Page 1
O Role of Judiciary
Vol. 13 No. 16 December 15, 1990 Price Rs. 7.5C
Whatever happened
to the
Russian Revolution P Hector Abhayawardhana
More marks for Marx than for
VarKists - Reggie Siriwardema U
India, LTTE in the
Tigers in Tamilnadu
| Indian Crisis: Six Ba.
island Paradise in Fl
نیاز۔
sSP: ANNI VERSARY RE
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

in the 3rd World O
- Scott Newton
Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka, OD/79/NEWS/90
Ground plan of proposed Specifications Hindu temple at - ိချိုစ္ဆိမျိုး Ayodhya مصمميبيعي "
لاوي 醛 ن صعصعید
Post:
Pianned exterior of
temple a do
Dome of existing mosque
Alleged birth place of Lord Ram
Shilana site Statues of Lord Ram (Foundation stomo for the new templo kald and proposed sacred. a year ago, Since then Moskoms and the
government have urged that the templo be centre of new temple orientated so as to exclude the mosque.
Source: Vishwa Hindu Parishad
WP-SLFP Debate
- Mervyn de Silva Politics - S. Murari e
sic Questions .
— Bhabani Sen Gupita ames - Deanna Hodgin e
FLECTIONS – Kumar David

Page 2


Page 3
TREMDS
BASLSTEPS FORWARD AbQuf 800 fursfarraris à (rigoffs applications are to a fied bgforg the Suдгатё Court hy a Bar A55 it for gif of Cať fres af fshe EC) ISFJ se fer 7fsr Carp. (S. Hurs r Fgsfs Carl Tittee of the BASI has already filed 47.
The Superie Court had earVier been petitiored by defа їлеes at Boosa appea/їлg for rivestigation into the circus faces of their defenffa) 7. Tfig SC Wäd ātswiss the Ear Associä for to infervigvy ť F705e ďgťä f7 a e5 a ri ďfffe affidavifs ar ffafr Eilė fra Wf Ww fier fie circurtisfarices rrierifel fi.
U MJP MMITES ALL PARTES The Wired Wafford Party (LWP) has in wited represar talrives from a recognised EJOtical parties to atterid its 36th 577 7L57 :0 7 fera fiste O 7 De Carlber 23. WP Genera Sacratary Farfjarl Wijera fra Vas sJf n f/S /=ffer of rwaffer. "Maritair7ing Cordia / rasat fors with the â ffernative palitica/ partig5 W/7řost 77 to 17 Via Tăţo řingy the respectiya party policias 5 Crewe to the fircraft: дrocess. Tлѓs wou/cї дголтоїе Erotherhood and understanding агло ту гла тетijers and fo//a- wers of different politica | parties".
LECTURERS LEAVE AFTER TRAINING T7g Additor Ger Tigra / - nid 5 fourid that twenty-ggiver i leictLựrers off fıE MMorātu wa Wrijvers sy have not returned after thay were Sant a bra ād' for frā ir frig for What we? Magfyr Efyd? (Wr i wer Sir y inTim Tnediately after retu rring.
AGARWAFF This year's EC010my Ttsuli Gulf crisis is be Rs 6.5 falling remit ta income and hig Meanwhile de ture is expect 20 billion rllı]] till re on "disp is expected it billion rupees El g) Vernell
But, te f by the Minis Planning said the resilierce demonstrated Situations, obs T1:lltILIT : should II CUT) CCTT1.
G Sri Lanka 1) W Littl . t: till ld Si Wye || 30), OOC) if IE Continues, th 5ilid գլյոting } Millister Wi Singhe. Howe, Said that the Täte Would be well plammed ec prent program li five year ir gra T1 : Ind i llä II пепt progтап
SD Ta Inil Nad ter M. Karl Ila Li Cl5 e di Wi OI offices in his Stilte, followi pressure from gover IIllent and Congress (III). to a report fr Tigers are alls Out of a Fl:ht the Lobo Indon B
LANEA
GUARDAN
Wol. 13 No. 1 December 15, 1990
Pri: , Rg, 7.500
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co.Ltd.
No. 246, Union Place,
CClurbo – 2. .
Editor: Mervyn da Silva Telephone: 447.584
CON
News Background
F LISSian Revolutin ThË Judiciary ari. DFWFlopment: IF Socialism after HC Lusig The NSSF
Indiam Transitional Printed by A 82/5, Sri Ratnaja
Mawatha,
Telephtml

ALY. . . i de IE in ti Tg fra 11 i expected to illi C1 dL e LQ Il Cros, l{} WCT tcä gher oil prices. Fence expendiled to rise to pees. Expendilaced persons' {} ex Cicccf LW{} El ccording to геport. "port prepared try of Policy "considering Sri Lanka hä5 In der wörse Licles of this 1 I it Call LI Se LI I1 L1e:
the the
's linemployed 3 million and by another 1. Orth-e a.5 [ | wa T P.EEKEND olicy Planning al WickTema č, the Thi Lister 22 per cent reduced by a !CImic develwhich includes West II ent prodloom develop
LI Chief Min islidhi las issued der's Col LTTE South Indian Thig CITıbbined the central Rajiv Gandhi's And according טLH נtio Iווט.1 נIT נ:
to be throw helonging to orough Council
TET
3. ni Re-Examinad 1
Political 1dian Lessons 12 5 DCILIgo 18
21
E3
Turiqi | :E
папа Рrgss thi SaraWa namutu .13 טנmbםliנt?
: 435975
Cof Camde in which was Els their international qluarters.
Meanwhile, Latkாதார quoting the Delhi based ''Business and Political obserwer' said that the LTTE had threatencid to Timur der former Indian Prime Minister and Congress leader Rajiv Gandhi
L5 el head
for Copposing the Eelam Struggle.
G Speaker M. H. Mohamed wants the Gower. In I11 cInt to delik the Northern and Easterm Pro Wilccs without a referendu T1, Mr. Mohamed
told the Sunday Tiries that a referendum was not possible under cxisting Conditions. It could be done through p:ı Tilialımı ent ald () Inı Lhis issue
the Govern Illent could obtain
a two-thirds majority, he
A continued merger was
the beginning of the division of the country, Mr Mohamed is reported to have said.
0n December 5 President Rana singhe Prema dasa g-17 etted ELIl Order under the
Pro Wicial (Cruncils Act No. 42 of 1987 fu Tther postponing till August 22, 1991 the date of the referendum to decide Willether the North - East merger should remain. The referendum was earlier postponed for January 19, 1991. ''There are no Israelis in Sri Lanka', said Mr Ranjan Wijera tine, State Minister
(Corrief dr. Fige ')
LETTER
SWRD AMD SMHALA
Poor Mr. Pathiravitale! I do think || hawe to stop ans Weiring hit because the asperity of tone in his last letter shows he is upset that his sentimental loyalty to Bandaranaike has led him into making an ass of himself. So evident|Y het has to compensate by Calling ma names. I hope ha will be wiser next time and not enter into controversy over incidents that he knows nothing about.
Reggie Siriwardena Colombo 4.

Page 4
CAN FUNDING
GIVE THE FOL
e TAX CONC 8 OWNERSH O LOW INTE
Lease Purc Contact. Sh
Senior Asst, G. Lease/Lease Purchase
MERCANTILE C
55, Jana dhipa
Color Telephone: Direct 422611
Serfor 45yr. G.
REGIONAL
15A Hill SLI
Telephone:
A5, 5 T. Gerner
CITY O 586, Gallic Road, Kol Tel: 500463, 5005 Or our Managers I
OUTSTATION Anura dhapura, Bandara wela, Gamp: Matara, Negombo, Ratnapu||
 

YOUR
OPTION
YOU LOWING
ESSION IP REST RATES
chase Can
irley Perera 2neral Manager
& Corporate Finance
REDIT LIMITED
thi Mawatha
nb) O 1 540347 ,438476 438471 rג. er eral Manager
OFFICE:
rect, Kalindy. 08-2496
il Mfarager
FFICE:
lupitiya, Colombo 3.
78, 502144, 500579
arough the following
BRANCHES:
1 ha, Jaffna, Kalutara, Kurtu negala,
Ta, Tha Imbuttega ma, Gallc.

Page 5
SLFP-UNP For policy debate
Mervyn de Silva
stone of our foreign policy' said Mr. A nura Bandaranaike MP+ the foreign affairs spokesman of the SLFP, when he spoke on the Foreign Ministry vote on the budget debate (10/12). Having traced the ruinous path taken by the 1977. Jayewardene government, and how it soon became a DelhiColombo collision course, Mr. Bandaranalike attributed the Higgressive Indian response to the Sri Lankan situation to Mrs. In di Tal Gandhi's wounded pTide and India's obsessive' security COCTIS.
lin large Imeasure, these a Tllments also IIlarked a return to an old track — the SLFP- UNP foreign policy debate, with its sLI ong personal accent, the Bildaranaike Nehru-Gandhi'special relationship". While the polemical fire was directed at the J.R. cra, President Premadasa's India policy did not escape the Bandara naike fussillade. “What happened to your Friendship Treaty ? That country responded to it with a counter draft this January and since then the matter has remained in cold storage'.
On Israel however, the SLFP spokesman found himself, objectively at least, anti-JR but pro-Pre madasa in as much as the SLFP had opposed the ח טקטing of an Israeli interests section,
and President Premada sa had shut it down.
Both the Opposition Leader
Mrs. Bandaranaike and the Foreign Minister Harold Herat, as well as prominent personalities like Messrs Anura Bandara naike,
| should be the corner,
for The T Mähl Wel rhi Di55:4 In:iy:1, ke, Stålmley Tilleke FT PITS I Rcf m:1 metic), for III her a) dl DefeT1 Ce M,Mi| min Jayakody, key Tale.
But it was a Ställey Tillekcr diction by Mr. In a like put thic w, haite'' illi a mlew li Speaker, Mr. T posed that Sri L; a "peace missioi discuss the Sri L Sue, with DMIK I Il du Chicf Mjini wel Karuma Ilidhi minent leaders o
A Tid in the cours Mr. Bandaranai.
While thic III f M. Cl mIIch dependent o it is likely that hii inself will returi De:AT future. Il there Will be : mis ta kes by the which we have
The same geo. ties hawe once Luis the Collimh COT Inc.ction, or the Colombo-Jaft hi Collection.Th. though, and it anxieties more t The LTTE Iink in Jaffna and end It stretches to As tegic morth-east.
A new dimensi ded to the in:

eign
i Milliste Galifor Imer Speaker rat, Milister ir In Tyrone FerDeputy Foreign listet M.T Lakshstressed Il dia's
remark by Mr. atne, and a preAnura Bandara - "hole **IIl diä (leght. The former illek era tine pro1 nka should send 1 to Madris, to La H kan Tamil iseåder and TamilStéT, Mr. Muthul
and other prof Tamil opinion.
e of his speech, e SELid:
w Indian governEl Indral Shekhar is the Congress(I), Mr. Rajiv Gandhi in to power in the is Ily hope that no repetition of govern Ilent from ill suffered".
-politica 1 reali
Il Te thi Tulst IC-Madras-Delhi Ill Ore accurately, na-Madras-Deerc's a difference deepens Indian ha. Il Sri Lankan. does not start in Tamilnadu, SElm, in the stra
on has been adillurgency in thc
BACKGROUND
north-east with the coming together of three major secessionist groups, the ULFA, UNLF and the NSCN, and their pledge to sign a pact to form an "IndoBlIIIla Revolution Front’' to make common cause for the 'liberation' of the Indo-Buria region, says a Tirres of Iria Tċep Cort. The Indo-Buruna region is described by the four groups as **the l:1st Of Lhe Col0Ilial : Teas left to be liberated ill thic w Tld"".
The insurgent groups have received arms training from the KIA (the Kachin Independence Army) now fighting for the in de pendence of the Kachin Tegibi from Burma. The Chandra Shekha I government recently dismissed the States administration rL1 T1 by the Asom Gana. Pa Tishad (AGP). This promptly gave a new opportunity for the ULFA, the United Liberation Front of Assam to win more support for its slogan of 'armed struggle". The ULFA and AGP grew out of thic same Assamese Students Mycet,
Now the ULFA has launched it liberation struggle against the Indian government. On a visit to Assam recently, David House. go of the Firar cial Tirres wrote that the ULFA has established ties with “Imany Indiam and nonIndian revolutionary groups in cluding the Tamil insurgents of Sri Lk.
AWANIS DEMAND
The BJP leader L. K. AdvaП i has blamed the National Front of Mr. W. P. Singh for the rise of militancy in Tamilnadu **and
3.

Page 6
demanded a "White Paper' on LTTE activities in the state from the Chief Minister, Mr. Karunanidhi. His demand, said an Indian agency report from Mad ras, was "disturbing' because it reinforces Mr. Gandhi's criti. cism that LTTE activity has become a serious threat after Mr. Karunanidhi took office. M. Advani told reporters:
The Congress was responsible for the rise of militancy in Kashmir...but it is during the tenure of the National Front that the tras gained strength in Taminadlu and A55 am ”.
Mr. Karunanidhi has to defend himself on another flank ... the attack from the New in dian Navy chief, Vice Admiral Ramdas who had blamed the Chief Minister for permitting "Tiger cadres to slip into the state under the guise of 'refugces”. Mr. Karunanid hi's reply Sliggested how murky things really are on the Madras-Delhi Scene. One obvious reason is Mr. Karunanidhi's strong suspicio Til that he, like the LTTE is only a part of the բarliamentary ball-game as the major parties await the inevitable, a general election. Will Mr. Gandhi help his ally the ADMK led by Karunanidhi's main rival, Jaya la litha, by persuading the Prime Minister to fix 'ka. nanidhi before the next polls. Gandhi would like to have a State election at the same time
as the next General election. Only the Centre can remove Karunanidhi but the Centre
must have some reasonable ex
Cuse. LT TE Imayhem in Madras and other anti-national activities would be quite suf.
ficient grounds for Mr. Chanda Shekhar to knock off the Chief Minister for the duration. S. Murari, the Madras Correspondent of the Bangalore-based Deccarı Herald Summed up the situation in a recent despatch:
With the change of guard at the Centre, Chief Minister M.
4
Kartina Ilitiht f the dock for the infiltration ation Tigers T ti1ilita Its frIII Tä Illil NadlI.
The sequence the Chandra Til till El 55 LIIę i indicate that which is the p throne, is bui to get the D Kazhagam Gowe so that electi Assembly can With the Lok It is Caled. Tilt DMK, whic irm the Lok Sa O have della di I the State A:
When elve il P Ordered as the slipp OT t t ) the [ỉ Ở VCTT1 TT1ẹT1t.
Immediately a of government the State Congr tec chief, Mr. Rima Timurthi, m tion that over 1
tants had infiltr Na du to create DMK Governmen
The wery Ilex di Täll L. Ramdas, the Text in awal farewell press Madras that in months the Naw. dcd 100 Sri Lan handed the in o wl police but that Teleased within for unspecified
In reaction, M said that the Cal TTpaign against ČITTII] et hidi : 1 heels of the c Congress (II) lead dhi in thic Lok the debatic on the tion sought by the CTIlment, that T: dominated by ti

inds himself in failure to check of ar 11ed Liberijf Tal Tlil Eelam STi Laikā into
Úf events sice Shekhar GovernOffice seem to the Congress (II), We behind the lding up a case Ta vida M Lunnet Ta Til ment dismissed Jins to the State be held along Sabiha poll when
· All-India Anna has 11 members bha, is believed ed that clections ssembly be held lia Inent poll is price for its a nata Dal (S)
fter the change ilt the Centre, ess (I) CommitWazhapa di K. El de the allega, (MOC) LTTE mili"illed in Tamil : unrest if the Wils dislodged. lay, Wice-AdmiWho is to be chief, told a ConfeTence i II the last three Whild apprehenkan Tamils and *T to the State they were all a dily or two TLS ( )
T. Karuna nidhi Wiwal of the the DMK GowThe close oil the hil Tge made boy Ker Rajiv Gan
Sa bha, during Cönfidence moW.P. Singh GowL Tmil Nadu was he LTTE. Re
NEWS BACKGROUND
ferring to the specific charge made by Wice-Admiral Ramadas, he said that in the last three months, over 30,000 Tamils from Sri Lanka had sought refuge in the State. Of these, 100 were apprehended by the navy and handed over to the State police but they were neither smugglers not militants. Genuine refugees had been sent to various camps and the rest, who were Sri Lankan boatmen, Were 5 ent back to the island, the Chief Minister added.
Chinese PM's visit
three-day visit of Chinese :־ך Prime Minister Li Peng and a top-level delegation they includes his Foreign Minister, focusses attention on the increasingly close ties between Beijing and the Prenada sa govern Illent. ChiIna has recently agreed to sell helicopter gunships, patrol boats, all our cd vehicles and aircraft a 'very reasonable prices". The deal followed the visit to Beijing of Prime minister D.B. Wijetunge, and a military mission.
STi Lanka's dcfence budget has Ilow risen to 300 million US dollars, the highest after the public service. But it is the top item of hard currency spending, before the arrival of the IPKF, few governments were ready to sell Sri Lanka arms openly for fear of alienating India. China has no sulch qualms,
With the resumption of fighting in June, the government seemed sure it could crush or at least contain the 'tigers' in a few months. But such hopes have been da Shel. And MAN KULAM proved that it's going to be a long war, even if the death toll at Malikulam has been much less than feared.
A. Sri Lankan military mission led by Army Commander. Lt. General Hamilton Wanasinghc visitcoi Pakistan earlier this month.

