Page 1
PULLOUT PUZZLE: S.
Vol. 12 No. 7 August 1, 1989 Price Rs. 5. OC
VIOLENCE: Of whom shal
ETIMI6 60/FLI0T: Peac6
IMF AND THIRD WORLD: C
LEMWM MW (DAR LUXEMBURG:
Can Jama sawiya and Oste
Social disorder and inter
NAIPAUL: The COmplex cli
RAJIV, IPKF, AND JWP:
 

mbols will not suffice
- Mervyn de Silva
Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka OJ/32/NEWS/88
We speak P
- Reggie Siriwardema
!-keeper as third party
- Kumar Rupesinghe
aught in the poverty trap
— Akmal Hussain
Sri Lanka as test
— Dayan Jaya tilleka
Intation Co-exist ?
. - Amarawansa
"mediate classes
— Sunil Bastian
hallenge of Asia gay 4 - lzeth Hussain
Foreign Reports

Page 2
THE PREM
IN SOU
A massive Port Expansion Colombo into a modern Con Transhipment Centre qualifying with the following additional and Commercial Port Users:
a Bulk Handling facilities for
O Rebagging and Reprocessi
o A Streamlined Bonding Se
Any special requirements coul
Enqu
ܨܵܠܸܵ
SRI LANKA PO
19, Church Stre
Colombo,
Telephone: 25 559

IIER PORT
TH ASIA
Project has transformed tainer Handling Port and for "Base Port' status facilitias to the Industrial
Grain, Fertilizer and Certherit.
ng facilities,
rvice.
d be arranged for or request
ir ies:
ിട്ടു
RTS AUTHORITY
at P. O. Box 595,
Sri Lanka.
Telex: 21805 PORTS CE

Page 3
THE CURFEW TOLLs...
WHAT PRECISELY Ceri sorship was aff"; cuirfer
carmie ir by the backdoor. sud
denly. For 29 hours, extended
to 5-f. The ordinary lay-abid
ing citizer I havas corfīried fo barracks. The metaphor is irresislibe. As least from July 1983 Cor 14's "dis, Are have lived in ar ir Cressing y Frii Wira rised Spey where the regime, as sailed by violence of various kinds, forces the ordinary citizeri to figurder erraordinar conditions.
Tiro ques fiors. Dog the regfrier response, is regular re.
course to extraordinary proce
dures, a VI re: "crive, stringeri, *ggest that Fonething mare at the regime is besieged? Perhaps the State itself.
Se condy, does ηilitariταιίστι, s Focess rather first drrfff e l'eryr ar fader είαrigε, have its own logic, and if Fo, arl ir et vitable cullimination?
THE OTHER ROHANA
At the height of the five-day "haria to protest the IPKF presence, a leaflet ir Siri hala had a picture of плуа! ΓιIIίπε: Κίτια Rohαια, αbσμί το νηστή Mr. Gandhi's skull with his rifle but f ori Galle Face Green. It
TOP F.
" PréH75 froi
to the sphere The coryfronг has brought hic of orείgη μο, for Prσίες ειση tisse ir I diplo д0інfrлғrit ru/ ΕΡέει αξαση 11η general of a La national agen five pritreo . Afr. Préfricardo. creased post c to the Presider Relations, ty's "gFF. He l'i Secretary TWM
Critiu
ETTERS
Georg
May I have of your valu rebut two re in Tilak Gula Cle – "Sortie Keyt's 88th B 1st June 19 Which art leading, and Say the east
(1) I am sup
happened on July 29, when the Written a E departing Gandhi inspected a Keyt of "ti aval guard-of-honour. The which wa lea flet irged patriotic youth to Exhibition. fake in Roharia's rifle...to carry Keyt- A. of the struggle. Cotile
l:ANEA
GUARDAN C. C. M. T.
Wol. 12 No. 7 August 1, 1983 g
PTICg RS6 5.O)
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd.
No. 246, Union Placa, COLOMBO.
Editor: Meirw yn deg 'Siwa Tg|비phpmg: 5475E4
News Background Foreign Repert Wiolence and Hum: Peace Keeping and la rasawīya (4) Sri Lankan Cristis —
Economics
The Art: The Sinhala Press
Printed by A. B2/5, Wolfendha :
TOE pohor

RIORITY
ka” hac rноved inforeign affairs. Tsiori 1yish India rile The irraportance ic arī lie ieed аІїs/п and experPrica cy. The ap
Mr. Bridiari C H'T. Se retaryJidon-based intercy" Vier serving inisters, incluiding 'a, Io the neyly "f Special Adviser "I tрл І-ші ғrлrfirarial the first obvious "l' helpo Foreign Skeraffe ro நா
d drI page 5)
}e Keyt
a few inches table space to ferences to me Wardia ra's arti
Reflections on irthday" (L. G. 189), both of
TBC Curate lisundeserving, to
pOSéd to have iography of Mr. hirty odd pages" S Soldi at te
My George
Life in Art'." fifty pages, five
E N T S
ni Right
Peace Building 3
W 17
nad Pross Stret, Colombo 13. : 435975
colour plates, and a portrait frontispiece of tha artist. It comprised a (engthy biographical esSay, HT1 BX a UStiv ob|- graphy of the artist's wri. tings, assessments of his work, and a definitive record of his exhibitions. It Was written as a ab our of love for his 88th birthday and published, priced, and sold by the George Keyt. Foundation. was informed by the Chairman of the Foundation that it was intended as "a collector's itan I am neither a Trustee Thor. 3 Member of its ExeCLI tive Committee.
(2) Mr. Guneward hane obserwas that 'lan Goon a tieke is un Wittingly becoming a part of this almost urnder Worldly transaction."* must confess that PCSSêSS rheither the acmen nor the inclination to aid and abet, Wittingly O Un Wittingly, the kind of transaction with which Gunaward hane seems al|| too familiar.
In the course of a 1Ota bly lill-tempered and irresponsible eview, Gunaward hane concentrates his main fire on the Foundation, the ApriI Exhibi tion, the venue, its SOSOrs the People's Bank, the artis hi Ti self and his life-style, and a miscellaneous 'mafia" (his term) resident in the elitist groves of Colombo 1-8. As a naturalised native of Na Winna, I am not qualified to hold a brief for them, Էյլ է | can only presume that these targets are flexing their individual or corporata fingers in defence of their own positi Ors.
H. A. l. Goonetieke Na winna

Page 4
completed b proceedin
1 million hou you to joi
 

hy with a heart 50,000 houses to be y 1982 and now g towards, a se target. invites in us to offer reveryone. I SENIANIA é
E. W. Call

Page 5
Symbolic gesture the hard bargain
Mervyn de Silva
hew || That was close. On
the 28th Foreign Secretary Barnard Tilleke ratne and Indian High Commissioner L. I. Mehrotra signed a joint communique on the 'se-tossliment:EssliEirit"' of lis dian troop withdrawals. It will cornmence?? : Orı the 229th the deadline Stat by President Prema dasa in his row historic Battaramulla speach. The President is on the air by evening. A political triumph for his se ven- month old administration, he says. The number who left by the first Wessel was about 600—700. It was a Symboli C g£35ture ald Syribols can be more illportant than Statistics sortie tim85.
A few hours Fifter the a Tatucement in Colombo, news despatches from Indian agencies reported that nawal vessals were ready to leave South Indian ports to ferry IPKF battalions. Neatly timed. Mor: Crafty Was the Word "reCommanca". A point to Mr. Gandhi. He had already commenced the pull-out, 7,000-8,000 earlier this year. Im April ha has told the annual Army Genera is Conference that he planned to 'withdraw the bulk" of the estirated 45,000 strong IPKF. In other words, in re-commencing the pull-out process, which had been hai tard for politia | reä SOTS and to retain diplomatic leverage on an untested Colombo regime, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi was doing his own thing. No fata Iost. On the Contrary, silence or muted cheers for his destic critics.
The next problerin is the phas ing. Only the professionals can lade that. So the Minist of State for Defence, Mr. Ranjan Wijaratne was accompanied by Lt. General Sepaha Attygalle, the Ministry's Secretary since 1977, and Army-Navy-Air Force top brassi,
The security situation in the NOT t Fh— East dLI riri g a n d " after the phased pullout has been one of
Mr. Gindhi's e. He describes his the 'safety of th the IPKF Olt, vii the pro-India g til EPRLF WHICHT Cial Counci | ? || hEve an explosw Nad LJ Where G; TE CEi wad 3 SE WETE Mr. Karamid Fhi": Indian voter is thinking. He wo rite party at the (e.g. DMK or CP Kerala) but casts Сопgress at th polls.
W M. GEI 'safety of the Kār Flä Tidhi a anti-Congress Oբ broke ranks to 5.
his Ställd TI SM. Gli advisors Will disc detai ta ''SE ents in the Nor the list III did II. Si
Aifid ther I thiar iss Lle. - The NO was supposed to security with th teer Force (CW question of fund other problems - training. The u nder take thg | moment ''recruit LTTE, Cather gr. Tamils yelled 'C ta ES of Tari | te: for a Conscript ar T1E3, Chiaf Mimi mied the a llegE embassies in Co
Ew Wawe of T. Tico Luring for wisa:
Whilẽ l(t:āl Gt:{ ties post-puli. a inmediate W Was part of a lar 'de yolution' arı

s before
Kpress Conce S. main anxiety as e Tails". With || the LTTE go for roups, specially Tuns the provinbloodbath will of fect on Tamil andhi's Congress trashing from & DM K. Man'y a n federal in his Les for his favOuState elections | irl Tarhilladu. Or is ballot for the e parlamentary
dhi took Lup the Tamils" Cry, Mr. meter Of äT 2positioп alliапсе, Ipport Mr. Gandhi TF || PKF i55.g. aid his defice :LSS ir operāti3CLIrity"" arra T g E2 = th-East Liti| th E3
o di TÉWÉ35.
e iseääted rith-East Cousicil
provide the local e Citizen 5 Wo! Li riF). Besides the s, there were two — rĒC FLIFETËT E di PKF was ready to tra ining bit the ment' Elega 1 the 2шps and плапy Ճnscription' and Brlagers abducted my reached Coloister PerLima deition angrily but lomba reported a amil you this claS.
: L Irity - respor Sib ilJut häd bE Corne orryi Delhi, it gGr CC 1 Cer T -- Oyer di far the
vesting of powers in the larged North-East häd is fact taker place. Colombo argues that everything which had to be done constitutionally, legally and by proclamation (e.g., pOStoneriment of the referendum to decide. Whether the merger should continue) has bean done. Delhi is not satisfied. So, Messrs Sunil de Silva A.G., and Mr. Felix Dias Abaysingha, a key member of the Thimpu team and SecretaryGeneral of the Al-party Conference, a re in the Sri Lankan de legation.
It was not only President Premadasa's firm Tesolwe — som E. Would say reckless obstinacy - which irked, Bmbarrassed and then impelled Mr. Gandhi to break the diplomatic deadlock, Nor Mr. Premadasa's newly discovered talent for the eye-balling game. an essential part of "brinkmanship". It was the pressure on Mr. Gar1 cd hi — t. he |rndiar1 l press, the Opposition, regional and in ternatioma || opinio. Like his mother, Mr. Gandhi Wo Ltd ha WE SCOffed at all that if only the political cliTlate in India right now was not so utterly uncongenial. He is under terrific attack not merely as Congre55 [3a der Cor Primm 8 Minister but as a person. He and his family, and their reputation, have been subjected to vicious attacks.
And this is election year; less than six months away. The OppoSition las Outstanding regional leaders. It has an immensely popular candidate for Premiership it former Fiaca Minister W. P. Singh. His probity is unChällenged. This is a Vita | factor because corruption is a major political issue. Before 100 Opposition MP's resigned their seats dmirl marchad aut, thay shouted "Thief, Thief" at government hen Ghas. Ths Bofor5 Scandal is the Opposition's main weapon.

Page 6
Regional stalwarts don't add up to a formidable Opposition challenger with national backing. Many opposition parties are united on some important issues, yet divided on others. Otherwise, the Congress would be defeated by an Opposition alliance that may not, however last long - like Moraji Desai's.
Gandhi, anyway, cannot take any chances; definitely not on a foreign policy issue where the Opposition and a ver articulate and vigorous press together accuse him of needlessly risking national honour and India's
international prestige, the precious legacy of Gandhi and NeTL. The plight of poorland
locked Nepal, under an Indian economic blockade, won greater Sympathy for Sri Lanka while exposing Mr. Gandhi to Stronger attacks,
Nepal and Sri Lanka made
India's bilateral problems a SAARC ISSUE,
drawing in the other major power, Pakistan, on to the Sri Lankan side, already
joined by Bangladesh. The Superpowers didn't censure Delhi but their un equivocal recognition of Sri Lanka's independence and sovereignty, in this particular context, was an implicit criticism of Indian policy.
Meanwhile, the consensus harg continued to grow until tWO political parties, the LSSP and SLMP, known supporters of the Accord" and the Indian rulE. came out openly demanding the IPKF withdrawal. The LSSP said that there was no "" || Pagal basis""" for the IPKF's continued Stay if the Sri Lankan President Wished otherwise. The SLMP's National Organiser called on Mr. Gädhi to keep his word (his April statement) to the Army and his own people, and withdraw the bulk by August and the rest before the SA ARC summit П Colombo circa November.
Mr. Gandhi persisted with his invitation to a Sri Lankan delegation to discuss matters in Delhi a symbolic concession which Mr. Prema dasa would not ġrat until his basic conditions there ware four at the startwere met. Total stalomate. Or
4
so it appeared has made a 5 to open the doo In fact, contë |lished; message answered throug Charels, ad fir
Patriotic
H. Or at
he state-run
TW de SCrigid protests" of last Indian Imperialis protest campaig tlement of the and a fortnight's macy was also That was clea COI för EC 3 Whi impressive marc to Maha Bodhi the meeting the
While the rew who may hawe as sy T1 pat hetİC political parties, rity of younger Several the u Sarı: SiOrl Wera Thore anything else. A voice which wa clear when they dhist clergy to With the Patriot Which is rid frie The guiding spi based PAF is c which is fo | lowi tional skill the of uniting the sing others, an main enemy, the it the State itse
SinCE MIT. Pré the IPKF withd with the JWP's the state-run belie wes it Carl I ful JWF-led c:a ցC vernment 8 at gularly na iwe asis L. Or its associi tions didn't TOLI anti-India Campai the UNP Presidg ''Satta TI PĒTamu the transport st adrTi iristrator o

