கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Lanka Guardian 1991.01.01

Page 1
Vol. 13 No. 17 January 1, 1991 Price Rs. 7,50 Sir Baron, Food and Cha Ethnic Conflict: Judiciar
Sri Lanka, India and Chi Tamillnadu and the Tige
COLOMBC-MADRAS-DELH The Karunanidhi Factor
- S. Murari
THE REGIOW BANGLADESH: Gan Dem
Pakistan’s Islamic Bom
The Gulf Crisis as Spect Leon Trotsky: The Long
 

Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka, OD/06/NEWS/91 uvinism - S. Pathiravitana
y as Mediator
- Scott Newton
na - Mervyn de Silva
'S - S. Sahadewan
cracy Survive
- David Housego
b — Pran Chopra
cle — Jeremy Seabrook Wait - Punyapriya Dasgupta

Page 2


Page 3
TERW IMAL BEWEFTS ΤΑΣΗ
Wi rew tā x rāte merсалtile executives” ferгтла/ Benefits lead to a private Sèctor brā ir dra ir 7 ? Ceylan Charlier of Commerce Chairr?? Harı Ali Var yaratrine / iri ki 5 ft WFW.
The Budget a founced that terrina benefits in excess of ARS 700,000 WWW herce forts be taxed at the for fra W rates of income tax, because there was 'considera El Me a use of fax Cor. Cessions co werir ag ferrfras beriefst5. /r a /effer so Prime Minister (and Finance Minister) D. B. Wijetu nga Mr. Jayarate has said that if this were so the most effective remedy would surely be to proceed against the persons guity of a Euse, whereas the budget proposa / Wi// punish
FUEL.
In view of ty ένα μνα Γλα α ή μ. MMr Ar7Lv ra Ba asked the gove El 7 de 75, i'r Mori:57, fwyaf of a Cosmetic Bär ročia rä 757 fKa sťatament: "/ ) FF7F7ť ťahať ffe WÈ MW 5 fford' fy of retro to f. Rs. GEO. T. was FS 575
Vir 7 a fore SS . go Werrirrt Bardararake's justify the p
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POL A леиvsрада (ATH 7 HA) frå, Gower refit as
the overwhelming majority Sowy”. SEG FY
Who comply with the law. (Continuad
PRIO REPORT
In respon 55 to readors" queries about the Newi
report SRI LANKA - TOWARDS A MULTI-ETHNIC SOCIETYP" We regret to say that the Information of Arve Paulson has informed us that a new versior of Report is in print and that the ...G. will receive a ci it is printed. Apparently, thero were 'several misprint version. The standard of the first version, says t Cofficër, did not "met the quality requirements sat | and the author".
As readers know, the .G. only published the final the report sent to us by the PRO Director, Dr. Kumi So far no participant has objected to what we published -
Lanka Guardian Publishing Co.Ltd.
(GUARDIA COMT
Briefly Wol. 13 No. 17 January 1, 199 News Background
Elim War The Regio Prict Rs. 7.5 Frgig News
Housing (2)
Published fortnightly by F[][[ ] Brlt theo gth #1[]
Judicial Activi 5 п
No. 246, Union Place, Trotsky
2 - סbוחסIםC
Printed by A. 825, Sri Ratnaja Editor: MBrw yn de Silwa MË , atha,
Talaph o mg: 447 584 TelLiբht:rit;

PRICE
The sharp dec/fre rices the SLFP's η Τέι Γέι Πa Aα τές T7ë TË I J rritikë frigful reduction дгices ""fлistaar/ rFC for 7". MMr Sa fad in a press rČ wed' ) är WaaJLVerririle rl Căr 5g M a ga Mor '72 Cor SL 77 et af e price chargyесї
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IIв Jaүзүүagra DEMOCRATC ficar o PRC thi Jaya Weera Up y 5 800 m 35 it first hE Inforri:Ilius by both PRIC)
| discussion of Rup Hsingha, d.
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TRENDS LETTERS
URMLA PHADNS
It was sad to hear of Urmia Phadis's death when it was clear from her last paper on the tragic crisis of the embattled Sri Lankan State (L. G. 15 Now. 8 O1 Dec. 1990) she had reached a point of understanding of a country she had so painstakingly studied for almost three da Cades. I first met her then when she arrived to begin her field work - an unending series of forays into the highways and byways of a politico-religious - socio-economic maze she was determined to penetrate. I recall many hospitable sessions in Peradeniya, Delhi and Nawin na Where the Warm and compassionate nature of her spirit was Counterpoised by a combative and inci siwo insight into our major and minor follies.
Her only book Region and Politics in Sri Lanka (1976) does her little justice, and she will be mostly Ter Itembered for the SCOre of concerned articles she wrote in the last twenty years, of which the final analysis of Our current scenario must take precedence. It contains, in essence, the reasons why our political structures up to no W ha we failed the causes of democracy, justice and equality in a multi-ethnic Society, and helps one to appreciate the depressing nadir of political autocracy, economic adversity, social Lui rest, and etical i Tertia to Which our Society has sunk, Her many friends and colleagues in Sri Lanka Williament her passing as an Indian who took care to behave neither as Mother India nor Big Sister.
H. A. I. G. Na wila

Page 4
Briefly. . .
Combined opposition party demonstrators protesting the rising cost of living, human rights violations and political victimisation were dispersed by the police near the Maha Malu wa of the Sri Dila da Maliga Wa in Kandy, on Dectember 15. The Committee of Parliamentarians
foT Fılmamental and Hill II 1E1 Il Rights later alleged a police assault “on veteran political leaders and the enlightened
public', constituting an unjustifiable denial of fundamental and human rights.
Opposition Leader MIT Siriminawo Bil Ilda Tanaikic said in a statement: * 'the Sri Lanka Freedom Party is deeply shocked and distressed at the brutal and un provoked attack. . . on a group of unarmed persons, many of whom are prominent and respec
tcd 11 e Tibers of Copposition1 political parties. . .
e 'These acts of physical
violence by the official law and order cim forcement authorities directed against law abiding Inellbers of the public who are only excercising their democratic rights of freedom of association and expressioT, a Te Completely contradictory to and totally irreconcilable with pious and sanctimonious protestations of devotion to the ideals of democracy by President Prema dasa a Tid his II linisters, and constitutc disturbing signs of a sinister design on the part of the UNP government to trample upon and cradicate any kind of democratic opposition to its rule.
O "We call upon the people to be ever vigilant and to resist by every possible lawful and peaceful means the erosion of their che rished democratic rights and fundamental freedoms."
PENSIONERS
O Pensioners will also get the additional allowance that public servants were promised in the Budget. Retired public servants with a basic pension of Rs 2000
per month Will
ãfld th05'g Whit Between R.S 2)) Will receive Rs.
250,000 pension cent will qualif tion: allow-inct
N. G. O's
Activities Linki a Te to b delt PTICIL1 ad Elisal Justicc R. S. W retire di Supre II1 to head a coln Ill THe other Пеп J. F. A. Soza, K. W clau tha pill golla, Irwin Wee: dharma Ekamaya Priyani Soysa,
About 30 believed to be Tere i5 :5 work to monito
O The commi among other th and or Inisu se i by these NGOs

receive Rs 30) }se pension is C) Lld R3 3000
20O). The Te T: rs and 95 per y for the adli
S.
f N G()"; i 1 Sri e probed. Presi
has appointed Wana. Su Indiara, a a Court judge, ission of inquiry. bers arc Mcssrs
M. N. Ju maid, li, E. Era mudulrakkody, Wimalal1 ke and Dr (Mrs)
OC) NGOs are
Operating here. til blished fra IlleI their activities.
ssion will report ings on the use of fu Indis Teceivcd , including on
whether any funds have been misappropriated or used for activities prejudicial tio , Inational security and interests.
POLICE TORTURE
The Police Department has de Imobilised a Reser We Policc Constable and framed charges for oppressive conduct against a Sub Inspector, following a recent judgment of the Supreme Court in which thc two officers were found guilty of torturing a suspect while in their custody.
NO THREAT
The Multi Fibre Agreement (MFA) und er which local gärIlent manufacturers are dished out quotas to export to the USA is due to lapse in June 1991. But Trade Minister A. R. Mans oor has said that the Te is no immediate threat to local garment manufacturers because the quotas will be phased out over ten years, in which time he expects the manufacturers to adjust to a quota free regime.
DEMOCRATIC PROCESS (ELEGY)
rike Noriega, Ceau
ū ri ārīg krā'- V a russi to pusfi, f' is sir7 fè/Vectra' Europerty 'om the ChA via Safia
Being a Sayanin OL/d /7G Wg 777 de GVN (Fre differer7Cg. 'fth Coќа (агто" Саїrте)
g//fig the denocratic process, 'ig World Bank may not hawa sa id
LLLOCCtLGuu LCa LCCLCLLSLSLLLL LLL LLLLCLL LLLCLLCGTS
"t# MTSCC Wy, CGäL!
ad Fr is early row
ergo Peking wards and made is how | Flog L'''''o HOLSE FC Wx0 F) "Worl77 fie survived fo geť po fotogrāpo '7fed, i Fis Hollywood SL it, with Reaga CLLS LH L LLLL LLCLLLS LGH LS La LCCC ro fortu rately, vot iri tirre ) prevent pro-Democracy Videophonin is trifa/, ä frer Deaf, by stor frig erdict, they said, was Stanism шt concussiол дreverted солfess forт.
Eucharest.
Ш. Karшпаtilake

