! following, though supported Us in when we used the Khomeini to mobil Ngự the ITThãm Kh that these organisat allowed to functi without harassment, respect the fundam of our revolution."
"Do yo Li have s, W|(I1 the Pra-Sovieť
i The TJ doh ha 5 for a lang time. the Sowjgt Union ni in tur in termal mai WyE ha'we no sericu: Moscow, That is, W the US as our em Khømẽimi Calls it " although the US is the Soviet Union i The US is still c our country along supporters, forme and trying to stir places like Kurdist

2em tha p2.ople
sia... but on just three ideas hah, cho leader Teini and the independence of group, each we had ideas afterwards . . . . Shah's apparaof constitution 2t-up . . . what ks. . . on foreign ons to nationa by . . . what naw le . . . what W25 we should do iffo Félices Wor"2 d hawe arisen. Khomeini listlistened wery Bry impartially, that there were Se WTC: Tiilor är ble scorted awe confidence ge. . ."
Lestsst demoritly in Teheran 2d by Islamic,
nfortunate. Thig ujahrdeen, the aft organisations social base and small. They all the rewolution
ideas of Imam ise the masses. omeini has said :ions should be on freely and
as long as they ental principles
pecial problems Tudeh Party?
existed in Iran We hawe told ot to interf re :ters and so far problems with hy we regard amy (the Imam "the great satan" ; far away and is a neighbour. ionspiring inside with old Shah Sawak agents up touble in in",
- M. de S
Handmade cotton, Silks, Cheese cloth, Tartan, Fancy Fabrics & Ready mades, Household linen furnishings.
72, CHATHAM STREET C) LOMBO 1. Telephone: 25521
228.62 (246.79
H

Page 13
Devadasis and To
workers
Gail Comwedt
our union will split! Your Yix. will split!" A woman, suddenly possessed, screams out in the middle of a crowded conference, The goddess has spoken! For a moment there is a pause, but then the gathered participants recapture their mood of anger and enthusiasm, and as woman after woman comes forward to speak one central theme emerges in all their tales of woe.
"We must stop giving girls to Y3|artila!""
The conference is one of Dewadasis, or as they are known locally, jo tins, wonten who hawe been dedicated from the time they were small girls to the service of the goddess Yelamma, and who thereafter end up serving as a kind of divinely sanctioned prostitutes. It is being held in the small town
of Nipani on the KarnatakaMaharashtra border, the biggest center of tobacco production in
India as well as a central town in the wide rural region from which impoverished and Superstition-ridden low caste families make pilgrimages to Yelamma and vow their daughters to protect the family from disasler, to insure the birth of a son, to stave off il 255.
And the wrath of the goddess is falling on the "union' because it is the newly organized tobacco workers of Ni pani, almost all Women, who have played the major role in organizing this conference which is part of a growing movement to stop the Devadasi custom. In a country in which Unions are often accused of being mere organizations of a privileged section of workers who fight only for bonus and higher wages and ignore larger social issues, the struggle of these tobacco workers is noteworthy in many ways,
Practically the entire bidi industry of India depends on tobacio grown and processed in the Nipani region
The trade yields in Ex-SSC duLies and fabulous w;
SECILIO 1 of to Ea Nipa ni itself, a. 15,000, there
Workers employe and another WOOC tobacco Processin,
Almost all the Women, and to i IOWn, into the 5 the bidis are rc factories choking of the pressed in leaves, is to real is a WCT en's to these tobacco Pre Women's abour. especially the con of early industri Working from 9 a or later with on with no face in themselves from tobacco particles with no protect Petty tyranny and Until they began organize last year
"We'we hac
Inici for å bout Subash Joshi, a y is one of the "We've had succe: bon L5 and matern although the ow refusa to give w, who are known We Still have a sc 500 permanent r making is a putti and it is very eas TO tyrannize Th2 wa by rejecting the who are thought te or by simply refu enough leaves and for making the bi
Still, the Pro Prowed much m organize. These w,
basis, and many o

OCCO
crores of rupees the government
lth to a small to merchants. In town of about ire about 2500 in making bid is working in the factories.
se workers are ralk through the
mall hu t-5 where led or through with the fumes
di sorted tobacco ze how much it In and how much fits are built on in the factories ditions seem thost alization: Women ... m. to midnight y minimal breaks, asks to protect
the deadening in the air, and on at all from sexual harassment their struggle to
a bidi workers' four years", says pung lecturer who main organizers. ssful struggles for ity benefits, and vners continually fork to Women Linion members, lid core of about mo Tibers." Bidi— ng-out industry, y for the owners rkers individually bid is of those be troublesome, sing to give them other materials
dis.
cessing factories bre difficult to ork on a Seasonal f the workers
FOREIGN
are woman from poor or landless village families. During the season the normal work schedule has been to run in from their villages to make the 9 a.m. deadline, of ten eating as they ran, then Working a "day shift" of 8-9 hours, and then a second "night shift" which frequently lasted until 1 or 2 a.m. Only then would these women be free to go home for their cooking and sleeping; for the village women
this meant walking one to five Iniles home at night, and for all of then it meant an additional
hour or two of cooking and finishing up their inevitable shift of house work.
Revolt against this finally began last several women who returned late to one factory after lunch were not taken back. This would hawe meant a loss of at least a day's pay and perhaps much more, uncil they could "please the boss' sufficiently to regain their work. This
exploitation March which
time, though, all the women in the factory spontaneously walked out. After some time they sent
for Subhash Joshi. "I warned them that if they joined the union they would have to face every kind of harassment and pressure. They said, "We're ready. Then they met al the women after work that day, when they finished their shift at Inidnight. On the second day 80 factories were closed in Nipani and seven thousand Women were out on the streets"
A contract was signed qui te quickly in which the women won their main demands: recognition of the union, no victimization. three days strike pay and, most important, a guaranteed 8-hour work day for a wage of five rupees which most of them had been earning earlier only by Working 12-6 hours a day. The initial victory had been won, and the jubilant women went back to work.

Page 14
But after this the owners' 'offensive began. By shifting some of the production to the villages,
where they could still get cheaper labour, they were able to counter the union in Nipani by closing down factories, either permanently or intermittently, Similarly relentlessly rising prices forced many women to continue to work a night shift. Several struggles began to take place which included workers' occupation of factories and gheraos or threatened gheraos of the owners. In October-November one of these in which the women were occupying the closed-down Sarnbar factory, resulted in a crisis and Ironically this came only a few days after the union had won its second major victory, the award of the first small Diwali bonus to the worker.
Om November 9 cases Were levied against 34 workers and seven union activists and a vacate Order was served. "We left the factory and sat in the streets, waiting for the owner to corne and close his factory. He stayed away Until November 3 and then came with a hundred police. The women accosted him as he came out of the factory and the police lathicharged them. As the women fell, the police simply grabbed the owner and put him in their jeep. But the women werd so furious that they chased the jeep all the way to the police station and they were tear-gassed. They dispersed, but while they were trying to wash the tear-gas out of their eyes the police charged and beat them again."
As a result of this, several women were hospitalized, section 144 was levied (preventing gatherings of Inore than 5 people), and the union leaders who had gone to the police station for negotiation were suddenly arrested and taken to the Magistrate in the taluka town miles away. During the three days
they were held there as widescale rioting in Nipani, including stone-throwing and burning of
buses, often by the bitter unemployed sons of the workers who began to went their anger at the entire establishment. A "peace committee" led to the opening of the factories, but the workers and
|
union activists arc legal cases.
Women crowd of the old, stone sitting in the kerosene lamps bitterly about thi police allways ta side. We organi charge Lus. The ! up - they leave th
A union actiwis thic Women äre : should go and be What do you thi activist, celās eles. under the flickeri as she speaks, sa we take Cut a " a "d indi" simply to the center of are thinking of the taluka town labour commission goes on.
Discussions go go on, Strikes g. the workers in th factory, owned tobacco baron in also given his na in which Subhas are out on striki never really end, a take complex for of the students of merchants' sons I ding the removal grounds that he students by P rowdy behavior a gathering.
But perhaps th of correlated against the Dewa way it has been union to take th Custon is So wi this a tea that seen everywhere of Nipanl and m workers in the For the girls goddess are not tutes; though the "sacred' and are sexually accessibl asks them, in fa try to lead relat änd often fall in ution for the 5. WC slås (2-CTICIII.