Li til Mr. Gadhi *ymbolit gesture r to nggotiations. Cts. War. Estab15 FE CF i WECH ad h non-diplomatic Tall y face-to-face
NEWS BACKGROUND
Exchanges -- Mr. Thonda mam, Mr. Deshmukh, Mr. Yaqub Khan, and the top officials, Foreign Secretary Tille kerat ne and High ComTissioner Meh Tatra il the finā|| phase to do the drafting of the joint Communique.
Front: anti-IPKF only 2 i-State too 2
press, radio and
"the island-wide
Week as ''antiTi". Yet this na W l, after the set
transport strike deceptive noranti-government. r at the press :H follo Wad the of the monks
Society. Ha ad
еге плапү monks bė identified to the major the Wast majo – Torks in this i strong procespro-JWP than ld it was their sheard loud and urged the BudWork closely ic Action Front, of the UNP. rit of the broadertainly the JWP ng With excepMaoist strategy Tämy, neutralid isolating the a regime. Or is
Tä iäsās - Ca || fr rawal Coincides principal slagaП media widently Se the SLICCessTipaign to the dwa taga – SinImption. The JWP at Ed Organisait the anti-IPKF g to strengthe
cy, Indeed, the na' which ed rike made thig ok impotent aid
the situation almost ungover natle.
It is the UNP which is trapped in a contradiction of its own i wentiori. On the Colle Hl Hmd, it wants to giwa tha iTnpression that the JVP's anti-India campaign and the UNP's own run parallel, if not together. On the other hand, the re-introduction of the emergency which Mr. Prema dasa lifted on assuming office, has seen a massive, Country wide hunt for JWP—DJW activists and sympathiers.
But Rohan a Wijew gera has be. En in the business of a mitiIndia polemi CS sin Cë then late
60s. C. ne of his lactures to new recruits to the JWP was on ""Indian expansionism". If tha IPKF, as many expected, didn't budge, his thesis that the Indians are here to stay, that they did not come here to help. Sri Lanka or even the Tamils but to impos 3 its hegemonistic, ex
pansionist Wi|| |, had i ti firāI piece of physical evidence to clinch the whole argument. Mr.
Premadasa knows this. In his broadcast on Friday, he argued that those who ciläimed tha Indian troops were here to stay have been proved Wrong, making protests and demonstrations un
recessary. Much would low depend on the title table of withdrawal.
Already however, these posSibilities had been anticipated. The JVP-spearheaded anti-IPKF and President Prema dasa" s ran para llal what these didn't actually converge. With the Tonks meeting and the 5 day 'harta" which brought all work in banks,
fСолtѓлu od o л даgg5)

Page 7
The Third Man
here were no 'third parties"
to the India-Sri Lanka Peace Accord, Bri inter-state bilatera agreement, Mr. Pr ETH da sa told Mr. Gandhi. The 'third party" he had in mind was the ared Tā separatist ΓΠΟΜΗΠΠΕΠΙ, represented by various parties, the 'Tigers' most of all.
Besides the recommon certant of the IPKF Withdrawal and a mutually agreed pull-out timetable, there is a second point in the joint communique which has reduced Sri Lanka's original 4 points to two. The second point introduces the Third partythe LTTE, when it speaks of a cessation of hostilities.
The LTTE a CLTC ed a Cea SE
Ministers go East
hree Governtent ministers Wert East on July 24 to talk to Chief Minister Waratharaja Per urmal. They werea Foreign Mister ad State Milister for Defence Ranjan Wijeratne. Rural Industries MiniStar S. Thondaman and Plantations Industries Minister Gamini Dissana yake. Reports said that the decision to go East was taken because Som a Gowerm met members had expressed a feeling that the EPRLF, which governs the NorthEast Province, was being 'neglected" as a result of the Govern
ment's talks with the Tigers (LTTE).
EPRLF leaders were reported
to hawa told the milisters that they, the EPRLF, were dissatisfied With the extant of dBWOution so far of powers to the North-East Provincial Council. The EPRLF leaders had said that they were not happy with
Colombo's attitude, and that nothing was 'nowing' in the devolution pro Cess.
fire With S. L.
Si Grēd. The LTT in August '87, S gOwerrn (The Int. The
bor Luisad, wat C the IPKF off its the talks in Colc
But the Cod-b in this city of th A. Amirthalingar Mr. Yogeswaran,
Un Ourd death'' apparently in a f and a shoot-out is hardly favoura sumption of talk: Bala and Co. hi turned to Londor Пew |Пtlja-Sri L ship accontin Todat
The ministers
to have told th necessary measur taken to ensure lution of power Cial councilis. T delegation had c: Sage from the Pr. Government was to all parties and O question of party or group b
Media mat
LI Il Tier1 S LIS p
police to be shot dead Sri La ting Corporation ( Guruge on Sumid: the Street, maar Colombo 5, Mr. also head of the Independent Tele (ITN), and one o authorities admini
consorship impo Government und regulations.

troops. Delhi :: |latd dla tät aid the India "Tigers", badly |ւյmb t) to get
back. Hence, . סטוח
Oded murders TU LF || Fader li fil MFP and the widely f Prakart 1 BCtional di SDL te the cirilate | fr | TE... Anyway, Dr. ad quietly reHow Wil | the anka relationa the 'Tigers"?
were reported e EPRLF that es Were being a proper devoto all provilhe ministerial rried a TBSasident that the willing to talk tät, ther W35 any political eing left Out.
n killed
icted by the 'subversives' Ilka Broadcas1äir IT1än Thavi5 Hy, July 23, dan iiS II Im ii Guruga was state managed vision NatWork f the competent stering the press ised by the ler Emergency
Trends...
Y Cortir L'Ed'' fra 77 757 e 7 )
the re-orgarisarilor of Sri Lariku's oversey rrriiis šiūris... - Hoet 'il also be assigned special FFissior F. The Cotter clear Tigri Ir-ras the ircillusion a W fornier Fu reig Miser SHFreed I tre delegalior fo Delhi, ard the way the President's foreign policy tear i has been strengtheirted by riging i H' T Tayasingh, (II Iridiar affairs specialist.
AS THE DEADLINE APPROACHED
The Cripping, Fiorith long rraris Fort is frike ri Targer hy a Shadowy "Sarafı Perar77 Turia" (Striking Front) ended Liffer the goverririi erit coriceded Frost of *ie derhards tot 1477 ricirried riegoflest fors. Bisk sas flag flestedlig ser hy Presider Preads – Vy 29, second (IFIriversary of the Irida-Link. Accord - for the pill out of the IPKF forces rapproached. Su clader1 14'Urk is toppage. It Alfed' s' prk Jiří geir yer - rrierit deparInter IIs drid bartks. A both exploded outside the Staire Barrik of Irudia iri Colorrubio Fort, anaflier wis Hiro1'ri a Hie Irtirar RFI i ii I Ilie Ferti.
Mfear while, fisie IPKF profested ahora 'hostile" loy Flying Sri Lanka Air Force aircraft over எளிar crத 'ார்ரா, LLLLLSSLLLLS S S LLLLLLLlLaK S LrLLS S SYaS SYL ridnight flight has part of Trairiri g exercises, arid thir the OLLSSLLLLYSSS SS SSLLLLS S SLLLSSSLLLkkLkTOS LLLG per777 issior f ö Willy' o 'er Try' (77 Tf af Sri La rika.
TO CHA Sri Larik I has approached China Ia biy Ships and gur Boats, the Island reported, Chira hard respot Iced "posi fir'eyo', IPhe report said.
Patriotic. . .
Corinued friri rage 4
corporations and departments came to a halt, the two lines dramatically diverged. The curfew, its extension for 54 hours to allow tough Tilitary action against protesters, resulted in a UNP-JWP Confrontation, replacing the India-Sri Lanka confrontation-collision. Ի1.

Page 8
Foreign Reports
Sri Lanka: Rajivos Bitti
wen as the diplomatic war between Sri Lanka and India continued last for tright, for Premadasa there was no respite on any front. JWP raidërs attacked at least five police
stations, killing 10 policemen. In rural areas further south, sewers buses were burnt. And
though thousands were arrested and troops in armoured personnel carriers blocked roads to check passing vehicles for JWP workers, it was clear that the Government had made no headway in its campaign against the Sin
na a chauvinist extremists.
With violence increasing and With the Government proving ineffective, the impact on trade and Commerce has been Crip
թling,
Throughout the troubled fortmight, the GoverTimBոt repeatedy claimed that following the Crackdown the situation was returning to normal and that the transport strike Was showing signs of fatigue. Official Spokesmen C:llä immed that a s LuboStartia | number of public buses were back on the roads. But the situation on the ground belied such clairs. Ironicily, the only parts of the island unaffected by the strike and the current anarchy were the Tami-dominated north and Orth-east. This is what por O m pote&id Rajiw into making the crack in his latest etter to Premiä idässä that a Sanblance of normalcy prevailed
only in äreas where the PKF Was active.
Yet, um fortunataly Ewen that
'normalcy" is an artificial one and T10 [[15, That r:ựHT1 []T1 thā |Flfijian side, had any doubt that the timi had CO Time to thlik illi tirri3 of recalling the IPKF. From New Delhi's point of view, all that remained to be salvaged f the Lils f its Šr Lāk policy was some pride. Admitted a senior general: ''On the battl=fĩEld WE TTla''' [1ũt hãựa finished the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) but we have definitely done well. The
6
ar rmy and the si defeated even leave. But no power can af army thrown which is what to do." MEA, that the Gower ha popiest With a d Lu || 8 that Exter the next electi dering Premad Tood, that a to TLC.
5 ,WhilaוחMBa Talk TSG WET t d b ever damage: CC ble at this stag proE) I ET, WHS f to becote a politics. Tha | out firmly in |PKF 3St forti Byen allegation: Gower met Har in the dark abo policy and hac. C3 Jt Constructiy position 5th Wai TäTil Nadu CF KBrura midhi,
Key oppositio Lt that it had spLIfried th a negotiated sett be last year. Anton Balasing tried to 2 Stabbli India to persuai Ce de tO Pre Tha C Withdr Wa| c)f 1 he failad to gi Bälasingham go Jalata Dal fade des, with who Tat meeting in requested Ferra BotW E3 til E LI dian Governmen the Tigers we fighting aither ! Sri Lanka I ATT Werë in disar ra' s Tuggle in är This by the Indian HarI fEared th withdrew шпавг Ce5, the LTTE Y sitting itärget fo do Tinated Sri L

er Defeat
Oldiers worl' feel if they hawe to major regional cord to hawe it:5 out by a diktat PrerTadasa Wants officials indicated im Erit Would be withdrawal schided well beyond OTG. But CD Siasa's belligerant ỵ bë h[]pĩTĩg for
is liri dian policyout doing what}ftir Col Was possiE, tē 3 Lākā inally beginning issu 3 in national Орposition canna
Support of tha ght. There were is that the did
kept the nation LIt its Sri Lankar | refused to acë help from oprts including the ef Mister M.
leaders pointed as India which E. LTTE offer for Tieftir DecemLTTE ideologue har ad Har sh contact with de it not to colasa's darnand for :3 || PKF. Wille Յt any rB8ptimise, it il to Luch With r. George Farnar!= 1 he had a SeCTamil Nadu. He Il dES tO Thediate TE TH || || - t, pleading that TE} in Capable of the | PKIF I. O'r title y läs thair cadras y and efforts to had beer foiled Na wy. Balasingat if the IPKF g:Lith tir tuismistasilWould bEt:DTTG 3 the Sinhaleseankan Army.
Fernandes made it clear that he was not in a position to take up the issue with the prime minister. But he did promise to in Wolve the President who happened to be a Tamil. So he Serit a confidential letter to President R. Wonkataraman. Says Ferrandes flow: "Te President got back and asked for further details. He assured Te that ha Would pass this on to the prime minister." A few days later, how aver, Fernandes was asked Exy the GO Wernment tot to) interfer i th1= | Htt T.
The Government's Wariness is LI ride Tista Indable as it Would rott like an opposition leader to dis:0 Wer - th: exter1 t o f its . griıbar - rassment in Sri Lankā. Unförtunataly, so stark is the failure of India's Sri Lanka policy that eve a sta Linch ally like the Soviet Union finds it hard to defend it, Last fortnight, Indian policy-makers Were rudely surprised by a commentary in the official Soviet newspaper zvesfia which said the row over the IPKF shows India in a badlight, as a obig power trying to impOse its will on a Srilall State". The issue has gone beyond the bilateral level," the newspaper stated.
With world opinion fast turning against its Sri Lankan policy, India actually has no choice but to get out of the mess fast. The fact that the LTTE is taking to Premadasā — the man they had dismisstad as a "Sinhala cha Livinist" - and that Balasingham has actually praised him for his generosity, signifies the helplessness of Indian dipltimacy,
On the second anniversary of the Indo-Sri Lanka acCord arnost all the objectives India had set out to achieve remain painfully unfulfied, The island's Tamis are no more se Cure than they were in July 1987, the LTTE is far from being finished as a fighting force, and faf from be
үСолтtiлшегі ол радта 28)

Page 9
Five Minutes to Midnig
|- Sri Lanka Considers itSelf to be close to war with its neighbour India. On the night of July 14th an Indian army patrol entered a Sinhalese village near Vavuniya in northern Sri Lanka. The village was LLIST= ded by Sri Lankan soldiers, Firing broke out and four Indians Were killed. The Sri Lanka army said its people had been attacked. The Indians said their men had been mistaken for Tamil guerrillas raiding the village.
The "mistake", if that is what it was, could be rёpeated, perhaps many times, after July 29th, By ther, says Sri Lanka's Presi. dent Ranasinghe Premadasa, the Indians should have gone home. Amy who remain hẽ wi|| con_ fine to barracks, Using his a Uthority as commander-in-chief of all forces on Sri Lankan soi. Sri Lankan soldiers will then take over from India rtisքdrisibility for the security of the North-Eastern Pro Wince, where
the Tarni | Tige to impose their
It is un like| y will obey his made it clear it Eb B. h. Lustlöd out which they w реacekверіпg f accord sig med i armies could region, each c
Wn territory.
No political Sight to edt рёсt, THE : Colombo Col J Lanka's leading Mr Appapi Ilai Ar preached no-w not only Sri La the 5OT Tallis Indian state of Tigers were app, Eble for this ki| bly that of Mr rari, leader of grOUp, three da
N. VATILINGAN
70, K. CYRIL C. PE
DISTRIBUTOR'S OF
COLOME
"Η ΜΕΗ
HARDWARE MERCHANTS
BARBED WIRE,
Office
Poles:
WOODS
Sales Department

ht
r guerrillas seek
OW n rule.
that the Indians rder, They hawe hät they will not of Sri Lanka, to ire invited as a or C) under an n 1987. S0 Wo roaming the aiming it as its
törth promise is in is alarming prosSSassi lation in uly 13th of Sri Tamil politician, hirt halingam, who iolence, shocked kās but 50 of the southern amil Nadu. The Brently responsiling and possiUnha Maheswaan other Tamil ys later.
M & CO., LTD.
FRERA MAWATHA,
3 O 13.
BRAMD GALVANSED SHEETS
& MANUFACTURERS OF CREWS & WIRENAILS.
33143-5, 27669, 28.842
FOREIGN REPORTS
India's prime minister, Mr Rajiv Gandhi, argues that the Indian army must stay on to
ensure the security of Tamils. He is anxious to protect those Tam il groups that have defied the Tigers by accepting the limited autonomy granted to the north-east, where most Tamils live. "We hawe given our word that we shall guarantee their security," he said this week.
Mr Gard hi's stand is winning patriotic support in India, and Wi I I do hirTn rno harrTIn a t a II i ri. the general election due in less than six months" time. Mr. Premadasa, too, now has a popular issue to dra W' attention a Way TroT his Other troubles: thg Co|- lapsing economy and the political killings by the Tigers and
the Marxist-rationalist People's Liberation Front. In the latest attack, this Week, 13 people
died in southern Sri Lanka When
| Continued քո բagմ 27)