Page 7
An Ethnic infe in Island Parac
Deanna Hodgin
(Excerpts from INSIGHT cover story filed from
Jaffna and Colombo.)
t is the oldest democracy in Asia, a modern-day treasure island in the Indian Ocean that Was once a prime candidate for the next Asian economic Illiracle. But beneath the travel poster promise of serenc white sands and palms and some of the best surfing in the world, racial hatred has eaten through the body of Sri Lanka.
Since June 11, a war has raged in the north and east of thic island bictween the government and armed militants of the Libcration Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a self-proclaimed national army of Sri Lanka's minority Tamil population. The LTTE is fighting for a scpara te, Tamil-administered state. Despite fervent government denials, the fighting ha 5 a definite comLILIn al bent. Bad blood between the majority Sinhalese and the Tamils goes back 2,500 years, to dynastic riwa liries of successive Tamil Hindu and Sinha lese Buddhist kingdoms. The rhetoric is as extravagant as the killing is brutal. ""What you see - the helicopters flying around and strafing marketplaces, shooting at civilians - it's a Illanifestation of a phenomenon of genocide,” says Tamil Tiger spokes
man Anton Balasinga I11 from the edge of his bunker. Back in Colombo, the capital, the for II et defense minister, III o w
minister of education, scoffs at that claim. The LTTE can't
tell mc they're a victim of genocide," La lith Athulathmudali says, "They've killed more Tamils than the Indian army,
the Sri Lankan army and the
other militant groups put together.“ -
This conflict las escalated
into what both combatants cal
a battle to the c push the LTTE Waters of the P. Deficinse Minjste rate. We Wil la st cadre," res leaders.
It is a Ilo the World's dirty few in the peac West bother the part of the neg hu I nā T1 Imisery Joseph Stalin's adwentures, Nige ligon, the Turkis! wars. Despite mocratic develop Europe and hop late, about the de tial of the pu: Gulf 5 heikhdorns use of terror a i In scenic, denino has taken plac without relark.
A Walk Thr
Thic main Stree northern penins for centuries has of Tal Inmill clllltlu stains and bro Helicopters have Geel Mcmoria only medical c on the peninsula. **Helio ind sci Bell 420s go I the neighborhood of bullets. Frac roof Liles it rid bent dCuble fill that used to co II çCII Tmercial cen steal cough drops whose brick Wa over adjoining air is chopped fro I'll na wy she bombing and

O ise
ath. We will into the salty lk Strait,' says Ranjan Wijefight until the !) ond liberation
of the Thi T di little wars that oful, prospeTous 15 clves about – lccted cycle of that includes 1930s Ukrainc 'is Ib Rebel1 and Armenian the recent deTents in Eastern eful noises, of mocratic potenit crisis Persia. In , the continuing gains civilials tratic Sri Lanka by and large
'ugh Jaffna
ts of Jaffna, the Lular town that beel L. Ele cente "e, are bloodken pavements. 5 LIITafcd the Rew. Hospital, the *Inter operating Children screa In tler when the sc-dw 1 over i spitting storms u Ted te TT-COttà elephone poles Hic wijd: Awenlles cct the bulstling er. Chipmunks from a pharmacy ls have spilled
roperties. The ly shock waves ling, air force
the gunfire of
fighter planes. AI Imy mortars fired by troops advancing from outside the town arc to Earth, creating dirt fountains. Schools, vacated for an indefinite summer break, shelter close to 1 million displaccd Tanils.
At night, the broken streets fill with refugees toting all thcy can carry. Fights break out in the mile-long line of families waiting to leave Jaffna. The atmosphere is charged with fear, as desperate families battle to pay the cquivalent of a week's wages for each space aboard one of the fishing boats that violate the government-imposed curfew.
For most Tamil refugees, crossing the lagoon is a trial run for an even riskier ocean crossing, to refugee camps in India. from the Jaffna lagoon, the refugees walk nearly 100 miles to illicit ports of de par turc.
Sad History
Sri La Inka" s Norther Il Province begins at the tapered tip of the island, where several small islands lead into a peninsula that widcns into the mainland. The white beaches of the north turn into the du sity, scrub-covered Interior that in turn leads to a center of jungles and swamps. The province's majority population is Tamil, Roughly onc-third of the way down, the center of the island is divided into the North Western. North Central and Eastern provinces. (Northern and Eastern provinces were merged into the Northeastern Province as part of negotiations between the government and the Tallil Tebels in 1987. Thic merger is contested by the more militant members of the Sinhalese coll munity.) The agriculturally rich Eost is populated in roughly equal parts by Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims. It is also the site of a major prize, TrincoImalee Harbor, one of the finest deepwater harbors in the world. The Centra Province Fils the core of the island, while the Uva, Saba ragamuwa, Western and Southern provinces make up the
south. The central and the southern regions are mostly Sinha les c.
5

Page 8
The Eastern Province is, in
many Ways, a key to the current
struggle. The Tamil Tigers claim
the East as part of their homeland.
Government strategy has focused
on uncoupling the East from
the North, to destabilize the
Tigers' campaign for a combined
province as a separal te state.
"The East is claimed by the Tamils, the Sinhale se and the Muslims," says a government minister. It is the result of an artificial demarcation by the British.' The LTTE, for its part, says the East was deliberately imbalanced by the interjection of Sinhalese settlers sent by the government. The Sinhale se respond that there were rever Tamil establishments III (Te thā m føLIT пiles fra II the coast, that the East was traditionally part of the Sinhalese Kandyan kingdon. Eastern Province Muslims point out that who arrived first is less important than who has lived there for the past few centuries,
is they hawe.
The liberation group counts as constituents the island's Muslim community, a group that has developed its own agenda over the past decade, not always in line with the separatists. The business boosterism of President RHпа5 inghe Prema da sa has won O Y C III () Te tha Il a few Muslims
the traditional urban merchant
class.
Moreover, there are Tails
and the there are Tamils.
The so-called cstate Tamils are
Southern Indians imported during the
years of British Tulle to Create and staff the rubber, coconut, coffee and, later, tea
esta. Les of Central and Easter in STi Lanka. The EastcTI Tamils do mot allways thTo w in their lo L. With thei NorthcTil kiin. **The liwCS of esta L.G. Tamils El Te not so prosperous," says Wijay, - á work er at the Mclfort te;1 estate who asks that his last name not be divulged for fear of Tebel reprisal. The estate is at the beginning of Sri Lanka's central hill country, in Pussellawa, a wettical, green town of teacovered hills that Illust be taken in low gear. "My family? I don't know where we're from.
Igless India, heгe a long
The estate interest highlig historical diw. Tiilil co II. IT government ha OW II advantag recent fight. say the se par: unity with t OI1 trage ÖVer plight are fei
Tiger Massa
Massacres . Muslim will ag häve bec(IIlle recent fighti I ad Si ha 1 e 5 e in the Easte El Te incTelsit their neighb the is Telatit). I
1:18ת eוווים IESוHT tl mCISL|1|e at which 140 die wounded, his for finger-poi was responsibl
The gowcrl Ta Imi1 TigeTS. by 115."' Cou: Manna T Isla Dharmendirai. the governme. get arms fr countries, WE the defense Libya, a stra: The governme In ent in the Wester in diplo COIl Will Ced Of claims.
After the government bę program of a rudimentary t Muslinil II hein the Musli II Knots of y their bicycles the Sri La Tika outpost. They |[[ת זיו 18ן With bullets wrapp plaid Sarongs, regularity o: increased in arming of th

1 Lyreid says.
Tallis' lack of hts a fu Edalle 1 al ide Withi[1 (le unity, one the s exploited to its in this lost Many Sinha les e a tists' claims of he Muslims and he estal te Tal II Tills” gned indignation.
ם"ו "It Weוט time,' he
CTAG
JF Sinhalesc and ers i Til the: hill Idreds a feature of the 1g. The Muslims
blame the LTTE, Tı Province Til II1115
gly siding with JTS, TatheI Lha II 15 lip In orth. A
isit CTe Aug. 3 at : Kattankudy, in td and 125 were
15ן שH Ity שilנו):tשb inting. Who really
"ت
millet blir les the "It was not doc inters the Tigers' nd area leader
"It was done by it, so they would On the Islamic len it happened, Illinister Was in Inge coincidence." it delies involwckillings, and most Imatic s Cources sicci||1 the govern Ilent's
1355ilcTe, the *ga I an aggressive TIlling and giving raining to young Els me Ilbers of Hile Guards. "Qung boy's stack against trees it ni Elrmy's Wawu niya return shortly eS :ılıd fist flı 15 F
ed in their bright The nuIII aid f killings hawe
the East since the IC III: (Gula Tids,
Residents of Batticaloa, lago Con-straddling Eastcrını long a site of militant clashes, speak of factions
f Cрттілінгға атл халғғ 38)
BRIEFLY. . .
(Сол тіннға! fro/л. Раge: 1)
for Defence refuting a newspaper story. A representative of the newspaper who was present at the Iminister's news briefing said that the source Of the in for Illatio Was the Speaker, Mr M. H. Mohalled. The Speaker has talked out of tu II'', the minister said.
Army top brass led by the COIn milder, Lt. General Hamilton Wanna singhe visited Pakistan on a “special mis5 iun"". Official sources dil mot disclosc the content of the mission, but said it was 5 uccessful.
A total of 472 security personnel had been killed and 1620 others injured in the North-East since fighting broke out in June this year, Defence Secretary General Cyril Rana Lunga told a pTess briefing. In addition to that 106 services men were missing in action, he said.
Thic number of ciwi !i:LL15 kill cd was 672 a Lld the Illu lber i Djircd Was 290; confirin cd figures of LTTE casLalties were 2040 killed and 530 injured.
A senior military officer said last Week that Illic: the 2,000 Sin hala yolu tHıs detain ed for suspected JWP activities had how been released, and a little over 4,000 were still I Dider de tentijn. HELTdcore activists will not be released.
Meanwhile there were repOrts that Several Teleased detainees were abducted and murdered by unidentified death squads.
g) The case for the petitiОпет (Mrs SiriТпаwо Ванđara
naike) in the presidential election petition was closed last Week after her counsel
led the ewid en cc of 549 Wit
ESSES
the ווילונtt
Withill the

Page 9
INSIGHT EXCERPT
The Rise of the LTTE
Pipis enemy No. 1 grew out of a series of events beginning in 1956, when politician Solomon Bandara naike, tiding a regional wawe of postcolonial Illationalist fervor, was elected prime Iminister on a Sinhala-nationalist platform. The first picce of legislation he passed, the Sinhala only Bill, made Sithala the island's official language, separated students into schools for Tamil or Sinhala instruction and put English-speaking Tamil civil ke TV:llt S allt of Work.
''Well, if the Tamils are so bloody smart that they can master English under the British, why can't they learn Sinhala' asks a highly-placed Sri Lankan diplomat. III a. Il carlie T ti IIle, the Tam fils might have swallowed their pride and accepted Sinhala. But the 1940s and 1950s were a regional renaissance for Ilational and ethnic pride - the tine of Gandhi, Nehru and Jinnah. Lillguage riots raged in Colombo and in other cities' and the tradition of racial combat flared agaiп.
At one of those riots in 1958, a 4-year-old boy watched in hor ToT; as Sinhale se de ThomStrators to T tur ed his favorite: uncle. While the man was still a live, they set him on fire. That child, Welupillai Prabhakaran would grow up to create and lead the militant separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Says one cadre: "If they put education quotas to block our progress, leave our northern homelands eco Tomically undeveloped, rob us of ou T language rights and shoot us down when we don't obey, what other choice do we have but to sepär ate"? They a Tcn't treating us as citizens, so why should we try to be citizens? This is what Mr. Prabhaka Tan al sks us.”"
Prabhakaran and 30 teenage companions from his Jaffna Peninsula fishing village formed the LTTE in 1972, roughly in the form of Fidel Castro's early guerrilla organization. The rebel group grew in number and strength, tra ining Tor
Warfare at rel An aggressive call of bank robberi downs of nort financed a growi Despite its b perhaps because LTTE was not Tamils. In 19 United Liberati violent politica Tamil parties st pendent state a North and Nort Tesoluti). In caillin, Tamil state. Ele tional Static Ass Parlia ITıcı t, UJE Front leader App lingam bccāne der. In a count torical meaning politics his usua a smattering of 1 cxotic breeds, sul and Bolsheviks) minority-based coalegce, Airnist coalition seem I by force of pers assassinated las LTTE).
The election : dene, a pro-We as prime niniste Tamil hopes fo the gro Wing conf sulted in anti-Ta 1958 di 1977. ] discussils with and others on th die volution of the ment’s powers to East through a p sche Inc.
Yet by 1983, Taminilli ricat 5 h:Adil ! anger. The nego ducci little subs talking, kept Wai give what they us, bl It In othing LTTE leider Y. The moderat e T under pressure f for lick of resul war dene was feel a militant Sinh: Janatha Willik People's Liberati
guerrilla group's Marxist

te ju Ingle bases. pitalization plan ics and shakehern businesses 1g Store of ar Tills. old strokes, or : of them, the party for all 76, the Tamil in Fro Ilt, il 11011| coalition of 2eking an idef Eelam im Hic 1-east, passed a g for a separate :cted to the Naembly, now the Lited Liberation 334 pilasti AILIlli TthaOpposition leaTy where the lisof opposition lly been that of eftists (including ch 15 Trotsky ists and a few ethnic parties unable to hillinga II made possible, if only onality (he was t year by the
f Junius Jaye warStern pragmatist, * in 1977 spurred s, H stil litilt i Il tú ict that had reIlil riots in 1956, Flye, WHIT'dene held A mirthali Ingam potential for i
central govern
the North and to wincial council
tWI) 11: TC Elltitoked communal tiations had proance. “We kept ting for then to iaid they'd give happened," says garat na III1 Yogi. allil party was om the militants s, just as Jayeng squeezed by lese group, the i Pera IluIL or 1rl Fra Ilt. That
Sillä lese IIlii
NEWS BACKGROUND
tants felt that Jayewardene was too lenient With the Tallil5 : Ild any concession in the direction of the Il Coth Would Tob) LEE: stað Luth of its entitle IIe it. The Silhalese Illilita Its had led L 1 LI I SLICcessful ar III ed rewolt in 197 I, in which thousands died.
Lightling struck in 1983, when Prabhaka Iran and 13 Tiger guerrillas attacked a Sri Lankan a Tiny convoy just outside Jaffna. The news of 13 soldiers killed by the increasingly violent Tail rebels sparked a five-day Tit) t thTCrughout central and s{} Luthern La Inka, i Il which more than 1,000 Tamil Civili 13 list thei T lives. () ITE: hundred thousand Til mills lost their homes in an eru pticon of bLI r m i 1ng a I1 d pl11, Indi tering.,
''The continuing communal WIolcnce de Walled de 110 Cratic idealisi arı d strengthlı efined the a p – peal and see ming legiliacy) armed Tewalt," says Ncela II Tiruchewan, a Harvard-trained Tamil lawyer in Colombo and for iller parliamentarian. He says Segregated schools contributed to racial hatred based on ignorance of the other culture. " * "This transf}TI 11 ed many formerly moderate Tamils into militant separatists.
Riwali TAIT lil Illi li tant grċ li lip S sprang up, but by 1986 the LTTE had crushed them and announced that it had taken over the civil administration of the Northern Province. The Tigers do not bother denying that it was bloody. FOf course, in Colombo, they will say that these fellows arc wiping out all the opposition," says Ta Til Tiger spokes Iman Balasingam. But this is a life-anddeath Struggle for us, for our people. We are facing genocide. We can't tolerate traitors, informaints; otherwise we will perish.' But traitors und informlers were not the only ones on the Tigers black list; Sinhalese colonists in the Eastern Province were frequent victims of Inassacres in late 1986 and early 1987, “It was terrible," says an elderly Wolina in who sells bread - when it is available - at the Battical coa balzaar in that Eastern city. “Bodies in the 1 agoon, smoking bodies on the road. No one can touch, OT whoever does this will come for you.'" (To be continued)