still facing many
into small rooms Nipani houses, emi-darkness of as they speak struggles. "The ke the owners’ Le - they là thioondas baat us e goondas alonel"
says, "Some of aying that they at up the owners. nk." A Yorker ly rolling bidis ng kerosene light ys, "Why don't Hindi"?" To them, means a big march
power, and they oing to Chikurdi,
where all the
and court Work
on, the meetings d on – currently 1e Devchang Shah by the biggest town who has The to the college h Joshi teaches, 2. Such struggles nd they frequently ms: currently some Devchand College, mostly, are demanof Joshi on the "do famed" the roto sting āgalns t a recent student
a most noteworthy struggles is that das custom. In a
natural for the is up, since the dcly prevalent in Dewadasis cari be
on the streets any in fact are tobacco factorie5. dedicated to the necessarily prostiy are considered : supposed to be e to any man who rt IIost of them |wely normal lives to actual prostiame reason as any
: hardship.
Also, union organizing in Nipani has newer been undertaken in a social vacuum. Its origins go back ta 1973 when a group of Dalit Parthers was for red and a "onewillage one-well" campaign was taker up in nearby willages, it was young activists from this Tower her who turned to organizing the tobacco industry, and in fact it was a coalition of militant dalts and young socialists who helped the women workers to build up their
union. Today the secretary is a socialist, the president is a loca! RP leader, and the union it
affiliated with the Belgaum districts
CPI bidi
ulimi.
Some of these activists were involved in the first recent effort to organize Devadasis (agitation
against the custom goes back to the 1930s) when a conference was held at
Gudhinglaz in Kolhapur district during the Emergency in 1975. Some leading social workers were in jail then, and the conference
Tet with only limited response,
Then on June 5, 1980, after the first wave of organizing of tobacco workers had won its initial victories, a second conference was held in Nipani itself. This time, not only did the Devadasi factory workers themselves turn out, but other Women workers also took the initiative in calling the jog tins they knew from their own willages. And so ower 600 women were present, and not even the threats of the goddess against
the union could dampen their enthusiasm,
Just as the workers are only
beginning their struggle, so the fight against the goddess also has a long way to go. The custom is deep rooted in the poverty and religious traditions of the people and almost all the rural and urban public as well as the jog tins themselwes Continus To believe in the custom- to believe that if they cut their hair, which is allowed to grow without over washing or combing until it forms a thick mat, they will fall sick. Many people in fact believe that dedicating a girl Lo the godde SS is not a matter of any individual choice, but rather, "the goddess comes, the girl knows.
|Cantinued an page 24

Page 15
US: Jam tomorrow, bu
Chakrawarthi Raghawan
GENEWA.
he package of economic measures President Reagan announced are unlikely to be enforced in full and
cwen if they are, will not tackle America's or the World's basic economic ills, economic observers herte feel.
Even the markets have been very cautious, prefering to see the details of the JS administrations' plans
In effect, Mr. Reagan is promising the US public and the rest of the world that there will be jam tomorrow, as there was jam yesterday. In the meanwhile he is asking people to live on the hape Lihat his Schemes will work, amid practice austerity by denying themselves bread.
Whatever their impact on the US domestic economy, the measures will Worsen the situation for developing countries, especially those seeking accomodation within the existing World economic system and Increased Official Aid,
Though Reagan's promise to abide by past commitments to Multi-lateral institutions (such as the World Bank's soft lending affiliate the IDA) blunts the axe Budget Director David Stockman was wielding around the foreign aid allocations three weeks ago, new commitments will suffer, and bilateral aid, projects will surely be cut.
This is expected to further encourage many developing countries to think harder about collective self reliance, and measures they themselwcs should tåke, since there will be little enough help from Washington,
The Reagan package is based on "supply side" theories that inflation, unemployment, or lack of economic growth are all caused by peoples expectations of inflation, and that the American productive apparatus Is not function ing only because of excessive government regulation.
On this premise, if people accept Reagan's confident assertions that
his policies wil|| f and rowe it for, Y'wil work härdet, in West more to p
|F1 effect ||t 5 : bäck to Adam Sm of Nations', the
wealth of nations governments do n allow the profit people to invest :
Smith did mot stock Companics, interfered with profit motivation efficiency. Many o the world's eco cannot be divorce of giant transnati
Free ing companie and allowing ther, profits does not their investing in scarce goods that I This has been illu companies, which amounts of their not into explorati but into more pi as refining (of whi capacity) or buy non-oil firms.
The success of ment's Package insisted on the implemented as a observers expect but if the packag implemented, and Sider's can be e; the failure not o But on their half ht Mr Reagan's pack; seven per cent ri military budget, expenditure cuts i the budget in thi CLCs every year усаг5.
Observers argu work without an Using continued
eoples incomes
to produ Yet Reagan
is inflatic
ΙΠ τννο

it no bread today
ree the economy
"ard again, People sawe nore, and
roduce more.
in attempt to go ith ard his Wiciath theory that thc increascs whan tot interfar, but motive to inspire lind produce morc.
approve of joint which he felt the individual's and the economy's bscr"Wors feel that nomic ills today d from the rise onal corporations.
!5 from regulations 1 to Take large necessarily lead to the Production of penefit the people. Strated by the oil have put significant
"windfalli' profits com for Tore oil, "ofitable areas such ch there is surplus ing LIP STnaller,
the US Gowendepends, Reagan measures being whole. Wery few this to happen. 'e is only partially fails, the 'Supply Kpected to blamic in their theories, 2arted appplication ge includes five to ea increases in the IIlassive public in order to balance "ee years, and tax for the rex few
2 that this cannot "Inflation Tax", inflation to push into higher tax Cle TTCTGr:Wees romising to have years.
Exclusive to LG
Neither past experience, nor econometric models suggest that this is possible, but Reagan is aski America to take a leap into the dark with him trusting that they can 'think inflation down'-that if they expect it to fall it will.
cyond expressing "confidence in the system that has not failed US'
and the assertion that "human' technological and natura|| resources hawe not brokem down", President
Reagan's speech gave no clues as to how US industry's productivity is to be increased.
But in the meanwhile, if every. one believes what Mr Reagan promises, the dollar will bo strengthened, and create problems for the weaker European economies. Even if oil prices, reflecting stronger values, do not go up, energy costs in Europe could be expected to
TEGES,
The Reagan package promises economic growth, and hence more jobs, increased exports, of which Commerce Secretary Malcolumbaldridge is confident.
He points out that US exports did better in 1980 than before, but apparently ignores the fact thet a stronger dollar will make US exports increasingly unattractive.
And with gloomy predictions for growth in Europe and other-Industrialised countries, the only expanding markets for US Exports will be in the Third World.
Yet developing countries buy more unless they earn from their cxports, and at the moment, with high interest rates they are haying to sell more just to service their debts.
t
And if the US cuts its aid, which really is a trade-promotion device, and interest rates are kept high by supply side theorists and practioners in the USA would the third World be able to buy more, merely by the US Congress listening to bald: ridge and legalis ing more export cartels in the USA. (IPS)
B