Page 10
Play Lotto and
Choose the winning Cornbir There's fots of money for b exciting, internationally fат And renemher it's not just Choose the numbers.
Prizes
1st Division prize 2nd Division prize — 3rd Division prize -
See your numbers win оп Rupavahimi.
Play
Lotto
there's a lotto'
National
1111 Sir Chi
 

T
be a winner
ration to crack the jackpot.
e won every week in this
pus numbers game.
Vuck - use your ibra İns 'ta
a 6 numbers correct any 5 numbers correct any 4 numbers correct
avery Friday at 9.25 p.m.
топеy in it !
Lotteries Board
tampalam A. Gardiner Mawatha
Colombo 2

Page 11
Violence and Human
Reggie Siriwardena
should like to begin by referring to the fact that the Kantha samy Commemoration Committea has included at the end of its memorial volume my poem 'Waiting for the Soldier". The reason for its inclusion apparently is that a friend sent it to him in Jaffna shortly before his tragic end. The poem was written towards the end of 1987 at a time when the hopes of peace kindled by the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord LLLCCLC aaLLLLLL S aLLLL LLLL LLLaLLLLLLLCC LCCaa LLL C LL0LLC again, What the poem expressas is a sansë of impotence to influence the public worlda feeling that one could only withdraw into one's intellectual into rests, while being aware that one's privata lifa might at any mement be OwerwHemed by the disorder and Violenicę outside. Why I refer to the subject of the poem her is that Kanthasamy's life offered an example of a very different response to the dark time through which Wg ara liwing. Here Was a Tan to whom it was open to devote his outstanding talents and abundant energies wholly to his professional vocation, and to enjoy the satisfaction LLLHL S LLLLLLLLS S S LL LLL LLLLL LHH LLLS LL LLLLLtLLLLt instead to dedicate himself to the cause of fighting injustice and succo uring the victims, of tirelessly striving against the Orosion of humanity and reason in our society; and for that dedication he paid with his life. No, the only thing that Kathasamy's death has in common with that of Archimedes is the triumph of brute force ower the civilised wirt Lues, and "Waiting for the Soldier' therefore can't really be an epitaph for him, Perhaps may offer instead these lines of the English poet W. H. Auden as an expression of my own feelings about his LLLLLL S LLLLS SLLLCLS LLLLL LHLLLLLLL LLLL HHHLLLL LLLCCaa of Auden's lines seem to me appropriate to this man who did so much quietly and Unassumingly and Shued heroic a fi di rhetoric:
When there are so many we shall have to mourn, when grief has been made so public, and exposed to the critique of a whole epoch the frailty of our conscience and anguish
of whom shall we speak2 For every day they die among us, those who were doing us some good, who knew it was never enough but hoped to improve a little by living.
When I had the honour of being invited by the Kanthasamy Commemoration Committee to deliver this lecture, I chose 'Violence and Human Rights" as my subject. I selected it as being best fitted to commemorate a man who lived to protect the rights of his fellow human beings and who died by violence in doing so, but chose it also because no subject can be

Rights
C. Kant has am y llawyer, reliaf - and rehabilitation worker and human rights actiwist, was abducted in Jaffna om 19 June, 1988, and is presumed to have been killed.
Reggie Siriwardena's lecture of Wiolance and Human Rights - was del iLLLLLL S LL S LaaHMaH S SaL S S0 SLLLaSS0000 aL mark the first arriversary of the abduction, ärīd the relaa se of the book.
L HHCC HLLCLLLaS LLLHaHaCC C LL0 LLLL C LLmCC LLLLL the most fundarnertal of human rights == the right to exist - is violated each day in our country. The form of this lecture is determined by the very nature of the situation we confront. Human rights are violated today by the agents of the State in the name of democracy or of the protection of the security and integrity of the country. They are violated aiso by militant groups in the name of national or socia liberation. It would ba gwasiwe and disho est to delä | with one and not with the other. My lecture therefore will I fall nå turally in to two pārts, in which I discuss first State violence, and Secondly, militant violence. But before I proceed to deal with this dual nature of the violence in our society, there are some preliminary considerations I wish to present.
It is possible, in looking at the phenomenon of violence in Sri Lanka, to examine its larger social causas - to analyse the Struggle of different ethnic groups and economic classes for distribution of power and resources, for Social mobility and for control of the State. I don't question either the validity or the necessity for such analyses. But this is not the Way in Which I shall be looking at the phenolen on of violence, The Linderlying social Caius G5, making for di Wision and conflict in our society are wery real. But there is no fatality about the way in which these conditions, and the issues arising out of them, translate themselves into widespread and Continuing violence. The transition from conflict to violence of that nature is dependent on decisions made by the choice and Will of Baders - of those in control of the apparatus of the State as well as those contending against it. It is dependent on judgments made by the former about what is legitimate in maintaining
9

Page 12
the security of the State and by the latter about What is justified in opposing or in subverting it. Often the decisions in this respect by one of these forces evoke a counter wailing reaction from the other, as we hawe se en in the cycles of State Violence and anti-State Violence in redCent tiT e5, It is this area Where coriscious decisions, which can raise or reduce the level of violence in our society, are made by political actors that I am concerned with in this lecture.
When I say 'conscious decisions", I am not claiming that the decisive agent - the head of a government, the leader of a militant group, or any other — is always aware of the Ultima te consequences of his actions. His decisions are often motivated by considerations of immediate expediency. But it is all the more important, therefore, to bring into focus the wider and long ta Tim Consequences of such decisions.
Let us consider, for instance, the fateful day in 1956 when the Official Language Act was introduced in Parliament. The adoption of the Sinhala only policy was itself one of those momentous de Cisions that hawe changed the course of Sri Lanka's history. Some of us may wish that S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike had possessed the courage and consistency of his liberal principles that Jawaharlal Nehru showed when he desisted from imposing Hindi on the South. But it isn't this aspect of the events of 1956 | Want to di SCUSS but a 10ther Which has a more direct bearing on the question of violence. On that same day when the Bill was introduced Tamil opponents of the Bill staged a peaceful Satyagraha on Galle Face green, and were assaulted by thugs who had been transported there. The head of the government not only permitted this to happen but ordered the police away when of their own volition they had arrived to keep the peace. This was the first of a series of Occasions in the fifties and sixties when peaceful protest by Tamil political groups would be met with violence. The long-term consequences of this response would become apparent in the seventies and eighties when a younger and more militant Tamil generation emerged to pursue their struggle by other means.
Let me compare these events with others which took place in the area not of ethnic but of socio-economic Conflict. In 1978 and 1979 there were several cases where striking and picketing workers and demonstrating students on the university campuses were attacked by thugs, sometimes with extreme brutality. The right to picket and the right peacefully to demonstrate had um til them bêem regarded as no Tmal democratic rights. They ware now met with violence.
What was the thinking behind those in power when they deat in this manner with minority
10

satyagrahis, workers and students? Perhaps they said to themselves, "We'll teach them a lessor they won't forget." But the lessor learnt was wery different from the one intended. The leadership of the Tamil political movement and of the working class and student Towerments had been dra ir from parties and Organisations Which LLLLLL LLL LLLLL LHHLLLLaLLLLLLLLm CLLLa aLLLLLLLaGLaLLLLLLLa framework. The effect of the violence Liseci against them was to turi derrimin e their credibility, By crushing der o Cratic and peä cef Lu|| Copposition, it promoted the belief that the only effective weapon against a State ready to resort to LLLLaLLLL LLLLL S LLLLLLLLSLLLLLCS SCC HtaLLLaLa referam dum of 1982, with the widespreidd Wiolen CB unleashed on the Government side, extended this conviction into a fa r-reach ing scepticism about the main The Charlis T1 (of der Tlocracy — the electoral process itself. Thus, in both North and South, State violence actually promoted extremism and strengthened those whose methods of dissent were the AK-47 and the T-56.
Once the State was faced with armed insurgency, a different rationale was adopted to justify the resort to unrestrained violence. The very survival of the State was threatened; the refore a methods were permissible against those who sought to subvent it, "There are no rules in war": one often heard this Self-justifying maxim ffom those who had the power of life and death over the people. On this basis, torture, arbitrary killings, use of terror against non-corribatants, could all be legitimised as necessary when the State had to fight for its existël. Ce.
There is in facf a deadly symmetry Between this logic of rulling powers and the logic Cf militant groups engaged in mortal combat with them. Both believe that the end justifies the means. In the or a case, it is the end of preserving democracy, restoring law and Order, protecting national integrity; in the other case, L S SLLLSSSLLLLL S LLLL S a LaLaLaLa aHLCLLLLLLL LHH S S LLLLLLCL liberation. In either case, the lives of individual humail beings are considerad to be a small price to exact for the che rished end.
What Takes this logic un aceptable are not just human sa considera Lions, which Som 3 people wi dismiss as sentimental moral Sque amishmeSS. It is the fact that the means you use determine the end you reach. As the German socialist La sa lle Wrote in the last Ceri tury:
Show us not the airm without the way. For ends and means on earth are so entangled That changing one, you change the other too. Each different path brings other ends in view.
shall deal later with the practice of militant groups, but first, the insane logic of preserving democracy by un democrati C methods and Lp =

Page 13
holding law and order by breaking the law must be questioned. An elected government has certainly the right to defend itself against attempts to overthrow it by force. But a democratic state cannot use illegitimate methods even in fighting terrorism and insurgency without becoming indistinguishable from what it is fighting. Consequently, in resorting to such methods it alienates the sympathy and co-operation of those whom it claims to be defending, Civil wars are won not merely by guns but by the support of the people. In that political battle every victim of torture, every person arbitrarily executed, every village terrorised, is (whatever the short-term effects) a gain for the other side in the long run. That was fully demonstrated in the North and East; it has 5 ince bagi CC01 - firmed in other parts of the country.
I must now confront the logic of militant groups whose chosen method of political struggle is violence. The issues which arise here are different, in certain important respects, from those which relate to State violence. Governments which are elected within the parliamentary democratic framework claim to adhere to political principles that exclude arbitrary violence. When thay resort to illegal terror, ong may argue with them on the basis of their professed principles. But militant groups Take no secret of the fact that violence is their means, and that they hold this to be the necessary way of changing society.
Militant groups in fact present themselves in the a Lura of a historica | tradition of revo || Lution as an act of liberation. Next month, France and the World Will Comnemorate the bicentenary of a great revolution, and the Russian and Chinese Revolutions, and yet others after them, all make the same appeal to our faith in the right of people to overthrow unjust and oppressive rulers. Whether everything that happened in those revolutions was desirable cari be questioned. But, with whatever qualifications, the liberating character of the great revolutions has to be recognised - not least, in their capacity to reassert and regenerate themselves after periods of reaction. How then can we take the position that violence in all forms and in all circumstances is to be condemned? Or must we, on the other hand, concede the claim of militant groups that whenever violence is comTitted in the name of liberation, it has to be accepted as justified? ܠܐܒܝ
I am not one of those who regard Marxist theory as a body of Sacred scriptures whose canonical authority can't be questioned. In fact I don't like today even to hang a label round my neck and call myself a Marxist". But on this specific question of violence, I think there is a great deal that is valid and useful in the

thinking of the classical Marxists, and that can guide us in making a judgment about the violence of militant groups today.
The classical Marxists had a clear distiction between popular revolutions in which the broad Tasses intervene to overthrow the existing state, and all forms of coups, putsches and conspiracies in which an organised minority acts to take control of the state into its own hands. They also distinguished between the methods used in One and the other form of overthrowing the state. Mass agitation, demonstrations and other actions involving popular participation, the mass uprising, are revolutionary forms: terrorist acts, such as explosions of bombs in public places, sabotage and assassination of individuals, are the work of groups seeking to substitute themselves for the people as the agents of change. This doesn't mean that in popular revolutions people acted with pure spontaneity; they were always organised and led. But people in the mass don't rise unless it is clear to them that they have no other means of changing their condition. This is the moral justification of the violence of a popular reWolution when it occurs: that the masses, by their action, have shown that they have no other Way out.
But when a minority, determined and ruthless as it may be, seeks by its own terror and wiolence to change society, with the people as on lookers, then we must ask not only, 'Does the end justify the means? but also, in terms of Lassalle's question, 'Do the means lead to the end?" If the end is liberation - which, if anything, must signify a freer, more just and humane society - can this be achieved by planting bombs regardless of whom they may kill, by massacring defenceless and innocent civilians baca use they speak a different language, or by eliminating those who are in a different political camp, and even wiping out their families? The practice of this indiscriminate and unrestrained violence coarsés and brutalises those Who participate in it, those who order it and those who carry it out, and if they come to power, it will leave its stamp on the society they creata. What kind of society cản that be except a regimented one, run by a political leadership freed of popular control in which all dissent will be ruthlessly stamped out? To call that 'liberation' is possible only in accordance with the linguistic practice of Lewis Carroll's HumptyDumpty for whom words meant just what he Close to take the Team.
| should like to dwell a little on the subject of indiwidual assassinations because it is relevant to the fate of the man we are commemorating today, I think everything we have gone through in the last decade confirms the Wisdom of those who ruled out assassination as a legitimate
11