Page 10
New Govt has
S.Murari in Madras
W. the changc of guard at the Centre, Chief Minister M. Ka, Tunalı idhi filmds hi IIlself in the dock for failure to check the infiltration of a Tilled Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eela In Il'Ilitants fTOIl Sri LäIlkä ilto Tallil Nadl,
The sequence of events since the Chill dra Shekhar Government assu II ed office seem to indicate that the Congress (I), which is the power behind the throne, is building up a case to get the Dravida Munnetta Kazhagam Government dismissed so that elections to the State Assembly can be held along with the Lok Sabha poll when it is called. The All-IIdia Anna DMK, which has 1 1 ITember 5 in the Lok Sabha, is belli eved to have dellanded that elections to the State Assembly De held When Lever i Parlia Inent poll is ordered as the price for its support to the Janata Dal (S) Government.
Immediately after the change of government at the Centre, the State Congress (I) CoIn IInittee chief, Mr. Wazhapa di K. Ramai Inuirthi, ma de the allcgation that over 1,000 LTTE militants had infiltrated into Tanil Naidul to create un rest if the DMK Government was dislodged. The very next day, WiceAdminiral L. Ra Imda 5, who is to
be the next nawal chief, told a farewell press conference in Madras that in the last three
months the Navy had apprehended 100 Sri Lankan Tamils and handed them over to the Static police but that they were all released within a day or two for un specified Teasons.
In reaction, Mr. Karunanidhi said that the revival of the cal Inpaign against the DMK Gowernment had come close on the he cls of the charge made by Congress (I) leader Rajiv Gandhi in the Lok Sabha, during the debate on the confidence notion
8
DMK C
sought by the Y crimcit, that cominated by ferring to the madc by Wice– he saidi that i months, over 34 Sri Lanki had the State. Of apprehended b handed over to but they were noT militantis. had be el sent and the rest, W kan boat Theth, to the island, t added.
But by Mr. K adimission, the highly selective suspects. It is I believe that 100 persons ce to be a milit:1Il Ramdas has sa ficult for the militants beca wear any unif is for the Stat them out. Mr. gives the sa me the samle breat Til italint Ilmowe overnight phen that has been Yet, he seems point that a p. has been keepi On the milita Seven years sh identify them
MII. Ka Till n a Ili His Inally as sev Ileetings were one year and i did the Navy police of ina | could defence pected to spea W. P. Singh given a Care Ka Tull Ilidh i a T1 his boycott O accorded to th of the India I Force returning

News BAckground
on the defensive
"... P. Singh GowTalil NadlI väS the LTTE. Respecific chilge Admiral Ramdas, I the last thТеe 1,000 Tamils foll sought Tefuge in til e5 e 1 ()() were y the Navy and the State police In either Smuggler's Genuine refugees to) Wai riolus ca IInps were Sri LalWT sent back he Chief Minister
a Thurma, nid Eli' 5 " () yw'n Nawy has becn in apprehending the refore hard Il tot Ille of the i Lught turnedd Collt L. Wicket-Adli mmirall id that it is difNawy to identify Ise they do Imot Crill aid that it : police to flush Kal Tunnidhi also
txcuse, Adil h adds that the 1c Il t is Lilli L l Il
שוחט tנוm bם נT שווIו there since 1983. to ɔ weTlook Lihle
lice force which
ng a close watch 1 t5, for the las ould be able to much more easily.
dhi also say 5 that EIl Co- Tiinitio II led in the last 1. Ilic of the Ill LCCLIS. Lhe State tio 11. Yet, llow SOI. It be exk out when the iOWe TI1111 clt had trice to Mr. even condoned the reception last contingent Peace-Keeping from Sri Lanka?
The Chief Minister had the said he could not receive a force which had "'I assacred" over 5.000 fellow Tamils.
Such was Mr. Karunanidhi's total support to the LTTE that the Tigers were able to get lway with the murder of two poliçemel in Raila natha pu Talm in February HDid the 111assacre of the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation. Front chief K. Pathianabha and 15 others in June. The State police was said to have facilitated the escape of the killers and, to this day, 10 progress has been Ina de in the i Investigations in Lo the tWÜ) i Icidents. Wice-Admi Til Ram das did not thu5 Seem to be far off the milk when he pointed out that the State police lacks the will to ict.
Mr. Karunalli dhi and ReveTue Minister K. Machara I, who let Pri Ile Milis teT Cla Indral Shekha T to discili 55 the lliw and order situation in the State following the later's Warning that 'events will take their course' if the DMK Government does not act, contend that things are far better in Tamil Nadu than Punjab Or alm in 11 and Kash. Ilir. And the Chief Minister often points Out that the M. G. Ranachildral II (Gover 11e it il 1987 give Rs. 4 crore to the LTTE to billy : TIL 15, 11 lid the dira (Gal I1dhi and Rajiv Gandhi GoyernTmiem tis , allo we di the Illi li ta 1 ts to TLI1m trEiirning c:1, II1p s iI1 thıc State.
However, the Te is one wital difference. The militant leadership was then directing the war from the Static whereas now the leaders have all but been cliIllinated and LTTE chief W. Pirabhakaran is no longer beholden to II dia.
This is not the first time that the DMK Gover IIIle it has been attacked for soft-pedalling the threat posed by the incursin of LTTE IIlilitats into Tamil Nadlı.

Page 11
At the last meeting of the National Integration Council held in Madras in September, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi said: "The Union Go Wern The Int apppears to have abdicated its responsibilities toWards the Tamils in Sri Lanka and the protection of the sovereignty of our nation. Sri Lankan Illilitants have been given such a free run of such large parts of Tamil Nadu and the territorial witers off the Tamil Nadu coast that the peaceful II cres of our democratic way of life are being gravely threaterned. The ımıilita rıts hawe brought into Tamil Nadu politics a cult of violence, a culture of guns and an ethicos of te I TOT по КПЈ уп before."
The Bharatiya Janata Party, which held its National Execultivc meetings in Madras in April, ex pressed similar concer II (ver drug trafficking, gun Tun Ting, smuggli Ing and other illegal activities.
But Mr. Kal Tullmänidhi was able to brush aside such criticism because he had Mr. W. P. Singh on his side. The change at the Centre has emboldened his critics
to attack him. With renewed vigour.
Mr. Karunanidhi is yet to
adjust to the new reality. A few days ago, the United News of India correspondent in Rames Waram put out a story about the alleged interception of a boat carrying armed Illilitants to Ta,Til Nadu. The Home Secretary promptly called the UNI Chief Reporter in Madras to issue a denia 1. Not satisfied with that, the Chief Minister's Office: ' 'tıdwisted" UNI tçı withdraw thic story.
State Congress (I) leaders make In bones about the fact that they a Te building up a case for
di 5.missal of the DMK GOwernment. Another indicatico II of this is the cooling off in re
lations between - Mr. KHT LI ma In iidhi and Congress (I) leader G. K. Moopa Ilar. The usually softspoken Mr. Moopanar has even said that Mr. Karunanidhi's days
Te Ilunb crcd.
(ட்ராபு: பி ராஜூ 28)
AMLWIMMA MW FA
Sri Lar
A four-memb mission compris of the Europe Christine Oddy a Belgian lawyer and a Dutch Schoor went i of widespread hurman rights wi from 27 October
The follo 14 ing is:
1) Although the
rities deny re the killings and the scale is
State Cälill Illot be responsibility. ei thler failed i Irlain Lai la W a cold Oled the El security forces,
2) The Gover II thic JWP I proble: in December that any proble äTC I10 W restrict all Eilst F ST ding to the C situation is nor South, but it is папу Кillings an continue.
3) It seeins cle tid. In that Ila affected by a c El Id IeTToiT i Il this continues, there will be bolo 0d bath. S i T1
4) Fear of ecc 15 fuclei th and the Conti underlying clim and repression.
5) The growth groups illustrate Wiyi 11 to fild {
problems of the peaceful and de

'GHTS
NEWS BACKGROUND
nka under scrutiny
per investigative ing two Members an Parliament, and Alex Smith, * Bernad Da Witt lawyer Corjan to the question Wiolation of isited Sri Lalka to ANOWember.
fe reír conclu
army and authsponsibility for disappearances,
such that the absolved from The State has In its duty to
1d CNT der Cor has ctivities of the
Til CT t claims that Il was resolved 989. It clais T1S Of Violence ed the NOT 1 i Lanka. Accorovernment, the "Illa ligi ed i Ill the apparent that di dišappearances
a T to the delegaTiny people a Tc li ma tic of fcar he country. It it is fel Ted that Tetaliation and the future.
nomic collapse e i riti Illid F1 til ultin if the i.t: f" "yile[cc
of human rights :s an increasi Ing solution to the country through In Ocratie means.
6. For a lasting solution, mutual trust and harmony among various communities should be promoted. No distinction should be made On the basis of caste, race. ethnicity, religion or language, IIu Iman, civil and democratic rights of all colTimlinities should be guaranteed in actual practice by the state, legal process and law and order forces in the country,
RECOMMENDATIONS
1) According to President Premadasa the latest foreign aid package to Sri Lanka shows that the Government's programmes and policies are endorsed by the whole world. (Reported in the Sri Lanka Daily News. Monday October 29th, 1990). Despite the European Council f Ministers' Declarati F October 1990 linking aid to hullan rights in Sri Lanka which we welcome we feel that there must be a real mechanism to identify progress in human rights and law and order, before any further aid packages are agreed.
2) We gupport the visit of the United National sub-committee om Disappeara Inces an di Huma II Rights which was accepted by the Minister of Defence for February 1991.
3) We support an investigation into disappearances by an independent body and would support the resolution of the Sri Lankal Bar Council for a In cinquiry by in independent Commission.
H) We Wish to encourage incirca sed copicration bactw cen the Government and the International Red Cross.

Page 12
Russian Revolution Re
Hector Abhayawardhana
was very interested in ComGajameragedera's cha Tacterisation of the problems confronting us as problems of the world rather than as problems pertaining merely to one Cor other of its parts. I think it is very true and unless We are able to face these problems from that angle we shall not be able to grapple with their essence,
It should be relenbered that the steps which the Soviet Unio II and thic countries of East Europe, and perhaps even those of the western capitalist World, are being forced to take today do not spring cIntirely from a constructive trend. They are not entirely constructive steps that they scck to take to III end tille breakdowns that hawe (occlurred in wat Ticous directions. Perhaps
it is truc to say that these steps have been notivated by the fear that, if they leave
things as they arc, that would open the way to the disintegration of a whole epoch of progress or attempted progress in various parts of thc world.
I make this state II ent most particularly with reference to the Russia II Rewolu till. The Russia Il Revolution, as We know, was not predicted for that time
3. Il di in that scilise it had an u Illiccio Lunted birth. It was al II cWelt that occurred because of a collidcIce of a host of
problems which could not otherWise find even temporary solution. The problens of the Russiam State that was set up
were also interliced with World proble IIIs and together they provided the Russian leaders with the opportunity to step
out boldly and take their fate in their hand, looking at the
GeLeLSL tHC C LLLTHGOe HmCCCOO H TO SLLLOLutOLLOS LOCMLSKLLmLTLCLLSS SLLLLLL S L LLCHLGEL S LS S LS LLLLLLLHCCLL TCTLTTtaaS Cher speakers Here DEFF Girarekerf, சேச ரோசரசவிசா, rே targ La Firs' Day"ATP Way'ari'leka.)
10
opportunity tha gifted with as to overhaul I this bold te wall täsks, however Icic want to the new erth cless an of their capacity of the Russian new Tew Colutio 1 other words, th as fiיוו חנ1u Lik was fätcil to f: from its că Inm dering their enoi These Lasks coil out because the that was scit fo was nothing lic overhauling th: Wh tilt.
Lenin understi 1utioni in Russia by itself. He city to see th Bolshevik Party the Ilselves an in relation to belie ved that t along which th toward’s the Te This was the race with the Tcvolution throl tries of the W. lijevcil Lhalt (Gerr was the lost for deciding th
at that tille, to bring abou Within itself Ll
all the support sary for the the Russi El Re W'llen the first the developing si Lulatic3 i Tı (G. reach him, Le hopes that had submerged by his earlier cide: in rega Tid to Pi announced th:1 Revoluti hal it Was Iccessar army of three go to its aid. Lenin belicycd

examined
t they had been an opportunity
he: World Bult la till of L hei T
logical and ir oli look, Was
Over-estimation and the capacity people and the Ilary State. In Le Russian Revorevolutio Ll thalt lil i I its tasks e rice IIle Illt C. Im Si"mous magnitude. di not be Carried : principal task T t Hic Revolution ss tha. In that of world as a
ll that the Rey2ould not triumph lad the perspicilit he ind the lid set before i II possible task Russil But he lere was a road ey could match volution's goals. road of persevespread of the 1ghout the colnorld Lerim bemany, which still crucial country e fate of Europc would be able t a revol Lltic) | at could provide that was IccesEl Chile We III er 1L of -volution's task 5. inti II å til of 11utintinary) וטr :rmany began to nin Tewived thc Lempo Ta rily b ccm the collapse of kwours, especially all. Scil he t thic i GCI'm hall begun ind that у to prepare an Tillion II el to In other worlds, that apart from
the social factors that were involved in Germany, thic Russian
Revolution could em crge in a military role which would Slipplement the social factors
and perhaps propel the German Te w Colliti on to success. But this too was all over-estimation.
Today when we look back at the steps that were taken to form the: Third III LicTnationill and the manner in which they were take, it becomes clear that no very great caL rc was cxcT cised in preparing the fouldation for the development of national revolutionary parties Els sectico 1s of the International. It was somewhat facilely assumed that once the groups that were ad Illitted into the Third International from the different key centres of Europe, were integrated in the body of the
Third International, the latter would be able to provide the principal impetus that was
necded by the process in the World as a whole. Most of the small groups that appeared in Europe and America as the parties of revolution, did not have any real influence in the political process of their countries. In Some cases, potential leaders of Revolution who had already some approval from working class and intelligentsia elements in their countries, were left out on the basis of preferences or prejudices of Zinowiew or other Russia leaders of the Comintern. Lenin's prospects for the spread of the Revolution under the banner of the Third International were therefore also based on an Covet-esti II lation of the actual capacities of that organisation.
revolutionary
Apart froll the German Commu Dist Party, there was no coinImlinist party in any of the other countries that were represented in the Third International that could undertake cven partially to sponsor the emergence of a

Page 13
world leadership of the Marxist Teyolu tito. As for the Get Til Il Communist Party, there was Imo Te o r le 55 conin plete rejection of the invitation to join the Third International. Rosa Luxemberg was firmly opposed to enta Inglement in its affairs and succeded in getting the entire Central Committec, except onc, vizz Bra Indler, to veto the idea of going to Moscow. To join thic Third International, said RC så Lux c Imberg, Would be to cInter "that Russian Shop'. She made criticism of the autocratic ways of the leadership of the Bolshevik Party and the fic ricchiatricidis that were reflected in their internal disputes. She doubled that the Bolshevik Party could provide the best atmosphere in which an enterprise like that of World Revolution cC}ʻLIld filolu Tish. Br:ä T. dTeII defied his Central Committee and joined the Third II te TInitia Inäll with a small grup of followers. But even he later regretted the step he had tak en al Ind, in the course of a conversation with Isaac Deutscher, confessed th:lt he had ignored the grcit con t Tibution which the German Marxists had Inade to the cause of communis II in the World; that he had forgotten that the German Party had its 3 w II vision Of Marxistil and that even Lenin owed much for his interpretation of imperia
tlis II to the prior work of Kautsky. He slid that Ille ad othe Ts like hıimı had been oyer
whelmed by the great weight of the contemporaneity of the Russian ewents. Whether that is true II Int, the divorce betweel the Ger|11:11 communists and those of the Third International proved to be an important factor in the failure of the reWolution in Western and Central Europe.
I Would als O like to II1e Intion that from the start, beginning with L. cnil, the Te wäs : certail
Euro-centris Ill which characterised the Outlook of the leaders of the Third liter Ta
tional. Till In Malaka, the leader of the Indonesian Comml II list Party, described with dismay the Scarce regard that Wats shown him at the inaugural sessions
of the Cumi Ilite when he got Zinowiew who ifred him fiw III il u tles ir to lake his Malaka obser" minutes für m you what is h coll intry. Do many clays it
lake the ol country to M taken 17 days you ask me t lilles". Sii question of Inät in Asian cult disti Ilct tenden the importance that WCTc tilki cially in Ir häd number ges With I cnir of the place a Asian struggles Inc of the Thi He said that T:"W"llLII tibI :i5; :i IC WH5 - 1 ] t [...] mistake, but tr significance of A5i: Il CCLIIl trie:
The RL155 iam F fore, was the Wh tile TiլIITiber Which yw Cere 11 Sorte of the II tory and in th: the Third 1 Le Bolshevik Party shoulders were Ewe Il dist Tt: ;the st וח מfr TegaT di subsequit light of these perhaps no grg E TILL Tiber of ITnade. Many not le Te 11 ista that were yw Tamm extraneously in their very nati til sa i 1. (C) Tc and most falta the attempt to Army to War: Poland fril Le Tin WHS :Lt t pcowcr. This II: was Tepeated, i. lier in entioned, til to tle (Ge the early 192