Page 16
PAKSTAN
braeath to Zia' and "Hold D:* the two main slogans shouted by student demonstrators in Multan, Lahore, Rawalpindi and Karachi have a grim irony. The target was Bhutto's executioner who took office sweating to his people that he Would hold free elections in fout months. That was nearly four years ago.
In the course of two weeks or loss, Zia's hated regime had to bring out armed militia, Pathan tribesmen and truckloads of soldiers patrolling the towns in " vehicles mounted with Tachine guns. Barricades were put up in the streets and pitched battles took place. Lawyers are boycotting courts, bark clerk and Workers came cut om strike, and tro Lubl2 EY2 erupted in distant Quetta, the capital of Baluchistan where it took fwo divisio, is of the Pakistan army to quell an insurrection Seven years ago. All that the powerful dictator could do was to arrest. people, detain political 'suspects' order his army to shoot more. . . and of course keep poor Miss Bhutto under heavy guard.
The opposition parties have now formed a common front. They have a very simple demand - end martial law and hold elections.
General Zia and his beseiged junta know what this would mean - their instant exit from the political scene. Hence his answer ha. Pakistam cara " | | afford to hold elections at this tile'. The osterisible: rga 5C is the extern | threat'. The truth is that Zia and the Punjabi bureaucratic military clique which supports him need this pretext (a) to justify the internal repression and prolongation of martial law and (b) to re-arm Pakistan and thus increase tension on the Indian border and create trouble for Afghainstan. In this Way, ha perpetates his autocratic rule and fleases his Patrons in Washington and Peking.
|
wh
()T
TI
C).
fo I
 

minvitation.
henever you want orchids. ether it is a solitary stalk, eautiful presentation basket, a gay profusion elegantly anged for an important occasion ... me to the Fern & Flower
orchids that are beyond words.
-DNjR Rస్ట్రో
HOTEL TA PROBAN E. FOR T. TELEPHONE:

Page 17
Smoking in the
Dr R. W. Crossette Thambiah
ri Lanka is in the Third World.
It is not a rich industrialised Country (first World) nor is it a Sociaist Country (Second World) All courtries that do not fall into the above two categories are lumped together as the Third World and naturally contain a hotch-potch of countries. Some (like Sri Lanka) have an ancient civilisation and developed languages while others do not. The only cornmon factor binding them all is that they are industrially underdeveloped and the mai 55 of the people are sa poor that Thillions in them arte malnourised.
It is in this context that I wish to consider the problem of smoking in the Thrid World. More than fifteen years ago the World became aware that smoking cigarettes considerably increased the risk of lung cancer and heart disease. In the First World people took the warning and smoking has decreased there. For example, twenty five years ago more than 50 per Cent of J. S. adults Lused to smoke. Today only about 32 percent do. Does this mean that less cigarettes are puffed in the world? Actually, the world's people last year puffed more cigarettes than ever before! How did this happen?
The tobacco trade, like trade in må ny other commodities, is in the hands of multinationals. The tobacca industry is in the hands of seven multi nationals, four based in the U. S. A two in England and one in South Africa and they have carved out global spheres of influence. The Ceylon Tobacco Co. belongs to the biggest of the "big seven," the British - American Tobacco Co. Ltd., which sells 300 brands of Cigarettes in 180 countries through more than 50 subsidiaries of affiliates.
These multinationals make so Tuch.
money that they acquire the muscle to influence government policy. When the "big seven" found their sales dropping in the rich industrialised countries, they aimed their weapons at a new target, the largely untapped Third World, where over two thirds of the World's people live, This was a
criTimal thing ' Lc
Medical Journal w real danger of this exported to the ye Africal and Asia. T has a responsibility not dicina”,
Unfortunately . lly responsible wa the multi national these hazards to ignorant people of It is done in the ni u sing iewery adwe relich ing aras w"tower Climat reach donkey and event
The governmen countries, struggli 5 tarving for forei, needed equipmen resist the tempta foreign currency Pay få 5 taxes. It which Third World to face. By permitt flow of cigarettes their people to th Carcer and the which will cos IF morbidity and mor
This is specially manufacturers use The cigarettes the in the USA and to Ces must Carry a packet. But Arne internationally on
in foreign countrie
health warning. W serious is that cigar abroad and/or lice p.3, nies are more |le | alikes in the USits Such prestigious ci baro Kent and Ch. 17.57Tig tar within 3.75 mg-tar in th told we do not h Sri Lanka to dete tent of cigarettes The importance c Content is that hig the greater the ris
We in the Thir, gin to ask cours: Smoking is doing

Third World
do. . The British led "There is a eadly habit being nger countries of Western World to sco that this is
is and other cquanings did not stop from cxporting alth to the poor, the Third World. ost ruthless way tising facility and ich even the land using the bicycles, e camel,
is of Third World Ing to develop and in currency to buy are unable to tion of taking the the multi nationals is a vicious cycle governments hawa: ing the un restricted they are exposing e risk of increased deadly diseases e state increased tality. so as the cigarette double standards. make to ba sold the US armed forwarning on each rican brands sold air plane 5, ships or sinced not carry a Wat is much more ettes manufactured insed by U.S. Comhall than their look clf. In a recent test garettes like Marlesterfield aweraged US borders but e Philippines. Il a Tm ave the set up in rmine the tar conmade and sold here, if ascertaning tar het the tar COn Lent k of addiction,
di World must bewas what damage
to our
People.
".
Unfortunately reliable morlidity and mortality information is not available in most. Third World countries,
With regard to the effects of smoking it is particularly difficult as it takes upward of 20 years for the smoking damage to be clearly identific d. However WHO reported last year, "In some developing countries the epidemic of smoking related disease is already of such magnitude as to rival awen infactious disease or malnutrition as a public health problem".
It is clear that the people of Sri Lanka must be made aware of the hazards of smoking. The reluctance of governments to take hard steps against a sure source of valuable foreign currency is understandable. It is left to us, who know the hazard of smoking to bring this information to the knowledge of every adult in Sri Lanka. That is a duty we owe to them. Once we hawe done that, it will be left to the individual to smoke,
knowing the risk he is exposing him. self to.
The majority of the population in Third World countries live in rural areas. A good many of the urban workers continue to live outside the town, returning to their homes in their villages daily or for the weekend. It is easy to see how the smoking habit can spread into the rural areas. This may also serve as a guide as to how the knowledge of the dan
gars of smoking can be spread in the rural areas,
I am a great believer in working in small groups. A. few Concerned people can get together and plan to
work a small unit to meet the adults
and explain to then the perils of smoking. Propaganda material like leaflets, posters and pictures can be shown. Schools, Templo premises and the like can be used. Once the novement starts it will grow, because
everybody will see it is for their good.