Page 14
  

Page 15
Peace Keeping and P
Kumar Rupesinghe
1. introduction
The Indo-Sri Lankan Agreement signed by President Jaye - Wārdana of Sri Lanka ad Prilla Ministar Rajiv Gandhi of India On 29 July 1987 has been seen BS Tharking El neW phase in the process of reso !Wing the pro trac
ted social and ethnic Conflict in Sr Lāk. Indid, it is a W CorljLICELIFE, With the Shift in
Indiä "S TOE from that of a Tediator to that of a Third Party to the COfict. The Accord has siriOLIS implications for the Sinhalese hegemonic State, trequires that the T3 är fuldā metal Chiarngas in the matura of the state Elbasad o Sith Hasa he germony to a libera democratic state Elbased on thi wa | LI ES of a multi-ethnic plura | sociaty,
2. The Setting to the Accord - Socia | Stratification and Politico-Military Situation
2, 1. Ethnic Stratification in
Sri Lanka
While Sri Lanka ha 5 two distinct linguistic Communities, Siha les and Tartil, Ethnic stratification is more complex. There is a mosaic of linguistic groups: Sir Thalyse, Tarn is and SBVera|| religions: Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam and Christianity,
Ethnic stratification i Sri Lanka is characterized by a dorinant majority, and a minority With Cross-border affiliations to South India. Both the majority Sinha | ES ārld the mai Tami|| minority have strong perceptions " Of being egufed and dominited by the other. This system stratification is further compounded by the strong sub-nationaist ässärtions of the Indian Stata of Tamil Nadu wis a wis New Delhi.
Such system stratification has inherent potentials for protractÉd conflicts. On the one hand, Sinha lese nationalism has been mostly interpreted by the Tam ils as an assertion of hegemonic
(The writer is a director of PRIo, the
Norvegian Peace Research Instituta.)
control of the p Such interpretat thg Statg ES Tii|ationist stral the exper Se d Of the Cth: Editionali 3m ta' prated by ma
at: 150 widian sub-sh;it in Tamil Nadu
The majority linguistic group a religious grc are Buddhists, exist as to t Sinha lese, Thy constitute a part cal interpretatio COfflict. Duri nial phase, the Titi OT İSE İS its hostility to t Buddhist rewiwi its inception Country as E Sinhalt35E. THE Wäl ) :āT ES: conception of the 'Aryan" rac the rejection British, ut t | and dx C|usion , fluences in t tendency tow was extended, the "Drawidian" All tér ratior Të ligious group MLS is etc. tion of the Si engulfed and ( Tails froT t cort of Sri La of India) is a Wit Hill EE E movBrT1Blt. Wiss ding aliens' Created a serie. prophesies - : "INVASION" frg Strait. More Sence of arge dian troops Cor Laikā tā ād Such Få nyth.
Sri L5 ka's | is the North

eace Building
ost-Colonial state. iOms suggest tha! pursued as assiIegy, generally a t f the minorities. er hind, Tä Tii|| lds to be intermy Sinha ese as f * the TäTi || "Dra - ionalism prevalent
in India.
Sinhalese are a and largely also Lupo, as Sinha lese Warious myths he origins of the ths which also I of the ideologiis of the present g thig anti-Colodo Tirant Silla ourse expressed he British through list, which front
interpreted the =longing to tha Buddhist rewi
Sci d t Bl With the the Sim hiiles B as 3. It also medit 3:nly thם tםח fם 'he stigmatization of a 'foreign" ine Country. This iridis "ä |ig|izd tion" not only towards Tamils, but to 1 | mimo ritis di irgs- Christians, However, the Cnhales a las being Hormina tad by tha he 'North' (the Ilka and the south diat Strail Lddhist Tiilitar t Oils of the Taraufrom the Nort s of self-fulfilling Lilminating in the T1 cross thB Pak recently, the prenumbers of Inthe soil of Sri lded potency to
Tamils live main |y 3. El EastET
provinces, although som liwa in the Colombo area. It discussing tha Eeth TiC Conflict, rost attantion has been given to
Tamils demands for self-determi näi tion and the fina finner iri which the State has responded to these claims. Often ignored are tha various tendencias with - in the Tamil Nationalist discourse - ranging from Self-determination within a socialist Limited Sri Lanka, to the setting-up of a Pan-Tamil State encompassing Tamil Nadu as well. All of the above are differing manifestations of a classic centre periplery dicho tomy. But the widgning Communal divide and the emergence of Tamil Nadu as an external sanctuary to both refugees as wal as Tamil guaria has served to activate another series of self-fulfilling propo heresites — thal of secession) änd, t0 a le SSC r Extent the Рап-Таппill project.
The Up-Country Tamils, or "plantation Tamils", wera originally brought to Sri Lanka as an identured abour force for the plantation system established by the British in the C3 ntra Highlands. One of the first acts of the independent State of Ceylon Was to den y Caylomas Citizenship to these peopla, who also Constituted a significant section of the Working :: |lass i and a po tertia | Electora | base for the parliamentary Left. Sirit a than the goverminant tյք India and the go wern Tant of Sri Lanka hawe sought to rede - fine their status of "state less" citizens. The Sirima-Sastri Pact of 1964 and subsequent negotiations hawe stablished the пumbers of persons to be rapatria Legi tio indi H Hind - thQSg to, E) te granted Sri Lankan citizenship. In January 1986, the Sri Lankan glower Trent a Tour Carl that it would grant full citizenship to the majority of these workers, One of the very first acts of the new President of Sri Lanka, Premada sa in 1989, was
13

Page 16
in fact to honour this pledge and thereby help to Solwg one of the most intractable problems concerning a significat mirority population.
2.2 The Sri Lanka Stat9 and Ethnicity: the Concept of Hegemony
"Hegermony" is Luis ad here to describe the Owerriding ideologiCal dorminarice ower a politica | classes and structures during a particular historical conjuncture, I STi Lärka, this Carl Eo idetified in the articulation of the so-called "Sinha la Consciousness' by essentially petit bourgeois forces in the historical DTCCESS.
Th 3 ādwct of Sir HH|| a BLI iddhist hegemony can be divided into three phases:
1) anti-colonial agitation with
its asiti-state thiaracter;
2) post-Colonial state-control änd dominütiQf Qf the stätB and exercisa of hegemony OW for Cather sig rities:
3) post-accord phase, when it again assumes an anti-State character.
We have already referred to (1) in 2.1, while (3) will be di SC Lussed at length in 3.1. With Të gard to the post-colonial phase, a nyi discussion here must be related to the control of the State, Welfare policies adopted by a II governments, and an inherited political system which allowed for majority rule. Owing to the lack of industrialization, the State beca The the major vehicle of employment, disbursed through a network of patro
Image, The potential for patro - Image was used systematically by a political parties which
came into powar. Welfare prowisions, What har for subsidies or for higher education, became a ha||mark of electoral competition, nurtured by the majoritarian electoral system. A second halmark con Cerned how to Competa in discrimina ting the Tami Is.
14
Šr Lākā ir system based We5fTinstEr m rity elections ar sentation. Rep the population, Cal parties wa|| majority in ale ling to Sinhalas FilisST. Bä5Gd politica | instit L was developed to Lur ture and E5 i tr5t5. ta 'tir Tarmi s W sed (1948-49 declared officia TarTil dermand statė or regiom rejected (1950s hisri was est state religion nation Was pre tion ('standard and state-aided TE 5 OF 'C0|O traditiola Ta 1920s a t graբhit: t:Ճmք detrialt of tE developmern ts | bilities the Tär en Cing the Their access also limited was the pjäs sɛ Alled right to in August 198 th3 TJ LF 5 the Parliament.
|t Carl BB : ECelt traids Tent of politic Sri Lanka Carl the beginning | COCg ried WitF With CO: a new political trocdu Cgd, àimEC וחy aחסוחBשBח SC trid 1 restS, THi5 established Str powers: the Pr powered to pri ParliarThe Int, de веппегgвепсү, ап rend LIm. Th G C derit was se em circumventing fines of party argued that su

herited a political
On the British odel, with majo1 d territorial rapore - resenting 3/4 of . Sinhales a politirէ: abla to gain a actions by appeae-Buddhist ratio
[]. T1 - CCITItfL || []'ựET Itions, the Statց
äS B instruarit
safeguard Sinha
Thus, the PlanEra di Sgrifra Chi}. Sinhala was | language (195E), S for a federal al autonomy were and 60s), Buddablished as the (1972), discrimiictiCGd iT1 g dLICaization") (1970s)
settlement scheizati" - Cf the it dreds for the I t d'ET1 OSiti o to te E Tä Tills. This imited the possiTills häid in influpolitical system, II. TÉ50 LIII: ÉS W:13 The coup de grace ge of the Sixth
the Constitution 3, which led to ig their seats in
argued that some in the de wel opa institutions in be interpreted as Df a system more multi-ethnicity. titltif :1973
System Was inat transcending d circumventing Comrin Luria | itėGaullist system. Cong presidentia i sident was elong or dissolve care a state of d C8 || for refgfi: f the Preši
as a means of
tha arrow Corpoliti CS. It was Ch a strengthern -
ed Presidency Would enhance stability, and that this was a potantial tool to resolwe tha national question.
The new system also introducÉd proportional representation. Proponents of the new Constitution also pointed out that this would, theoretically, create possibilifies for stronger Tamil infUEF Ce, il that alia Ce5 batWeen TarThil and Sinhalose parties opposed to the dominant Sinhalese party might gain majority in the electorates. Such En E3 we fituality Could maka it more difficU|t for Simhales 9 parties to play on Sinhala chauviПist SETItil Brits.
The UNP government in the years after the 1977 elections
went further than any other governments towards satisfying Talli | dem Birds. Tāmi || wwi 5 il
troduced as a national language, "standardizatiom" Wäs ä bolished and a process of trying to decertralize povvers Was started, taking into account Tamil de mands. However, these efforts to accomTätig. Ti il tE TEStS CäTE too late.
practice none of the theoretical possibilitias inharent in the 1978 Costitution see as favourable to Conflict resolution hawa matigri Iized. On the COnträ ry, it WFS precisely dU rig this period of a strong executive presidential rule that the country faced its worst ethnic strife and political instability, This was di La to tha Way im Which the executiv El Presidency was Tanipulatad. Firsty, President Jaye Wardena tried to lagitirmize, through the L 5ë (of sym= E}05, that thn B. W35, first and foremost a Sinhala-Buddhist presidant ("Dhärmista' Prasident, King Asoka, etc.). On the first - סיום נt, htוונtוחParliH חi חםtasiטם ked the - symbol of Duttuganin unu in Confronting the Tamil COPIOSiti () ir leäder, Anni't had ligam. Further, after the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983, he justified
Continued or page 6

Page 17
JANASAVIYA (4)
JSP and Social unrest
Sunil Bastian
he stärt ing point of this
grti C | Wa S to ook at JSP as a product of the prevailing social instability in the country. Therefore it is obvious that there are speculations of the possible impact of JSP on this conflict situation. However this Carl Tot be dis CLS5ed With Llt Etter Lunderstanding of the 'causes" of this fit Sitti, ag Specific way one could ask the questio whether this un rast WaS "Caused" by "powerty". ACCording to this way of posing the question, if the answer to this question is 'yes' it is "rational" to expect that a poverty Elle wiat i Cöll progra Tim wi|| hawe
some impact on the conflict situation.
First of all there are serious
problems in this form of thinki ng in understanding the phenomeron of social unra St. There is an assumption her a that socia|| conflicts can be explained by 'causes" in a simple for Ital logic of cause and effect." Secondly very often there is an attempt to find a single 'cause". or if there are mora than ole.
there is an attempt to give weight age to them. Study of many social conflict situations
show the difficulty and inadequacy of this kind of an apporoach. A social Conflict situation is one where mamy social processes come together. There Can be man y "processes" operating together in such a situation, generating many factors' influencing it. Which of these factors" really "Causes" the Conflict is an extremely difficult
question to answer. Even if an answer is found, 'to prove it' in the conventional sense will
be a formidable task.
An alternative way of analysing the question is to look at the relationship between the
חB וווס חhEם טtW Col Cered With, social unrest Ol
il a|| their di to arrive at it sive picture. she wig ther JS to address any sions and the impact,
Powerty has vi sions, | tis ideo| is a powerful V COmes to politi interpreted and political process ideology. The this iri terpretati its effect guite different C til y rgelatted eit Fg tical fact of Po StrUCLUres Whi Specially when fictual situation process, it is ti and political pOverty that p role. Although interpreted and p ni Dit hawe ani y 50 called 'fact power ty, this it Elecomes an that influences process. It mig Siblë that the 's pOverty has ro in a height ened (
tid 1. It is "fac) gical realm thi dence.
An important ideological inter Wirt W ii r a socie' is its strong and tha assign possibility to th 5 it Latim. Thi5 of many. Third W Hitra, the stat to be responsib ment' aid there

a that we are viz poverty and social Conflict,
tensions in order more ComprehenThis Wiä could SP will be able
of these dimenreby Hawa an
3 ry silan y dimeogical dimension Weapon When it ;S. Powerly gets TE Created i ta i as a political ära teistis of hr, its difension, Society can be | T | EV ETT TIL direc::- rto the "Stati5Werty" or to the ch creates it. TETE is a COin the political lis interpretation articulation of lays the crucia the way it is ut forward might relatio to the Jal situatio of Ierpretation itself deological fact" the conflictual ht ever ba postatistical fact" of Televance at all Oriflictua || 5 it LuaIs" in the ideoloat takes prace
im grision in thë pretation of poty like Sri Lanka Torā dieris ing of the resState for this is specially true
World Societies 3 is Considered ble for "dewallopfore for poverty
from which the citizens are suffering. This is also related to the nature of the State in these societies. Some social scientists hawe coined the term 'interwertionist' or 'developmentalist" state
to distinguish this particular state formation. In such a situa = tion the state is held directly responsible for the prevailing
Situation.
In the case of Sri Lanka, this ideology is very strong because of a history of Welfare Oriented policies. Prevalence of poverty either in absolute or relative forms a formidable base for political agitation. Absolute poWerty is the incapacity of a cartain section of the population l0 gjet · 8 por edafinadi min im Um standard. Relative poverty is the gap in the standards enjoyed by the rich and the poor. We would argue that frorTı llh ğ Sed two forms of poverty, relative poverty is Tin Luch mora a reä50 for Social Conflict and agitation thari absolute poverty. In order to clarify this further we shall use a threefold classification of our social structure. This threefold Classificatio tā kes it account the nature and factors linked With the upward social mobility in the Sri Lankan society. This three fold classification of our Society is as follows:
— The "edita"
= Those whose socia | Tobility was facilitated by pra '77 policies or 'intermediate Classes'
- The rest
Many studies on political sociology has shown that people Who are absolutely poor do not articulate themselves politically on their own. They are too inwolved with their day to day
15