II. He said that llp) to speak,
was in the chair that he had just which he had Speech, So Tan yed 'yes; five
e to explain to appening in my LI know how has taken c. to Incy from my oscow . It has to get here and ...) speak for 5 ilarly on the ional revolutions Fries the Te was El cy to minimise
of thic struggles ng pli CC, espedia. M. N. IRĊy of sharp exchannon the question if the IL1 di L l Lld
in the progra IIITd International.
to regard the
purely European lly to Imake El 1 downgrade the
the struggles in
Kevolution, therert) duct of aון of factors, all of tյt homogeneous, WETE contridicit sense the tasks national and the took Il their complicated and by these factors Tt, When you 2nt Welts in the rcinks, it is :at surprise that mistakes WeTe (if the Il WeI: koi: 5 but III-lea su Tes gly 11 tiyated Cor. fluenced and by 1re were bouli of the earliest l II listakes was march the Red нw to liberate Pilsudski, when he height of his lilitary approach AS WC halwe el Tin Lenin's reacTITELT 1 2 WEES II) 05. Similar if
character ald eWell lore catastrophic in consequences was the continuing intervention of Stalin and the Comintern in China. Nor did the trail of tragic decisions by the Soviet State and the Comintern end herc. They continued al Inost to the commenceIncnt of the present series of cvents in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.
It is possible te concludic from this that the Russial Im Revolution in the first place could not succeed on its (WI and, secondly, cuild 1 10 t pe Tform successfully the leadership of the World Revolution through the Collintern that it set up to overcorne its national disilbility. What we are witnes sing today is only the recognition, for the first time frankly and candidly, of this bare truth. The Russian Workers' State, it must be admitted, made heroic endeavours to ward Off th is fate in the period between the Russian Revolution and the ed of the Secom World War. The cost was enormous both to the revolutionary movement and to the common people of the Soviet Union. In the postWar years the pace of civil and military development w:15 stepped up even further un til it reached its zenith in the late 1970s or early 1980s. Beyond rhich it as ill possible toיו proceed without increasing the perils of existence for the Russian State, its glacis trilintries of Eastern Europe and even the world as a whole.
What we a Te now witnessi Tng in the Workers' States of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe is a belated recognition of the reality. The point has been passed where the Soviet Union could rely on her arried for ccs and the additional strengths of the contries of Eastern Ellrope to ti ke I the Test of the world in a military struggle as the means to the spread of internatin:ll Tevoluti II. Tt would be a mistake, however, to consideT that this ad II bission of weakness has been One sided, i.e. confined to Russia
f Cαπτίστριετ απ ΡίτEε 30)
11

Page 14
The Judiciary and Politi Development : Indian L.
Scott Newton
SCOTT NEWTON a researcher at the Harvard Law School and a one-time intern at CES Colombo, examines the role of the judiciary in developing countries in the tasks of political develop. ment, taking his examples mainly from the Indian experience but also drawing on that Of St Laka for comраг15оп,
ost treatments of political dicyclopment overlook the role of the judiciary. This is certainly understandable on clipirical grounds, since an in dependent judiciary is not colmonly to be met with in developing Societies. But the death of exal Imples should Ino L blind li 5 to their significance. I hope to show that an understanding of the potential role of the judicia Ty – whether or not it is realized in particular circumstances - helps determine our understanding of the very process of development itself.
In this paper I would like to explore the nature and scope of the judiciary's role in political development. At the conclusion I hope to have identified a number of discrete developmental functions which the judiciary exercises - some which it shares With other political institutions, Some which are unique to it. This paper Will not seek to verify or falsify hypotheses of the importance of the judiciary in realizing development either in particular cases or as a general rule, or Willit attempt quantitatively to isolate the judiciary's
putative contribution to thc attainment of developmental goals. Rather, it will seck to
articulate a general conceptual framework for understanding thc number and variety of ways in which the judiciary can help shape the processes of political development. The statistical
sample that fol my analysis hic a very limited below. Never the we arc really at highly speci the hope of cr derstanding of history” of polit the multiplicit for IT1s it Carl tå pose a problem Let Ille stalt 1:1:lt I. dÚ I1 Ďt an active, indel as El Decessar condition sile functional req developmental CILIt S. there are nuIII, E Societics wher plays (and has h a subsidiary I growth a Tid Ilmai: tical institutio regulation of the My approach the process mc L}{1 T1 kWHTt RC5[[] to Democracy; Illic Modici". Illore tha T : In political institu is necessarily one. A legisla diately bring executive сап about its busir tration. The cd to wait un til before them. arc by definiti Tather than pTo: There j5 1 til the judicial pr jurisdictions wil Inåde: proced over time, and pretation is on up. This charac lis Il doesn't the courts Illal applies equall courts d — til they play: th

cal
8SSOS
Ills the basis for re is nccessarily one, as I explain tless, since What doing is looking sic phenom cina in l:1rgig lu -
Hic - "Illtura ! ical di cyclopmı cint, y of potec Il Lial
kc, this shouldn't
e at the outset propose to wie W endent judiciary ingredient, a
qlla 101, l Lisite" ill the process, Such a
easily refuted:
hers of developed e the judiciary istorically played) *ole iT1 both the ntenance of poliIlısı : Tı d il the : political process. lete is Clase t0. del suggested by win "Transitions
Toward al DynaIndeed, perhaps y other Illajor tion, the judiciary an evolutionary till Te Call i Til Illeforth laws, an right away set iess of adIllinisurts, though, hawe cases are brought III this serise they ion a 'reactive,' active institution. he lag built into ocess, a t least iT1 here law is judgecits acculu late
a body of interly gradually built :teristic of gradualnly apply to what ke or producc, it
y to what the 1at i5, the Tole e influence and
power they wield.
We should als 0 Thake Clear initially that in cxamining the role of the judiciary we are at the same time examining the role of con situtionalism. By constitutionalism I meall the regulation of the political process and the ordering of public life in a nation by bou Indary conditions, procedural rules, and funda Ilmental values which are inscribed in a written character. Such a charter places a prior limits on the scope and role of government. However variably these limits may be interpreted, they non etheless always constrain governmental action. This is not to say that in societies without a written constitution the judiciary has no role worth examining to play. In such circumstances it can still monitor the consistency and formal propriety (validity) of legislation (its conformity with the legislative body itself) and the compliance of exccutive organs and agencies with provisions of legislation. However, it is only where the judiciary as an institution mediates between enabling principes of supreme ad un conte sted legitimacy — such as are unique to written constitutions in a legally rationalized age - and the actual day-to-day conduct of government that it can hawe
ill decisive or for native role in political development.
In our inquiry we will be
looking principally at apex courts
— that is, Supremic Cour Ls OT courts of ultimate appeal. We do so because the issues of
greatest moment in shaping the course of political development are constitutional issues, and it is only Supreme Courts which exercise ultima te juris di iction Cowcr such issues. We should understand, however, that the character of the higher judiciary is often reflective of that of the judiciairy in general. Therefore, though We confine Our attention l'Igely to the Supreme Courts, we are also looking past them to the nature and developmental functioning of the judicial system as a whole.

Page 15
Of the several over-arching Cor. Ina CTO-levcil goals toward which we might suppose political development strives, two stand out as chiefly amenable to the instrumentality of the judiciary. They are political participation and democracy on the coinc hand, :Lindi socio-econo Illic cquity on the other. Clearly these goals are not wholly separable. Indeed socio-economic equity is in In any ways a pre-condition for political equality, since access to political resources is largely a function of access to resources in general: one must häive the wheric with all to mi ke one's voice heard. However, political equality is perhaps the via regia (if we may borrow a In on archic metaphor) to socioeconomic equity: one has to have a say in the distribution of society's goods in the first place if one seeks to make that distribution more equitable. Equality and equity thus tend to run together, in-so-far as they both involve primarily distributive issues - the sharing of power and goods. As We shall discover, the judiciary is an institution singularly adapted to addressing such issues. There is onc further developmental goal, to the extent derivative of those already mentioned, which the judiciary is in a position to help realize: stability. As we shall cxplore below, in multi-ethnic societies the Court has the potential to help mainta in the social, a Tid
in particular the communal, peace.
We will be considering two
major modes of judicial influence on the processes of political development, on the first of which the second is premised: judical review and judicial activism. Judicial review is the scrutiny of actions of the other branches of government for their adherence to ori dcviation from the constitutional principles which bind them. Judicial activism is the assumption by the Judiciary of a policy-setting role through
encouraging or even soliciting litigation in furtherance of social goals. Judicial review
is usually secured early in the
history of a sequential judi a sine qца constràint On of all othe functions in Judicial activis usually arrives history and twen Licth-centu the Wide T. Social Tower political, government, a of the urgen. Tedistribution. cieties, howeve is greatly cont pared with its in societies s As a result, L of judicial in. be widely sepa orally or conc
Cave alts; and sled, W: cin Concrete materi; The judiciary, defined it a bowl making and pr tution, express Teally Only f. Anglo-America This we have of study. On li (and American, the Phillipines) the soil in w mentally cffecti take root. The tion which thi nental colonie comparatively statutory interp not allow for Judicial influ Over t|IIle: the set place in the which it isn't alter.
In point of major develop the judiciary midable d branch of g. of course is robust though a constitutionalis occupy by far of Our attenti. of the Indian is a compendi issues bearing role of the judic

politically conciary, since it is In in of judicial
the operation gQWernmental the first place. in On the contrary, little in judicial reflects a late Ty conception of rither thalin luaraccountability of nd il particular sy of corrective In developing sor, judicial history I press ctl is et IIIslo) W mat yura Lion
LIch als the LJ. S. hese two modes fillence may not
rated either tempIptually.
qualifications isIl OVW tlu TT i TE All to be analyzed. Sllch as we hawe it as it boundarylicy-setting insties el conception > LI n di Withil Lille 1 legal tradition. al li timited field " foriller Britislı in the case of colonics provide hich a develop'e judiciary might Civil law tradi: former ContiS inherited is El limited one of 'etation, and does an expansion of nCC and power judiciary has a Scheme of things in a position to
fact, in only one ing Society has merged as a forfully coordinate WC'III.1 it. This India, with its til Illes comba Littled India will the largest share n, for the history Supreme Court 1 m of the major he developmental iary: fundamental
rights and security prerogatives, federalis in and center-state relations, fundamental rights ancl social policy, preferential treatment of the disadvantaged in cmployment and education, minority rights (both to participation and to self-determination) and social pluralism in the context of nation-building, public and private equality. The struggle to establish judicial review in India was a long and protracted One, and though the activist era of social action litigation was Upe I1 cd not so long ago, its anteccdents reach back through modern Indian political history. We will explore each of these issues and the vicissitudes of Indian judicial history at some length, distilling where we can general features of the developinental role of the judiciary and identifying the functions we spoke of - ט"ונאl H:
Though India will constitute the bulk of our analysis, we will bring in at suitable points material from Sri Lanka by way of Tunning comparison. Sri Lanka bears an almost identical institutional and colonial legacy to India's, At Independence it was in some respects even more felicitously circumstanced for the growth of a developmentally effective judiciary. It was a smaller, significantly more literatic and less sharply hier Hirchized society, with less salient ethnic and Teligious cleavages (at least initially), and deep er experience of Self-Tule (having enjoyed universal suffrage for 15 years before independence). Nonetheless Sri Lanka has failed notably to develop an assertive judiciary. What India did that Sri Lanka did not, and vice-versa, will help illuminate our general inզuiry.
JUDICIAL REVIEW
The contest over judicial Te view in India has been waged over four decades. The institutional character of the Indian judiciary was in olded by that contest. The story is full of twists and turns because the principlc of judicial review has been applied in thic ser wice of differing visions of the judicial Il c.
13

Page 16
Thc point d'appui of judicial Te Wiew hä5 beën Article 32 of the Constitutic which provides for original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court in cases of the wiolation of funda mcTı tal rights, the Ilselves articulated in Articles 14-29. A Iunong the Tights c numerated are those to cual protection, general freedom (including crimina | procedure), religiou s freedom, and cultural and educational rights (minority rights). The right to property (spelled out in Articles 19(f) and 31) which loomed especially large in the early history of the judiciary and the battle for judicial review, was subsequently Teil ved
The stuggle for judicial review in India is mark cd by a high degree of politicization. This Take5 | it difficult for L15 L ( ) disenta ingle the political motivation of the Court (its interest in furthering so II ne particulHT political agenda) from its constitutiaTı al rLı , ) tiw:4 t i JLI (its i i I1 tETes t i II1 holding the other branches of gover In The Int to the li rimita, tions prescribed by the Constitution), On the one hand, and its institutional motivation (its interest in building up the strength of the judiciary as an institution), on the other. The judiciary has always been very much a politically interested actor, rather than a disinterested umpire. This confusion of political and constitutional/institutional roles can be secin as a reaction to certai II features of the Indian Constitution itself, which is a very unusual document. The India I constitution in addition ti providing for fundamental rights, Els o 5 et 5 out Directive Principles. This is a constitution which is not only constitutive, but directive - that is, it prescribes a social progral Ill or agen da. We cannot adequately appreciate the role of the judiciary and constitutionalism in Indian political development unless we grăsp that the Constitution itself explicitly addresses the task of development. The government of india is charged with the responsibility not solely of governing the nation, but of restructuring society. Though these Directive Principles are
14
aspirational and they proclaim
orientation for
impose powerful tions on all bra: mellt. The Tc is AIIlerican system ci Istitutionalize may be cc Il pili
The governme1 st:Լ iլbւյլIt actuall tive Principlics by Tedistrib Litive sought directly ecto III i C sit: it Lis an ambitious p ref3 TIT, EL Çleä IT of the medieval herited frill the Directive Prini standing threat The policies de -policies thus titutionally san : dated—ra. In he: { fundialmental ri also enshrined tion, in the wiew Collit. It in te T the rights of from infringell of Eldvanci Ing si voiding land të In doing so it political profile champion of elite, Thus thi Tental Tale of it Stalked its ir by judicial re. a negative one. sa Ile time as thi to energe fro assu The adult, a
is al II i Instituti judicial review iIl the Service
political goals a lopment (if socio-ecolitic principal devel is Sulc here).
The hille W was joined, how IT1 en L 5 % 1 lLIgh t. L i Court's Teview alını ending thıe question of f L) wersus Directi question of in superseded by parli: Incilitäry judicial review the authority L.

not justiciable, a fLII di menta 1 the polity a Iud géneral obligaInches of governnothing in the with which this d progressivism
it of India early zirng th1": se: DiTec| putting in place policies which to challenge the quo) — chicfly by rogram of land printity in view conditions illBritish raj. The ciples posed a Oveste di Leests riving from thern lot. In cI cly consctioned blut Illani con against the ght to property in the Constituof the Supreme ven cd to protect pro perty owners ent in the Iliane ocial Welfare by tform legislation. assumed a high as a dependable the land owning : initial developthe judiciary as Istit Luti Ila 1 claim tiew was largely That is at the 2 judiciary sought m plupi lage and LI E DI COTT LI; Stati 115 on by asserting it was acting of conservative t Odds with deveW: 155 L IIle th:1t equity was the Opmental goal at
: I judicial review ever, when Parliacircumvent the of legislation by onstitutio II. The F1 da III cntal rights e Principles (a er pretation) wits the question of upremacy Versus
(a question of interpret). The
very first a Imeld III e Int to the constitution (in 1950) placed legislation acquiring certain holding (those of Zamindars and the like) beyond the reach of judicial review and establish cd a judicially-immunized schedule into Which Parliament could place new legislation at its discretic). In 11 future, The Court waged a running battle with Parliament during thc 50's ower the meaning of 'compensation', but it was not untiI 1967 in Golak Nath cal se that the Court sought to limit Parliament's a mending power and upped the stakes dra II na tically. The Court held that only a new Co Instituent Wissembly, and not Parlament, had the competence to amend the fundamental rights entrenched in Article 3. As the Rudolphs point out, by this time the Court was not obstructing the governmentos progressive social policies: rather, it was countering the government's increasing encroachment on the judicial branch. If the Court was in the Offensive in the 50's and early 60's, from the la te 60’s Coll it was on the defensive. When it resulted the offensive post-Emergency, it did so in the name of development,
Tot in Tesista Ilçe to Tit. Thus the 'defensive' period is in a sense the forge in which the
mature, developmentally effective judiciary took shape.
Parliament passed the twentyfourth a mendment in response to Golak Nath, specifically reserving to itself the right to allend fundamental rights provisions. In turn the Court in the 1973 case of Keshaw 1: IndA, Bharati rejected the fundamental rights argument of Goliak Nath in favor of a new basic structure doctrine,' which limited the parliamentary a 11 e Ti ding power to matters not involving the Constitution's essential features-one of which was judicial review. This decision was a particularly strategic one: it for bore to challenge the legislature directly con the funda mental rights issue and chose instead to secure its own institutional integrity for the future.
IIn 1975, howeveT, 1 hic Court found itself facing a challenge