Page 18
Voluntary Steril For All
Глселѓїve
Goverrin.
I. A Mi
to bot
emplo (This Pa
2. 3 days 7 days
(This in employe
Contact
your nea
Hospital
FOR HEALTH AND
PLAN A SMALL FA
(Issued by t

ization
is by
e
nimum of Rs. 200 will be paid
:h males and females - whether
yed or unemployed
y T1 en t. Iš måde to me et incidental expenses)
full-pay leave for male employees
full pay-leave for female employees
addition to the full pay leave for which the e is entitled)
rest Government
or the ACA
PROSPERITY
MILY NOW
he Ministry of Plan Implementation)

Page 19
INTERWIEW - Part 3
ܡ_ܒܕ"=_ܡܫܒܫ*ܡܨܡܡܝܼܨ ܩ
JVP's IDEOLOGY
Q: The April 5th anniversary issue of Ginis ilu wa this year ( r g8o) īderi rifies the right de Vilar ion and crises of the World Communis Proverler. I as da ing froi'r golo3. You have periously also expressed broad agreement "ith the Chinese (TPʼs po,sft io ?! s irr I gʻ6;. No Hy I his is a viey thai nary 7Tarxists' would find acceptable. However it
J'our parry's self crit icism? (Our Pas r") as wel as your essay " Proletaria7] IrTferon T tionalism or
Opporf Lurism ?" you har ve said rhai a massive deviatior (ook place a YTLd a degeneration begarı 11'i th Stalin's as-Sumpffart of Power lohfle Lenin
was or his death bed. You har ve also said that Kritischev's goth CPSU congress had a positive
effect in that it shed light on the nature of Stalinism. Now isn't this ca o cor fra dictory a 77 d cor fusing chronology or periodization of the history of the world communist YP2) 1'erner'? TW er agair you la ve stated that the error of the Chinese CP was in exporting the concept of Nels' Democratic revolution to neocolonialist capitalist countries. But elsewhere (ie... your speech to the CJC) y'al clearly reject the validity of two stage revolution evei in the colonial aid senicolonial con ex - Carl yo plea se clario?
A: In sum, the allegation you place before me here is that our Party's comprehension concerning the chronology or periodization of the history of the world Communist movement is obscure. Is that right? I do not propose to dwell on how rich our party's awareness is regarding the matter in question for, in your eyes, that may amount to self praise, but your accusation is most un Just and incorrect, let me tell you. We firmly believe that it was Stalin's assumption of control when Lenin was om the brink of death, that induced en Orthous recession and de Wiation on the part of the world communist movement. We do not have anything armbiguous about that. In fact, you appear to have taken the wrong end of
the stick when Say that wo haw,
To make our Clearer I wish to reject once a Parochia I the or TeYOlution simg contributes to th bourgeois domina of the world. F to be of opinion with our party concept of New I tion to neocolonial ries is the or Chinese Communi made. This is understanding either. We stätt that, the said 'ex in a lengthy serie mitted by it. Th of the wrong-do Communist party Stalinist nature it.
Q: Yar4 Mh aI y'é? sr, sopp). Sed to Stasi
'el' y Trafsky's r; reject the concept Orte corry, ar, fel Front, A Piri Friðri , New Der DĖf}L) ("F":"", 7rl I lific I by stages StalinifrìI (Từ pøyfand ha'e said I, F} is '+' girls 'f') c'L ff | ies:', (Niya ni Ha Sept prise the posfff, Ο ΡΡογία η ΙΙ ή ι J'olir critique of Corini terri deriv directly fro T. 5 Luchi I : “The Rep" "The Five years *置e T茄rá J) LETi TH ஐ T Tf7 PZF JFL cf. 75 FourThi Ir Terrieri deploy s Luchi Trafi 25 "சgerார்: * 777 ľi H I rea Lrcrafic fir'Borrin yO - lear or the T of revolu I io rI ir 1

you make as to s broken with it.
Party's position stil I state that we ld for all the y of two stage 2 it deliberately e prolongation of tion in any part urther, you seem
that in accordance the export of the Democratic Revolu- capitalist countly mistake the St Party has ever S Ot a tue of the situation : quite positively Porc' is just one 5 (cf 2 trors comE Teal, som for most ings of the Chinese
is however, the
prevailing within
7 fel rh ar you are orf, McQis Is '7, . Holly'e'er, You 's of Socialism iiri f i-imperialis ! Ur7is. cist Popular To "racy, People's "Fir 7 ferrupted reyoYou deiotice Le Pir Misersley" isir fiha fi Stallix isiru is fiha I Trotsky isiru ) 5 ' ? '' E' F'P'er. 25th Yoι αίτα 7 of the Left 75 "bee" sa iad fhar SI T'I GIFT T Fie sே largey ar "Ur Sky's writings ollisia I Betrayed" of the Corintern" ғглагіолаІ Аfїег Trotskyisi PL bicaISR, Inprecor 1. To alg 5kyі7I categories 147 Orker’s stare" ' political revolieft. Fu ferrore rotskyist aralysis that you call the
Pour r 3 off Fre Fxc3 Fre interview Los flis; PP dass wir he party's ideological' a 'llad rheori'r iraf posi i fouri. The first fwo parts facias, ed or the - V" rieši: on the carrenpgrary deyrn. Es fir political s cere. The foi rr'ı Ĉina fini.o parf · ''ilo' r ii ke lupo garros tio 77 ! 'Y Ffio ''k''Po''' sy regri rico, Tire frrie|'' 1: frh. LÎariei f, page, the '''*P's getir: Gerreral Serrerar, +', Colled cred by Day'auri „Wujos ríleika,
backward capitalist countries. Therefore would it te he correc to say that J'air accept in all essenrials the Trotskyist theory of perafarer Re Tolls for T. Affairati oice challenged you to prove that rtain planks of your theoretical platform have norheen expropriated from Leon Trotsky. Not only ha ve J'ai 24. failed to take up this challenge, but you have also not
inade any theoretical critique f Tror skyris 777 in sharp cor trast to your lengthy dia frihes agairst
Stalinism. How do you explain
is
A: As We all know, Lenin himself denounced the concepts of Socialism In One Country, anti-imperialist united fronts with bourgeios Parties, New Democracy etc.; Just because he rejected all these thoroughly Infertile political concepts can one possibly catapult him into Trotskyite bracket? As far as our partу іп concerned we all strictly adhere to the Leninist Principles on the world revolution solely because they are, to the core, scientific and Practicable in all times.
Surely, this does not mean that
we do away with these Leninist concepts as and when they coincide with those of Stalism, Trotskysm or any other 'ism'. To us it is the genuineness of the ideology that Tatters. Thost of .
There hawe been Sporadic stateTents to the effect that our critique of Stalin and Comintern dere largely and directly from Trotsky's Writings, quite agree. But thre is hardly any truth in these extremely Prious statements. The Stalinists and Trotkyists strain every muscle of theirs to publicise this misrelation with a purpose behind it. It obvious that the drowning Stalinists tend to voice this sort of bogus
|7