Page 5
India - Sri Lanka China makes a
Mervyn de Silva
t was a coincidence of course.
External Affairs Minister W. C. Shukla spelt out the Chandra Sekhar' government's four-point Sri Lanka policy to Parliament's Consultative Committce on Foreign Affairs just als Delhi decided to confront the DMK in Madras over the issue of LTTE actiwitics in Tamilnadu. If one is a coincidence fancier, än other it cm can be freely accommodated. Chinese Prime Minister Li Peng had already left Beijing on his South-east Asian tour (Phillipines, Malaysia and Laos) which would be extended to one South Asian nation, Sri Lanka.
The turmoil in India did not per Init the inclusion of Delhi on the Chinese leader's itinerary. Mr. Li Peng has now visited Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal. If India had been included, South Asia, with the exception of Bhutan and the Maldives, would have covered" by China's new diplomatic thrust beyond its im IThediate A. S. E. Ä. N neighbours. (China, in any case, owed a return visit since Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was in China two years ago).
Having 'recovered' from the bad dream of Tiananmen, and Wrestling more confidently with the main internal problems of transition - party and բeIltrational leadership, cconomy and democratisation Beijing has Once more stepped out into the World, a world in which bipolarity, Soviet communism and the Soviet empire have all collapsed. And the other, last Tema ining Supeгроwет is already facing critical challengc in the Gulf, where its future
global standin and tested.
Seize the da Mao used to sa sely what Chi nationally, and
At the LJ. N. China abstainct bers, including Write di With the thc use of for if it had not “El 11 cxedo Kly China's abstenti I Lost indication thinking' in a r and changing
Nor has Chi do Iled its old World wiew, Tr. dogmatic as at Maoist "person; is thic idiom thi Pri Inc Minister the term “hege Speech at the by Preside IL Pre the internation: i Tıp FCI ved, it w: trouble. Hegem politics still clear reference,
U. S.
In the regional LC TILEXt Ille C endorsed, Mr. E koon reported, should be allo their problem: Mr. Li Peng w Old-style anti-I Far fr ) In it. S Lions had conside he said, after Gandhi's visit t

| TTOVe
g is being shaped
, seize the hour,
.y. That's preci
a has done inter
regio Illally.
Security Council, d While 12 memhic Soviet Union,
lJS to en dorse Ce again St Iraq. Withdrawn from Lit by Ja. 15. On was the plai
of its own new 'adically changed Y Old
na totally abanidcology-charged Je, it is 110 L als the height of ality culto' nor | Fit CT na te. Yet, Li Peng used This III’’’ i his banquet hosted Ilia disa, Though ill situation had S. It free of 10 nis II1 and power :Xist . . . . . A surely, to the
I or sub-regional 'hinese premier Brad II lail Weer:- that countries Wedi to resolve S "internally'. S T O L D E DI Indian rampagei T1)-Indian rela:Tai bly improved, Prime Minister O Beijing.
NEws BACKGROUND
Equally interesting was President Premadasas views on India. There had been strains in Indo
Lankan relations, he told the Chinese Premier, because of Tamilnadu's support for the
Tamil separatist-militant groups, especially the Tigers". DiploInats observed that he referred to Tamilnadu rather than to India, and expressed satisfaction at the improved Indo-Sri Lankan relations, a direct result of Delhi's "current policy".
What is Delhi's current policy? The parameters, said the Indian press, had been drawn by Foreign Minister W. C. Shukla in his presentation to Parliament.
i) India will not be a party to any process that leads to the political disintegration of the island.
ii) The Indian army will NOT be sent again to Sri Lanki.
iii) India Will not allow its
territory to be used as a
base for terrorist activities
directed against Sri Lanka.
iV) India will not allow any foreign forces to interfere in Sri Lanka.
While the vast majority of Sri Lankans will welcome this new Indian approach, many readers, both Sri Lankan and foreign, will be in trigued by the last point, specially the word 'interfere' and the words "will not allow'. One presumes
3

Page 6
that this is Water cd down WCTsion of the Indira Gandhi doctrine’’ which was stolew blat plainer . . . . . . 'in any manner prejudicial to Indian interests'. It is possible, after all, for a country to "interfere' in Sri Lanka's affairs in a Tanner patently beneficial to Sri Lanka, cor in no way hostile to lindial intcests. Does this in fact summarise in a single sentence - and less offensively - the matters specified in the exchange of letters' between JRJ and Rajiv, appendix 3 of thic India-Sri Linka “Pcacc AccCTi'' '''
Long before the ''Accord', both Mrs. Gandhi and Rajiv used Indian diplomatic influence to impose an unofficial embargo on the supply of arms to Sri Lanka. As a major trading D. Hi tion1 : Indi al In arms buyer, India Was able to see that arms supplies were few and far between or that Sri Lanka was de nied certain types of weapons supplies. The idea, of course, was to manage the military balance, so to say, between the two com
batants - the the LTTE. (Th1 threat that the ved SAM’s, jus was hoping to oT hclicopter - g1 ging the milita a key element it diplomacy.
Interestingly, two larger, El Int bours, China al II two pariah' ( Israel and Sout ignored the Inc from the LU. S., (SEE SIPRI TA
Recently, tw military missio Chima and Piki believed that co signed. Mr. R: State Minister plored the pres la Ec T the sic publish details
Mr. ShLıkla N la te January, I last days of th
Arms purchases by Sri Lanka, 1983-8 (all figures
constant 1985 prices)
Arms Supplier 1983 1984 1985 1986
United States 3. 1 28 29
Soviet Union m - -
China - 2
Italy - - - 국 United Kingdom - - 15 Israel - 3. ?ի
Singapore - 38 4 South Africa - - 12 O
Totill 70 8. 65
Weapons ordered from
* A1GLI III çfect 3 declivy Erics of Africa, 1983-7.
Sa Hrce: figure 5 supplici by Stockholm III ternational Picaçç Resea
4

SL army and S., the Tillmoured LTTE ha 5 Tecci
When Colombo luy imbre aiTcraft Inships). Manay balance was Delhi's coercive
it Was India's igonistic neighdi Pakistan, and utla Wed states, h Africa which ian diktat, apart
the superpower. BLE)
O Sri Lankan ns häwe wisited sta II, and it is ntrācts līve bet Injan Wijerat ne, of Defence, im
5 Il0t to specu
I 11:11 STS 11 Gr to of transactions.
Will be here in probably in thc . וthחל) נt: IIו
are lп Sпп at
1987 1988
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27 54:
srael and South
h Institute (SIPRI).
NEWS BACKGROUND
The Tamilnadu factor
t looks like the old equation
- Colombo-Madras-Delhi - but we Illust lote thic Ille w dynamics, Certainly on the IIndian side. on Dec. 5, Mr. K. Rama muirthi, President of TamillI adu Committee of Mr. Gandhi's Congress party issued to the press a copy of a threate ni ng letter he had received the day before. The letter said he'll be liquidated if he continues to interfere with the activities of the LTTE. He . Lold tlh e ʼ T:ı Imil media that he hadn't the slightest doubt that it came from the "Tigers.
On Dec. 15, Dr. Subramaniam Swamy MP, Minister of Justice and Commerce, returned from a trip to the southern state and declared that three districts Thanjavur, South Arcot and Ramanathapuran were beyond the control of the Tamilnadu administration of the DMK, Mr. MuthuWel Karunanidhi's party. The LTTE was smuggling gold, drugs, medicinc etc, said, DT. SLIIb Tal II halliam
On Dec. 16, Indian Prile Minister Chandra Sekhar told his party workers in Lucknow, "Gone are the days when the union governm cnt could dictate to the Centre", Ta Inil na du, he Warned, should not take liberties.
Dr. Subrama Illiam Swаппу, once a devoted supporter of the LTTE, told the press “my views are well known ... they need not be re-stated' when he was asked by the press whether the Madras gover IIl rint should be removed by the Prime minister. On the 19, Mr. Rama murthi said the 'whole drana' of a crackdown on LTTE and other Illilitants, was a farce'. The Indian High Commissioner, Mr. N. N. Jha told the Sunday Observer (23 Dec.) that the LTTE was being “hotly pursued'. But Delhi policy See IIns to blow hot-and-cold.

Page 7
Whither Parliament 2
Pಳ್ದ is the strongest symbol of a free society in which the people have the in alienable right to clect their government. It is also the forum in which the government and the opposition, whatever the lines of division, are free to {lTցlle any issue in any manner which the rules of the House permit. And those rules will be adminis. tered by the Speaker, assisted by the officers of the House. The mace is the symbol of thc Speaker's authority. It is the ordinary duty of the Sergeant-atarms to ca Try the mace into thu: House to announce the arrival of the Speaker and the formal commencement of Parliament's business. When both person and symbol - the Sergeant-at-arms and the Mace - become objects of physical 'attack." Parliament, robbed of its symbolic dignity, can lose its sanctity in the eyes of the people even for a day.
"BOXING DAY IN THE HOUSE'', 'FISTICUFFS IN PARLIAMENT' were some of the headlines in the Sunday papers (Dec. 16). Politicians, Officials and journalists who have been acquainted with Sri Lankan parliament in various Ways for the past 30-40 years agree that this was the most decply disturbing (and probably the ugliest) scene in the Chamber since independence.
Does it reflect a malaise which goes far beyond the decline in personal-professional standards and codes of conduct Doe. this sudden eruption, in a most unlikely place, reflect the Organic disorder that characterises Sri Lankan society today, the institutional crack-up, the tremors under the foundation stones?
A Sunday ISLAND editorial titled PARLIAMENT, noted:
On a practical level the scenes of disorder which have taken Place recently stem directly from the frequent resort to suspending sittings particularly by the Deputy Speaker. Last
Week the Spe threater to a Without mere ti Ings if the behalwc themse ble thält Sitt Sli spendcd on of circumstal what happens Chair is vaca open licence t Weekss blizi fisticuffs and House can fil ulted becas at a tie W Was suspende desirable that brought to Ileans thal su:
Blit C1 a level the prol It appears th; Of Parlił II e It refer to MPs Other office the divide) se by a sense of to ICe i Ild ful ordinary MP Cabinet or Parliament will ble more and shop it ha 5 F be. But in balance of poli such that ther possibility of cha Ing c. But Presidency wit tion of power Executive who El me Imber Par of the Gower Cabinet has at tion fairly su
It is therefore steps be taken the average M. of Self- WyğThı. be done needs The problem is allent Is a beyond ne po! public speakers itself beyond t political platf
A SUNDAY. T
Con "Parliamenta