Page 17
of unpreccidented proportions
in the National Emcrgency
declared by the Prime Minister.
She called for a judiciary
C) III litted to Elle T a II bitius
Twenty-Point Programme' of
social reform, Whigh the Emer
gency ostensibly served to safe
guard. She forced the judiciary
ito El double bild. It could cc-Čoperate a Tid thus appea T t0; advance the cause of development but at the price of its de facto autonomy. Or, it could defy the Pri Ine Minister, appear to retard the cause of development,
and in the process risk institutional suicide. The false opposition of development and judicial
Teview which had dogged the
Court from Independence and
for which it was in some measure itself responsible, provided the Emergency Tegime With a vise in which to clamp it. In the event the CollTt did nothing to inin pede the Emergency by way of judicial Teview. By choosing not to act when it might have (yet another instance of institutional strategy), it emerged at the other end with its Teph Lutation sÇ II he what Larish cd but with judicial review largely intact.
We might step back for a moment to consider the larger issues at stake in judicial review. In our account of Indian judicial history thus far, it might seem as though judicial review were only a neutral instrument at the disposal of the particular inclination of thc sitting Court. We should understand, though, that judicial review is not only of instrumental significance in political development, but of substantive significance as well - CT rather its very instrumentality is of substantive significance, In Qur discussion of judicial activism below, we will 3. Ce how jLI diciail review in India really co III es into its own when it broadens its scope to include (that is, (internalize) the Directive Principles rather than challenge them. Let us anticipate somewhat by elucidating thc relationship of this broadened (or “ “substantive instituinental") concept of judicial review to political development.
Il Democracy a Hart Ely adwan judicial review as -Teinforcing an
) Tie:I1 te .. '' JLIdi. Ely, does mot si supposedly fund which legislat UT tors Inay seek tc. Rather, it acts i 15. I ri Ing tlıat the Stick Lo the Ilule: the Ill Cor chet. Tewiews, we mig Ely, is behavio | 1:1 L C E. cd, nt up with (or on Llic littcr tills, sh for meT). The bu TWEW is L. i. cor equality, w: to sustain becat able cquilibrium : ,EntווונEvery Int iLig to gain an at somebody els the whole oper: ment) Tequires justinent. A
lewe T do Ile. Ni imagine that i society, where equalities are sta barely begun t legacy of colonia Over III a cle', like II dia's rigidly hierarch [1ia , this Te adj LI L0 ble a good d icus and frequer Bhagwati writics
* The judicic Li sic if this review) o fu of social just be regarded t only beneficie in a developit there is larg and ignorance has to play : til It Talc lat ing and Teme misuse of p. climinating injustice.'
The Tid jäT thrilւյքh its lang With Parliam CT Teigw did nit itself the institi hal to help t

nd Distrust, John ces a theory of “Tepresentation participation:ial Te wic w, foT 2rve to safeguard lamcntal wall u es'' CIT Ek dirilinistral5 warp or betray. :15 ä TefcTee, political players * iTitl tit, I't beTitl What judicial ght elaborate on r: how governWhat it cale ly as much of cds light on the siness of judicial surc fair play, 1ich 15 difficut 15 C it is al unst: somewhere, ait somebody is tryun fair advantage c's expense, so Ltion (of governCCT st: it read:fer cc's work is t:1 [] We11 טw Wון in a developing the prevailing inaggering and hawe a moderate (the lis Iiim), El Ind Im1o T ċ'eloping society h ich hä5 bee T1 ical for I Ili 1 leistment is likely ell Thore laborit, Chief Justice
ilus al Ild s lista il cd power (judicial Titler the calisc ice has cle to 3 y mal. Il y Els llot nt but imperative g country where :e-scale power ty ... The judiciary vital HTid imporonly in preventdying abolise and WCT bill also in 'Xploitation and
Supreme Court Wrestling match it over judicial just secure for LutiŪTill wher' cwithe processes of
political development should it subscquently decide to do so (as it seems to have post-Energency). In staking out and defe II di Ing the constitutionally warra Inticd sepa Taltion of powers, it enforced the very same rules - no trespassing on the domains of others, no unfair advantage - which it would later apply comprehensively to the relations among Indian citizens and between them and their state. Thus judicial review performs a standing or structural de:Welopmental functic) In a s Ea b ulWark of constitutionalis II (because the developmental goal of participation and democracy is at the saille tille L. COI 13 til Lillional requirement) before it performs specific functions by enabling the judiciary in effect to help chart developmental policy and to set priorities.
The decision in State of Rajasthan v Union of India (1977 A. I.R. 1361) in the wake of the Emergency advising the Janata Government of the constitutionality of dismissing nine duly elected State governments for the purpose of holding new State Assembly elections, while neither notably edifying nor sound, nonetheless brings in to relief another key developmental function of the judiciary: its role in the proper apportion ment and regulation of powers betweet the federal celte T a Tid the separate states. Here the Court failed to defend the principle of local autonomy against encroach II ent by the center. As a result, when the tables were turned with the retur in of Cirigress to power in 1980, the new Union Government could dismiss another nine State governments (with Janata majorities) with impunity. In another controversial case, Sılır ya Union of Indita (1982 A. 1982 Rajasthan l ), the Court upheld asconstitutional the President's dismissal of a State: GCWETIT with Llt Cai LISC, These negative examples point up the unique responsibility of the judicary in the Ilaintenance of federalism. In as much it is the nature of central gover T - Illents not Inerely to resist any decentralization of power but
15

Page 18
further to augment power at the expense of local governments, the latter are helpless unless they can appeal to a constitutional arbiter. The judiciary serves as the primary check on center expansionism.
If We turn for thic lloc Illt to Sri Lanka, we can see the institutional consequence for the judiciary and the constitutional consequences for the nation as a whole when the principle of judicial review is not established. If in India the struggle for judicial revie W — a STI CCCS5 full CoTe - has been Waged in and throLugh a constitutional fra T1 e Work, in Sri Lanka, the struggle - an un successful one — has been Waged outside - by the successive replacement of the constitutional framework itself. Sri Lanka has been governed under three Constitutions since independence. The vision of Constitutionalism which has prevailed in Sri Lanka is instru Ille Titalist, Tather tham conscist al. That is, the framework of government has been altered to serve the political agenda of the government in power, rather than functioning as a durable structul Te for all governments. As Radhika Coom araswamy has noted, “the three Constitutions, ...greatly reflcct the Incor II native ideas which Wcre pTesent in a gi wen eral.” The changes over the course of the three documents are by no means ill-advised or deleterious ones: many were progressive (though a number scem decidCdly retrogressive). The difficulty lies not in the nature of the changes so much as in the fact of the changes, which undercuts the constraining principles of constitutionalism in the first place. When a Constitution is indistinguishable from an elaborate statute, mutability reigns and stability recedes.
The reasons for the comparative feebleness of the Sri Lankan judiciary are many and complex, reaching back into the country's distinctive political and legal culture, its 'evolutionary', transition to independence, and the absence of an adequate wehicle for cultural nationalism
15
such as Gandhi The style of g inherited at In died in the larg Soulbury Con ist and conse COiltrast to its COLI El terpaTt it gressive societ lopmental Illuar of Directive P set of fundam same legal an Which had b the document judiciary whic predilection Te iOlls. At the lin diluted majo Inade for a Par in siste Fıt of it ion—TTnaking pri Willing to stiff posed restrain The dearth In ay have pl role in preve of 'rights c post-Indepen. In contrast funda Ilin en Lal the Constitu Indian Court Supreme Co I Imake definit such diverse of press, ol Without the of Rights, til al Il L tilwist Wehicle for 5 Tendered rem the fear th; Would protect to Property activists from independence ciary.' The 1972 Sri can Constitutio iciary alread It strictly lim executive actio Teview of legisla tle Courts juris and placed it w the "Constituti ро5ing a 24 h scrutiny on th case of "urgen providing for pa ride of any Constitution, 1 one, gawe expri

created in India. "ernment Cicylon pendence, emboy British-drafted itution, Was elitlative. In stark | dian Ric publican provided no provision or develate in the firl inciples, nor any ntal rights. The political culture ught forth the had produced a Was its OWI). erved and cautSa II le time, a 11 itarian principle iai Inent stridently exclusive decisrogatiwcs and unær judicially-in
if a Bill of Rights ayeclan important inting the growth onsciousness' in deince Sri Lanka. to India where rights cases under tion filled the s, the Sri Lanka urt has yet to iwe decisio 15 01 issues as freedom " gender equality. anchor of a Bill e possibility of judiciary as a ocial reform was te. In addition, at the judiciary such wested rights prevented early demanding greater for the judi
Lankan Republin shackled a judsclf-fettered. ited review of in and renowed tiwc actico II fra 11 diction altogether with special body, onal Court“ (imout window of e lattcr ii the t' legislation and rliamentary overdecision). This ike the Indian ession to a deve
lopmentalist approach, but specifically denied the judiciary any viable role in the developmental process. The 1978 Constitution, which replaced a Westminster system with a Presidential system (or rather added the latter to the for Iner), substantially loosened the bonds on the judiciary, by climinati ng the Constitutional Court and reinstating un restricted judicial review of executive action. By strengthening the Bill of Rights, the new Constitution at least provided the soil for the growth of civil rights jurisprudence. However, it maintained the judiciary in its subordination to the legislature by allowing scrutiny only of bills, not of enacted legislation, and Within 24 hours in the case of legislation which was deemed to be urgent by the (GC) Yc Tillment.
Contrasting the post-independence histories of the I Didian and Sri Lankan judiciaries, we can see clearly the interdependeince of constitutionalis III and judicial institutionalism. The judiciary can only secure developmental efficacy on the foundation of a sure and stable Constitution, but it is itself responsible for consolidating that foundation by building up its institutional strength. In India the freedom of an end ment which Indira Gandhi sought for parliament in the seventies struck di rcctly at the extrapolitical, transcendent status of the Constitution. The Indian judiciatry, however, ha di acquired for itself the institutional wherewith all to resist. The Sri Lankan judiciary had never proved itself an institution to be reckoned with by the time of the sweeping constitutional changes of the sewenties (which themselves represented only the culiliation of a tradition of un checked legislative power) and so was powerless to oppose
them. In India, legislativejudicial tensions reached the stage of crisis, demonstrating to the wa T1 di that HL leäst "Inighty opposites' were here engaged. In Sri Lanka, the
contest was never really joined in the first place.
(Corried a page 25)

Page 19
We make I
7.30 p.m.
g for incri
 
 
 

Millionaires
for the prizes
# SATURDAY Fortunes
*
স্থা" +
三、 . . ... .
y Saturday h. On TN
edible multi-millioms

Page 20
Socialism after
Reggie Siriwardena
he deluge came in 1989 and
washed away the wreckage of the Corn In uisil ist statics in Eastern and Central Europe with it. Will this be followed by an earthquake in the Soviet Union next year? The signs are ominous: the th Teat of famine
in the Winter unless there is substantial aid from the West, coupled with the centrifugal
forces of thc asser tiwe regional Italina is Ills. But it is lot the se pTiC spects of which I wish to speak I O W, in or do I want here 10 Fet LITI to their causes - El ground that I have covered already or other occasions.
At the end of November the Soviet regime officially proposed dropping the word 'Socialist' from the colul II try’s name, and replacing it by Sovereign". This is su Tely an appropriate time in Which to discuss the crisis in socialist consciousness everywhere thalt ha 5 a Tisel With the events in that part of the world, and this is What I really want t’i di in this tilk.
I a. T11 go)iTng to approach this subject first by asking what it has meant - at an existential le Well — to be a socialist, a Marxian socialist. In the non-ComIn uirlis E w orld, that is for where Communist regimes were in power, there could be good careerist reasons for joining the party. But elsewhere being a Marxist involved the judgment that the achievement of a socialist society Was a humanly desirable end that was worth devoting one's life to - may be even, in some parts of the World, risking inprisonment, torture or death for. This was in ethical and moral co III mitment. But thic second implication of being a Marxist was the Els sumption that socialis II was the direction in which historical development was progrès, sing; and this was an intellcctual co III mitment, These two commitments were not equivalent, for there was no logical contradiction in holding that the his
18
the Del
torical process socialis III, but 1 feel any coil pu thing by Way of towards this e II of ait least 011e T1y acqu'Elinta Inc. has been just t 5 Lu Te the e a Te til it was In’t ku fiic that socialis III i state of society Marxist. For M ways held that a socialisi sciet it was hul II all good thing w: MaxiSL, buit : L Sicialist tilli Tike had shown why to be die sired, b) tille first timi scientifically so the Clutcome E process, through Lilis incret i self. That was in his "SU cilj: Scientific'' and heen Teiter: ted Marxist texts. that conviction collapse of wor 3 Tc5 Lult { if it; tills that is question triday. a W:lited the ter| capitalism for : five years, that По му Н8 dubtful Godot. A. In hij Fred Halliday, im NLR, ha 5 to the Cold wär the victory of triumph of capit Of course, e. dra Timatic events : hawe beel evide S0 Tı ething SeriÇı the Marxist hor lent demise of accordi Ing to thĘ lysis, a social when the relati tion have beca 1 the growth of forces, then the that world capit

uge
would lead to hat CIL didn't lsion to do Ellypolitical action kl. 1 ca II thi Ilık pers 01 EE1107 hig 's Whose position
låt, Tid II ETTl hers. But equally, ient Lo believe
wis i desirable:
Take e HT xi& 4 & hı: 've HalWa Inti Ing to create y nerely because y Cir morally a is to be not a I topia. Il socialist. Ts before Marx 5icialism W:15 ut Marx h:ld for 2 dem Istrit Ed cialism would be the historical the cit TädicIn capitalism itEngels’s thesis im Utopian find it has since Il dizers of But it is just of the necessary lid capitalis III as Wii contradicbeing called in If Marxists h; we Illial crisis of it least seventyexercise see 115 as waiting for est Ma Txist like Writing recently recognise that has e nded with ne side, with the |alism. 'W': for til
1989 it ill it that there Wils usly wrong with es of the i rimmicapitalism. If, : Marxist al Talorder collapses DIls of producIle a fetter on the productive Te Was Tho sign alism had reach
ei such a li TIlit. () the caintrary, in the post-war era, Western capitalis II has not only expanded iII1 IIı eInse 1 y i b ut has t T:LTnsfoTDmed itself through new technological revolutions. It was precisely the fact that the socialist economies were left far behind in Lechii). logical innovation and dynaIminis In that was åt the lle art of their crisis in a world economy that had become increasingly interdependent,
I reca ll Tea di Ig in 1988 a. interview in Literaturnaya Gazeta HH a S LLL S LLLLL S S S HH S S LLLLLLLHHH University. The jou Tin Ellist who was interviewing him asked: "How many personal computers does the University have? The Rector Teplied, "What are you asking? We have one!' And he went on to add: “Of course, you wouldn't ask this question of the head of a foreign University - it would be like asking, 'How many telephones do you have?" That question a nd response were a si Tıple measure of the lHg be LWeen the Sovjet UI110In 34 Ill the advanced West in respect of the new information technology.
To say that Marx was wrong in expecting the speedy death of capitalism is only to say Lihat he was hill Illa T1 and fall lible. |t is I10t SC Thuch MIT x 15 MāTXişts Who a Te C bli me for converting his a Ialyses and predictions into articles of faith. Supposing it were possible to bring back to life a Wictorial physicist, one of Marx's conte Inporaries. If one were to tell hill about the relativity of space and time, about the i Ti det et minacy of sub-atomic particles and about the Wave-particle duality, he would think he was not in the twentieth century but in the crazy World of Lewis Carroll's Through the Looking Glass. And that concer Tis a science in which the object of study – the material World as seen by physics - is, at least in the scale of human history, un changing. How much greater should be the leed for co T1 stant Te-examination of
our concepts and theories in the field of social science where the object of study is always
in the process of change? Yet