Page 20
utterances when their attempts to evade us suddenly fail. On the part of the so called "Trotskyites' they who are to the hilt, high and dry, and hawe nothing around to lear on hurl at us calumnious speeches of the above nature so as to gain some strength to be in the timelight,
it is totally incorrect to say that
we are in agreement with the Trotskyite theory of permanent revolution in all essentials: in this
regard we believe theory of world nothing else,
only Leninist rewolution and
Furthermore, emphasize that we are prepared to face whatever challenge placed before us. Each and every member of our party is able to take up any challenge raised by any' cxpert theoretician' of the so called left. We really mean what we say; and we newer leave a gap betwee our sayings and doings, People of Sri Lanka already know this and will be more acutely aware of it in the time to come. Those two-tongued 'expert" of the treacherous petty-bourgeoisie who hawe been wilfully submergeing themselves in the marsh of dogmatics throughout their accursed political careers fear that Our party's pragmatics would disturb and, by and by, root out their transparently sluggish existence, Therefore, all they want today is to procrastinate that to the maximum possible extent. Their challenges too are strategically arranged to ach lewe this purpose. Those who know them and their disgraceful past will newer consider their "challenges' to be worthwhile taking up. In our case, we do not wish, maat in the least, to let the Ti waste our precious time with their Well-meant fabrications.
Moreo y er, the those who brand as Trotskyites in present Sri Lanka, are Stalinists beneath their Trotskyite dress. Therefore, it has been the duty of our criticism to turn on Stalirism ofte with a view to cnhancing the awareness of the masses. But this, in O Wisc, means that We Hawo not made theoretical criticitm of Trotskyism. We have done it enough in the past. We are doing it right now and Will continue to do it in
majority of themselves
B
the years to follo' we consider L. te: enemy of genuing should be quite : you realize that y soft spot for Tr exclaim in your
Q: Yale freque problens of revol, capitalist coli fri iriply ihat yol a c: analysis of Irpigori the hasis of the Ilı Revolution: Doe Ê77 poly 27 réfler !ic), of f sa 77 e a Misa rix Ρεrμhεr:1ι αμίνει divid L7 aderde vel Sarir II ini : (I' s 7 ligiore por Se ca, Jr el political practice Γεναι, τα η Γη 5 Ιν
4. Ferie'a rari
ro
A: It is by nc
for you to say the theory of per when we contest of revolution i capitalist countrie: teachers of the Marx, Engels and spoke a great di sort of probler underdeveloped, lands. Are they Trotskyists just Σαι
We do mot
concept regardles reo Marxian or
der jwes its the or sence merely fro imperialism. We progressive, theor ponse to the po contemporary reWi in Latin America, On the Whole, in
the neo-colonial a part, but as th à complète proc the history of th tionary movement
Q: The JVP refresh irg y Frede & Car Cer" & F7 af f'e ya ili a 72, Fig.275. Colli yo l'iÉ:1+Y {277 fois j5,5

w. Why? Because be yet another : Socialism ang this idequate to make we have no special ctskyism as you question.
'77 ily Speak of The ia 7 ir bae' k't'i' 35. Does his of ept the Trotskyist fasisis) 11’sir h sorrris eory of Perm EI. Ze '' '' 2s this also of ri or your cr την Ιλινι ή ίrg αr: |lis, Depe77 de "Try oprinent (Frank,
el) which after "ca-Tc7 de rific: "eslariation of, the
of corporary uggle, in LüTỉr? Ιhε η εα-ζα αιτία
means justifiable that we rely on Tenant Revolution 2late the problems in the backward i. Even the greatest working class, Lenin, themselves gal of the sama ns arising in the backward capitalist to be branded as because they did
comply with any 5 whether it is
otherwise, which etico -ācademic esIn the doings of absorb the positive, ctică-academic reslitical practice of olutionary struggles Africa, Asia and,
the countries of World, not just as c Orcs that form !ss stretching along he World revolu
Seers to have grnatic Viei's tiri f' paj fer fial role sudes noveY For Trize! Jy'r te?
A: You see, not only in considering the character and potential role of the youth and student movements but also in performing every other doing of our party the views and concepts of ours have been refreshIngly un dogmatic. There has beenand still three is-many a group of the so-called left considering the youth and student movements to be Petty-bourgeois. In the world proletarian TowerTent. We know, there were certain countries that treated the youth and student movements as petty-bourgeois but that was according to the prevalent socioeconomic context of each particular country. This however does mot mean that it has to be necessarily so at all historic junctures of class struggle. Further, it is not on the basis of class criticism but of age and mode of action that the youth and students are thus categorised.
The youth and students of this country are no doubt connected to the existing relations of capitalist production in nu Terous ways. It is true that all social strata existent within the present bourgeois set up carry with the Ti bourgeois Consciousness. But, today, the vast majority of the youth and students of the country which belongs to the oppressed layers of the society rightly realizes the futility pervading their Inaccessible bourgeois aspirations. The objective conditions are sa ripe and spurring now that it is quito possible to switch their bourgeois Consciouness to proletarian.
Still in the early stage of life though, the youth and students of the oppressed families do encounter grawe socio-economic problems. As long as the situation in Sri Lanka. is concerned they are evidently a mong the Tost critically burdened. problems surround ther everywhere they go and the circumstances compel then to lock for sole solution. They acutely feel their bondage and wivaciously step forward to free their class. They are most confident that they have the power within themselves to endure any hardship, to undergo any suffering Luntil their treasuroid class layS its robust hands on emancipation. To all those who estimate (under estimate to be precise) that we are a party of the youth We give a big 'how-right-you-are!" We are

Page 21
a party of the youth, there is is simply no question about that. Why? We strictly maintain that it is the ardent young proletarians who will most determindly come to the forcfront of the struggle and thus most unyialdingly shoulder the task of transforming the bourgeois society into a socialist one.
Q: Corale pariss Gara*{yzke, irl (I public lecture or) October 8th g77, discribed Carrma Ida Ie Eriesta Che Guevara as a great Prole saria T revolutiora ry ifer fruis. This is II less correcI. Havever, Fidel Cas Iro Ilıca y dra ty'r af gv r yr y flre i raportance of Che's ideas. In this respect it is fairly clear that I Fria. Yn y ceir Y Trall y restrio ynys, the / WIP's FWF ) "Erfcf7! po 57 ff for y 7 rei CF77 ry" foi file political throught and ideas of Che Grey'aria, (e. g. the que sior of Sťali F7, of Socialism. iri Únie Country of the World ComImunist noverie I, III in terrupted revolt for by stages etc.) In other Words Trε να μ νται η ΙΑ ή Ig Γiε τίτη ιε, stepf as the Trotskyists (e.g. the Americar SPYF) o “adapto Che Guevara 'hile rejecting his iders? Firther777ore is is 773 * correct that you are doing the sare thing co z cerring the WiccTraguar 7 FSLN e 77 d' the Salvadorar Fa roburnda Marti FP Li i. e . iirii woking their rairies while rejecting their
frig ?
A: Well, it is true that there hawe been se Yeral instances where our theoretical positions have been somewhat contrary to the political thought and ideas of Com rage Che, Yot, let me clarify straightaway, it certainly isn't a case of "adopting Che and "rejecting his ideas, as you try in your question to depict. Com. Che Guevara is in many ways precious to us as Well as to the World proletarian revolutionary movement. His uncompromising attitude towards
capitalism and imperialism, his la wish contribution to the socialist revolution in backward capitalist
countries - especially those in Latin America - the spirit of internationalism that kept throbbing in his heart till his death, his devotion to
socialism etc. etc. will keep reWeberating in the ears of many a generation to come. We as a
Proletarian revolutionary misowement, gather with zest the positive content
of CoT. Che a negative aspects. way of "adopting beliewe, Is imbibi characteristics that Following in his can only ruin his Che Guevara hir
blind follower of
In fact, it is that We Haye to Nicaraguan FSLN a Farabudo Marti || been exemplarily American imperiali beastliness for the years and attai achievements now dari We Whatewer them and end C support to thei struggle against m U. S. Imperialism struggle too. It h every genuine F. rationalist Towem any proletarian re' ment in any part truly struggles ag: and or capitalism members to be o Cambating alongsi di
O CSE
Your essay 't Prosefariar ir fer 7 (75 yair party referred approvi Cry F1 F1 : l'Ils ! Perry ==M) lort {73, il o
Με 5 τίτλίν Ι τενιτείει the CPI-M the Corypetely cor fra r. Even its Foreign are diferer. I, f'lı Feir of this disp
The theoretica CPI-M is com from that of Ol agree. Although -Cut di StiTCtiOI policy too, thro Witness some ba. The most significa similarities is the Loo do Mot follow, or Peking blindly. national and inter situation independ their own MarxistThey come to their own and ac is what we value m
(Comtim u cd am