alker had to even journ the House suspending sit1e Imbers did I10L
|ves, It is desiraings should be y in the gravest ces. Otherwise
is that once the İnt it can be allı disord cr. Last headlines about violence in the be technically : these took place hen the House 1. But yet it is the House is rder by other spending sittings.
deeper political ble I11 is grawcr. it lost IIle-IIb crs
(and here we
who hold no Ti both sides of e Til to b c Scized | political impo
ility. For the who is not a Sta. Le Minister
| come to rese Inmore the talking ilways been to other times the itical forces was e was a greater and scope for the Executive h its concentrain the Chicf. although not lia ment is head ment and the e Ted this situabstantially.
: necessary that ['0 TC5 to Te 0 P a new sense How this can to be debated that the par liwe to be taken sition of merc and Parliament he status of a If I 1
IMES continent Ty Norms of
NEWS BACKGROUND
Conduct" quoted former Speaker Mr. Stanley Tillekeratne at length:
Parliam cnt need not be a boring, u ninteresting place, but some honourable members hitting each other is not an honourable example to a country where indiscipline seems sadly to be the rule rather than the exception.
Former Speaker Stanley Tilekeratine performed a powerful post-morte III. In his backbench days, Mr. Tilekeratne himself was no Wallflower but he knew when enough was cnough. Hic knew where a Ind when to draw the li Inc. Su Tı IIning up the excesses and abuses of that drca diful Satu Tday, he said: "Let it be kept in mind that here resides the sovereign Will of the people and We as representatives of that Will are accountable to the people. This institution has withstood repeated assaults on its foundations by forces opposed to the democratic process of government. This institution has shown great resistance and resilience to weather every storm. It is the duty of all honourable members of this House to safeguard this great bastion of democracy.'
Formcr President J. R. Jayawardene, a vetera 11 parlia Inetarian t0|[1: the SUNDAY (OBSER WER: No one can devalue Parliament or its members, except the Imic II:nbcrs themsel wees." He waarned that this type of gross breach of conduct could cindanger the democratic system itself. He reminded political parties that every organisation has its own Tules, and thicse Tull C5 II hust be promptly and fearlessly applied. No violence in the House should bc tolerated, hic salid.
ParliancIt is invested with a 'unique authority' and prestige, Inot so IImuch by formal legal instruments but, by convention, of unwritten laws, and practive5 oh5erwed Prof. G. L. Pieris, Colombo University's Wicc
Chancellor. That is the very lifeblood of the democratic process, he stressed.
M.

Page 8
Two Rare Pro’s
hey were both extraordinary
mell -- One a university edulcated army officer trained at the best II military academics in India, Pakistan and Britain, including a Master’s deg Tce in Counter-Terroris II at Aberdeen Univ., and the other all you ing man who joined the police as a constable, and rose rapidly to be a senior superintendent by sheer hard work, dedication and savvy, Brigadier (posthumously Major-General) Lucky Wijeratne and Superintendent Richard Wijesekera (posthumously D. I. G.) had together taken on the lost important assignIlment i In the Sixth month WaT (EELAM WAR 2) against the Tigers' - denying the LTTE control of Trincomalice, the strategic Indian ocean port-town, the "neck' so to say connecting the Ta III il-dominated North the ethically mixed East, politically and militarily the Illost sic Insitive and the most hotly contested. And Trilco town itself has a communal "mix', Sinhalcse, Tamils and Muslims, which inade it a nightmare for those entrus tcd with lawy - einfor ccmcilt.
The two men were perfectly Imatched in that their different temperaments and professional approaches - the soldier's and the policeman's - Inade an ideal balance. Superintendent Wijeskera dealt with the three collmunities, fully aware that even the most minor fracas, could explode into a communal riot. Every community leader and citizen respected in his neighbourhood had nothing but praise for his professional tact, and sense of fair play. Here are two tributes to Major General Lucky Wijeratne by two journalists who knew hill well:
Iqbal Athas (S.T.) writes.
When hostilities broke out between the security forces and LTTE terrorists on June II, battles were first fought in the heart of Trincomalee.
His direction and leadership led to the terrorists being
drive far Oul possible for ] singhe Premac a top level P Force to il II con restori Ing ration. Tha L. normalcy iT though the call still exists i
E: TLE15
I led a Lan (LNN) camer jungles of Wil Lucky Wils tul III el Collut military oper: words before an appeal to
Bisho,
TH3 Cä tit a pop Baled 10:
Delāri mig to the Gover wieġ rig Fil Ii
Reversing it II 5"Word;, and all Tuiti edLICEO 1 - 1 FiEate, for w! has bec and dialogue, people spec
"Refugaa of suffering i1 thESE sh1 Bel| Lo am 5 Lure por % larıgLIish in t
'Tia f: their hostics hearts Hrld II OWn preciou. girls 10 pig; frCE LO i tragedy, Io has been Sp
" "EWgr ir affirm OUT CI resolving the of WiiCJ || 1: ' allвпатс соп
The rics Prasid Erit CB JOY G001Ey Bishop Wiami Bishop Edith Mannar; Bis Kurunegala

Thilt Illa dc it residelt Rai 13as a to appoint sidential Task : diately embark civil administlas now brought
TTiTc80 II ält:c ccT of terrorism in the outlying
a News Network crew to the gall vehera where directing what be his last ...tion. His final the cit Ira Wils
civili. Is Who
NEVVS BAC KGROUMI D
had left villages in Trincomale e to come back. Normalcy has returned wanted them til TC [LITI
Kendall Hopman (S.T.) writes:
“Lucky Wijaya Tatnic, I learnt early in our relatiouship, had a healthy respect for the media, especially the newspapers. He understood the role of the press, better tham many of his colleagues. Some army officers consider journalists natural enemies. Others believe we exist to be manipulated. But mot Lucky. He knew how to take the rough with the 5 Ilo oth’’’
ps pray for talks and peace
Jili: Bishops" COmferen CF in a Christmas message ha 5
| prāy for pĒa C for Šri Lankā,
that this War II USt case" the Conference appealed LLaa S aCLL SLLaLLLS LLL L S S SLHL SKLLa S SLHHHH S LL S SLLLHGL S S LLL pursue the path of negotiated settlement."
thB Prophet's Wisicam: plough shares hawa bęEn turned and pruring knives ha vig been turned into spears. Guns on are fast eating up the subsidies for food, clothing LtmLLaS ALLLC mttL SS LCC S LLL S HHHHLLYLS LGH SLLLLL LLLLLL lich. Our beloved country has been yearning for so long, tido distant and elusive. Conflict has replaced Compromisa
resulting in urn told suffering to large masses of our ally in the North and the East."
camps have now dotted our landscape. These enclawes Ira fast becoming a permanent feature. Nights and days ters are filled with fear and tension. How can we expect sparity to all when nearly one million of our people lese refugee camps?"
5 and laments of those who hawe |ost their lowed ories, ind their meagra belongings, cannot fail to touch our ove Us to compassion. Many have, at the risk of their SSLLLLa0S GHCLLLLLLL HLLammLLLLLLL LGLLLHH LLLLLL GHLaaLmmLL amLL d for refuge in foreign lands where they have been on the charity and mercy of others. In this terrible 1ಣ್ಣ: community, be it. Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim or Burgher,
Ed'o
this seemingly hopeless situation we do believe and LLLLLmHHa LLL HHHHSLLLLaC S LLL S CC0LLL LLLLmmLLLLLL S L
burning problets of our country. The appalling cycle ill only further aggravate the situation and further muniti ES frDT Omg a mother.""
age was signed by Archbishop Nicholas Marcus Fernando, :SL, Colombo: Bishop B. Deogupillai, Jaffna; Bishop ardang An Luradh a pLura; Bishop W. Dom Sylwg ster, Galle; y Fernando, Kandy : Bishop F. Marcus Fernando, Chilaw: nd J. Fernando, Badulla; Bishop T. Sayundaranayagam, op K. Swampillai, Batticaloa; Bishop Raymond Péiris, rid Bishop Oswald Gomis, Secretary General of CBCSL,