Page 18
Su Wiwa. It is thosa Who ar E3 just above the ("intern ediata classes) that usually become politically more active against injusti Ces of powerty. They hawa a higher sensitivity regarding their status of relative poverty wis a wis those in the upper Classes. Wery often they have a potential for social mobility, but are th warted dua to warious reasons. Their sist of relative powerty is Enhanced in a situation of an expanding economy and high er level of Consumption. It gives wery fartile ground for ideological interpretation of po Vërty in the man mer that we hawe mentioned abowa. In tha agitations led by these classes certainly the poarer classes form a social base that can be mobilised. However relative poverty and the frustations arising out of it can aven be a reason for
conflicts within the "poorer' Classes.
Social Col tradictions genera
ted by the development policies followed sin CB 1977 should bg understood within this ideological interpretation of powerty and the important role played by relativa poverty and intermedi att Classes" ir Social Conflicts. Broadly speaking this group formed the social force that changlad the Course of Sri Lanka's post independent history in 50s and the 60s. They were and are the ardent supporters of the po re- " 77 package of de welo portinent policies. These policies helped in their competition with the 'elite" and in their upward social mobility. The bulk of the population of Sri Lanka falls to the third category of "the rest". In rural areas marginal farmers and land loss abourers fall into this Category. So-Called welfare policies in the past hawe not changed their conditiosi smuth. How - ever they for the social base of mass politics,
Generally the post-'77 policies had led to greater social pola -
risation. The specific character of this polarisatio Carl differ from area to arga. In the paddy
sector for example the situation of the small farmer and margina | farmer has detarorated. However for the purpose of a con
16
flict mai lysis W. portant to know, ship het Ween s and the amerg fili; tL || Situatio description of general. The distribution gap mentition of mic policies is this Cort radicti. tant to interpore Situation of in in social terms
der Stand the Un rest irl OLIr :
We Would thanges broug! policias introdu led to thig grc betwee thea "i sé5" and the " the former gr. culate and for class block that try. In addition Chläu warism ha: of the potent Cof this Clå 55. useful slogan f ThBFgföfB tho gap asid social Ween the "eite Tadiata Classet; dailying reason ing social unre la te this Coltra Taking use of ChaLIvar ist slog
If JSP IS. Stri all the benefici gram me shoul third oore St ab OWE, HOW GWI in the implem gives. Tot of pressures. Thi "it Ferdit: : впsшгв a fair p among thց է: these groups a important JSP , për the cond Conflict to st Fäst it Wii || E. the potential sc lying the socia E WET - the Ti i f still be the po at the bottom
T. - TFS | W || || tio | Ludar Thing - t Of the "interme

Hat is more imis the relationocial polarisation en CB Of à C0 m= I fat få til HT E
pola risatiom in growing in Comë
after the impleibera lised 8 Conoone reflection of (). It is import this worsening come distribution
i order to unlature of social Society.
argue that the it about by the CBC il 1977 ||15 lWth of the gap nt Bri:103 diate3 || Claselite". Politically tip is wery artims a part of the rules this CLItalis ärd S ā ISO EGET I Colle political Weapons Today it is a very or thF35 e Class ES. growing in come polarisation betand the "interis a basic ulfor tha prevail}st. They articudiction politica ||y. 1ätiä ist änd arls as W.
citly implemented, ieries of the prod be from the group mer tioned er the limitatios
entation process room for social s will help the asses". This will
roportion of them i en eficia ries. As re politically very Call help t, då TTitions for Social Te extet. At u tra lise a part of Cial base under1| LIn rest. HöwO CLIJS of JSP. Wiwi|| Orer group lying of tha socia||ad
be a i åtte pot hę politica | Glout diate classes". In
other words in class terms programmes like JSP can very well help the bourgeoisie by getting the support of the poorer classes, in their struggle against the power of 'intermediate clasSES.
This capacity of JSP to reach the real nüedy will älso bE important in an ideological sense. JSP Could change the image of the libera i Sed polici S. It is bound to give the image of a development model that is Concerned with this "poor est" section at the bottom of the social ladder. Looking at the propagEd grīd ir ti īss media this is certainly an objective of JSP. Even the very term "Janasawiya' has these objectives. Thus it -- I COLI Id very we I creata an image of a development model taking care of those right at the bottom of the social ladder, while maintaining the basic structures for the accumulation proCess of Capitalism which bene –
fits those right at the top of the social ladder. This could ba a nother answer to the po||- tical challe nga from "interme
data classes".
NEXT: Janasawiya and the
Left
Peace Keeping....
(Солtїriyaої fголі даge ї.4)
the issues on the basis of the Sinha lese. Ja ya Wardena was caught up in a political trap partly of his own making where hEa tried, in Wain, to Wim dwar the Sinhalese constituency with a tough military stance om one hand, While at the same tire trying to solve the national questitյm through negotiatiDri arld a C Commodation. Thase contradictory positions Could flot ba Sustained and his roon for manoeuvre sewarely restricted when he signed the do Sri Lanka accord, where substantial de Wolution of po W er hard to be provided for the Tamil speaking people of the Morth aid, tha East. At this point President Jaya Wardane had to manage a ulti ethnic constituency where the Sinha les e nationalists began to turn their guns on hiri.
NEXT: Ethnicity and Class

Page 19
The Marxist Left and
Civilisation’’
Dayan Jayatil leke
r any other County, this W OLIId
be a pre-revolutionary crisis, but here it's a pre-fascist crisis. There are two Ways to go - socialis T1 or barbarism. We, tha |aft, ar Tot i 1 a position to deal with it militarily, in which casg it WOLId ha V e be con 9 a excellent revolutionary situation, because other i ngredients a|| sBՅms to be there, though only superficially so. We must meet this politically,
car understand the zeal with which these young people of the J WP TTLIStb 62 CO T1SLurmhed as they fight their patriotic war'. As high school students all of us were, after all, enthralled by romantic nationalist fiction such H5. Martin Wick remasinghs's "Rohini "". When the legend of 1971 is tacked on to the saga of struggles waged by the Sinhalese do Win the ages, i What a heady brew it must be In a society that was not multi-ethnic in its composition, that did not hawË an internal mational question,
the JWP's patriotism" would have been acceptable to any ra: tiona | Org Wo | LI tionist Weare - We
right not to hawe based ourselves on "red Du tugênin nu ism" in the postr '83 conjuncture? I believe so. Though we should have made public our Critique of the Af Uradhapura massacre at that time. Now, I begir tour der - stand how it must have begin to be a Communist in Italy or Germany in the 1920s and 30's witnessing the magnetic attractio al d Oleg Tenta | for Ce of the fascist phenomenon.
"Bright Red' Fascism
Earlier We Gould Cheer On all anti-systemic movements ewe if
(This is part 6 of "Work in Progress' based on a lecture giver at the J.N.L., Delhi organised by the Radical Students Union of India).
We disliked them, but mot Gnces of Kamp lf or he were it biographies of One Would fili their political : ally within th tional, were against Left" E whom took ac European up F The struggles Blanquists like the le mi individ ALIgust Wi||ich all fit into this Struggle agains chist Bakunin and personal. in mind that a Wera fa F rior: beings, several Polpot or th Correspondence Engels shows the animus that these eale3mégrı t5; stress were
practical' rew they.
So the Marxi. today's Pol potis tiori cof Marxist a nar Chism, pop Li and terrorism. the Aila FChists national, the | Friarcho—Trotsk during the Sը the Red Art betrayal of Tr to the Color Chi Minh, th, China by Mar bloody battles Cadres Of CC India (Marxist) lites in West E of Kampuchea of Polpot by land Tharks in It has ofte bi by commentato gles are more

:he “Crisis of
Britain aspects of after the experichea and Iran.
read the various WMarx and Engels,
d that Tost of է ruggl3s, aspatie First Interna
Waged precisely lements, many of tive part in the isings of 1848. aga inst Baki, Emmanual Baruals like Weitling. Gottfrid Kinkė | Category. The I the great a larwas very bitter |t ust be ore || tha se element:5 3 dBC Ent hUT1än times ower, tharl illu||lahS. The of Marx and the intensity of they had towards Who, it must ba more populist and Co | Li tio fari gs than
st attitude towards ts is part of the tradi struggle agains | lism, ultra-leftism t The fight against in the First | Interiquidation of the yists of the POUM an ish civil War by volunteers, the itskyists in Saigon al police by Ho lif wiping dlo U t iirl ha || Chu Tēh, the waged by the mmunist Party of Egainst the Naxaengal, the invasion and the ousting Wietnam, are all his long struggle. en remarked upon 's that such strugEbitter than thosa
necessarily so.
between the left and the bourgeoisie. This is true and Srī Lākā today this Struggle also converges with two other struggles which Marxists waged with resoluteness throughout the World viz. against racism and against fascist. Likewise an archo-terrorism in CLIF rent context.
Perhaps the wish of the 'God of History' is not that we of the left bring about Systemic change, but build up a Gountarweiling force that will stop s Luch for Cas. Përhaps from a civiliza - tional point of View, that is more important than systemic change. One is sadly conscious though, that even if the Country emerges from the "black hola” into which it is disappearing, the Current experiences and those of the past years would hawa proved so traumatic that armed struggle of any variety will be rejected by the Sinhala and Tamil peoples for quite some time to come.
What went wrong?
Why did the combination of rapid dependent capitalist growth, deepening economic crisis, bourgeois authoritarianism and an armed national liberation struggle at the periphery not result in the upsurge of a Latin Americantype of revolutionary movement in southern Sri Lanka? How comes it that the primary antisystemic polarity that was generated was not the Sandinista type of rational revolutionary polarity which was a secondary one that newer got beyond the preparatory phase of the accumulation of personnel and resources, the stage of gestation? Why is it that the rational revolutionaries naver got beyond this phase of "primitive accumulation, which involved actions that were meant
17

Page 20
to help construct an instrumentality which could then reach out to various social forces,
beginning with the advanced sectors? Why is it that these outfits new er made past the
Crack down that the actions provoked, to that stage of growth where reaching out to the massas, the accumulation of social fOTCCS. the phase of accumulation proper' could have been placed on the agenda?
Was it absolutely necessary for a movement to have to rei course to irrational appeals and
historical myth to build a power
ful apparatus? Was it due to the fact that the Sri Lanka Crisis was catalysed by an ethnic struggle, unlike those in Latin America? This a one Would not suffice as an answer, since the Secessionist struggle of the Muslin Moros of Mindanao, in the Philippines did not generate a majoritarian Chauvinist backlash and certainly did not cause the revolutionary CPP-NPA to abandon its stand of autonomy for the Moro people or make room for Pol Pottism.
How comes it that far from displaying a moral hegemony, the vanguards themselves (JVP. LTTE) are part of the 'crisis Of civilization"?
Marxism, said Mao, is a 'Wrang ling ʻismʻ.""
Sri Lankan Marxists should not shy away from the sweat, toil and agony of the mental labour that they must engage in, in order to find a 15W ers to the sig questions. We must not be intellectual reformists, satisfied with tinkering with our earlier wiews, but must rather be revolutionary analytically, i.e. ready to uproot, over turn and revolutionise our own intellectual postulates to cope with the challenge of the now questions. If we are intellectually lazy and do not face up to this new task it would be a care less, a Well Ciriminal neglect and a gross dereliction of responsibility, involving human costs in terms of precious Cadres, matérial and Social forces. Never hawa Sri Lanka Marxists needed to be more creative and incisive in their analyses than
18
now, sin CE Cd Thyths murder
At One TEe'W{ the question re: Of forces be and Left with rent. Conside the situation had it been LTTE Could || of national it that tot Orly W but helped by äUthentiC left Country'. This the stT LIggles ir bique and G on the Portugue was this not s
Again, why forces Within | With eaCl ot have altered thë between the ri Within the Inc. forestalling Certi the Accord) : certain others. , left was histori result of externi kyism vs. Stali vs. pro - Chinese, in Maoism and wide), the interr er 1 revolutiona this time too, of contradictions national for that EPRLF). Had the intense rival and the EPRL contending for (the "real Tamil Kanda ya mä, NJIN Sanga maya and 1 Perera's "Red probably have b in a single Org least a - siri, gle b fied or Colig C the anti-racist tionaries, might JWP is a much bo money within
struggle.
Why did the feel more exc
possibility o merger, than ti dismissal of ow: workers or th: 1982. Da Combe off the Parliam

matism defeats, and cliches kill,
tha a 5 War to des in the balance ween the Right | the Eela o Weiafter all, what could hawe bee: T1 therwise. . . The fe been the kind ration Towerient a kend the system its actions, the in the 'mother is the impact that Angola, Mozamlinea-Bissau had se situation. Why לג
didn't the left he Eelam, Unite er? This could balanca of forces ght and the left Weinent, perhaps lim 0 Litcomes (li ke ind resulting in Just as the Lankan
cally split as a
al events (Trotsnism, pro-Soviet the various splits Trotskyism worldlationalist Southries were split as a by-product 3yg trin sic to their ion (PLOT vs. it not been for y between PLOT F, which were the same space eft"), the Wikalpa "P, SUW, Jannatha du Warage Henry Soldiers' would en able to Unite anisation or at oc. Such a uniwe wanguard of o Luthern rewoluhawe givën the tter run for its the anti-State
inhala opposition rcised by the à 1Orth-BäSt. y did about the 70,000 striking referandum of which closed tary path?
Why mobilize people with slogans against the Provincial Councils such as 'thirty percent of the land and sixty percent of the coast land is being given away to ten per cent of the populace'? Why are such slogans reminiscent of Adolph Hitler's cry for "Lebensraum'? Why do they fetish ize the unitarian character (ekiya bhavaya) of the Sri Lankan state, which is a product of British colonialism, instead of limiting themselves, as rational revolutionaries would, to defending the united character of Sri Länka? What is it that they are defending in unitarianness" that is not present in a united but federal, semi-federal or devolved polity? Is it mot the prerogative of colonisation of and in the absence of a class of large andlords and thus in the absence of a classic Agrarian Ouestion, why does the latter undergo a displacement and reappear articulated within a cha Lulwinist discourse in Which the north-eastern Tamils are presented as a 'collective landlord" and the Sinhalalation, a "land lass nation" as it ware? Why and how, this transmutation of the (trifle dubious) nation of "bourgeois' and 'proletarian nations into "land owning" and landless" (therefore and hungry) ethnic communities? How do we explain peasant chauvinist" discourse and blood-curdling slogan like "J.R. thora takewa, api tho kanawa”?
The answer to the problem resides in the nature of the Sri Lankan state and civil society and in the class components of the anti-systemic movement. Especially important is the ques - tion of political leadership, of the social forces which are incorporated into the vanguard organisations, of the is lewel of consciousness and political culture, Let The explain.
Lenin and his brilliant Coleagues fought a precapitalist (monarchic) State; the Chinese and Vietnamese leaders, foreign oppression; Fidel and Carlos Fonseca fought usurpers and puppet regimes. None of them,
(Солtiлшг оп рggg 21)