nd reject all The most accurate a hero, We ng the positive lived within hit. footpaths blindly heroism. Com, mself was not a
anybody. the same thing say about the ind the Salvadoran FPL. They have fighting the Latin 5T and American : last so many med resTarkable and then. We applicable from iur Umconditional * EffTt TI ilitary juntas and is part of our as to be so with roletarian interΠt. Π. ΣιμΓη, f wolutionary mowoof the world ainst imperialism We consider its Lur own co Trades e us for a corn
For I it is 71 or Tľforiľi Srr1“ (Is s'eľ ציודht צrTperקציוויeוי gly to India's - Marxist (CPI
celebra rīcu F1 s cs ry clearly shows, retical life is y to the JVP. policy pa sition.ro TF is y Zi r od Př|-
rī”, ”
LI I in e of the bietely different Jrs, we quite the Te are clear is in its foreign Ugh, them wye sic similatities. nt of all such
one that they r either Moscov
They assess the "national political 2ntly according to -Leninist standing.
Conclusilon 5 cm : accordingly. This ost in the CPI(M).
page 24)
HUNAS FALLS HOTEL
ELKADUWA
MWWERE EVERY
PROSPECT
PLEASES . . . .
RESERVATIONS
PHONE: 3894
12 II, SIR JAMES PEIRIS MAWAITHA,
COLOMBO 2.

Page 22
NSSP, WAMA AND TROTSKYSM-3
We stand
Shanta de Alwis
he N5SP has advocated United
front tactics at three levels. 1) A. J. F. to unite the working class in struggle, and the formation of a workers delegates council. 2) United left front to be based on a revolutionary socio-economic program in order to post the question of a left government. 3) Unity in action with all oppositional force in defence of democratic rights.
"Chintaka' conveniently forgets che first two points (we haye been the most consistent advocates of the se front since mid 1977) and chooses to concentrate his fire on point 3). The implication seem to be that 3) when used in relia. tion to the SLFP will essentially bring about a political alliance,
In order to show that our U.F. Lactics hawe moth ing to do with Lenin's he presents his interpreta
tion of the latter. Let us take up his first "scenario."
"A bloc with the liberal bour
geoisie against an openly counterrevolutionary threat (the bloc with Kerensky against Kornilow).'
This authority on Lenin doesn't 5eem to realiz 2 tha El Lenin considered Kerensky to be practically a Kornilovist and that he newer defined the UF with Kerensky as one with the "liberal bourgeoisie against etc. . . . . ." Lenin referred to 'the Bonapartist Kerensky' and
... ma intained a that “Kerensky clearly at the Cadets bidding. ..., concludes an agreement on terms unknown to anyone with Kornilow ... , ''' Furthermore ho refer's Lo 'Kerensky and the countes-revolutionary Cadets who use him as a pawn . . . ." Again he says the "new" government of Kerenky, Avksetyev and co. is Terely a screen for the counter-revolutionary Cadets and the military clique which is in power at present."
Capture Power
of a
Hardly a characterisation
The point is
"liberal bourgeois".
AO
for
tha L because of significant section (including a sectic class) still had ill and the provision other Words, the that hic was mei the Counter te wo in cordar to defE agains [ the milita win the Tasses were adopted. T action with the
häd illusions in
showed that the
the most consists defenders of the Kerensky was inc Kerensky's popul: and the Bolshew mously strengther to capture POWC
Ho Waver 35 "we shall fight ir way as the Social t53 rism in Febuar with the Cadets, into any alliance or trusting them
That is exactly with the SLFP.. " not see any "| in MTs. Sirima Ewen when ye same platform protest against Mr. Constitutional bon ICd out her reaci COI till 22 til do We advocate cor the government.
Chintaka's ut clearly by the foi "In a period foll electoral defeat in should hawe assiste fire on the SLFP the maximum dar
Join Forces
Does this mea should have joine UNP gangsters birming and labotİr SLFP supporters Lo Werbal fire?

mass action
his history the s of the Tasses in of the working Luigions in Kerensky al government. In y did not realize ely a screen for lution etc. It was ind the revolution nt chreat and to
that UF tactics hrough that united
masses who still Kerensky, Lenin Bolsheviks were
2nt and courageous
te volution, whilst lead a Kornilowist, ir base was eroded KS ETı erked enorled and were able
r".
Lenin pointed out the very same -Democrats fought' y 1917, together without entering With the Cadets for one second."
our relationship We certainly do iberal' features | 83a, 1 dara na ike" appeared on the n a meeting to J. R. Jayewardene's apartism, We painLionary role. We that even though non actions against
2r naivety is shown lowing statement: owing the SLFP's 9W the Left Forces d and concentrated thereby inflicting Image on it."
In that the Left d forces with the when they were ng the homes of or dogs it refer Ewen if he is mot
Prof. Sharita de Awls of the Central
Commitee of the Naya Sama samaja Party Concludes his reply : Chirtaka, O In The artitude of the PWSSP to fier DJ rty girl dre5 - l-ED,
suggesting the former, to concentrate even verbal fire on the SLFP in the face of the onslaught of the UNP, (with the full force of state power behind it) on SLFP (not merely on the leadership but also on the rank and file) would have been to allenate the petite boLurgeois Tha 5se5.
What one has to realize is that section of the petite bourgeoisie which today look to the SLFP for leadership is precisely the more radical section i. e. the potential
allics of the proletariat. The рго. letarian parties cannot win thern shunning united actions on issues
which affect them, and "concentrating fire" on the SLFP, That is precisely the path which the JWP has taken and has made
it appear to be a tool of the U FNP.
These masses can only be won over by showing them that the Left parties are prepared to lead the struggle against the hated UNP regime and that they are read and Willing to do that in a : more decisive and militant role. The SLFP can only be exposed through this process.
The assumption that Chintaka seems to be making is that unity in action necessarliy adds to a Political alliancc. Öne need only ask one self whether Lenin's "bloc with Kerensky" led to a political alliance?
Shameful
Does Chintaka (and the CP "radicals" etc) repudiate the united actions with the SLFP in connection with the recent strike? Every worker who participated in the strike would have realized the necessity for the broadest possible alliance for action in the defence