Page 9
Eelam War 1990: An
P. Sahadewan
Ince again the Sri Lanka 11
Army is in action against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and with the war raging in the North-East of the island, the ethnic question which had so Inally quirks and kinks in the past has now been pushed back to square minus
one, The situation in the NorthEast is su grin and gl Jolly that it presents the appalling
pre-1987. Accord days with a Sense of des 01:ltion, despond en cy and a feeling of uncertainly hal Ings in the air. The Indian media un like the past paid unusually scant attention to the developments in the island, presumably due to the crisis in the Gulf, the stir against Mandal Commission inplementation ad Ran-Jal IIIn b1 colli – B.- bri-Masjid issue which received a II) ple Coverage in the d'ailies. For the press in Sri Lanka the
the North-East War has bee the Imain theme for discussion à Td debatc. Thc da lies were
full of photographs and accounts of the Incris II1 of the Sri Lallkal. Il soldiers but there Was Illot even a single report on the pre
carious life of the civilian population in the war-torn Jaffna peninsula, Illinus basic amenities like food, medicine, electricity Band Watero,
For the Sri Lankan Army, the present combat is the "2nd Eclaim WaT """ in the seics after the “Operation Liberation of "Vaidama rachchi” launchcd in 1987, while the Tigers consider
it the 'third" including the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) offensive against them.
Several other operations under. taken in the past are not considered Worth. In entioning in the
The Galwr Fier is a Darfra Fraderir i'r the South Asiar i Sri Adies Divisio'r cy"
பி: ) frterra Sir „TFrhrrrlal Nehri L'ríversity, Nei, CTTLTS LLTL GGL rlTLCS LS EEE L TLEE : Fri Carl Treffort l'Ère Flore Sezirth
'I FA.
bio-data of t Army because t) Lusic I 11 ilita **Search 34 Tıd 'Cordon aId s ture,' lie in : troy’ and the
OW, like the
EL WAT IF litt T full control over and res Loire civi Colombo's writ
All Tim Him :ıldı Whichi le Tele indirectly in t Ciding the reli the CCIII batlı Lisi WELT favour mði AT II ly tha II thic II be a partial, wers ill of thic adversil ries L 1987 operation does not pern jump to has ty the Army will flying colours a
To take up factor' first, Army is lo lo m: 0. In iall outfit C tary force. It fessional fighti of tackling the in Which il ca: long years ex past, the gov having II 1apped strategy, emplo se Twices with II objectives. The On their part, w piece-meal, stop. We got un de Tway Liberation.” TE however evolves which in fact all sio Il to the m to the problem,
The Sri Lal. Ce5 dil Illot [ under the sul They had to be successive go w

Indian View
File: Sri Llıklı heit natill Te Was, y phraseology, lear' (destroy), earch' or "capimbush and deslike. Bult, it is 1987 operation, tiom tio regain Jaffina Peni II, sula order so that Could run there.
secondary factors vant, directly or 1t: [:(h T1 text_{}f {letive position of in the present te the Sri Lanka. In TTE. This may if not total, Tcposition of the the title of the This however nit any one to conclusions that CO II e OLIt with gainst the LTTE.
the "potential the Sri Lal Inkan nger El mo Te cereir a wobbly miliis now a prong force capable Tiger insurgency 1 C 011 Tt 01 SCW' el cricnce. In thic "çTIT II) est, in cwcT out a long-term yed the defence clearly defined defence services, were content with -gap action. This after the plans for "Operation le present War a ICW strategy is a new dimenlilitary approach
an defence forind their place
until recently. : satisfied, under er ninents, with
Whate Wer was left over after disbursement to oth criministrics. Today, for the first time since 1947, the government, despite several financial constraints and at the cost of several developmental programmes, spends Rs. 15 billion (i. e. 15 per ccnt of the total budget outlay) for defence as it is prudent to phase out a military build-up, while in a battle of contain Illicht. Accordingly, the combined strength of the Sri Lankan forces has registered a steep increase from 16,500 men in 1984 to 60,000 in June 1990, which consisted, of about 46,000 in the Army including the Rapid Deployment Force (RDF), 6000 in the Air Force and 8000 in the Navy. Of these, there are only six or sew cm battle-hardcmed ba tallions capable of clearing the LTTE out of its strongholds. The total police strength including the Speciall Task Force (STF) is estimated at 40,000 (from 14,500 in 1984). With the six new infantry battalions and 15,000 Home Guards, now being traincd, the total strength of the sccurity forces would go up to 120,000 by this year end. The improvement in fire power ald the quality of leadership too has kept pace with the numbers as Colombo procured the right kind of Weapons especially from China, Israel, South Africa and Italy. In sum, a troop buildup of a hundred thousand armoured regiments with mediu. In tanks, artillery with long-range area bombing capacity, air support with armoured helicopter gunships and armoured personnel carriers for the infantry are realities in the war raging today.
The LTTE is now a woulded force. Having fought the IPKF bitterly for over two years in which it lost many cadres including a good number of its top brass, the LTTE seems to hawe lost the strength which it possessed during the pre-Indo
7

Page 10
Sri Lanka Accord days. Currently, thic 3000 odd Tiger contingent composed mostly of "baby brigade' whose overwhelming zeal for Eclam is not accompanied by a display of their wallour against thc Sri Lainkan Army. A number of infant Tigers, of whom scveral are as young as 8 to 10 y cal ris, hawe been forcibly conscriptci and armed with lethal weapons by the LTTE in the wake of the present war, do not have been even the basic training in guerrilla warfare. As such, their knowledge ill Warfare is nothing beyond handling AK-47 rifle. Even though loosely-knit and not too widespread for concentrated effort, the Tigers however do have some degree of organization and discipline; the LTTE hidcore is still I C doubt iltact. A Ti Ing of lan dimine defence around its outposts has been the Tigers' na in Weapon in the War. Their basic tactics, their mobility, the independent sources of supplies a Dd their familiarity with the terrain in which they operate, besides their relentless pursuit of their objectives, whether right or Wrong, Fichievable T I Cit, eTabled the II to sit virtually eyeball-to-eyeball with the a Tilly and conduct the “ l-Imdl-MiIlie War'' il Jali ffirma Penils Lill.
factor which does the Tigers is that the present battle, unlike in 1987, is fought fierccly on a single front (Jaffna) against the lo The adversary i. e. thic LTTE. All other militant groups who played a supportive role indirectly by their stiff resistance to the Sri Lankal T1 A TImy C). In 5e: We Ta 1 fo Ints in 1987 : ITC cxipressing solidarity with the governet. To the groups which had experienced the LTTE's Te - gime of terror the Tigers are fascists and war-mongers who deserve to be liquidated in the interest of the people in the NOT LH1-Elst. Such a scellä Tid) facilitated the army to concentrate its troops in the North, as the East has offered a little respite to the soldiers. ' This demanded the LTTE to adopt
A Ilo the T lot fWil
8
tactical II owes the arIny to dis gies. So Ille te I the Tigers' bil the Mills ill ciw in August as a army occupied that there will shortage of tric the North, al II and deter the joining the . mil guard units.
The LTTE i the cintire inti Illility. Across in eith Eiri New Til Inil-Nadu, go sede With the for the Tiger they did inter expression of til :Lin in Creasing i into IIIdia. U popular anti-L peoplc in Tam by hone other themselves by I policy of elimi potential rivals ister, Mr. M. l up his initial i up support fo the State. This the 1987 sce; Ilarked by a test Tallies :1T1 d bi agitation and by politicians i We|| als State sembly con dem kan govern IlleI) the Tails.
New Delhi's I Na, dull's press urt positive. While sing Colombo
Tilitary option tical question,
II II eL 2X CITt. ning, effective sure o In the Ja Ilist ration whic Inilitary pressl. the fa II o L1S lirto an abrupt : rachchi Operat Athl u lathilda li La Inka’s 0 Tigini iI al carlier i Ministic of N in Mr. Jayew: said:

aimed at forcing isipate: its ellerld to interpret Lital attacks on iliа п5 of the East
bid to keep the
it the East so always be a ops to fight in d also to Scare
Musli II 15 froTIl itary and home
s in disgrace in cIIlational comthe Palk Straits, De 1Hi Tor the -nt tXpre8סmוr rט/י Titull sy III pathy caill sic. All that Inittently was an 1 tir : IC CITI TA' ċI Influx of refugees inderstanding the TTE Ill of the il Nadu, crcated than the Tigers bursuing a fascist Inition of all its the Chief MillKaruna nidi gave Intention to whip the Tigers in is a reversal of Ti Which was plethora of proardhs, Tillil rokofervent speeches Il Parli Ile It als Legislative Asling the Sri Lan - it's War against
esponse to Tamil - in 1987 was als) ; severely criticiFLT plITsuing 1 to settle a polithe IIndia. In Gow - :d i II, the begi11diplomatic presyewardeme admih so in turned to re When it 11ado irop that brought ncl the Waclamain, Mr. Laith Who Was Sri EW-Mist'' Ilıca Tlation 15 the ational Security LT1CIl c"S Cabillet
If India had not inter Wened wic would have soon pushed the Tigers into the city of Jaffna and showed the in that they could only hope to survivic by coming to a negotiated political settlement with the Sri Lankan govern IIncint".
A point to be noted here is that the enti Te gamut of 1987 operations, unlike the present, was not designed to take over Jaffna from the LTTE's control but to clear the Tigers off Wadamarachchi. The army did Iot da Tc L venture into affia precisely because of two realsons: 4. Ilticipated II1 dia I1 Inilitary interwention and a relatively weak position of the Sri Lankan Army compared to its present strength. The for Ther president, Mr. J. R. Jayewardene revealed that he had to balldon his government's plan ll Lake over Jaffna becillus e he Was informed that India would interwee militarily and help the terrorists with arms in such circumstances. Coupled with it is the fact that only two brigades took on Wadama Tachchi on two fronts with the STF fo TImiTng the anwil, whilc to launch any full scale frontal attack on the Tiger bases in Jaffna the army needed an estimated four battalions more plus tremen dous air support (It. t.) cok the IPKF seven days on five fronts with 18 ba Lallions to reach the Jaffna fort). A limited operation incu Tring heavy casualitics finally left the Army with a d(a,c) or Ilore detachments spread a Tou Tod Wada na rachchi. The entire 1987 operation was therefore a failure. NOW, in the context of the present operation, the India Il factor has almost been maTginalised India, by declaring emphatically that it would not interwent either politically or militarily in Sri Lanka's ethnic tangle, endorsed Colombo's military offensive against the LTTE. Moreover, the Sri Lalika II A. Tilly, als TICI 1= tioned earlier, is now in a better position to meet the Tiger challenge.
(To be continued)