Page 21
in the mainstream Marxist movement a demand for such El Teexamination has always been condemned as "revisionism', and that is because Marxism ceased to be a Science and beca IT1 e Te ligion.
But what di Tecti C1 5h10 Lilld this rethinking take today, in the aftermath of the deluge? We have to consider the fact that Io wictorious socialist revolutions have taken place in the advanced capitalist world and that all such revolutions have been confined to countries where capitalist Tclations of production were relatively little developed. In this light a possible and reasonable hypothesis is that what we hawe known as socialist revolutions Fire an alternative way of carrying through an industrial revolution for societies that have failed to produce a strong bourgeoisie. This is n't a new idea: one of the people who advanced it several years ago was the late G. W. S. de Silva. Il fact, it would appear that the postTevolutionary statified economies LLLL LLLLL LHH LLLLLLa LCHLLL HLLLa extreme example of a phenomenon that is everywhere observable in the Third World - that where the bourgeoisie is undeveloped, the stilte has to take the lead in the process of industrialisation.
But in the post-diluvian era, we hawe to go further that that. We have see tha L socialist Tevolutions produce a state that can carry through the primitive accumulation of capital that the industrial revolution Tequires. This is cffected through a cornbination of centralised power, total mobilisation of Tesources, creation through mass education of Lhuc skills Lihat an i Indlustrial society needs, forced savings, Tigid labour discipline and political coercion. But what is apparent today is that this very development Soon under mines the basis of the political and economic structure that made it possible in the first place. We haiwe scen this clicarly in the post-Stalinist Soviet Union, where the one-party state, political and cultural regimentation, and the satisfied econo II y can InC longer satisfy the needs of a people
who hawe, CTT 1 CT immemorial ball after Tiana Il Til can doubt that C or l'atcr, face à
To say this 1ike Flıklıyam :ı, talis III is the E: societies Will ci Fukuyama's th of history Sct to objections those that can Marxist view the culminatio cal process. IE: Tun, history CH predictive sciel must always b Tecall til for the scell and the lil I am saying Teyllltions ha", as a short-cut, hւIIIlaIl cost, i I moder Ilisati Carl tiUT1 – not a5 a new society as they were There is IIlor witticis II i Il reported to be er in Europe: "" Answer: The tion from ca talis 11."
(C) Tc ca. Il fill contined il ti that in Palai Czech (551y Wilki: former party coming the T directors of th 15 el t} äld T1 i of the people, the 5 a 11c situ : peated in th whenewero pri place. This the absence class with a Lind business { cer incfficien buli rica l 1 CITH, cies they were the of Ilanagerial societies, they the transition ship, and th: best position Of it for thCT
Watching t capitalism in ist bloc, I Tec

ged cout of their :kwardness. Ald, en Square, who hina will, so oner
similar crisis?
is not t) argue, that liberal capiind to which all inverge. In fact, es is of “the eind :ms to IThe Open wery similar to be inade to the of socialisill its 1 of the historixcept in the short I scarcely be a ce, because the e prepared in this new, the un forenpredictable. All i 5 Lihlat s cialist fe to be seen only at an immerse in the process of didlustiili 5the creation of ו1I}וח W שוח #1 11ו 1: belie w cel to be. c thill I l Illere the joke that is popular in EastWhat is socialism period of transipitalism to capi
1 out the insight his joke by noting nd. Hungary or In any of the officials are benew owners and i.e. enterprises they ister in the malle I have I doubt tion Will be ree Soviet Union vati sa til takes is i Ille vitable il of a developed rge-scale capital 2xperience. How! 11: CCIImIT ist וזbgg טly hav:11ז
Thain p issessors expertise in their will be directing pTivate WCT:::y will hic in the to takc adwantagc
sely c5, lic transition to the former socialall something that
Trotsky once said. He remarked that if a tile had fallen off a roof in Zurich in the early months of 1917 and killed Lenin, the October Revolution might not have triumphed becausc the Bolshevik party would have bungled it. If that had hilippen cd, Russia II night have survived as a weak and dependClint cal pilt:llist), perhaps a semicolony of British and French capital. But if the Soviet Union is going to end anyway as a Weak and dependent capitalism - de pcndent now perhaps on Germil n and American capital - the sale direction in which its former satellites are already going, One wonders whether the quixotic enterprise of the Oct.- ober Revolution was really necessary. The same end might have been reached less painfully and Without the loss of about 20 million lives. Perhaps it's a pity that tile didn't fall in Zurich,
The belief that the locomotive of history will take society along a ready Imadc railroad to socialism has now obviously to be abando Ined. This isn't a tragedy at all, for that belief Wasn't IlleTelly naive, it was also profoundly dangerous and destructive in its effects. I said at the begin ning of this talk there were two components in the Marxist commitment to socialism. Onc was thic affirmlation of socialism as a Worthy hLIlığını gC);ıl; tible other was the faith in the historical process as leading to that end. One of the great contradictions of the Marxist I 110 wedi hen L Was that thc sic cond clcment could s II1eti Illes
legit: the first.
In Marx's own writings, there is Sometimes a deep-seated paradox: he accepts as historically necessary and even progressive certain develop Ilents by which he is morally outraged. One of the clearest examples of this is in his letters on India, where British rule, whatever its crimes, is 5:een as “the u Il conscious tol of history' in bringing about a social revolution. Marx resolved this contradiction by asserting that it would be only in the socialist future that human his.
19

Page 22
tory would "cease to resemble that hideous pagan idol who Would not drink the Electar but from the skulls of the slain". (There seems more than a touch of European Tacism in the illlusio Il to the “hidcolus pagal 1 idol', but let that pass.) What is relevant for my im mediatę purpose is that Marx's approach provided the paradigm by Which his heirs and successors could justify massive violence on the basis of its supposedly progressiwe Tc5 Lults - and LCti Ing Ill Ct :S un conscious' but as conscious and deliberate instruments of history. It was history (often spelt with a capital H a II di a IIthropomorphised) which was illvoked to justify the Stalinist or the Pol Polist terror. The finest exposition I know of the moral contradictions involved in this
mode of thinking is in that magnificent novel, Arthur Koestler's Darkness ( Noo FI, which
was published 50 years. El go this month. It is the Thost brilliant example, since Dostoevsky's The Grand Inquisitor', of the equivalent of a philosophical inquiry carried out through the medium of a work of a Tt, a Tid the passage of half-a-century has mlade it mot less, but I m OpTIC meaningful.
The undermining of the belief that the objective forces of history will lead to the collapse of capitalism is all to the good. If we opt for socialis TT (hic) W - ever we may define it today), we have to – do so fully Eis ilin act of human and Iloral choice a Ind not as so II le thing given tÇ) us by the movement of history. The old a Intithesis th Hit Engels made between socialism utopian and scientific turns out to be false. Sociallis II has ta b c Scientific in the sense that it has to be based C1 a II LIIncicirst El Iding of real social processes, but Hit the same time it is Int am end proposed for tills by impersonal laws of history, it involves huma. In judgments al In di choices, Ill the sic include ethiCal do Illes.
But what is there that can be salvaged from the tradition of socialist thinking. The oneparty state, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the statification of the colonomy - these have
ք0
already bcc in rc the proccss of by Communist sily cs. It iki : * a socialism th Ըn the right o ch cosc frecly th th:lit dûes mot
of lil W, thält di freedom of spe
sin, thilt i 3 c5 rights of ethni
lot a higher
but Ole Which the advances II capitalism. It established by centralised stal Illis LT y Elsto in efficient, tilt ta' Live a I d lu l Li IT curb oil producti ing the consum choice. Further tiап зf ecca 111TH ha Tids. If the lever that că Il trol every citiz. fore in coil patit freed:3IIl.
BuL 11 the statified Iliode we shull be W; the id listi. Il et Te ärk mechanism för su met 11e eds in erill gods, b In ost da Ingeroll the arbiter of health I of people other th believes in the competition we necd for state 51 ch Wolf T: SE and education, the state to and disadvantag, of culture is 11. Political Tegime in the Chill given state part sphere a bad is beCFL115c thc Ina de it possit interwention in tro the iT Cent absence of an i society meat IO cultural acti State sphere, ; totalitarian po evacuated cultur of all meaning. under Co III mulin

jccted coT EL Tc i II being rejected regiles themvide It today that It isä Ilt based f the people to eir governments, uphold the Tule es. It gll: El Ille cchi and expresIn Col protect the c minorities, is stage of society Tctrogresses from it it under liberal has also been experience that e-Wied cc 10ful clumsy and they stific inilately become a wity, while limiter's freedom of -LTHון טC נThe En L , ic power in the stal te gives it : be used to coel ald is the Teble with political
Tejection of thc of socialism, 4. Te of jining in of the free li rokel 5 le best Sitisfying Conrespect of matLit It Would bę S to treikt it als education, of CLI ILLIT e. Most all the dogmatic Wirtles of free uld accept the responsibility for Twices as health of the duty of 3rotect the poor 2d. The question e ci troversia 1. ltation of culture II list states has icipation in this mää me. Bult this onc-party statc ]]: LC) l'Isle St Elle Lihle LT t S tíð Ç’T- int, because thic ndc pe Tident civil that there was vity outsidc the and because the litical ideology all independence How cv er e'vel 1st TL1le stat
m LInificence and the a b Selce of
the profit motive in respect of culture did make possible a great efflorescence of some of the performing arts where the political content was less significal mit MC TowerT, il the liber: 1 democracies of Western Europe State Subsidies to the arts hay: long existed without any fear that they a Te all en croach ment the freedo II of the artist. What we need to do, therefore, is Tot to exclulle the state's I cole: il cultu Te buit in this field ás in that of education, to build political traditions that will protect pluralism and intellectual independence.
There is nothing new or original in what I a II p Top Co sing as the su Twiwiting and wiable heritage of socialist thinking, because the: ge: aise: the familias i dtais (if social democracy. Whether in the Edy Elled wes term world T in the developing third world, the go:115 af 5 Ocial de mocracy have not lost their relevance as a Test raint on the predatory character of un Testrained capitalism and as a defence of Wales that can Iot be left to the impersonal laws of the free market. The long opium dream of remaking the World through socialist revolution is over; let LI S addre55 Collir Selves to the II o Te modest and realistic aills of social democracy.
Russian . . . (Continued from page 11) and the Eastern European countries alone. The challenge of a Inother Imajor war is na less a challenge to the capitalist powers of Europe, America and Japan, Gorbachev emerged as the leader of Western communism because het understood this. Het knew it is futile for any country, communist or capitalist, to tread the path of military preparation for another war. It Was Gorbach tw's initiative that paved the way for far-reaching leasures of disarmament and the Telaxation of military tensions in the World generally, The question of defeat or surTe nder does not the Tefc) Te arise ill relation to the political path
that Grbach cW has Inc.wly mapped out. The steps he took and still pursues were wholly
appropriatic to the times.

Page 23
AYO LWSWAWG
Finding shelter
Stanley Senaratna
hic in hou15c construction is
planned out and undertaken seriously the chief sponsors becomme thic Incws and i Il firIInaction mı edia bot.hı writte: Tı altı d spoken. There are two types of propaganda: (1) The populist variety and (2) the analytical type which consists of a large Wolute of Teliable information.
What is important is thc collection and the sorting out of objective data on the basis
cof an independent res carch project. When persons who are closely associated with the production process and implementätian programı Illes il ric alt thc same time assigned thc task of evaluation of the progress achieved, the information published is naturally not free from some degree of unwitting bias. Who is the organiser or opcrator who would hesitate to embellish his record a little to e In the plaudits of the public? An independent un prejudiced evalua - tion is, therefore, necessary in order to establish a bench-III 13. Tk. of the progress achieved both nationally and internationally.
Let us first examine the i International pictu Te which un doubtedly reflects and shapes global strategy. What is of topical inter est today is not the widespread publicity given to the observations of pers Is like the Sussex Institu Le schola T Mick Moore who places the problem of poverty in a predominantly national focus, Mr. Moore was indeed faced With the dile Ilımla colo ured by his CWIn Tadicalis IIl On the One had fild an ultra-liberalisill Oil the Other. What is of I11 GTcrucial value for all the devel)- ping countries is the magnificent Report of the South Commission presented in Caracas by the for Ille T Talizalia leader Julius Nyerere entitled a "Challenge to the South' in August, 1990. According to this Report, the
for the
well-being of tlle cent rc of El efforts. We air roads of a truly for the Thir decadc of the quality of life loped world, уUT SE. The Ill living in absoll to 1,225 billion. Ina de lup 80 pe living in absoll Imise Ty.
Whilt is Ins that the foreig Third World ro. excess of a
Challenge to that while thic North, its tech. In its finances, th Inay not do wi for it. It O. Sthլլtէl's rest լITԱt Tjalg but its II assets. After a the world’s te population à Te II the words Comission, W 28 pro mi ne [1t f יט l lia diון w H G with the el Tlie CO1111 111sS1 0 1 1 3 In for three years valuable docur is in need Ol 5elf-5Listained plished through of the people : of their interes and executed conti Tol’’. To q this Report: ". economic order unjust and exp weak and the capital from th Solith, and pa to the rich of ugh the 5o cal the Tiket - E is controlled Ny what is Sri Lillika with shed by debt a

homeless millions
1i [ Imu1st be ir1 my developinent e at the crossIr:imatic Inoment
World. The '80s, for the in the undi cwe:- is substantially Imber of people 1 t e power ty T cos e R. Li Tall dwellers cent of those It e powerty and
t significant is debt of the se to figures in tri in dollars. 2: Sol"" si WS
South needs the blogy, its science, e latt e T il tu TI thout the former nly needs the : I TAW I’ll, te
u Ille rolus hul mail 1 two-thirds of irritory and its
in the South,
of the South hich comprised igures, some of
ten collaborated tr Willy Brandt d who laboured to produce this ment, 'Inankind a process of growth *1Լ. Լ. Il T11 = the participation acting in defence ts, as conceived under their (WTl Litte fullTther fri Tı The international is in tզuitable, li til tive of the
poor, it cxtracts e poor of the ys that capitall
the North thrled workings of market which by the North'. the corollary in in a World en 11eTid privation.
In the following paragraphs, we hope within the limits of
the til available L. El 1 SWOT adequately some of the basic questions regarding the stock
of housing, its growth and its relationship to necdi. If the progran mes carried out over the past 10 years are examined, we can arrive at some basic för mulae upon which to build the evaluation contrivance.
In the fifties and sixties housing construction in Sri Lanka was largely dependent
on loans issued by the Housing Department for middle-class houses. Institutions such as the State Mortgage Bank also helped in channelling loans to the applicants. A major orientation of policy took place in the seventies. This resulted in the break-up of the hold if the landlord and made available a significant number of houses to those who had lived in their for long periods as tenants, There was also a great deal of encouragement given to the replacement of urba n slums by flats, although the private sector did not take the ceiling on the ownership of houses with much
relish. Frivate sector development did not the refore take place on any large scale till the mid-1970s.
In the sewenties and thic
eighties the Government suddenly came up with two major develop. ment programmes: the Hundred Thousand Houses Programme Followed by the Million Houses Programme,
The two program mes Wete based W lifelt concepts - the first was State
sponsored and the second was a scheme of self-help develop ment which could cla im Som kinship to the schemes which were in operation in the seven
ties. The Hundred Thousand Houses Programme commenced in 1978 and was concerned

Page 24
With a few major sche mes such as Radolugama (2,000 houses), Mattegoda (1,100 houses) as well as smaller (Illes, The smallcr schemes were electoral projects
while rural housing projects came under the Ganudawa PTClgril Illing.
The Census of 1981 places the housing stock existing at that time in the region of 3,000,000. During the last 9
years the total of housing units [1ät voye Te a dded to the 11:4 i 1 stock has been (only 26,000 per y el T on the average.
This has to be compared With an assumption in the report furnished by the U.S. Agency on International Development on a study compiled in 1981 that Sri Lanka's housing requirements were 150,000 new L1 Tits in urban : nd IOO,OOO new in the rural areas annually t II the year ()CO. TIח[ן performance indicates a major
shortfall of housing units per year. This Ileans that he pro gTELI 11Tl e Was al ble to Teach
con the average only about 20
Per cent of the housing Tcquire ments per annum.
There was much internal
discussion ) In the progress of the 100,000 Houses Programme and even some adverse external criticism. Eventually, the new programme named the ''Million Houses Programme' was launched. This latter programme replaced the responsibility of the State with a scheme of self-help. There was thus a basic change of concept in construction from the national angle with the introduction of this programme. The Million Houses Scheme made provision for a grant of Rs. 7,500through Thrift Societies or direct from the National Housing Development Authority. This was to be utilised to buy scle Wery essential CT struction material and to employ labour more on a self-help pattern. The aim of the programme Was to tap local Skills and Imaterials throughout the country. This prilgrim III: Wils started in 1984 and covers
2.
TLITEıl, lurbanı, other Timajor ir A reas al Ild c:stäht
If we Imake
CS Limite Of 15 y CET als the ess the people the It lately a short units a year I the official pr bcst can this si T1i5 CEI be si tWO ilethods:
(I) Individual
Find Til:
(2) Loans frt
baks.
According to mation Wc häv Inillion sa wings been opened by Sawings Bank, 50 per cent of of this country. tude (of these si are and how ot have contributed pool do not ap from this casual What is in control fact of the fea people's potenti effect capital f task which is Til tional importi
Referring to fro rın the banki Finance Ministry ““it is know I LE banks in genera to Commit any of their resource lending for co liquidity and på time of high and rates, a 15 or 20 y Would not be app
TE US A report of the m particularly blea housing for the pc. ted as follow s; :- for the por High room and ho high per a crc d urban areas, po il tèr Tills is mäter
tions and la ck 3; T Wicc; 3:5, wat facilitics'. The
ther cfie Sri