Page 21
SPECIAL TO THE W. G. Economics and the AE
Akmal Hussain
The IMF is imposing a policy pac through Ioan conditionality on a whole r of Third World countries stretching Sub Saharan Africa, South and South Asia to Latin America. These policy POSals are based on a highly sophistic corpus of economic theory that goes u the name of Neo Classical economics which has dominated main stream econc theory during the 20th Century. A5 policy is adopted, more and more count of the Third World aro getting drawn the trap of growing pOverty on the hand and a net transfer of their nor newable resources to the internati financial system on the other. There rioting against IMF policies in Jordan before that in the Philippines and Me) suggest that the people are beginning
say no to the IMF. Perhaps it is time to examine in a scientific Way theoretical basis of IMF, policy.
following series of articles is a rudimen attempt in this direction. This crit of the economic logic of the IMF, located in a fundamental re-examina of the methodology of mainstream econor as it has evolved in the 20th Century.
eo Classical economics (the Labour and Capi
dominant orthodoxy in economics to-day) sees economics as essertially concerned with the allocative problem: i. e. How to COITıbbi E a Wailabo||g
inputs (resources) for maximizing the production of that particular basket of goods which would
maximize the satisfaction of ConSumers. For example Robbins defines this approach as follows:
""Economics is tha science of the allocation of scare resourCes for the safisfaction of multiple ends. .'
Out of this approach has emerged a conceptual apparatus designed to show that the process of production and distribution of goods is determined by immutable and neutral laws of the free market. Output is supposed in this schema to be generated on the basis of three resources or "factors of production": Land
The author is head of the Economic Policy Research Unit, Lahore.
of production h is the price of
pri C8 of laboul Price of capita Proposition that
close econoritics technological, ha realm Is that u of market equili of each of th production" is
marginal prod ginal product is addition to total about by applyin unit of that fact Other things rern Now since the put induced by шпit of a part production is determined, the marginal product that the distribu bet Ween social technological rath

sence of History
kage ange Fron East
PrOEtted inder
הזוחר IMF Erics into
TE
- EH1חם
Elt and kiCo, g to
TOT
tha TE tary 미나e
tion mics
tal, Each factor EaS a pri ce; rent land, wage the and profit thig I. The crucia
SE TWES LO E3Within a purely rice value free" T1CEr Condition 5 brium, the price Se ''factors of ёqша| to its LCt"". Tha mardefined as the OLtput brought Ig an additional or of production, aimir hg the same. addition to out" är additiom| iCLI lar factor of technologically equivalence of to pгісе пneапs tion of incoma groups has a 1er than a social
basis. Thus rent, Wäge and profit express not a relationship between people in the course gf human history but between in-puts (units of factors of production) and outputs.
Let us examine two funda mentat concepts, wage and profit to understand how orthodox economics excludes both people and history from its do Ti. Consider the concept of Wage. The non-economist would hawe a perfectly sensible definition f Wage. He would say, that Члгард is ān almo Lunt of П10Пёу paid by an employer to an ёптhployeв at regular intervals of time. In terms of this common sensical understanding wage clearly cannot occur in all periods of history and all forms of social organization, Wage is Only possible at that particular period in history, and within that Particular society where employers and employees exist as distinct social groups. But this is ritյ է the Way contemporary tåÛÙrldmit:5 propounds the concept of Wage. Here wage is seen as the marginal product of abour. i.e. it is an output produced by a unit of activity. Thus Neo classical economics fails to make a distinction between the POTOprietor of a Workshop operating his own la tha machin aПd d Workar employed in a factory of between an owner cultivator and a serf. Since each of these individuals engages in labour therefore, the argument JC E5 each has a marginal product that is technologically determined. It therefore cannot have anything to do with the bargaining pOW Er of workers according to this theory.
Let us take profit as 3 TOL'lı Er. example. Now the overal rate of return on capital in tha E=
normy is defined as the profit rate. In Neo Classical theory, the profit rate is Supposed to
be the price of Capital, This is again technologically deter mined because under conditions
19

Page 22
of equilibrium it is argued the
marginal product of capital (in the aggregate) becomes equal to the profit rate. As
Cambridge economists like Joan Robinson and Pasinetti have shown, there is an inherent inconsistency in this explanation of profit. If profit is the marginal product of the price of capital then the aggregate amount of capital in the economy must be capable of measurement independently of the profit rate. This of
course is not possible. Let us see why this is so, What is capital? It is machines and
productive assets of various types in the economy. How do you add up machines of various types? You obviously cannot do this by adding up the number of machines. Adding up for example a machine producing cloth With a machine producing steel would be like adding mangoes and apples. So the only other way is to find out the prices of machines and add those up. There in lies the Contradiction. For inherent in the price of the machine is a profit rate. Thus the contradiction of the Neo Classical theory of profit as the
price of capital
II order to is all profit rate
awe to measu capital in the e measuring the you have area profit ra tg | T| CoCrists hawe fact Neo Class does not have
planation of he in the economy. argument that I ginal product hence purely tec termined does i'r scrutiny. So WI seek an explaпі: the dialectic O emerges in his Owners of the til becom distinct from thẹm,
If we take of Sica gla SSeS f simple but impic becomes appare enterprise of pr tributing goods tially a social ween people :
Bord bbw certa irtiras,
is ruptured
By the battered sold
Species gone extrict,
With their abse37Ce Testify
Towards a We W. Ecoloric
We have inhabited spaces
Wow ffe clar77 o Lur of Sure - strategy Of closed circuit logic,
By the sharp edge of silence LCCLTT CLL LLLL LLLLCCHTCH LLC LLLCCLCCLHGCCGuL LCLaaL
seeping out of vacant eyes so easily banished below poverty lines, Yet ands lät Isa wäste, For555 Cur ito Fior
Civi zaffr75 redega Life,
The deady thinness of our expartise
Akma I HLI55ai
20)

is as follows: imate the OwerOn Capita I y OLu e the value of חy, But Iוחסחס alue of capital dy assumed a hus Cambridge SHOW Ti that i ical economics a credible exw profit a rises The professed rofit is the narif capital, and hnologically deot stand Up to are obliged to tion of profit in power which tory when the means of produca social group hose Who uso
f our NetO=Clastյr H mom Ent, a rtant perception ir t. THE HI LITT lan oducing and dis
in Wolwes E355ĖTrelationship bètas they interact
JIS,
with each other and with nature. The form of this relationship is historically specific. Thus for example the social relations betWegn ländord and 5érf that were involved in production in 16th century Europe, were quite different from those prevailing between capitalist and labourer in the 20th century Capitalist west. The formar Were deterпniпеd by extra всопогmic coercion, or the terror of tradition, While the latter are conditioned by the hidden hand of the market. Similarly the relationship between the ruling elite in Europe and the people of the colonies was structured by the Coer Ciwe apparat Luis of the state in the 19th century, while in the late 20th century, this relationship is determined by the Neo-classical rationality of international financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Balk.
Yet what is a historically specific relationship between people is in Verted by Neo Classical economics and presented to US a S a Uniwersal and ahiS
torical relationship between goods: Between inputs and Cutputs,
The problem with such an inverted and abstract specification of "economic reality" is that since relationships between people are filtered out, ethical and emotional responses to this econonic reality are also precluded. Both the brutality of the oppressor and the Cry of the oppressed creature that actually echo through history are concealed under the coverlet of an "objective" or 'neutral' logic. There is therefore little chance for the concientious student of economics to study the linkage between peasant uprisings that swept 17th century Europe, and the Mau Mau rebellion in Africa, of the "Hour of the Furnaces" during the Spanish invasion of South America; the passion that charged Dullah Bhatti's resistance against the Moghul establishment; the longing for freedom that filled the hearts of those
(Солtiлшаа ол, ра9ё 21)

Page 23
The Marxist...
(Contiri Jers from 7 page 73)
initially and primarily, fought capitalist exploitation. Coming from relatively privileged classes, they fought regimes and States which were anachronistic and thereforg är affront to the Ti. In the se sociates daily life itself Contais affroits to tha progressive intelligentsia and marginalizes the IT). Of Course, their revolutions rapidly transitted to Socialis. häd Wondered, |long before il reach the Trots = kyite Tony Cliff's excellent introduction to Pat Frolic's book om Luxemburg, Why We and others like us, didn't throw themselves fully into the practical military type activity. Then realised that we were not quite as outraged by this set-up as Fidel and Che vere by Batista, or the Fedayeen e Khalk is by the Shah, And understända bol y too, since J. R. Jayawardena wasn't Sergeant Batista It is much Tore difficult in a society such as ours where the middle-class intelligentsia has other avenues and opportunities, emulate Che and Cholu Ein Llai.
Om the other hand, those who do ha te the System and are willing to hurl themselves body and soul into the struggle are those who, because of the 'Sinhala only language policy of 1956 aren't sufficiently grounded thaoretically, The post. '56 situation in Sri Lanka is uniquely tragic jT the Third World, OLIr anticapitalist youth neither have a mother tongue which is widely spoken (e.k. Arabic, Spanish) mor do they know the language of the colonizer (Portuguese, French, English, Italian, German). If the left has a future in Sri Lanka, it lies in the creation and incorporation of a new generation of bi-lingual revolutionary intellectuals.
Lenin and Luxemburg: A Digression
To Testa te my point, | Wonder how many of the world's great revolutionary leaders would hawe remained that way, to that extent, if they were faced with a modern capitalist State, regime and
economic system Tony Cliff is C rates Luxemburg Lenin. But this Shë was the Batt Or has more t the World reVO ment. It possibly he doesn't say pE:Thaps ever rei such things Carl sha had a gre Corfitnant. I rgvolutio I 1 (3f " the unsurpassed tactician), but capitalist Commi CoTi mitment to SCJI democracy). In Commitment to a { of life. I suppos fic greatness (OI in his grasp of of the politici the social form Debray points o this sometimes guardism and SOCiali S. FO Ameri Cal Was F ni festation of the Leninism, says I to those Who. Si a rejection of L The answer to is therefore to Lenin, but in L. we know (though write of this) til master at graspi. ture", while Lu had aпү сопсар
SOThe Conclud סוח burg Wa5ווBr national questi I feel that they w in a different d problem. She tior1alism1s sho Lu | because they fin terproductive - LI to a point but Revolution and Nations; to Sel criticized cr' strongly becau: some nationalis anti-systemi C foi nam, Angola, Lenin was ор useful while porowe that Rosi right.
(To be

| This is why retect Whehhg higher than does not lean r revolutionary C[]Titribute tũ Itioпarү пmovemeans (though explicitly or lize it) that if be me 35. LI reged, ter or deeper lot So Uch to which Lenin was Strå tegist ärid | deeper anti(пепt, a deeper :ialism (socialist short, a deeper lifferent quality 2, Lenin's specigenius) resided the autonomy Il instance Of a tio, EGLI t as ut self critically, leads to walpoliticism not Cois' i Läti
eXTree säilideficiencies of ebray in answer aid that it was eninism (party). focoism he says the fou di riot in Luxemburg. But Debray doesn't lät Lenin Was a 1 g = the ʻcornjUncxemburg hardly titol of it. I today that LuxB Correct Oil the In that Lein. "BTE ea Chi Correct mension of the Blt tha L a II ad e Combatted ally prove counnin sympathised The Socialist the Right of -determination", Inius Pamphlet' he fa | L that 1S Wére LISBfu| :es. China, Wiet
tC. Prove that rationally more ri Lanka may
Luxemburg was
bintinued)
Economics. . .
(Солtiлцлвол froлт дадga 20)
fell at Jallianwala Bagh. He is equally unaware of the historical significance of the present. Thus Intefada the current struggle of the Palestinians, or the struggle for democracy in Pakistan may appear interesting but mot rele want to his subject The trajectory of resistance and struggle that has fired the imagination of those engaged in the creative quest is sady invisible to the eye trained in Neo Classical economics. It is not surprising that in a methodology where the human presence is systematically excluded, we find that human history is also absent from its desolate terrain. Thus warious forms of resistance and struggle appear to the professional economist not as vital responses of conscious human beings to economic processes, but as mere a necdotes quita beyond the pale of his discip
| ille,
who
(To be continued)
Five Minutes...
("Carltiпшаd fram page У)
grenades were thrown at a religious procession.
Neither leader has right entirely on his side. Mr. Premadasà, um Teasonably and without
prior consultation, asked the Indians to leave by the end of July when they had already agreed to go by the end of the year. But India, whatever it may feel about its moral duty towards the Tami is, has no right to retail in Sri Lanka, a sovereign state, when it is told to go. With 45,000 Indian troops obstimately entrenched on Sri Lankan Soi, it is five minutes to midnight.
(Econorrisť)
21

Page 24
CAN FUNDING GIVE
THE FOL
O TAX CON( e OWNERSH 6 LOW INTE
Lease Pur
Conίαοί: SH1
Senior Asst. G. Lease Lease Purchase
MERCANTILE C
55, Janadhip
Colo Telephone: 26.611
Or our Managers 1 REGIONA 15A Hill St. Telephone
CITY ( 14, R. A. De Mel Maw Colo I
Telephone: 5 OUTSTATION Anuradhapura, Bandara wela, Gampaha Negombo, Ratnapu
 

YOUR
OPTION YOU
LOWING
CESSION
P REST RATES 2hase Can
irley Perera eneral Manager
& Corporate Finance
REDIT LIMITED
ithi Mawatha rn b) ) ||
or Direct 22611
rough the following . OFFICE: CCt, Kandy.
08-24195 FFICE:
tha (Duplication Road) Էյլի 5
0627, 50.0937
BRANCHES:
Jafna, Kalutara, Kur Lunegala, Matara, a, Tham buttegama.