Page 11
UWIDEF. W. P. SWWWGH
India and
its N
Dr. Ambalavanar Sivarajah (Seriar Lecriurer fra Politicas Scientre riversity of Peralleriya
considered view among those A; follow India's foreign po. licy trends is that even if there is a change in the party or parties in power in Delhi, there may not be a change in her foreign policy. Because there is a general consensus or una nimity of Views among Various political parties in India regarding what should be India's foreign policy towards the outside world. Further, the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India, has formulated India's foreign policy towards other countries which is more or less permanent. Therefore, a new Prime Ministr Would not be in a position to alter it drastically.
In this short essay an attempt will be made to examine the validity of the above view in the context of V. P. Singh's Tule
from December 1989 to NOWember 1990.
Unlike his predecessors, when Wiswanath Pratap Singh assumed office as Prime Minister of India in December, 1989, he did not face any serious problems with any of India's neighbours. In his address to the nation on 3rd December 1989, V. P. Singh said that effective steps will be taken to improve the relations with India's neighbours. He also said that he will endeavour to make SA ARC a dynamic institution. But after eight months of his Lille hic did a stock-taking on 15th of August, 1990.
During his occasion of the Independence Day Celebrations W.P. Singh observed that India has not only solved the problems which had cropped up with Nepal but also maintaining good relations with
Elddress on the
Bh Li taIh, Mi.IkiWe In the case of said that Illdia about the life the Tamils and help Sri Lanka in Sri Lanka wh feel secure. At he insistsd that Enillo yw .cxtremist to LISc India. Il si He, however, adr relations with F shown any imp
Wheп we TelatioIls With during Rajiv G that of W. P. S See Solic diffic Hipp TOach towa STi Lank:L c:an coercive diplomi Singh's approach dly. Gandhi's be looked in India's military Dal power and the angle of In regional security bordet conflict built up its def India's concer defепce prepare. te di i:
(a) The general defence budg India's defe stood at s in 1963 (at rost: to $3,45
(b) The setting
Factory in £153 i 5 tance it to the coi requireillents
(c) The imau gur Five Year F

THE REGION
Neighbours
, PERADENIYYA)
S and Bangladesh. Sri Lanka, he wis CC 1cc lcd And property of Wilunteered to c) establish camps Le Te Talli Is could th : same time, India Will not 5 and militants Jill as their place. Initted that India's "alkista 1 hawe not TOWIIlt.
:Compa Tc India’s her neighbours andhi era with ingh's period we -11Ce5. Gandhi's "ds Nepal and be termed as acy whereas W. P. 1 has been frien#|}թTriticl1 sh tյ111:1 the context of build-up as regioespecially from dia’s doctrine of Since the Sinoof 1962, India enee capabilities. I for adequate dness was reflec
increase in its !et. For example, 1Ce budget which l,642,5 millio 1970 price index) C) Tilliol i 1970.
lip Of A MIG 1963 with Soviet 1 UT der 10 cater |Intry's defence t, dTitl
ation of the firsi "la II.
This manner of defence prepared
ness had been advanced by Indian Scholars lind diplomats since the pre-Independence period, starting frol In thic Well known Indian scho lar cunın diplo Iınat K. M. Pa ni kar. Ewen. before Independence Pani. kar had al dvocated that one of the pre-requisites to a trealistic policy of Indian defence was the integral organisation of India Con a firm and stable basis with Burma and Ceylon.' From Pali. kar to the present day defence analysis expert K. Subramaniam have developed what could be termed as India's doctrine of Iginal security, For example, K. Subrana nim observed tha "it illust be made clear to our neighbours what kind of conces Sions they can legitimately expect from the big neighbour and what cannot be. Any բr t) բՕSal which jeopardises indias Security should be clearly ruled ԱլII . , ""
Thus, it is clear that as a regional power in South Asia. Il dia wants a determining voice in the affairs of the region. Therefore, India expects that other smaller states of the region should acknowledge the influence of th с гер.ional power, As a result, India has taken the role of a crisis manager in the region. India's relations with her Iltighbours during both Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi was based on the above doctrinc.
Although W. P. Singh too Ըptrated within the above framework his approach differed from that of Rajiv Gandhi. It seems W. P. Singh believes that foreign policy begins at the borders and therefore his approach has been friendly. For examplc, W. P. Singh na intained that ethnic con flict in Sri Lanka is an interaal matter and India will not
9

Page 12
interfere in Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict. He also said that Tamil Nadu should lot be allowed to become a base for Sri Lanka Tamil Illilitant activities. This approach paid dividends in the case of Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. But not in the case Pakista II.
Relations with Nepal certainly improved after W. P. Singh took office as the Prime Minister of India. In the case of Bangladesh Tin Bigha was an irritant which has been removed and the talks regarding sharing of waters between the two countries had taken place.
A Sri Lankan parliamentary delegation wistcd New Delhi and met H number of Indian leaders including ex-prime Minister W. P. Singh to explain what was happening in the North and East of Sri Lanka. This improved te Telations between the two countries.
In the case of Pakista II, it seems that W. P. Singh's approach failed for two reasons: 1. Pakistan took W. P. Singh's National Front Government as a weak government and according to this wiew India was Lu Instable LII, der W. P. Singh's rule. Pakistan wanted to take advantage of this situation; 2. As ex-Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto faced many internal problems she wanted to divert the attention of
Pakistan by chanting antiIndian propaganda. Major problem between India and Pakistan during this period WE15 of course Kashi Ilir question, Benazir maitained that India was denying the
people of Kashmir the right to self-determinatton. Bult W. P. Singh's government maintained that problems in Kashmir were a purely interItal matter and Pakista I (r. any other third party has no
right to interfere in the problems. During his address on the
Independence Day, W. P. Singh while referring to Pakistan, observed that
"We want friendship and if they move one step forward
1O
we will recipr two steps in At the sa Ine be no comp the sovereignt of ou II countri any cwill desi country will fa and defeat th PTi Il Ministe new approach during his visit in July 1990. during the O hosted in Mosci saidi :
NcighbolLIT s shi LIII der mille e ai cig Inty and terr We Call not ren with the aspi peoples for a common prob disca Se, enwir C tion, drug international i tackled more ef co-operative will do tյլյr t decisive thrust of regional coSAARC s0 t Asian region model of peac in the years 1
Keeping in li approach India's Minister, Indict echoing signif. from the policic: government of sid that ' “ the Ir would newer se intcil Wenco milita stress cd that Ta Welfa TC: WS responsibility o government."
In fact, Guji National Front succeeded in neighbourliness countries. 'Ol the neighbours area of abbert: previous regim ther said "That have been appli ment)."
In the sam Miste T. W. F. Pakista mi Prim ziT Bh1Lı ttb to

cate by Illowing that direction. me there will mise Tegal Iding and integrity If t|gtTe: :ATe ns, thc entire :e the challenge 5c designs.
W. P. Singh's became clear to tc USSR In a speech ficial banquet w, W. P. Singh
uld not try lo | 01: T"5 50 WT= Lorial integrity. tain out of step -ations of Our better life. The ems of poverty, TnITn eInt degriidiatrafficking and cirrorism can be fectively through cindeavour. We best to give a to the process operation under hat the Stilith Էa Il bըt: Ճ111é à e and prosperity -էն Լ. Լ1 111 Ը,
tle with thc I eW : External Affairs Kumar Gujral,
icant depa Itilure of the previous Rajiv Gandhi
Idian government li its a Tiny to rity abroad and mil security and ultimately the f the Sri Lanka T
all said that the
Government haldi improving good
between the two Ir relations with
were the major tions (during the e)." Gujral furis where corrective ed (by this govern
that Prime '. Singh invited c Minister BC Illal
talk with India
about the Kashmir question. At the same time India accused Pakistan of arming the separatist militants in its strategic northern states. But Pakistan denied the charge and said that
the militant campaign were wholly indigenous. As a result, the talks did not materialise.
When Bhutto's government Wals dismissed by the President of Pakistan the tension in the border between India and Pakistam too subsided.
III From the above cxamination of India's relations with its neighbours, it is evident that
although the Te has been continuity of foreign policy of India even after a change in the party in power at New Delhi, the approach of the new Prime Minister differed from that of previous Prime Minister of India, namely, Rajiv Gandhi, Thus, it is clear that a new Prille Minister of India may not be able to alter India's foreign policy drastically. But the personality of the Prime Minister as well as the ideology followed by the particular party in power cản have some impact on the foreign policy of India specially in relation to India's relations with its neighbours.
This became evident when the new Prime Minister Chandra Shekkhar met his counterpart Nawaz Sharif at Mandos, Maldives on 22nd November, 1990. They could not narrow the deep differences over disputed Kashmir. However, the two leaders agreed that all disputes should be brought into the open and resolved peacefully. The tone of the discussion was that the new Prime Minister of India does not want a confrontation. Thus, it is clear that the foreign policy of India towards its neighbours cannot be altered drastically by a new party in power, at thc : samle time it is also clear, that the foreign policy of India towards its neighbours will depend on the ideology of the party in power in New Delhi as well as to the personal approach of the person who holds the position of Prime Minister.