Mahl Weli rigation
S.
and 5 chemie
a c011 servative 0,000 u Inits per i en till Leci cof re is approxiage of 100,000 lot covered by og El 111 11e. How lot fall be inct" lived by to the Cor
effort by sawings | I1, DIT
Ill commercial
the latest ilfore, about eight CCII t3 he the Natio II This is nearly the population What the magnilvings accounts her banks too to the savings le:LT to be clear estinate. But Wertible is the sibility of the Ell capacity to TITELLi Ti f L If inestimable | Iլ Լ: Է,
housing finance Ing scctor, the stated recently lat. Ca IIII 1ercial Il dio not wish significant part :5 in long terril 1 sidera tion 5 of Titic Llılarly i II a. Vilatile interest חוז שווןitוחוT COIT #: ט caling to them'.
Agency in its id-'80s tok å k Wiew of the i Cor. IL CUI In men*“Most hul seg 1re inadtզuate, Se Occupan cies, ensities in the i is c{] Instis: tlction ial and foundaof such basic
:T a Indi sanitary report added La Inka’s urbam
holl sing problem is increasingly scricus als demonstrated most vividly by the large and growing slum and shanty areas of Colombo which contain nearly 50 per cent of Colombo's people and which result in an economic and social Segregation of the occupants'.
The Department of Census and Statistics issued the Census of population and Housing which is the Conly reliai ble count of the Coll IntTy’s holl sing stock. It has also produced a district-wise distribution of housing units by type of house - permanent, semi-permanent and improvised. These figures indicate a rise in percentage of the housing units only in Colombo and the major towns where there is a concentration of population, while they decrease in all other Districts which are cither sparsely popullted or arc utilised for large -scale cultivation of commercial crops such as tea and rubber. The esta tes are of course the worst affected in the matter of housing and the horrible conditions of estate labour are cer. tainly a disgrace to the authorities as the Cstates are still the leading CX port el rin e T.
In 1974-75 the oil-price hike adversely affected Japan which had blossoined into a highly industralised power and could be considered on par With West Ger Tany. As regards developing countric5 f with Sti L. Ik was one of the poorest, there WcTe con 5 traits in the area do T import tariffs, restrictions and sudden parity changes. In the face of the new econ cornic situaLion which a rose, ac wen intern Hiltional institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF were powerless in their attempt to extend measures of support to the Thore descrwing of their membership.
At any rate with the political overturn in 1977, the developed countries Tallied to the assistance of the new regime as Sri Lanka happened to be a focal point even in relation to the new strategy. It is som c what surprising that the housing sector rcal
(Confired a page 28)

Page 25
The NSSP: Questions
Dawid
I. An Iliversary is a no illent AF, Time : Ici a 13th ALnIliwe:Tsary is al Tea.SČ) na ble LT 10In ent to draw up a balance sheet. However, such a wide can was is beyond the scope of this short article. Instead, I have selected two specific topics to writic about because they are likely to be of interest to the perspicacious reader who has noted the NSSP's growing political importance. They are, a) thc background to the NSSP's scn sic of politicall tim ing i Tid tactics, and b) the place of the NSSP i Il Tell til I to the dile:I1ma of the national question in Sri Lanka.
It is no scCret that I am a Imember of the NSSP and could e:isily havc b ccm bound by the natural requircments of ordi Inary party discipline. However, it will be of interest to thic realCrs of his article to know that no party whip was laid down, no controls were applied, and
Kurmar
I was allowed to develop my ideas freely and in public. Even this small example is a
15ure f the ille intellectual strength of the party. These are important qualities at the pTCscnt time when great challenges are being posed to socialism and marxism World-wide lld at home, Bult let u15 leälve: all this a side, my task in this paper is to discuss the NSSP, not to praise it.
Which Anniversary?
The first interesting issue in respect of time is, What illniversary are we celebra ting?
Where do we trace the origins of the party to? To 1964, to the early 1970s or to 1977? To ITly Illind the Tue origin lies in the early 1970s. Although Illany of us suffered our first devastating shock when the LSSP capitulated to coalition politics in 1964, we were all, at that timic, too y c) L1 mg a I d im li mature, to dcov clop a Imea Illingful political alternative. Hence, import
ant as it was, tory in relatio of the party. () 1977 is merely off an official : tical Ill WCIIlt tiv c political : NSSP originate Sa masa maja In early 1970s. W. fore, bc celcbra of age, tur 2 Dlot olur 13th.
The inpatient SCIIle annoya ICE less' chronolog: ask, 'What is
f '''' Tile the fact tha L. s. gths and wea բarty can be b from the partic ces of its orig boF, te and de w| il the Telli Tid blit || et IIle firs three si Imple pe
At the origi ment lly : d reject all for pled coin pron El hard coli term objectiv this was the national quest T1u5 tc5 t bet Wo. in Lhe Ile political pigs cismı or oppor by all other cent Te Eind | other parties well.
Since the b Cold left was
ing point o also develope ing that thro a Ilid deter III i I tina. Ty lede: around object ality by signi
It Was in the struggles, both the LSSP), and ilgilist al risi II but als. Other N ::i.T1 (! Tirmil II1i|;

of Time in History
I964 is pre-hisIl to the origin Il the Other hand Llle formal dilte split. As a poliand as alternaprogramme, the In the Wall we II ent of the e should thereting ölır. Çoming 1st All Iniversary,
Teil der may feel : : t ll I this “'l Iscy - he mily well the sigri fjC iTICE:
à 15wer lies in Ille of the Strellknesses of the Let understood tula T circu IL1 s talgin. I will cla21 op these ideas eT - of this article, L Slate these Ei 5 jilts.
-טיים וח שf thל) וI leter II li näition tio) Ins of un princilise resıl ting in litelt ling "es. Liked to
balief that the tion was the litve em civilisati II
side, Eld the ty of either ratunisil inhibited parties of the right and most of the left as
etrayals of the the usual s LartIf a Italysis there it a strong feelLugh its own will 11 til) Il : Tewallurship could turn iWe his Liricall Ticifica Int dicgrees.
2 disclı SSin 15 : Tı d internal (within external (Illainly JWP challenge, Maoist, Trotskics. ita Int groups), in
the early 1970s, that these position 5 vere worked pıt Eı ild Con - solidited, Organisatio Illa lly too, the basic structure, the role of CC, the PB and so on, of the Wall movement, have stamped themselves in delibly on the party. Hence, the early 1970s mark the true origin of this remarkable Organisation which is destined to play an important role in Sri Lanki's political history.
The Subjective in History
Although historical lis Il Tellains the and scientific approach to an understanding the larger issues of social reality, it is also true that much that has passed for Tarxist ähnllysis il recent y el T5 has bc.cn too rigid and have not properly accommodated the importance of individual political personalitics. For example, the Tole and impact of personages 5uch Hs Thätcher (1r Lee KWäI Yu have not been adequately assimilated into a Wailable mai Tx ist exFlLmināti Ils Of Brità in er Singapore, respectively. Marxism can bencfit frill the Tctical advances On this topic als wel 1 other issues such as the cffect Qf L111 certain ty a 1d il de terminacy in politics. These remarks refer to : Wider international discussion a Tıd are not directly related to the NSSP.
Actually these Temarks are I mea II. tc iTt T, o duce an cxactly opposite proble II. Let me explain. There is a common umdersta Tidling am 4.) Ing all sections of the left who condemned “coalition politics’’, ab ollut how se ve Te thic da Image was. It is common in these circles to explain the entire mis crable state of the left movement for nearly three decade:5 since then as a consequence of these betrayals. Not just the state of left politics but Ells o cother cala Inities such as the ethnic disaster are explained the same way. Now, I consider this type of analysis to be excessively reductionist.
Illa triaCInly sound
23

Page 26
This error is precisely the opposite of what I was complaining about in the previous para - graph. It ignores many crucial, if you like "'objective', social and eco II) COI Illic developments which lie at the Tot of Socjal crisis. By reducing everything to this Colle factor, that is tille crors of the old left leaders (the subjective in history), we arc failing to develop a full, Thunded and adellate Linderstanding of Social dynamics and class and race issues. I will return to this III atter When discussing the nati.Inal question bLJL another brief com IIn en L first.
The NSSP lead crship has sometimes been accused of being to subjectivist of believing that by its own determination, struggle and sacrifice more can
be achieved than is actually possible in a given situation, For example, there has been
Imuch discl Issic in left circles būLL Whethe T thc 1980) (GCD e Til Strike was a mistä ke lid whethe it would his WC cell better t avoid thesc (3 sses and se L - backs. The C{TTect ins Wer to this particular question is not the point here. The point I asılı Taking is that overestimating the positive potential of the 'good' subjective factors is just the other side of the coil frt II o"We:Te:5ti Im ati I1g the har Iın dl bI1e by the 'bad' ones.
The NSSP and the National Question
If the readiness of a country for socialism as a higher form of civilisation is to be leasured by the existence of a narxist party which has passed the test on the national question, then STi La Inka and the NSSP - Te teady. Unfortunately, the objective universe is more complex, the truth is that the NSSP Hills passed the test, Sri Lanka conti Lilles to fail it. The Tc exists a political leadership and a programme adequate for this task, the nation, however, is not ready to accept it. The reason is not because people can still recall the betrayals of old left leaders in ancient' times. It is because of III TC fundamental issues of mass (Sin
24
h:1|ese 51 Ild TäII and Of Socioand state dyna
Elsewherel II these issues at
brief summa T 5 i 15, With cul arguments since permit, may no ller: The first that ethnicity, basic category modern histo Ti Sicco Id, ethnici| a changing an gory – for Cxa i the Wandal ic bccarı: German a later day - a crelic history dec citics biccole which lie lor observe that in was a significal jective) risc of P ctty-b) COLLIT gcais power, that thc class is always row and divisiw halcsic bourgeoi. an alliance wi Orde" tj. 5ęCurę the St: te itse transfri Tmed inte of racist politic sequently the T: mirginalized all the lil til stat
Thic NSSP, ir was the first p. properly cogniz Initially there adaptation of t ideas about the I): tcTT11iT1:Ltib I ; of Marx's thou and Polish qu following years left parties and s til T113 gizi les Gli ardia. Il cale the Significa Tice pille:Ting stan El similar posi the NSSP has
ETHNICITY: Crisis", Eli II: ind SHTIHšiläп Press, Hong K.
"Reality and ( is ther a way Class, No. 40, S

Lil) consciousness ecillo Illic, class mics.
Halwe exami Il cd som c length, but y cof the concluthe supporting : space docs mot t be out of place The W premise is like class, is a of analysis in Cal Tlaterialism. :y, 1 ikic class, is d evolving cateImple Goth ind hnicity' of old natinalist of 1d Conly a co IIIil es which ethniHictivated = ;hid Tant We falso Sri Lällika there nt, material (ob
TTLl Indura
influence a Tld ideology of this necc.55:1 rily Ilate, that the Si T5ie entered IL th this class in State power, that f was thereby an instrument :s, and that con1 mi1 people were d excluded from
the early 1970s, olitical entity to these Wilts. Was a simple 1é Old Lenin ist Right to Self1 Id an appraisal ghts on the Irish estions. (In the a few s II la 11 e T The crit Tibuto Ts, like thic LäTikai to appreciate o' the NSSP”5 d and adopted tion). Although 2Wen up to now
Identity, Conflict,
by" KLJim T LOH yi
Kahtlir gamter, Arena 1989 שוTג
lCice: Sri Lanka, (L', Capital and pring 1990.
bee Lu Il successfull i its efficit: to establish a base a Tho Ing the Tamil people, it is still unique as the only organisation that has succeeded in linking together a principled position on the national question with mass politics in the Sinha lese South. Through the difficult period of stått teiTTiTi 5:11, Ill Täällil Cullter-terror, the civil War, the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord äTid now the Tenewed assault on the people o affa, the NSSP ha 5 TEIIaired a beacon of civilised will Le5 il all other wise da Tk and murky world. To resist chill Tiflis II In the Sinha esc Slith and simul tallen Sly, to maintain before the Tamil people the rightness of a liberation struggle and the Wrongness of terrorism was an important Elchieve IIn ënt.
I will conclude with a short personal comment on a larger dialectic about the ethnic conflict. It is my persona || view on this matter that it is the people, not the party, who are not ready to find a way out. The consciousness of the great Imajority of the Sinha lese and Tamil people is still deeply tainted by racist ideology. Racism is one of the deep facts
of life in Sri Lanka arising from root causes which I have briefly noted in a previous
paragraph and discussed more fully elsewhere. Racism suffered a major set-back with thic 1987 Accord but it is still far from fully defeated. The role of petty-bourgeois ideology and the alliance between this and the Illing classes and parties (UNP and SLFP), the foolishness of the LTTE I di the lack of El proper left-alliance, all make the struggle a difficulty and Iphill one, whether the NSSP Caln - We TC Come the se obstacle 5 Single-handed (at least singlehandled si Ince Wijaya KumaranFlt Lliga’s a 55 assi Elation) remain 5 to be seen. Irrespective of the Clutc) 11c, however, a b calco T1 hals been lit, and it gives us a little satisfaction to know that the future historian canl look back at this, at least, with some pride.
(Continued or age 33)

Page 27
Transitional Turmoil
Bhabani Sen Gupta
hat's happening to Indian politics? How does one explain the crisis of government in Delhi'? Is it a repetition of the melancholy colla p5c of the Janata coalition of 1977: is the rift between the Jalala Dal and BJP because of personality clashes or are there fundamental factors of politics pulling the allies a part Is political instability at the centre a signal of larger and decpcr instabilities working in the depths of the Indian society? Are we on the threshold of a period of longterm instabilities of government at the nalitional level? If so, are wc facing El crisis of the political system of parliamentary democracy?
There nre other anguishing questions too: Thic militant Hindu wave created by BJP in the Hindi belt raises scrious questions about the vitality of secularis II in our dem Ocracy. Is India going towards atavistic Hindu revivalist politics? How strong are the combined forces of BJP, WHP, Bajrang Dal, RSS and Shiw Sena in our political universe'? Why is it proving to be so difficult to raise a second national political party at the centre of Indian politics, which can effectively compete with the Congress-I? What kind of realignment of political forces is taking place behind the clash and clang of party politics? Finally, where is Indian politics heading as a Tesult of the current tur Iloil? Among the intellectuals and the larger middle class to which they belong, there is an air of des pair and despondcncy about political leadership. W P Singh's decision to reserve 27 per cent of jobs in the central government and public sector undertakings has deeply alienated vast segments of the middle class who perceive the reservation as a dire threatto job prospects of their children. The fear becomes a nightmare at the possibility of the quota system being extended to education institutions. W P Singh is suddenly seen
by an over w of the middle cal leader Whi tate to bring power structure leadership of th a Indi classes. structure built tary politics d years is seen down just minister opens power structur ment of the po no chance of without firm tion in its fa
In Delh I'5 1] neighbourhood: who hawe all t prided in thei tions have sud in BJP, and, p ITilita It Hindu Ina Adwa ni, a and of educati their childrell. has Tot b c el what propelled his rathya tra t of the Hindi b was to defeat to divide the a di the Hild thus deal a sex
T1a, SS 5 L1 pp) Cort design frighten too but it is counter thic des thält Colles Ill
An objective political paral, take into acco cesses of cha II active in I eC0T1C) Imy.
First, th, c ch built up to th party Tule pi years by the ( last te nyears, was added to dominance. A the Congress i dominant polit now in powe states, in one rashtra, with a Imelt. H. Wewe level, thc crea native to Con

helmi Ing I majority class as a politi0 Would It hesidown the entire : to gain political Le backWard Castes The entire power Tollnd parlaeluring the last 40 to be crun bling ecause a prine a passage to the e for a wa 5 t segpulation that havc getting into it itive discriIli illa
1. pper Iniddle class 5 Ten El Ind WCTen hese years quietly r secular convicdenly discover cd Flrticularly, in the is II of Lal Krishprotector of jobs onal interests Of The Iliddle class slow to realise Adwani Lo ride hrough the heart alt. The purpose V P Singh's design Hindu backwards u forwards and 'ere blg y to BJP's base. THC sl II e the Congress (I) quite una blc to gn in the manner lurally to BJP.
analysis of the sis in Delhi Illust Lunt six Imajo IT proge that are Into W ndia's political
alle Inge that has e single dominant ovided for long ongress. In thic
a dynastic crust the single party L the state lewell, 5 10 longer the ical party. It is only in three
of them, Maha
Iminority governat the ritional :ill of All Alterress rule is pro
wing to be extremely difficult. In other words, the political forces at woTik in India hawe not so far been able to put together a durable second party or coalition of parties at the centre of the political spectrum to compete effectively with the Congress (II). Coalitions Cobbled up by political factions to proWide a lational alternative tČld to fall apart before they can coagulate into an enduring combination. The Teas ons are di fiticult to find. The political parties hawe been created a Tound personalitics whose competitivo ambillions to gain at one another's expense get the better of their effort to stay together, Secondly, the parties are not democratically organised; leaders are not restrained by the party members from acting according to their whims and preferences. Above Hill, while political partics hawe been adequatcly socialised political power has not; party leaders still believe that political power, when it is in their grasp, is their own property rather than the property of the cntire Ine Inbership of thc political partics. The challenge to the do IIlination of Indian political life by the Congress Party will, howe vet, contimule un til a Credible and durable alternative emerges at the national cwel. II the sociological and cultural context of Indian politics, the alternative cal T1 only be al coalition of pOlitical parties opposed to the Congress. Even as coalitions fail, the learning process goes оп, а пd attempts to innovate coalition designs will not be abad o Ted. The first successful attempt was in 1977, the second, a very different design, in 1989. Neither have been very successful; maybe the third attempt will Inect with greater success.
The second process of change, visible clearly at the state level, is the emergence of multiparty rule. All significant political parties are now in power in the states lending Indian politics a rainbow colour. This means :ln un precedented scale of participation in the governance of the country. It also IIleans an un precedented level of popular mobilisation by political parties
25