Page 23
of trade union rights. Of coursë those who are outside the struggle and arc hostile to it such as the JWP can afford to be purists. This is prccis cly the pontification "from the fringe of the working class ovement" that I referred to in my earlier article. As for the claims of the JWP 'Ni ya rinu wa' about a U.F. with the SLFP being subtly formed, this is mercly an excuse to cover their shameful role in the strike.
Chinaka chooses to characterize
the NSSP as a "quintessentially parliamentalist Party'. The reason: "despite a degree of agitational extra-parliamentary activism, (the
NSSP-S de A is by no strech of the imagination, wedded to an armed struggle strategy (witness its attitude to the armed actions in the North. . . ."
Armed Struggle
Yes indeed we are opposed to the sort of "armed struggle strategy' that this group of deserate Tamil youths have (or had) resorted to. However heroic they may have been such actions of individual terrorism only provides the state with excuses to launch large scale repression against the developing mass movement. They have nothing to do with Marxist strategy. One of the main differences between the Russian Social democracy and the Narodniks was precisely on this issue and nobody
who considers himself a Marxist can be unaward of this.
The NSSP stands for Tlass
actions culminating in a Hartal centred around a general strike to throw out this government; and for the formation of a revolutionary Left government based on workers and peasants councils. Is this the quintessence of Parliamentarism
Internationalism
A proper Internationalist, Chintaka's laboured sarcasm about the "truly internationalist revolutionary praxis of the good professor" is utterly irrelle want. We are discussing the NSSP not the "good professor",
and Chintaka himself (or rather his anonymous alter ego) has in the same issue of the Lanka
Guardian supplied plenty of evidence of the truly internationalism of
our party, Every rity actions (as in are rm en tion cd e Ycrk, de Ton; tratic by the NSSP an Contacts in Brita Tendency of the Party. One wonde to the "truly intern of the Stalinists mously powerful ir ment backed up (and presumably superpower.
In conclusion Ic Ing on the strang political struggle. ha'we criticised us beling ultra-Left, wh their class colla: their alliances wit "progressive nation. the reactionary ch -capitalist road" countries, like Eg Today some of th Sri Lanka hawe covered that th role' of the nat i5 over and tha stage of the Sri tion (from 1970? talist.
This imples ti stage (s) the democratic. revolut i. e. the bourgeois the revolutionary formation in the co from IT perialism, si of the homo ni Trotskyists on the always maintained to maintain that th of underdevelopme only the dictators letariat with the peasantry can solv the funda Tental reject political all 5ection of the bo
This belated att Trotskyism from decelwe the wor either from sheer sion or from poli
(Conclu

On 2 çf the solida
the strike) that
xcept the New in Were initiated i its Trotskyist
the Militant British Labour !rs what happened ationalist etc ..." With their enor| Dě national Toweby the "socialist' internationalist)
in,
annot help reflect2 ironie 5 of the Hitherto Stalinists
Trotskyists for len Wiccorderined Crationist role, 1 the so called al bourgeois" and esis of the "no
for neo-colonial
ypt, Iraq, India. e5e Stalinist5 in suddenly dis
e “progressive ional bourgeois t the present
Lanka revolu) is anti-capi
at the earlier anti-i Tı peria||st ion is complete: ie ha5 completed derinocratic transuntryside, broken lived the problem ırket etc, We Other hand have and continue :Se basic problem nt rermain that Ii P of the proSupport of the : them. This is
reason why we iances with any Irgeoig.
! Ti Pot to outflank he left will not ters. It springs heoretical confu. ial Charlatārism
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Page 24
CUBAN FILMS OF
Lale en Jaya manne
E" recent firls were screened ät a Cuban film festiwal im Sydney, sponsored by the Australian Fili Institute and the State governThent of New South Wales. Two of Cuba's leading film makers, Tomas Gutierrez Alea and Coctavio Cortzar brought the films and conducted discussions, one of which was on "The Development of the Cuban National Cinema". People here hawe been privileged to see and hear of one of the most important third World cinemas which is very popular in its
own country and has is receiving international acclaim,
The Attorney General of New
South Wales who declared open thង festiwal Said that though Cuba 2nd Au5trala hawe different political aח d economic structures there is much that the growing Australian film industry can learn from the Cuban industry which has achieved so much in just 20 years.
Similarly, I feel that Sri Lanka too can learn from the Cuban cinema perhaps even more than Australia because we are both poor countries, with limited resources.
Cuba is exemplary because it has made a virtue of its poverty, her lack of facilities. When one compares the 40 year history of the Sri Lankan cinema with the 20 year history of the Cuban cinema one is struck by the aesthetic, intellectual and emotional powcrity of our cinema (with of course the handful of exceptions) in contrast with the intelligence, humour and energy of the Cuban films. The Cuban state has helped create a Cuban film culture in a way in which the Sri Lankan state has not, (all political parties are implicated in this in different degrees). Because of this and many other reasons as well we are still locked into producing trash, for the most part. It is think ten years since some early Cuban films were screened in Sri Lanka.
LLLLLH A MTTuHMLuLHuLLLL S S L S S OrHLSLLLLS gradure filierii f rirertia ar fie Liri iversity of Sidri FJF, a FTT fis lura rkTM LeCC C LLLLL S uH ML SSkLkkL kT L Hyarri ri ir Sri La F7 kgf, a'r erfi,
2.
| Wrste This Im Stato Film Corpo positions of power to the creation ( will realise the , exchanges betwee countries and w activity. The screen Jaws and Apoca beʼ entertainirig, ; our eyes and Tic sheer weight of created with Thill they Çarı not ope of Course assurThir Would be a wort ciner militi Tlaj els the third world Hollywood becau of living are r
Eighty per cen if Cuba prior Hollywood prod Were from Mexic ing of the rewol, of films screene 50% are devideo Western capitalis Socialist Courtrie Cubans aro able te range of films that C) 3T| L:1[]k:1I-15. T
makers had the në''' : Lidience for an audience that and Mexican films. making films whi did not enjoy bL debate and discus film Imaking wh Cuban experienc began to apprecia So the familiar ; butors (whether ment) that “we giri WW3.It" is sy for not wanting t qua, because it i do so, becaust: c some risks, both Tha CLubar indus on Profit, it puts documentary film films. The shooting tary to fiction fir produce about || year for a popul people.

THE 70s
the hope that the ration and tha 5 e in who are cartimitted 3f a "Just' society vital importanca of In the third World fill facilitato such ing of Godfather, lypse Now may and may even op.
uth wide by the cinematic magic ions of dollars, but in our minds. (I am ng that the latter while thing). Our hawe to be from and not from 52 QUI". Conditions "adically difforcent.
t of films screened to |959 Wgre Jcts, while 20%, 0. After the begin. ution in 1959 50%, !d are Cuban and among films from t Countris, foi 5 and Japan. So see a much wider either Australians he new Cuban film task of creating a the Cuban firs: lowed Hollywood So they set about ch åt first Cuban 5 it after a period of si om ård inrowatiwe ich addressed the es, che audience te their own films. argument of distripriwate of governe them what they o be a lame excuse o change the status s profitable not to hange does in wolwa financial and other. try is not hell bent |lքն է: "E:.յLITEE5 էյր, 5 thăm Cr1 feäture ratio of documenn is 5 to I. So they 20 feature films per lation of || 0 Ti illiam
The Teach ar is one of the most popular Cuban films, attracting over 500,000 people in less than one month. It Is a fictional film based om real ewents of || 3 || wher" | 00.000 young people, both male and female, volunteered to join the literacy brigāde to do into remote parts of the Country to teach peasants how to read and write and thus wipe out illiteracy. The film is a tribute to that generation and recounts the experiences of one such 5 year old youth who is a remote village. The sight of the young boy teaching an elderly wood cutter, the resistence of the old Tan to being taught by a "mere boy' and later their mutual carnings the boy carns manuel work from the old man) are all presented in a lively cinematic style full of humour. It was very satisfying to see young people so intimately involved in the development of their country.
Portrait of Teresa by Pastor Wega deals with the contradictions in the life of a working class woman with a husband and three small children. The problem is that she has two jobs, one in the factory and the other at home; the 'double day' as feminists have conceptualised it. Cuba is perhaps the only countr which has legislated that if bot husband and wife are working, they have to equally share the domestic chores. This is known as the Cuban Family Code of 1975,
The physical and mental strain of the Wife increases because her husband refuses to do any of the house work and when Teresa gets involved in organising a theatrical troupe connected to her union her husband throws a fit and says she is neglecting him and the children. He fails to see that her work outside her role as mother and wife are important to her development as an individual, that it brings her in touch with other people in an activity which is pleasurable, The husband is totally selfish and patriarchal in his attitude to Wome so that all he can think of is making love to his wife when she cones home dead tired late