Page 13
LTTE threatens to kill
MARAS
amil Nadu Congress Commit
tee President K. Ramamurthi, who has been carrying on a sustained campaign against the Tamil Nadu Government's failurc to contain the activities of the LTTE, released a threatening letter allegedly written by the Sri Lankan nililitant group,
The letter threatened to liquidate Mr. Ranna muirthi if he continued to interfere with the lctivities of the LTTE. Mr. Rama murthi said hic had already met the Director-General of Police and the City Police Commissioner in this con inection, and the TNCC had sent telexes to the President, the Prime Minister and the Home Mi I liste T.
The anonymous undated letter, Written in Tamil and signed “LITTE”, said: “ “ As per the orders of our leader to liquidate anyone who obstructs ol Eelam struggle, We are counting thic days foT our cincounter with you. Though you may have succeeded in evicting us from Ambattur (a city suburb), we could have got at your leader from wherever we are. Do not interfere ill our affairs. If you continue to interfere, your party colleague Ambattur Parasurama, who betray cd us, will not be alive 10-days from now. The decision is in your hands. This is for your cy es only and not for publication."
DISRESPECT
The Tcference to AITibattut was to the police action taken some time ago following Mr. Ramamurthi's allegation about the presence of the LTTE men in the suburb. The police, however, said they could not find any tracc of the Tigers.
The citter addresses Mr. Ramamurthi disrespectfully in first person singular, which is quite uncharacteristic of Jaffna Tamils. The written language is more akin to local Tamil rather than Jaffa Tamil. Tamil Elam Scicretary General M. K. Eelaven than,
who has seen Inight have b stall Inch local LTTE. The licitit in Mount Roa the heart of t
Tai 11 i Nadlu ( tice General St. dayuthapalni h copy of the Minister Chanc urged him to tak Copies have UniC). In Minist, Holle Sub od El Tamil Nadu Barn a llai.
VP Mwa
oTimeT PTil
P. Singh, W against any att the L)MK Ti:Lmil Nadu only the peop but the entire not tolerate it.
He told Tep Llic Centre shı dismi 55 a del mo (GC) Wernment, W, popular manda
Warning agai venture' in Tal I there was no problem in the lem ab Cult ILT created only as dismissal of hic al leged.
There was bou from the Stati Congress (II) w LI 5ed as a lewer central leadersh that he hoped Minister, Mr. would stand that the Gower be dismissed.

"NCC(I)
he letter, said it in written by a upporter of the I has been posted
post office in e city.
ongress Commit:retary W. Dhanis still XIX lettet to Prime a Shekhar and e suitable action. een marked to of State for Kant Sahay and
THE REGION
chief
ΜΕΜΟ
Welcoming the proposed visit of Mr. Sahay to Tamil Nadu
in the second week of this Trmızımtılı for an on-the-spot study of the law and o T der 5 itu ati) 11 in the state, Mr. Ramal murthi said the Congress (II) planned to submit a comprehensive memorandum to him in this regard,
He said the memorandurn would deal in detail with the deteriorating law and order situation following the increase in the activitics of the LTTE and
Governo I S. S. o the Sri Lankan Tamil milita int
groups.
围
S
MALRAS *Le 1 115
le Mini 5ter W. ared the Centre empt to dismiss Government in and said not |c of the State
country would
rters here that uld not try to ratically elected hich enjoycd a
m5't any "misadil Nadu, he said
law and order State. The probTE was being L pretext to seek le Government,
ld to be pressure Init of the 1ich Would be by that party's l, he said adding that the Prine handra Shekhar, his assurance Innen L Would Ilot
See who prevails - the manager or the owner," he said.
TALKS ON AYODIYA
Mr. W. P. Singh welcomed the talks betweecil the Bab Ti Masjid Action Committee (BMAC) and the Wish ya Hindu Parishad (WHP) on the Ayodhya issue but ruled out any understanding with the BJP in future.
He told reporters here that his party was committed to dialogue and therefore welcomed the discussions as any solution to the Rail - JailmabhoomiBabri Masjid issue through peaceful means would be good for the country,
Mr. W. P. Singh, however, wanted the BJP and WHIP to clarify why they did not heed his appeal for a peaceful settlement of the Ayodhya issue, ma dc earlier, while they had now kept aside their "trishuls' and adopted peaceful means.
He said thousands of lives Could have been såved if the BJP and WHIP had agreed for an amicable settlement and not to violate the law.
1

Page 14
Karunanidhi wins a very brief respite
S MLT
hlief MiTi5 teT M. KaTLI [1:1-
nid hi has come back from New Delhi Efter presenting his case against dis Tinissal of his Ministry on the ground of breakdo W II of law and 3T de T.
The Delhi durbat has reserved judgment and Mr. Karunanidhi, who appcars to be getting ricconciled to the incwitable, has decided to takic the is suc to tı: people's Court. He has, therefore, accompanied former Prime Mini
ster W. P Singh Con a two-day tour cof the State i T WHEt is seen as a run-up to the As
sembly election5.
The question being debated in political circles here is not whether the Dravida Mulletra Kazhaga I11 Govern Ilment cal III a. Inici wwii 11 b c d issim issed b Li L when.
But the Chief Minister's Supporters say that it will be a strange spectacle if a minority Government at the Centre, which came to power through the backdoor, topples an elected Government which enjoys un disputed majority in the State Assembly.
They seem to forget that Prime Ministe Cha Indra ShekhaT equated Tamil Nadu with Assam when he said in Parliament last
month that events would take their own course if the law ild Order SitLäti did nt
improve in the two States. Like Mr. Karunanidhi, Assam Chief Ministe T Por full Kumla T M - hilta also rushed to New Delhi - only to find his Government 5a cked This rellirn to GLIWahati,
There is no parallel between the United Liberation. Front of A som threat and thc s 3-called increase in the activities of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, it is said. Yet elected governmcnts have been dis missed for much less and there have been precedents in Tamil Nadu itself - when the Karunanidhi all M. G. Rallachandran Mini
12
stries were dis in
indi 1980.
It is arguable is enough justifi tral interwention Congress(I) and An Ill DMK, Will up the Chandra Ilment, will not find a II excuse.
The Congress begun preparing : Tandu IL1 to be I Unico Il Mini5 teT Hole, Mr. Sub. during his visit an on-the-spot The party Con Le ing the autonor after coming to uary 1989, the uraged secessior State. It cites it thic right of Tan mination Corgan callel Tallil N Timent last y cal IT FL’ hunder cd tha' Azerbaijan wou the AshlokEl Ch. said Illic would v as a loin cloth.
Thic Congress MT. Ka Tu Illa Tiih, reception accor contingent of Keeping Force and his Statem conference of he would sal' fighters' of th successfully ej
which had ki Tamils Lind women. The
policemen at in February; t a large пuпbe into the State a of hostilities i Jume; the Illa people's Rewc til Frölt le nabha and 15 the abduction

lissed in 1976
Whether the Te cation for Cenlow. But the the All-India ich are propping Shekh LT (Gwernfind it hard to
I) has already a detailed [The Time") - resented to the of Stilte for dı Kalt SA häily, F Madrās fr study this Week. 1ds that by Te Wiwmy deland soon power in FebrDMK has enchlist forces in the :he C0Il ference () Il 1 ils t{). Self-deterised by the soatiolla list Movet which a speaker t un rest as in ld Soon engu lf a kira and a sliother vocat the tric010 l'IT
(I) also recalls i's boycott of the ded to this list he Indian Peace
fr I Sti L. Ik ent at the Tiruchi
the DMK that te the " + bTällwc e LTTE who had ected an army |lled o wer i 3,000) raped countless
killing of two Rama nathal plura [m 18 i Tiltration of T. F. L.TTE llel ific the litbreak Il Sri La Ilıkal i Il sacre of Eelalim illutiona, Ty Liberäder K. PathmaUther5 in Madras, of fishermen; and
THE REGION
the reported spurt in the 5 mug: gling of diesel, kerosene and essentials from Tamil Nadu to Sri Lanka arc pointed to as evidence of the LTTE's growing
presence in the State. The clincher is in awal chief L. Ratinda 5's statement that 100 Sri
Lanka Tamils were apprehended by the Navy in the last few months and ha nded over to the State authorities but that they were all set free.
Mr. Karuna nidhi, in his talks
With MT. Chândrl Shekhl T, reportedly pointed out that Tamil militants have been ill Talil Nadu since 1983; that there wete ower 30 training Camps in the State before the 1987 accord and that MGR had openly given Rs 4 crore to the LTTE to billy arms. Het als o produced posters brought out by the AIADMK a few months ago, accusing hill of hawing betrayed the Sri Lankan Tallis by failing to Ilowc the Government of India to stop the 'genocide' in the island. Besides, he has released copics of AIADMK leader Jaya la litha’s statement, published in her party organ Narı adlı MGR Calling for total support to the LTTE in its struggle against the Sri LH Inka 1 a Tmy.
Countering the charge that his Gover III1 ent supports the militanıts, Mr. Kia Tunalıid hli cites thıc detention of over 30 LTTE and EPRLF men under the National Security Act and the arrest of three Tigers in Madras and 10
others in Tiruchi early this
ni Conth.
T1: Chief Millist:T ELS TIJ
doubt presented his case cleverly, even forcefully - but not honestly and truthfully. It is true that numerous police check-posts were set up along the coastline in southern Tamil Nadu and policemen provided with 200 AK-47 rifles. But it is equally true that those who kill cd Mr.