Page 25
Part II
Naipaul’s 3rd World - of Being Negative
zeth Hussain
a hawa to note also tha W蠶a religions life of Naipaul's community, portrayed in his first two novels and his other Writings. Earlier, there had been a re-invigoration of Hinduism in the West In dies through the introduction of Bakhti Cults from India, accorci ing to a Sri Lankan anthropologist, the late Chandra Jayawardena. But Naipaul knew only a formalized ritual Hinduism without any Content Whatsoe Ver. AS he says in Fireflie S, iis Community Confused religion with magic. It appears that thea -Ecumenical outlook, one of the glories of Hinduist, With its respect for other religions, had degenerated into a superstitions dread about offending strange gods.
Naipaul deplores the de-tribalization that takes place through conversion to Christianity, but in his first two novels he betrays a Curious arbivalence of which he was probably unaware. He shows insight into the sociology of conversion by noting that not only the converts but also the achievement-oriented Hindus take on Hindu names. In a revealing episode the Hindu lutchman in Fireflies buys a counterpane for his wife before attending a Carol service, an unexpected lapse from mala Cha Luwirism which lowes har to të ars. The Trinidadian Hindu was expected to keep his wife in her place, with frequent beatings. In this context, Christianity is evidently a humanizing influence, and the reader is given the impression that practically anything is better than the ghasty Hindu society from which Shiva and elder brother W. S. fled. Both had recurrent nightmares about returning to Trinidad and never being able" to get Cout a gain.
The Coit Lil homestly in Fir Chip Gatherers One, Which W b) Be LInderstab ocd b] perhaps not aw of the majority Sri Lka äi Naipaul is writ just another just a nother mi| but a peculiar, cally insulated avoids interacti is much as Comunities ar backward thar certainly seem tory than other
In Naipaul's c and morey had values, while a pushed into the the function of 5oCia – order: Ti is to go abroa Britain, or to b as the medical rinore prestige ou Anyone trying his prescribed rarchy provokes A fede in C1 wishes on ano punishment tha leted out to h not only on Sil og like her break their ch |||egimate girl books which the to get out of |life, lin any cas is a deplorab habit as is mi wealthy busin Ramsaran, who a school with | Fäcks arid is superfluous lawa of education is skills required попеy and exe he te! Is his So

THE ARTS
The Importance
y portrayed 50 flies and Chipis an a-typical probably not Westerners and in by members communities in sewhere. What ng about is mot sia In - society Or ority community, a Tost herrimetiommunity which ng with others possible. Such g usually morg others. They |more un satisfäC
community power become supremie ritualized religion background had legitimating the he only salvation d, preferably to ecote a doctor | profession is than any other. to step out of la Ces in the hieerlomous ha tred. -Chip Gatherers her female the t ought to be 2r mother, "And t; but on everywho aspired to ins". Sita, ārı to boot, reads ins she is trying her station in 3, reading books and dangerous lie clear by the
ssman, Egbart a fuses to provide the library it
2âd donate 5 a Эгү. The purpose to acquire the t0 a CCL JTML läte Eise power. As Don't try any
of this doctor and lawyer funny business on me". The dialogue, a Constant marrel in both books. relieves to some extent the depressing impact they could have for some readers.
Shiva Naipaul may be concentrating on the Luglier aspects of his community, an inference that might be drawn by recalling the genial comic spirit which reigned in the earlier fiction of his elder brother. W. S. Naipaul. Actually, the comic spirit is in operation in Fireflias also. Tha important point, however, is that his portrayal of his community is essantially true of a certain kind of Asian community.
His scrutiny is certainly harsh and un illusioned, but We must note that in both novels there is a humane intelligence at Work. This is quite clear in the extremely poignant conclusion of Fireflies, when Baby Lutchman is bereft of her sons. One of them, Bhaskar, tells har before going a broad "You are stronger than all of us put together', because she can only live for others. There is a Tragic dignity about her at the end, but her society connot respect her fate as tragic because it is incapable of "breaking down the dykes that separate man from man', which is one of the reasons why the tragic can be life-giving. The standards from which Naipaul judges his community are unexceptionable.
This account of Naipaul's pe CLliarly limited cultural background makes one wander whether it limited his ability to understand some of the Asian societies, more particularly the ones With rich Cultural traditions: One Wonders
about this after reading his piece on Morocco, "Wictim of Ramadan'. As a brown Asian
23

Page 26
in Morocco he was constantly mistaken for a Muslim and expected to observe all the rigours of thelfast, which led hiri into a series of extremely annoying contretemps. And that is about a g had to say of MOTOCCO. Perhaps he could not have made any sense of Islam. And perhaps he could not hawe graspoed mLICHT about the humanizing power of Buddhism, judging from his dismissal of the argument that Sri Lakas Buddist Britage inspired our basic needs strategy which placed Sri Lanka Surprisingly high, for SC poor a Country, on the quality of life index. At the other end of the spectrum, his kind of Cultural background could hawe limit Ed his understanding of the potential for Creativity in being human, which could have led him to misjudge the prospects of some societies which do not have a heritage of high civilization, point Which We Will examin Elä tET.
Sorine of Naipa Li l's limitations seem to a rise also out of prob| ems of a technica| Order. This can be approached by noting the un satisfactoriness of what will interest the Sri Lankan reades more thart any of his other writings, his lengthy article of Sri Lanka, Urfinished Journey. Our Strictures here might SEET) unfair as it may be an unfinished ad un Corrected piece of Writing. His father-in-law found the last page on the typewriter, and published the whole article. However, some of the features of even an un corrected or Lunfinished piece of writing could bg TĖwealing.
What will strike the Sri Lankan reader at Once is that hardly any of the details ring true. At the British Cousicil he met a slim lady, a detail which the Sri Lankan Teaders will recognize
BOOKS
Th5 IIIEITrirs LIf thE '' eittrarl COT!- munist leader, N. Sarı muğat hasan Hä5 been published under the title The Political Memoirs of an Unrepontant Communist". The first chap Iers arg being i EE rialised by the "Daily News". The book II he reviewed in thi5 journal's SEpt, 1 issu L.
as authentic as ladies är Sil. impression given writing of a differt from ! islaça Tissä, gover 1st Offici of Rs 1,300 p. ad for Chiti TE 1300k.5, and sti || money on tool which every S. regard as Hr i Ti legerdemain. C where Naipauls i Sri Lāka āTĘ a 5 gold. dust. A detail is that he of an institute understanding fl. סוח ||sti ווI BI" " fully". SLIrely, it Läskar LISes thú | with Luite So rr
The explanatio like Tieridacity he Was flot Wri forward account but was per håp: tradition of the the Thirti ES W reportage and fic perhaps often, t fiction than a in the case of st bu ye to Berli r1. according to biography that C a hanging bé Hanging or sh before Writing S phant, thought be struck by th the experience C Orwell's brilliar." tainly in the C account of his : Such Were the serious distortio nation for all thi does mot requi and the dOCLITE aiming at realis
Fitting Naipa Lu the genre of t might Explain their features. more appropriat tg | NEW LITT
with the ma më the identifying which is t hi B LI
techniques. In

Tary of Our But the general is that he is country rather Sri Lakad, FOT Writer är i a|, Barris à 533 FW T., has a wife 1, a tha Lusaid squa nders his ks and arrack, ri Lankar Willi possible feat of Curio Lisły, gliselays that books as expensive other interesti Tig makes the lead say "I am not Illy", and later t L Tidarsta Fidig 10 educated Sri English language LIch riginality.
in for what looks
might be that ting a straightof Sri Lanka,
s writing in the documentary of ith its mix of tion. Soma time3 S, FT WES TO TE thing else, as Erwood's GoodIt is doubtful Bërnard Crick's rwa || Witnessed ore Writing A dt an elephant hooting an EleLhe reader might e immedia cy of onveyed thгошgh t writing. Cerd5a of Orwell's Schooldays, SLIch Joys, there wer
ls. The explais is that realis ": verisirrhillitude, intary writer was Πη.
|'s writings into he documentary only some of It should be = to fit im irt alism associated of Tom Wolfe, characteristic of se of noverlistic such journalism
the writer himself is present as
al "'''", characters are dra W as in fiction, dia fogue is used partly as aп есопопnical way
of delineating character, places are described for their symbolic suggestiveness, and so Cor. Al | thasē are features of Naipaul's non-fiction prose.
the New Journalist the reader has the sensation of being thrust into an experience, of being irtirThe rised iri it, withi out as adequate evaluation of the exрегіепce, or sometimes по evaluation at all. This is probably why Naipaul is soretimes depressing to read. Arguably, if there is indeed inadequate evaluation in his writings, he should not be criticised for what he is not trying to do. True enough, but at the same the healthy organism Wants to understand on experience when it is a legative one, get to grips with it, do something about it, ard this is a || || the more important when it is the fate of a Third World country that is in question. In Naipaul's writings we get a powerful projection of the rottenness of sorg Third World Countrigs bLIt our understanding of what exactly is rotten and why is not much advanced,
If We Compare Naipaul's "Wictim of Ramadan' with Orwell's "Marrakes' we find that Orwell gives us so much more about Morocco in just a few pages,
and tries to account for the state of that country. Naipaul, in the Aryan Dream, Wrote
brilliantly on the Shah's powermania which portended some sort of disaster for Iran, while Western and pro-Western experts were babbling about the Shah's
White Rewolution, But Naipaul went back on his judgement after experiencing the rigours
of Isla in Morocco, and regretted the demise of the Shah and his White Revolution. Orwell would have condemned both the Shah and what followed, probably recognizing that tha one spawned the other. In "Passports to Dependence", Naipaul Condemns the Ugandan
(Carried arī pā7e 25

Page 27
THE SINHALA PRESS
POWERTY ALLEVIATION
АппагаWапsа
mọng the bewidering array
of Weekly, fortnightly, and monthly publications that have sprung up in response to the burgeoning demand for геaciling material from the ever-growing Sinhala reading public. 35. (RAWAYA) a monthly magazine edited and published by Victor van, stands out as one of the best, catering as it does to the more intea | ligent and discriminating reader. In the June issue of this much sought-after periodical was a contribution entitled *"දුප්පත්කම තේරුම් ගැනීම හා පිටු දැකීම’’ (Understanding and Eliminating Powerty) by Wasantha Dissanayake, whose forthright Comments on the government's Poverty Alleviation Programme are indeed noteworthy.
In the opening paragraphs Dissanayake sets out the Casual factors underlying the aggravation of poverty during the last decade. "Until ten years passed the government thought only of rapid econo Tici development. No attention was paid to the need to ensure that the benefits of dovelopment were dispersed equitably. "The dreadful Social Consequer ces Which W är Witne5sing today are due to a few people plundering the benefits of the rapid economic developTEŭ: Int... A5, a result thig Urgeld towards narrowing the sharp disparities in income distribution was weakened and the country has been pushed in a direction which widens such disparities. While the share of income of the 10% receiving the highest income which was 42% in 1953, declined to 30% by 1973, after 1977 it increased to 39% in 1979, 42% by 1982, and reached 49% by 1985. As against this the shara of total in como received by the 40% receiving the lowest incomes which was 13% in 1953. rose to 15% by 1973, and after 1977 it declined to 12% in 1979 and as low as 7%. By 1985 In no other country in the world
has the gap bet groups widened share of income
highest 10: we BWg|| || the rig
the World || kg t| Zērā ned, and Wa E. W. El il tha Asia Singapore, Kore: Which Sri LT| looked up to as
former group of
the highest 10% lyחסteivers had total intomE, In of Asian countri only 30. But th of income receive received 50% of th
"While the g not inter ëSted is SU TES TO COLE: it abandoned the Which WaT a foi Whereby taxes
hi ighiest imdorme used to maintai lo West in Come
such measures , as pela actions raged the effic At that juncture 1e Werthought, eV that a policy w few rich people vast majority o podrer, Would ir a chal leng 3 to t SystĒGT. But ag terrible conseque C:1. FT1g gyidant a the government to address the different ITHFlner.
The programm aleviation is saar that is being Ճut Ef genuim a ban evolence, bu self—in tarast ant Self-preservation. perceives it is
1 OLIS e-folders li of luxury and we to chase away ling at their g help, suddenly ad

ween these two so T1 Luch. The received by tha s not as high est Coultries of he U.S.A., Switst Germany, or Countries like , and Taiwan a has keenly models. In the rich countries of in Come re20 to 25% of the latter group es the share is e highest de cilea irs in Sri Lanka a total in come ""
OVATI LI WIS adopting rer this situation, Welfare policies vy ed up to 1977, evied from the reas: giwers Werē in those of the Jroups, because Wara Considered : Which discouent Capitalists.
the government 3m for a moment, hich made the
richer, and the f poor people the End becone ha entire Social
a ra 5 Lulit of the mCés; Which bgfte tan years, has been obliged
crшпtry in a
ng of powerty 1 as something u nder taken not genero sity or t out of sheer instincts of Dissana yake terms of rich wing in the lap re cruel enough poor people calates for some opting a friendly
tone when confronted with a situation where in their watchers and minions failed to subdue and disparse a rebellious group of sons and da Lughters of those poor people, who now gathered outside the gates demanding in threatening tories, "give back to Luis all that you have plundered from us". Realising that they now face a disa strous situation, they come on to the balconies of their beautiful massions and addressing the people with great compassion say: 'Friends, please refrain from creating any cornmotion. We will give you not only enough food and drinks, but a 150 Other Tich35. P| 3358 quoua up in a disciplined way to reca iwe those things."
Commenting further on the change of heart, ha goes of to point out how the government which pru ned the rice subsidy
וזם - 1978 וון חסi|ווח 1500 .f : RSם the grounds that the country Could not a fford it, hawe: now
become kind enough to provide Rs. 100,000 million to maintain the poor. "This is comparaba to a massive compensation paid to make am Ends for Som2 dastructive act committed by draself. But payment of compensation for a crime committed should be undertaken with a sense of genuine repantance and not with an affected sense of sole in generosity."
Turning next to a consideration of the flaws in the scheme as conceived and announced by tha government, the Writer sats out the grounds on which ho questions the effectiveness or otherwise of the strategies to be adopted. The main Weakness in the overal strategies to be adopted lies in the inappropria temass of tha way in which reSources a TE L0 t) Tobilised for financing tha PAP. . . '"'t is just and fair that at least some part of the wealth plundered from the people should be re
25

Page 28
distributed anong them. But the funds required for this purpose must be obtained from those Liderers and not from the People'. If in eqLities in the distribution of inico me is the main cause of widespread poverty, any measures designed to redress such distributive irijustic Bs must the financed with resources extracted not for the asses, but from those super capitalists who had a massed wealth without any limit. The strategy adopted for ir Ti plementing the FAP is not he let hold Sèt out a bowe, tout is, instead, the popular "Anchor" Tethild !
The second shortcoming is that the programme does not include any national plan of action to Create VI à Th | g | wiTon Tent Corniducive to a just and equitable distribution of incomes within the country. A direct treament of the exterial ulcer alone will not suffice. It is necessary also to treat the internal causes. There is rio red Sol to think that any plan of action to alleviate poverty without changing
the 5 o Cial erwir om Tilemt - Which pomptes inequities in income distribution, can he effective,
Conteiding that the mai - factor Whichi created the Elvirolet wherein PC verty got aggrawated during the last decade, was the SO-Caled Open economy, the Writer goes on to explain how the steady decline in the acreage and output of subsidiary food crops betweg 1977 and 1985 impowerished the rural farming population, who are the Worst affected by abject powerty today, The output of, and a creage under, Cowpea declined by 24. and 20%, respectively, while the da Clile il respect of FR ad Oliofis was 27% and 29%. Similarly the Output and a Creage of Chillios declined by 14%, and 27%, while Other Crops like Maize, Kurakkar, and Menori fared equally badly, ports of these Comodities increased several fold during this period. Rural poverty is attributable mainly to the shrinkage of Opportunities for the Tural folk to be Economically activa within the open Economy. Production of subsidiary food crops
25
is as important a as Faddy prodl fiTTSi Wille the se decline, activities get lar icones decline activities expant increase accord ונtry ttחuם:th B t ciency in food be grown in S sharply increase wity among th population arid also their inco possible to H chii under a policy Cltill.I.5 to all Of Tharkët for Cë
The effects n thBם "לוחם וז has been equally frö iid Lustrie:S standard produc Corpet. With even industrict: roducts of g figlish hill a We haf fE Cted. It is i TE Ti Li late policias at least the Wia ducing quality g the that local expanded and a WB Y ES TO TI mert Eit Eist
"It is its Out C'Ontair) Ostent I Egwels Crisista всопоппіс сара! recessary to SC| foreign exchar Satië te the grEE Lanka's super ri a few years b imported goods in the Tarkat 1 ab.LIt FS.30, though we ha" plies of clean super capitalist: Out Bver imp0 basic ca SE of are facing toda fu | longings of |f they dari li tious Capitalist country's econ Country will b the wasteful ex consumption r:

5 Ource Of irl COIT co Cill for Tra | Ile or both of tigit Comi: r). Wedi do With and 3. Wings the Sg H tér in CQm FIS ingly, Directing yards Self-SUfficrops, that can ri Lanka, could BC 010 mic â CtiE ILIral farming thereby increase Thë5. Ht is Tot bwe this objective fra ITF Work Whi:Ffi ow the free play S.
f the open ecoindustrial sector " disastrous. Apart producing subtts ựựhĩ[:Î|| Ca'TIT1[Jt imported goods, manufacturing ood quality and 3 adversely afCessary to reforSO S LO TO EC:t leidustrias progoods. It is only industry can be Improved if such 3 du cé uneTiployto the EX Elt.
tally necessary = to
ätio LI 5 - living a 1 it with Sri Lanka's iti5 t i5 0
Lander the limited ge resCILITCBS to dy desires of Sri ri. AS e Stilate äck, t, Fig.: Wall LI E3 of reina Frif rig - LI Insolid are amounted OOO Ti || C. EwB we adequate Supwatar, Sri Lanka's ; CF fitot do WithItgd Water T. g the disaster We Ey is the distaStEethese Super rich. it theit OStB Ft FilWants to sluit Th 3 3mic capacity, the 3 Fable tù - r2dU C3 panditure on their EdEG.
""I thi B3 CD text Cof the CrF3 - ful conditions prevailing in the country today, it is not only super Capitalists who should tighter their beits. It is në Cassary that politicians, who të present their interests, also should limit the a StB fu expenditure in Which they indulge. Sri Lanka is a small country of 25,000 square milies and it takes only a few hours to go from one end of the country to the other. In this : 1 text, the preferance show by politicials for high priced luxury motor vehicles like D. K.W. Rolls Royce, Mercedes Benz and
Pajeros, instead of low priced simple vehicles, is indeed disgusting, India used a type of
locally produced motor ears ever for the SAARC Surimit meeting. | Sri Lätkä ever Provincia | COLinci members cannot do withOut Pajeros costing over a million rupe es." After further Comnents about the Collo Sal expenditure in Lurr Ed Crl The Er Sctic Of Bdifices like the new Parliament buildings, air-conditioned and plushy carpeted office blocks to enhance their own pomp and glory, and the Urgent need to ra - Gxamina the justification for such expenditure, he goes on to Stti "Sri L31 kF a 5 Ed COrle the country with politicians dra
wing the high fast rarn Lineration re lati We to thea a WEa rag E3 , irn Cor Ina of the people. If politi C5 is a public service, why do these
Star wants of the people need such high salaries? Before preaching to the country it is very important that politicians should shape their o WWII livs ir kt. Foigt With those - SE: rmton 5. || It is only then that professional politicians can assuage the feelings of disgust that are increasingly enged among the people, and regain their COil fident Cig."
"The Other Crispi Cuo US flau il the go War II ment's po w Earty 3 = eviation programma is the absce of any Strategis to co Itali lig dog tru Ctivg offacts Of inflation resulting from polices devised to de poracia te the Walue of the rupee. Sri Lanka has today De Coring the highest inflation rä19 in Asia 6xcapting the Philipinas. LLLLLaH S LLLLL00 LLLaL S S LL0a KLLLL

Page 29
of peoples' incomes and accelerates (the spread of) poverty. In the absence of measures to control prevailing inflation, it will be impossible to prevent the evaporation of the financial assistance granted inflationary Conditions. That was what happened to food stamps given as relief to the poor."
| CCTC 1 Lusitor the writer Stres
ses the need for a balanced and Lunified approach. ""For te years the government thought
only of rapid economic development, and gave no consideration to the problem of poverty. The government now seems to be concerned with powerty Only, and not with general economic development of the country. In the same way that the one-sided policies of the past produced disa strous consequences, it is mot un likely a policy that läys emphasis on powerty (allaviation) ony, without consideration of general economic development. could be equally disastrous. What the country meads is a por Cog ra TITE which integrates both aspects. It is only then will it be possible to er sure (Iconomic de velopment of the Country in addition to the elimination of poverty."
O Eller on poverty alleviation and the national Crisis:
The 'Lankadipa''' of Sunday 16 July, beginning a new series under the heading gag 33. කළයුත්තේ කුමක්ද? (What is happening? What should be do me?) seeking to present the views of leading persons of learning, in He fields of social a di ÉCOOmic affairs, om the preva iling un rast in the country, started off with the comments of Dr. Neville Karnati lake. Gowermor of tha Central Bank, and of Dr. Wick re
Tabh. Kā runā rati.
views
Dr. Karunati lake while coceding that inflation and unemployment are foremost among the many casual factors underlying the preva iling un rest, and that the spread of employment opportunities outside the Western Province has been limited, asserts that it is wrong to conclude
that the open e. cause of the Cl problems and y. Naith er is th D. rural economy at орвп есепomү. hawa arisen bei comings in im tha policies relat }y. It haוחם חםBC Hit til Count Class thought only without it Country and Wor duction activitié TEtE TOTE Ëdi met opport LIni production facili located mainly it is also Corri CertaiII rural and were adversely 'Janasawiya" pro for T1 Lulated to rei comings.
"If t is youth dua to arising out of LII ha om|| y solutio the "Janasawiya' fully, Governm: at its efforts towards this solution to tod the "Ja nasa wiya'
Pointing out paid under the to be utilisad of locally pro. contends that it will therefor,
ent to the local productic goods produce ( cannot be so 5tic market prevailing iпро will be adjusted imposed of iT1 . the implementa sawiya. After ra Cepoiets of . ta ICS Wi|| be productive pro C sub-contacting duction activiti |iant büd5İ5. İle sa Wiya is Cap about a compl Of the rural : years of it's
"It is only programm B. Wh

conomy was the :itוחם חססt: BחJrr B Lith discontent. colla p5e of the tributable to the These problems cause of shortoleTentation of ing to tha open to be admitted ry's Commercial of their profits Finking of the turing ito pros which could Tore employties, and that ties came to be i urbar a räs Ect to gay is that Tall | industries affected. The gramme has been Tedy these short
unrest among tha i u riemployment nderdevelopmErll, is to implement program SLCCESS - Inf Flä5 directed and COITIFTitrthent end, The only ay's problems is
t Fiat the Tonië:5 Jalasaviya lave for the purchase uced goods, he he open la caп опту |gt be an impédidevelopment of in activities. If at village level d in the dosedue to imports. rt export policies and high er duties orted goods with tion of the Janasetting out how anasa wiya assissable to join the ess by undertaking and other proas oil a self-reasserts that Jardable of bringing ëte transformation areas within two ::O'r 13 CE). The nt,
the Ja masa Wiya C as the ECO
E tf1EוחםVErCססtialtחtEסic pוחסח present crisis. If the youth participata in this program and make Janasawiya the only weapon to help thern stand up on their DW I this Crisis car DB DWBr".eוחם:t
Dr. Wickrēmabahu Kar Lunaratne strasses the need for restructuring the rural economy as a lasting solution to the prevailing crisis. His view is also that the current uprising is a direct Outcome of the socio-economic crisis brought about by thea a conomic policies pursued by the government over the last dacade and the widen ing disparities in in come distribution. The rural economy and the Small iridustries sBCtor have collapsed under the ecoformid: änd social enwir Cormalt which came into being under the Open ëC011Om W. | ti hä5 widened the divisions in society and bred resentment and despair. Realising that the crisis connected with the prevailing unrest is essanti ally One that springs fron the economic crisis, and that this F135 to be CW er COT13, gOV BTment is seeking to develop the will ages by directing investmas its towards the rural a reas. The mäin aim is to promote investmants on behalf of the rural people and get them involved . חםtdut:tiסpr חו
Tha objects of the Jana Saviya and the Gramodaya shames which are intended to help the people in rural areas to dewgi op themSeves, activate the rural e Cor OTY and improve conditions, in the villages are of some value. But can there be any benefit if the objectives remain unfulfilled? This was what happened in the past. If the Chairmen of the Gra modaya Mandalayas en su red that the se objectives Were translated in to action, would the rebels keep on searching for them and ki || ing them? Thea truth was that the villagers continued to be exploited by these new leaders who were cast in the same mould and behaved in the same way as the old Hamus, Nilames, Muda lalis, Arachchis, Brokers, and Money-end ETS. They
27

Page 30
also came to be looked upon as parasites exploiting the village. It will not suffice, therefore, to talk about la u da ble objectives only. They have to be translated into action.
'There has not been any real change in the village. There have been changes only in the form of exploitation and of the persons who indulged in exploitation. This is the basic cause of this Uprising. There has to be a real change in the village. If so what is the economic plan that can overcome the core factors behind this rebellion? It must be a plan to win over the village and then win over the country. Basically the village reeds an gCOn Orthic plan to raise the rural population, who are living in an underdeveloped environment, to a higher ecoпоптic plane."
While there has to be a radical transformation of the entire rural economy is the Janasawiya prepared to under take such a task? If the scheme is to be implemented in accordance with it's objectives, there has to be a village level authority which can activate, direct, and manage the factors of production in the village, and provide management skills, provide markets, and a host of other services. If this is not forthcoming the monies that are being distributed Will, in the end, Come to be invested in rural projects belonging to multi-national Corporations, and tha villagers will end up as their sa Wes, and inflation will increase two or three fold. That Will only Serve to aggravate the rebellion.
The Tea | Solution is to change the production relations in the village so as to rid it of the exploitative elements and restructure the rural economy under an authority which will be free of the influences of the exploittative elements. At the national level, it will be necessary to subject the oреп есопопny to strict Control SÓ as to activate the production capacities at the village level. Will the capitalist
28
class who are di benefits Linder th and who broug
mant into powy a thing? Is the pared to incur
Of those who E into power? Are this scheme rea cha || enge that w the capitalist cla
It Will be dif ment the Janas radica 5 ocial, political struggle, a social transfort Eg a solution to Contending that is thus at a poi Critical Choice Col bog made, ha as: has to be a rea rural and nation bring about an rising. If not deep en and mov, ther conflicts a will collapse.
Naipaul’s . . .
Coffrir et frt
Indials for Ot politiCs to se Cur: but surely if they Would hawe got the Eöruta || || di power, something hawe been able as the member in Unfinished J misses the idea t high quality of Could hawe ha do with Buddhi is that he distis and in passing,
sing it. On the Cambride anthrop Leach, who live
and thought abo examined the ic With it. These
examples to sh does not much understanding to he writes about
Next New

e riving immerse зорепесопопу, ht this governEr, a || CW Such g (OWërnmento prethe displeasure alped it to cold
the autors of dy to face the i El emanate from Sង?
ficult to impleΗ νίγa νiτHια μt Η economic, and
Without sլյԼյի Thätic Cathgfe
the rebellion the government it at which a action has to Serts that there | change in the al economy to end to the Upthe Crisis will 'e towards furd the economy
ат даge 2. ...)
having take to I their interests. had not many OLIt alive after Amir Card to | Naiբaul should to understand of a minority. Jurney hÉi disat the relatively fe in Sri La ka ! something to im. Thв роіпt Ses it SCornfully Without discusCoth är had, the logist, Ed Tud Cd in Sri Lāka t it responsibly, 2a and agreed are just a few W that Naipaul advance our the societies
Ournalism
Sri Lanka: . .
(Continued froлт, дяде 51
coming a stabler, friendlier and
even grateful neighbour, Sri Lanka is a strife-torn, sullen and bitter liability. Worst of
all, for India and its army, there Can be no tota || y | honourable escape from the mess it has got itself into. To that extent the Sri Lanka policy has been the Rajiv Gandhi Government's greatest political defeat. No degree of valour on the military battleground or skills in diplomatic letter-writing can brush that bitter reality a sida.
rida Today
SUBSCRIPTION RATES
Air Mai
Canada/U.S.A. for 1 copy LIG US$ 50.00 for 1 year USS 30.00 for 6 months
塞 塞
U.K., Germany, New Zealand Australia, Neth erlands, France, Japan, Holland, Phillippines, Austria, Norway, Sweden, China, Ireland, Switzerland, Nigeria, Belgium, Denmark, Paris, London, USS 40.00 for 1 year, USS 25.00 for 6 months
單 事 匾
Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Baharain, Arabian Gulf, Syria, Singapore. US$ 35.00 for 1 year USS 20,00 for 6 months
事
India, Pakistan. lSS 30.00 for 1 year lSS 17.00 for 6 months
瞳
Local RS. 140/– for 1 year Rs. 75- for 6 months

Page 31

Ra
on Tobacco Company Limited

Page 32
WE ARE A DIFFERENT KIN
(7here are a multitude of g
O They who guard the free
O They who protect the ba
O They who guard the dem
of us are entitled to as
Each of us is a guardian to
dependency in
BUT THE DIFFERENCE RESTS ON OUR DEEP Co,
WE ARE TRUSTED GUARDIA
MONEY, GUIDING YOU ON HOW FOR YOU AND YOUR DE
SO AREA CAH
FOR YOUR LIFE.
A Different Kind O,
 

D OF GUARDIAN TO YOU!
uardians during your lifetime
dom of speech & expression
sic human rights of mankind
ocratic freedoms to which each
citizens
others who view us for their
day to day life
IN OUR GUARDIANSHIP
NCERN FOR YOUR FUTURE
NS OF YOUR HARD - EARNED
TO SPEND AND HOW TO SAVE
PENDENTS” TOMORROWS
Ο L/Τ ΤΟΔΟ,ΑΥ
LONG GUARDAN
PLE’S BA NK
Guardian For You
ب: ر، زیر || |