Page 28
competing it the national and local le y el s. It is nol c35 y lo foresce a situation in which a single political party, even the Congress, will regain control of the vast Imajority of thc state governments. The Congress hold on state politics began to crumble in 1968. It was restored in 1972 after IIndita Gindlli's energi: Ice as India's Joan of Arc after the defeat of the Pakistan army in Bangladesh. It cru Imbled again in 1977-78, not to be restored simce.
The third process of is Teated to the secord. It is the snapping of the sy 11 metry of the politics of the north and the south. This process began in 1977-78, when the Congress lost the In Orth but was able tic) reta in the South, La Ler, in thc mid-80s, the Congress lost the south but was in power in the
chanքe
lot. The elections of 1489-9) brought the north under the political sway of the National
Front coalitico II, but the Congress was a ble to retai Ti power in two of the four south er I states. In the orth too, the Hindi belt has emerged is the contending ground of political partiescurrently, the Congress (I), Janata Dal and BIP. The gagge of states in the north-east, including West Bengall and Assam, hawe turned into political pastures of a number of parties includi Ing the left groups,
Fourthly, a deep find enduring cleavage seems to have developed between political parties and the electate. The electorate is now too wast, too diverse, to mobile in its loyalties, to assertive of its judgment of political parties and their cade T5, especially those i II po We T. The t Talli Lido II wote blinks have dissolved; hence the competitive attempts of political parties to Inobilise new support bases. Competing political parties :1 Te also trying to steal away SegIII e Its of cach Cather's electo Tall sopporters. Wishwa Tuath Pratap Singh is determined to break up the traditional slupp OIt base of the Congress by Wea Illing away the Inlinorities, the backward castes, harijans and 1Tibll5. He is also striking at the Hindu
շն
mass base of B.J. India,
This is a WCTy velopment at the politics. The midd arge and min ost - ? not bestow electii political parti C5, ties have to deրel mass of Indi: In pēi those who i liwc ( and urban slums. there have bee attempts on the cal parties, espel: gress, to Tmobilis hic weaker sectiv pulation with attr tive slogans likc The JT1 åtal Party, in 1977-79 a Time report of the M sian to politicia backward castes It was. Il "t å ble t. grill Tissi (11's Te. All political pal gress included, Mandal commiss was reldy t_1 tT colle Ildati. Il 3 age of the Indi: turc. Rajiv GaI unity and integr try might have T to the middle C e Sוון שייLiרוות: הון and the cter all thic clections ( Congress lost m of thic por al II Now in 1990, stirred the hi. selective imple I Mandal Commis dations. A jaot ceInt Tal gr Wertl rl sector undertaki coctricte th 3Tl hat C' Slogan W was fouri tõb removing power etiקווd corטtווde tical parties for the endurin poor voter who determine who ment mainey f the Iloil-po T.
The fifth pr is a greater di India polities. in the Illu Tıbr:IT ( ) in power at di

P iTI TOIthem
significant deal se of Indian le class, though issertive, does וTם Wictories נ1ם For this parnd on the poor bple, especially in the village Since 1969, in continuing part of polititially the Cone the poor and ons of the poactive a md emo“ga tibi ha tao". while in power itself with the Mandal Con1 T1 islly mobilise the and classes, implement the CO mille Indal tio Ins, rties, the Conswore by the in, but none # This late its Teinto the la Tugu - l Il power struc1 dhi’s slogain of ity of the counmeant something lass, but carried Sage to the poor y deprived. In f 1989-90, the Luch of the wote the Illinorities. W P Singh has rnets' nest by el täitjal of thic ion's recommenquota in the ent and public gs is much more El mere 'garibi lich, in any case, in effectilill in y. An un preceion a mong poliis now begun support of the will ironically, Clins the governr thic benefit of
cess of change cratisation of This is evident
political parties ferent levels of
government, in the mass pressure for the benefits of govern lent for the poor er sections of thc people, in the capture of power at the state level by the rich and middle peasantry, in the growing dichotomy between urban and rural interests, the latter becoming increasingly assertive of their numerical power, in the mass mobilisation by political parties, and in the stern electoral werdict of the witcrs. If the electorate's loyalties have become very mobile, its size has increased Imanifold and millions of young voters have come into the voting bLI siness.
Democratisation of the political process has created a load of demands on the political system and its managers which the latter are reluctant to concede. The most important demand is for decentralisation and feder:- lism, a manifestation of which is the de II and for greater autonomy for states, and for the creation of states to enable organised ethnic groups to goven the Inselwes. Those who hawe built the power structure, especially those who have presided over it since the death of Nehru, See in these derlands a thTeat to India's unity and integrity. In reality, it is a threat to the concentration of power and resources at the centre since 1972. It is ; 5) a thical to the mind-frame of the national power elite which sees itself as the guardian and protector of the India state, ift not its proprietary owner. A struggle has been joined between the urban-middle class power, structure and the masses of Indian people for a fundamental restructuring of the Indian polity around federalis II, decentralisation and sharing of power and rcsources. It is basically a struggle for extended democracy, with people governing their own political life rather than being governed by the elite from above.
The sixth and fila 1 factoT that create pressures on the political process can, in one
word, be described as lumpenisation. It is the accumulated weight of several strong negative developments of the last 40

Page 29
years — the dark World of crime fed by black money, drugs, guns and the smuggling of goods, a cohort of jobless youth easily dra W In to the dazzle of crime,
the growing nexus between criminals and politicians: in short, the entire process of slow development mainly keyed to the benefit of the la Wes. Liu II el values hawe infiltrated the political process. These
values, adopted by ruling political parties, particularly the Congress (I), have crodcd democratic institutions and ea ten into the wit als of our democracy. In the abscnce of any determined organised at tempt to a Trest the influence of lumpen elements, lumpenisation goes on increasing rather tha in diminishing. There is hardly any political party in power at any level of our political life, including the CP(M) in West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala, Lihat is free of the influence of lumpen elements.
If this analytical anatomy of Indian politics is broadly correct, it leads to several hypotheses. First, we are in transition from the single dominant party system to a multi-party, and therefore, El ImoTe democratic regime. We are also groping for durable coalitions at the centre. Our coalitional experience in the statics is now reasonably mature un like our expericnice at the celt Tec. We are also il the difficult process of erecting a political party at the centre of the political spectrum that can compete With the Congress Party singly or in coalition with other group5. We are in the Imidst of a great struggle for democratisation of the political process with progressive federalism and de centralisation.
We arc locked in a struggle between the middle class power structure backed by industry, acade IIIc, the print media, the scientific-technological community and, of course, the milita Ty El Cid the wast mass of the poor people Who live in the villages and urban slums. They
are not the poo the bottom 20 population. The Sri Ille cu::Atil 0 yet effect ()f de Iętrit to føTILI" and press for
of tillei de III elite, and who realised that ill they hawe the to Inake and I D
The transitio. to be long and and at places, W. (dy. That's hi. Europe grew in 1 dicinocracics ove years. They went realign ments Eırıq: tions, and they of waging Wars of duration, which CTS, lind cataly: and social chan paced up technold and innovations injected life bla itical arteries of ing dem cocT acie: LIn o) e a noth TıcTe We Te Lli of races, culture as the Europea I came into being terlocking of ci operation. Nine Europe, with we cratic experimen did not care Illu
We Tc de Illic al dwa Intages the enjoyed, the I. being time, Wer in 50 years wha yeATS. t.) Eittain. Without the le", and of Course, has been o sic 4000 years. The -T - "יו ir Hם נן נ::ם לאלו experience of th cracies. We law 0 WWT1 i T1T1 ("}"Wätir: ments because col multinational pe is unique in th, nesting ground fc democracy. We out cha, ngc in

rest of the poor, |c celt f our " have received and some spillelopment, have late demands he recognition s by the power 1 El. We, Eı b o we a 11,
our democracy ultimate power Ilake the rulers.
is are proving ha T dy, at times i let äud bloW. Initions in :C) Tlatlı Te stil ble !r hundreds of through endless | Imany rewoluhad the luxury short and long
acted as levelits of political ge. Their wars gical inventions
while empires od into the poltheir develop3. They drew er's experience. 1er Colu s T1 ing ling is and languages 1 state system ; in a long inin fict and coteenth century Lich our demoL is comparable, ch for stability.
i many of the European states nost importa mt nust accomplish they took 300 We have to do 'cller of wars, in India there ial revolu tiom ilin "c is little that Om the political L: Пmature demo* t0 make olur 5 and experi1 r ml I lticulturall, }litical milieu C World as a уг parliamentary hawe to work a society that
generally resists change if it is not slow and incremental.
Hegel wrote that the owl of Minerva, which brings wisdom, flies out it dusk. It is a good sign that it is now circling round nations and nationalism.' If this is a dusk in India's political development, the owl of Mincrwa is flying. Out of , the turmoil and anguish of the
present, our democracy Will hopefully emerge stronger and stabler in the years to come.
The judiciary. . .
(Corfire (ron page Jé) Out discussion to this point
has exclusively treated review Լյք legislative action. Ewen where such revicW is not established, however, the judiciary
still can play a key monitoring role with regard to executive actions, Executive abuses of o Illic sort CT al mother a Tc the static actions which most directly
and injuriously impinge on citizen's lives (one might say the state is chiefly known by
its truncheons and tax.cs), ropping the state of its legitimacy and retarding political development. Developing societies present rampant opportunitics for abuse of executive authority because the disparity in power between the mass of the citizenry (typically impoverished and resourceless) and the agents of state power is very great. Herc again we observic a notablc difference between the
judiciaries of India and Sri Lanka. In India, at least in the post-Energency era, thc
Court has not flinched from subjecting state action to sic Tutiny and (frequently) repudiation, as will evplore as length below in our discussion of fundamental rights litigation in the age of judicial actiuis III” In Sri Lanka, the Court's approach to review of executive action has been guarded, to say the least.
NEXT: Judicial Activism
27

Page 30
New Govt. . .
( , η Γηρεί να τη ΡίμΕΕ και MT. Karu Ina lidhi has in turil launched a blistering attack on Mr. Molopaniar, Lusing the Mandal Cominis sin report as a Weapon. Colling to Mr. Morpå mar’s Tescue, MT. RAIL1 a ITurthi has så id that Mr. Ká ulianidhi is Tow projecting hit Ti self as a cha III1pion of the backward classes for political reasons. In 1982, When the entire Opposition led by Mr. Chara Il Singh staged a walk-out I afteT the Indira Galimdi Gower Tim EIt Li Lirincid dy w II a. Tequest för a debal te on the Mandal Commission report, the DMK did not join in it, he points out. In fact, from 1980 to 1984, the DMK was on the side of the Congress (II) because MT. K:ATLLIFA Inidhi wa Titeli MTs. Gandhi to withdraw the corruption cases against him, alleges Mr. Raila IIILIIthi.
It is well known that despite tall talk, Mr. Karunanidhi, like his predecessor, MGR, has been kow-to wing to the Centre to avoid repeal of I7fi or 980. In fact, after his return to power in February 1989. Mr. KaruThailidhi kept a low profile until the Congress (I) løst the November elections and Mr. W, P, Singh became Prime Minister.
Yet, it is now argued that Mrs. Gandhi was able to topple two go wernments in the
State and get away with it because her regime was strong and Mr. Chandra Shekhar cannot afford to do so. To be on the safe side, Mr. Karlu na Inidhi felici tate di MT. Chland Tal Shekhar when he took over, and the Prime Minister, in his reply, said his Government was for cooperation, not confrontation. But his statement in the Lok Sabha, warning the Tamil Nadu and Assam Governments, was probably meant to show, who calls the shots.
The spectacular showing of the AIADMK-Congress (II) combime in the last Lok Sabha elections having proved to be no avail following the defeat of the Congress (I) at the national level, the two parties have now belicve there is no
8
way the DMK be. Te mowel L. elec: tiri 5 a Te liel With the Ilex L With Mr. Chai In position t. demand, Mr. Kal performance in been the most standards, is wicket.
Finding shelt
(ri:
output which h; : In it. In Lil filte
during 1970–77
to ån Hrin 11:11 H 19.05 per cent
Il 1 341 CCCIII 11 i C ted in construc easi Tig over 3 tir Tates at that t זון:tוון ווין E"ונאG טth to adopt deflat which were no to the country's mediately after
Ileasli Tes reflecti ment's budget
adopted there decline in outp stT11ctic). Il il du SL mic Review if His follows Tegal T: te of C15 rut ing by al Il esti cent in 1978, 2 1 per cent in
tion in the hig! the construction i tiIThe When ing capacity was cc in response to th and apparent : the geçLIT". TE ie w has given : C3SL iCTeise: "II power shortages low capacity, i ni Ing a indi pÓ Cor the Constructio At that tiIlle II led constructio the WäTious ce to only 6,000 - Id this li w o dly improwic tht the short space
Therefore in
HIk Ilitic
Industry Traini T.P.) to train co

Governile It cari inless Assembly d si Inulla neolus ly Lok Sabha poll. ld Slokar i
resist such a "una nidhi, whose Office has I CIL pleasing by a Ily In a very sticky
E"
re. Frge 22 ld a growth with of 2 per cent suddenly spurted werage rate of during 1978-80. sense this resul: ti. Il costs i CTmes the prevalent Im1e. After 198), was compelled i 7 mility measu Tės I really helpful * td {} n \} IIly. IIIlthe deflationay 2d i Ill the (Gwerinesti II laites were was a 3 per cent ut i In the Co. IlTy. The EconoIլIIIt: 1988 status ding the growth : tisħin: “ta' fc rislated 28.3 per ().9 in 1979 and 1980 a cIl trac1 growth ratic of
il 341H resel drillestic Iming UIl stream le price increases attractive less of e EcI1Illic Rewis causes for the latic Tial :L iid Ima Il, the industry's nadequate planIIltiTitlքe me 11t הF Il works, etc.” 1c litput of trai1 Wirks frill Titres : 1110 l'Inted persos per y el T utput Could har: sit li: Li T with it
{}f time. 1981 the World a construction ng project (C.I. Instruction indu
stry skills. The Bank cisti matcd that potential for employment Was about 140,000 in 1979 and would double by 1984 and increase furthcr to 340,000 by 1985. The anticipated expansion in the building construction sector however did not take place and these estimates of training requir criments had to be heavily scaled down, ''The basic problem was al lack of a dcfin cd lang ter|11 policy for the development of the local industry. In fact it was not even treated as an industry in policy foamulation."
(To be continued)
An Ethnic . . .
(rint fr Page t)
Muslim community there and revenge killings between the three ethinic corn Iniu nities that used to co-exist, Golde E1, Tipe fields of paddy sway in the musky heat Us late Summer cfoc the Ill Isoto Ti. * * N) CIC: can har vest the Tice this y el T," says an elderly Muslim Wyman, returning from prayers at the massacre victims' graves. People go to the paddy, they disappear.' The Catholic bishop of Batticalo a speaks sadly of thic disappearance of one of the Jesuits, the Rev. Herbert, ill American citize , " "We llawe än id cal Of who might be responsible for the death of Father Herbert, but il the E35te TI Pro Wilce there are 5 many suspects. Na le call be Silure.""
The NSSP. . .
(rire for prge 2)
Conclusion
Althought two interesting and important issues have been raised here it has been possible to discuss them only briefly. El Ild perhaps On occassion only enigmatically, within the scopof this short article. If the ideas
ELI e a little contro versia1, ve that is not accidental, because the hope is that they will
stimula te some discussion. This would be healthy, to be productiv c the discussion Rmust also be theoretically rigorous, and II leave that to my readcrs.

Page 31
ཟ
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light banter amongst thase ritral la TT15ls, Ļļ, hir aço busy Siarting Cut TibiaCÇça LH LL SH LLLLLLS S L LLLLLHHLH KLL g LLLLLLgs L gaLLll
barris spread uut in the ritid and L-LITEIT, inter mediate 20:12 where the arable land remains falci, iiiiiing this if sista.
CLLLLLKS LLLL LLLL LLLLLLaS LluHCL DD LHLBLBLB Oa C lucrative cash crop and the green leaves turn to TLLLLSSSL al KalLLa L LlaaLL LLS 00La LlLLL LLLLL LGLaL
afinually, fut perhaps 143,0XI TIJIal folk,
 

ENRCHING FRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that rings employment to the second highes: IILITiber of people Art: this: people are the tobaccc. barn owners, the tobacca gryers 3rd thr: whi) . Kirk for them, Cri the lard and in the basis.
Ll LtllleeS LLL LLLLtetHtHCLLL LLL eeLGLGLHLH LLLCLCOHHMLa GHLHLLS
corrille life anda so:Liro futura. A good Erough T2a5', 'or la Lugh! Er,
Ceylon Tobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our lard and her people,

Page 32
To Provide Financia lowed i
JOIM
BANK OF
CHILDREN'S SA
Give your child one of the m in life -
Financial security for a stab
If you have not, it's time you
Your savings today is your c
BANK OF
ABA WAKERS TO
 

il Security to your
010S
THE
CEYLON
WNGS SCHEME
Iost important things
le future.
I thought about it.
hild's security tomorrow.
у
CEYLON
τΗΕ ΝΑτιοιν