Page 15
Path manabha drovc all the way from Madras to Pillayar Thidal in east Thanjavur in a hijacked van; were waved through a check-post thcre, stayed overnight in a coconut growic nearby and got back to Jaffna in a boat after finishing a leisurcly lunch the next after noon.
To this day, the police ha v c not bcc Il able to Taib tille kill crs of either the policemen or Mr. Pathmanabha. The detained Tigers, who in Mr. Karunanidhi cites in support of his case, were nabbed in the samc Pillayar Thidal area two Ill on ths after the massacre following a public outcry in the State and pressure mounted by the Bharatiya Janata Party at the national level,
The well-published LTTE hide-outs in Madras and TiTL1 chi earlicr this month folllowed the change of govern IncInt at the Centre. Tamil Nadu. Congress(I) Committee President Wazhapa di K. Rama ImuTthi, who
Taids 01
stays close to the house in Ada ya T from where the three LTTE men were picked up,
alleges that there were over 50 militants in that house and the rest were allowed to get away. Evcin the three were la ter Tcl cased on the ground that they were injured and un armed.
The police claimed to have recovered a pistol and a few hundred litres of diesel, besides medicines and bandages, from the house in Tiruchi. Yct, tue at Tested men were charged under the Passport Act so that they colul di bc Tcl cased o Il badil. The most prominent among the II, poet Kisi Anandall, has been let off though he is undisputedly a LTTE lember.
Mr. Ka Tu na Inidhi has so fäT Inot denic di Mr. Rama Inuirthi’s charge that the personal assistants of two ministers stood bail for two Tigers articisted recently in connection with in offence. The Congress(I) has demanded that the Centre probe the nexus' between the LTTE and prominent DMK lead crs.
However, Mr. statement that Tamil Nadu, ; 15 Warrant im Ined terwention and will extend all Gover III cnt to
Bangla smooth
he Army C.
Bangladesh, Nooruddin Khal army had exten co-operation to the Smooth tra 1 in the country.
He was reply Whether the air played any role transition of pow intcrwiew.
The other tw. Ricar AdmiTall Mostafa and Irfan uddill who view cd along with ddin spoke in
Pointing out t trend of delic e I) di 0 a LItt CT at general said the lined up with of the people during any cris
When asked a for trial and pun people and grol corruption, Ger said action woul thern according la W.
Replying to : whether they ha: of tille inten In artial law dll turn oil, Genera the question di the armed force democracy alon prosperity to th

ahay's reported Le situation in 1 tot such al S LO te Central inlat thc . Ce Titre help to the State ackle the pro
THE REGON
blem of infiltration, seems to indicate that Mr. Karunanidhi has won a respite after his
Delhi visit. The Union Minister was to have visited Madras but put it off after Ineeting Mr. Karunanidhi in Delhi.
army helped in
power
THAKA
lief of Staff of -t General Mohd , said that the cdcd the full est help accelerate sfer of power
ng to a question cd forces had
in the curric Int Ter in a television
services chiefs, Amiecir AhIlcd Air Commodre were also it crGeneral NO oriuidentical Weins.
he present World acy putting an ic regimes, the armed forces the aspirations as they did S.
but the demand ishment of some ps for rampant
I be taken against o the country's
nother question di at any point led to impose *ing the recent Nooruddin said hot a rise as is belic Wedi that would bring : people.
transfer
FREE POLLS
Bangladesh
acting President Shahabuddin
Ahmed outlined a
serics of Ilıca su Tes to hold free and fair elections as soon as possible.
The
measu Tes are Testoration of law and order, restructuring the election commission and formation of a neutral advisory council for the inter im period.
Addressing the
nation over radio and television, Justice Shahabuddin urged the peoplc
to work shoulder to shoulder for establishing democracy in the country.
The main task of the caretaker Government was to hold credible parliamentary elections as de Inand cd by the people during the last eight years änd hand ower powcr to an elected Government, he said. . . .
SCHOOLS REOPEN
Offices and schools re
opened here after 10 days of high drama and tension that saw thic ouster of Hussain
Mohannd Tshad Es tic President of this South Asian country.
But tension was high in some Government offices, where posters opposing officials who arc al legedly cronies of the former President hawe been put up and groups of union members cha Inted slogans demanding their punishment.
Clashes between the victors and vanquished were reported from other parts of Bangladesh.
13

Page 16
US-PAKSTAN
TALKS IM WASHIMGTO
Outcome crucial for ir
Pran Chopra
akistan's most crucial foreign P: negotiations are about to begin. They might be getting undcr way as these lines get into print. The outco Ine will have implications for India as well, because at stake is the whole range of relations between Pakistan and the United States which hawe llways been al II important factor in India's foreign policy calculations and the play of external power politics in this region.
The specific subject of Pakistan’s talks in Washingan will be the US suspicion that Pakistan is aimming to II nake Inluclea T weapons and therefore no longer qualifies for US military or economic aid... But it ca 1 hai Wc a wide-ranging fall-out.
According to the Washington Post of December 1, it is possible that a face-saving formula will be found. Without appearing to buckle under pressure, Pakistan will give sufficient private as Slrances to the US that its nuclear programme is and Will remain peaceful, and the latter will then TesuIle the id. Blit that is unlikely to restrict the fall-out. "'Private assurances" by Pakistal to the US will not set Indian anxieties at rest, and what India’s response II night thcn ble will produce its own chain reaction.
EXPLANATION
A senior Pakistani jouTDalist, Mr. Mushahid Hills 5:1 in who is Well i for med i 1 these Litte T5, particularly from the point of view of the militäry establish ment, has offered an interesting collment con al In äspcct of US attitudcs which has been a puzzle for Imany II dians, including the present commentator.
Authoritative Weste IT IN SOLITIC es, mast of them American, have produced a lot of convincing evidence to show that for the past few years at least Pakistan has bcen firmly getting closer
14
to making the In fact, anoth Pakistani defen Hasan Askari R als long a go als US had suspen assistance and Palkista. Il til Pakistan was p peaceful nucle: Yet the US PE on certifying Ill cle: I progral a certificate wi US Congress eithcr military to Pakistall.
The customary this blind eye the US had to to get Pakistan Wir whichl the against the S. Afghanistan thir hideen, who Pakista L. A LI th ces al 50 used tc. explanation.
That by itself why the US certified Pakist; recently as O. which tillic tE longer at War Union in Afgh whicre clasc., TE definitely over, cordiality had
A partial expl certificatc. give the situation vi ping in the Gul bility that Paki be Inccdcd agai
UNISATISFACT
But this is factory explana to the Gulf, where like stal te Lihat it to Afghanistan pitted its own power against Tclying on prox.

N ndia
liceāI bib. er very senior ce analyst, Dr. izwi, Tech lls that April, 1979, the ded “economic military sales to le pretext that ursu ing a nonir programme”. 2sident has gone that Plkis's line is peaceful, thout which the "Would Llot w te or economic a id
explanation foT used to be that
pay this price s help for the US was Waging
o viet Unið Il in ough the Mujawere based in
oritatiwe US scourI agree With this
does not explain President again НП's i TT10 cence as :tober, 1989, by Le LTS W:15. Il 0 With the 50'yi et anistal or llye cold War was ild Swiet US definitely set in, anation for the in last year is which was develof, and the possistan's help might
1.
ORY
El Very un satis, tion. In Telation Pakistan is nothe front line" Wä5 in Telation and the US has normous military Iraq instead of ics like Pakistan,
THE REG OM
which in any case has bec very half-heartedly against Mr. Saddam Hussein of Iraq compared with its fierce opposition to Mr. Najibullah of Afghanistan.
Mr. Hussain's explanation is that in preparation for a visit to Washington by Ms. Benazir Bhutto, who was then the Prime Minister, Pakistan had agreed to de sist from making the bomb and just a few days before her wiki. Ellic: US limbalssido il Pakistal had told Ms. Bhitti that his county had verified and accepted Pakistan's assllrances. But “around April or May this year''' the AILmericans c4. Tulle to the Conclusion that Pakistan lai Iesu IIled the nuclear weapons progra Illine. The US then suspended the aid, and according to Mr. Hussain, the US Secretary of State so informed the Pakistan Foreign Minister on Octobcr 9 this year.
This explanation raises three very Scrious questions for India. First: who lecided to Tetsu Tinc it ? During the recent elections in Pakistan the present ruling party there, the Islami Jamho ori Ittehad of the Prime Minister, Mr. Nawaz Sharif, had accused Ms. Bhutto of giving up the programme under "external pressure'. But in "April or May this year' she was still the PT ile Millister. The Tef Te eithe T She hald resu II ed it herself T somet Ile el se llad dole 50 in spite of her, and, of course, that 50 Ille One el Se Could llave only been the military establishment, always a government Within the government.
In either case this raises the second question. How much "rust can India place in any assurance by a Pakistani Prime Minister, whether Ms. Bhutto or Mr. Sharif, that Pakistan is not set on the bomb path ? If the former Prime Minister gave a SS Lu Talcēs, which cither shıc , did not mean Cor Could not keep in the face of the quite different intentions of the army establishII ent, how much reliable would be the assurances by any other Prille Minister