Page 25
at night, while all she wants is to go to sleep so she could be up early in the morning to prepare breakfast for her family and then go to work in the factory. The marriage breaks up under the strain. Teresa's mother brought up under a different social order says, "men are men and women Artic: Ywomcı and no even Fidal can change that' but this film clearly shows that both Cuban women and 50 TE TE T2 determined 나 5tion oppressive sexist relationships between men and Women, and Create a new kind of family life which is egalitarian. The la 5 L image of the film is that of a determined Teresa waking away from her husband while here husband tries to run after her but gets lost in the crowd. In a public square, a calipso band plays a lively rhythm to extremely sexist lyrics which command a Woman named Teresa to get on her knees and scrup the floor, (the traditional position of women). Our heroine walks firmly and proudly with great dignity (non of the helpless Crying and wailing so familiar to us in the Sri Lankar cinema). Cuban women do not have to lament their fate because they are in a position to actively change their
lives and the last look Teresa gives to us the audience is not a happy one but neither is it a hopeless one, it is the look of a Woman who is determined to struggle and assert her dignity,
The Only film in the festival by a women was One Way or Another made by the late Sara Gomez, a black Cuban woman who died soon after completing the film. It is perhaps the most Sophisticated and dai ring film in the Whole festiwal, both in the gubject it deals with and also formally. lt is set in a housing development built in 1962 by former slum-dwellers who now live there, and deals with the problems the se people face in trying to live productively after gen crations of marginal existence in shanty towns. The complex problems
are explored throug between a young m teacher who goes t a Worker from the it hard to get rid ( des and the "mala Once again these vide us with easy so in the Sri Lankan cir Woth Hithu warn innocent willage gir lo'wer", "'How can we rich and I am poor" tor replicis, "Lowe then the girl says," like socialism.". Bu Cuba which is buildi people are aware of and the lack of fit Socialism and arc Contradictions bety while in Sri Lanka satisfied with pop which prowide facile Sara Gomez' death the development o' feminist cinema.
These recent Cub Lhat af Latin Amt have amply domon films produced in 20O nO i ie5 megd no themselves underdt sely because their is those set by Hollyw "art" cinema. The the third world cit challenge to the H. and at least some recognised this. It for Sri Lanka to do makers have worket against the and Corporation has giv the industry but it give birth, careful for growth. The s much Ereater respo a film culture in Sr of the best ways exchanging films ar way Australia and recently.

h the relationship iddle-class fer Thaile hero to teach and slums who finds
if "macho attitucode of honour". films do not prolutions sa popular ErT11. In Hithuai, the lovely, "a| tells het rich
2 marry, you are the rich inspeccan conquer al", "Ah! then owe is It in a Society liko ng Socialism, the the complexities
We lowed exploring the
W2 £er1 th(2 ty, o. We see to be ulist Statements
endings to films. is a great lo 55 to f a third world
an examples, and rica and Africa Strated that the "Lunderde weloped" t necessarily be *yeloped, Preciitandards are not "ood or European best products of 1émà äre Infäct plywood cinema, Countries have is certainly time So low. Our film ! with great odds the State Film en a new life to is not onoguh to nurturing is vital tatic has to take nsibility to create i Lanka and One to do this is by ld people in the Cuba have dome
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Page 26
HELL NO WE VXWONʼ ́T CGCOH!
Lee-wardly" tilli irrig tal-wards Sew
Is större ling I'r si re k'e'll re;
Fouwing 1ste parl of Singapore,
A sl. rig si tut the ha risa
dụt}"!
The fully thing about Mister Lee. He calls his state a "Deinocracy", l'Íere the P. A. P. 11'iris every se af, 4 froy represer la rive feat" The resis or 'hy his critics fail, Is that they're Fearly all in jail. A Frick We’d like fra fecs IF og k'iri' kyo illir 7g 7 pils, greer 7 Id fire,
Bu Larka (Tai Singapore, if yai
please Lok ey'e II e.s. atlike
(Ital cheese, Lisak aris guard' fheir freedor desar, Liceory, le refore, We'll rior fear.
fları (halk
S? tipo gove ci fizers a F7 yť rike a
Ard let oir leaders sirrily knoli That o Wr the par ( Singapore Tl, is co tu 7 rry has to wish to go.
- Sri
(From "Between the Lines")
FOR WELL
JVP's . . .
antinui * οι ια αl. of rew' a 'I. io r))
Fr{JF1 lo, (Il r ήταν 8 ινί ή Ι. elf the ri: ti.
Yer yQTwr“ pa issue of AIK, Τίτε γενιέμι. progre55 fi'e ĉi εκτείει την Μ. 5 sieg', is
is gree if c'est ir !"; 5f gyfer fire () "e
Negative, it to our the or it co T1 es tr gging again in its dire against a f need to for Lunitee farnt It isn't right the concept c. The determi acceptance of existing cond circĻI T15 tårn CÉ5. We2 referred flä| Frört A. democràtic a
OWER A
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od frgin page lo!
L' rejet ! The Corcepts
ly Stages, Paper i fir 7 Feria fsf L I fee?' he progressive Se'i is
irra li lbourgeoise etc. per Red Power in fis g Hsi Igy 3 refery ta
Ναι αντέι Γrμr I, II "yr a' f'El PJ : r f f : 7 fire Pr, Mohol F1 F1 et 14/03Yr Ør i'r Tr 7 Ffy'? Y'fe cryfder 2 foliris ĉio scrippi foro hur L'or « pour l'7 l'y r{} J'ort !" tical positions?
... does not run contrary etical position. When the point of strust us imperialism it inter Wetion - or ascist regime - the Tn anti— dmperialist s may arise, perhaps. to say that we reject if united fronts totally. nant factor of our it or rejection is the itions and the changing That is precisely why to the Iran iar Natios a progressive and ||||ance.
Letters . . .
Contiued srJII page | )
Has it occured to him that the forces, official and unofficial, are actively striving to
revise the existing borders to the states which cxisted prior to 1939
Did not the same remors of "anti-Communism' the AmbaSSador SLuffers from, Cause the emergence of Fascis Tn in the early thirties? And is this not the very same hysteria a part of official policy of FRG even today under SDP?
The Ambassador neither refutes nor disputes the facts but speaks about the merits of an individual German, viz. Willy Brandt, to paint a rosy picture CF FRG.
Ne Worthless, he cannot hide
the ascendency of the dark forces, that encouraged Nazis in the thirties, from the eyes
of the world.
K. Mahendra rajah
Waddukkodai.
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