Page 17
Thc third, and the most w or Iris omne question, is what were Pakistan's intentions in resurning the programme so soon after the US had verified that it had been given up ? What was Pakista Ins assessment of the Indian military ånd domcstic political situation which encouraged the resumption, and what should India be doing about it 2
An obvious part of the answer is that India should be putting its own house in order, lest Pakistan be tempted to make the same Inistake that it made in 1965 Pakistani post-mort cms of the 1965 war with India bring it out very clearly that Pakistan sa W a tempting Coppertunity in the political confusion which prevailed in India after the dicath of Jawa har la 1 Nchi Tull, and believing Lal Bahadur Shastri to be a Weak person it decided to try its luck.
TEMPTATION
The confusion in India today
is far more tempting from
Pakistan's point of view. The
point here is not whether Pakista 'tni aggression would succeedi any more now than in 1965. The point is that the confusion could trigger a blunder which would be awfully costly for both countries, cven if it is Hore costly for Pakistan.
But political stability in New Delhi would still not answer the other part of the question, which is IIlore relevant to the present argument. If the US Te5umc5 aid to Pakista In After the negotiations which are about to begin, and thus certifies that Pakistan's nuclear programme is peaceful, should II dia also accept it to be so And if India accept that, should the country also decide that it too Wi 11 11 tot make the bomb ? Or should India go along with the argument of some defence analysts that since China has the bomb India must have it too, quite independently of what Pakistan does."
The same question would arise in a more agonis ing " form if Washington accepts Pakistan's
assurances and I to be uInconvini dia then have t an Indian bomb to be a hidden Tf India ducs 54 in 111SW et to th the fact would in for long. In mot Te Ilmain hidd blish ed oT L1 In { capability would India's own forct the enemy's.
CONSEQUENCE
In El ny casc II capability can Inc if it is to be Lise When incede: Ieeded for offe When India's c: known, even if 1. will the rest of especially the U Union, both of agTeed on dis. punishing, furthe feration How react ' What wo Óf catching up nuclear capabili that expenditure aspects of defen conventional Wei Tity in economi
How would Is ea Ict in eith cis: 0. tualities, that either accepts () ta m's ass lura nices additional secur bomb give India to carry the E disapproval of t world ? The que cularly important when the Te scem possibility that I with the US an improw e quite dra cially in the
political fields : als O, to same e.
Si The tentati all these questio a Te cinergi Ing frç pected quarters details are unay But befo Te it which ans wers w India's intercists

ldia finds thcm ing. Would Inanswer With what it believes 'akista ni bomb ? , or makes one Chinese bomb, t Te mai In hidden act it should 21. A II un c:stäecided nuclear leither reassure Snor discourage
lilitary nuclear t remain hidden cept ready for l, whether it be lce OI defence. pability become in officially, how the world react, S El Id the So wict whom are firmly ou Taging, even ir nuclear proliwould China uld be the cost With China's ty ? How will : affect other ce, such as by— 1pons, and 5 ccu: te Tim 5 ?
hese countries f the two ewells if the US rejects PakisHow Illuch ity would thc if it also had urden of the le Test of the stion is partiat this juncture s to be a real India's relations di Europe can matically, espe2conomic and ind with China 貫豊工世。
C EISVS is exist. Morc T11 : DIT : Lillthough their Lilable as yet. an be known ould best serve ur ät least
THE REG OM
harm them the least, it is necessa Ty to know how Pakistan's impending negotiations With the US will go. That is why they are crucial not only for Pakistan but also foT India. These questions are raised here a
this time only for the reason that wery crucial issues are at stake and our lead as should spare some thought for them in the midst of the games of sclf-destruction that they are playing,
Burmese junta in no
hurry to step down
RANGON
Burma's military junta said that the party that won democratic elections in May had tried to take power in defiance of thc military, and 49 of its deputies had been placed indcr arrest for their involvement in the "plot'.
Confirming that the junta did not intend to hand power to the election winners yet, Major
General Khin Nyunt, Secretary of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC),
accused the frustrated legislators
of attempting a 'dangerous' short cut.
The National League for
Democracy (NLD) which won 392 of 465 contested parliamentry seats in the democratic elections, urged the junta Without success in July to convene the new Parliament by September and let it set up a civilian Government.
Major—Gen. Khin Nyunt said the NLD had then decided to convene a Parliament at a monalstery in the provincial city of Mandalay with Buddhist monks protecting the legislators from milita Ty interference. The meeting would have proclaimed an interim civilian Gower. In Illent.
He said 14 "plotters' had been arrested along with 35 other deputies, while 14 "absconders' were being hunted by the military
15

Page 18
Jubilation in Bangladesh gives
Student extremism or military intervention col
David Hошsego
angladesh seems these days
like a country waking up to the uncertainties of the In Orning after.
In the after math of the euphoria and tumul tuous street de Illo Iistrations that swept President Hossi in Mohammad Ershad fro IIl power have come the worries about the fragility of an embryonic democracy vulnerable to both Student extre rı isim 111l II lili talry inter ve Titi Il.
“After 15 years (of almost un intcrrupted military rule) our country has a chance to bring back democracy', says Sheikh Ha sin ål, the leader of the Awami Leaguc, one of the main opposition al liances. "" So We should act very cautiously."
Dhaka, the capital, and the other big cities experienced eight days of mass student-led demonstrations followed by two days of jubilation - an event that largely went un reported abroad becallse foreign journalists were banned from the country.
BAL ngladeshis believe the “mass upsurge" Was alinos un perecedented in their brief history - a nd a part of global tre Indi5 that halwe dislodged autocratic governments in nearby Nepal as well as in more distant eastern Europe.
Political leaders give credit to the students for imposing a unity on the feuding political PlTities opposed to Gen Ershad that they failed to achieve themSelves. "The mobilisation of the student movement created confidence" among the political PlTities that Gen Ershad could bլ: forced out, says Mr Kamal Hossain, a former foreign Illinister.
But the students now have a Self-appointed role of being a Watchdog for democracy that 11 TCTV es the politicians E "The students' first goal was to bring down. Gen Ershad. But the real goal is to restore a multi-party system and democracy', says Khairul Kabir Khokon, general
secretary of the Dilak. Students Federatio I.
TWC) e5 Setial sces on that pat (GCII Erslād to tI his Jatiya Party.
Other onious Students could ba against Gen EI supporters are begun to distribul IIıi I1 isteTS, 5 e I li) r CikL ties : nd frTi eh be a Trested. Ag Of those in the are ofte Il CTLldt like “ “ prostit Lute", and “pimp.''
In the Wings I 110 Verment a Te t revolution:lry gr exploited disord The Student lead apprehensive th; to take advantag through further
The victory has borcin hulimi army - demons cilt it his be cor as elsewhere for I cicr5 t call on tr a populär T10Wen IcIllwal of sell loyal to the f has confirmcdi, deeply split ov should be taki Ershad a Id iis Lill hill virtual capt military coln poll a possibility eth: Ershad could s his support.
Politicians 51 now revett to
Cle all'orelli But the Il they will have accom TL1) dåtit 3Tl forces — as Pri T zir Bhutto di Mrs Khaledil of the Bangladic (BNP), the othe al liance, is heI of a general W to be to me Dre!

THE REGION
way to uncertainty uld crush a fragile democracy, reports
steps that he h are bringing "ial and ban ning
signs that the ck å Witch hunt "sblad Find hik that they halve lists of friller
officers, assods who should lilst the Illiles
**Will tel" |5 : i el Incil til 15 ** goldsmuggler'''
of the student h1e M:1 r"xi5ts a [1d coups who hawe er in the past. ers are the IT iselves at they will try of the situation Viole ilçe.
of the students liation for the trating how diffiine in Bangladesh lilitary comman"O Ops to suppress let. Bult is the ioT commanders ormer president the army remains er What action en against Gen happy at holding tive in the Dhak:
ld. There is still it units loyal to tage a revolt in
y the army must its constitutional rn to barracks'. stute realise that
to Teilch s CTT C
with the armed Ile Minister Bonad ill Pakistan. Zia, the leader b Natio Illal Party : main opposition 'self the Widow ho seized power sident.
Non e the less, finding com II10In ground between the army and the students will not be easy. Senior officers will be wary of any trials which scrutinise thcir close i Iwolwe III e Illt in busi
less and contracts.
The army also want s to miniInise their loss of lucrative privileges and patronage. Former officers occupy almost three-quarters of the posts of chairman of public sector corporations and many of the top diplomatic jobs.
Attempting to hold the ring between thcse two antagon 1sts
is a weak, cal Tetiker administration under Mr Shahabuddin Ahmed. Mr Ahmed, a slight
figure With a brush mousta che, is a former civil servant and chief justice.
His newly appointed advisers
have been chosen for their honesty - but also for their lack of political ambition. The
caretaker government's main task is to prepare the country for general elections to be held within three months. Once campaigning starts, the sharp differences between the two main political alliances could polarise opinion further.
Shekkh Hasini, daughter of Sheikh Mujib, who was the founder af Bangladesh, and Mrs Khaleda Zia, the wife of Presidcnt Ershad's predecessor, could not be more different and openly detest each cither. Sheikh Hasini holds former President Zia responsible for the assassination of her father.
The two alliances represt Ilt different strands in Bangladesh's history which touch to the core the country's uncertainty about its national identity. The Awami League has stood firm behind its secularist philosophy -- nonMoslems account for 10 per cent of the population - and back close ties with India. It also has a strong socialist past. Though Sheikh Ha sina

Page 19
now sayı5 shic would be rnı qorc pragmatic and that she favours limitcd priva Lisation.
The BNP is a more aggressively pro-Moslem alliance and is suspicious of India's influence, Mrs Zil, a shrewd llad who |nurses a cosy middle-class image, Speaks in vague terms of encouraging liberalisation foreign investinent and more privatisation.
Gen Ershad always believed that he Would survive because of the divisions among the opposition and because he thought he had won popularity in the Willages through health education and road projects. The sil for which he was The Wer forgiven by the students was that as an a Tilly commander he seized power by force in 1982.
He attempted to give himself
legitimacy by elections that the opposition parties boycotted or den ou Inced as rigged.
But what really turned opinion against him was his government's growing reputation for corruption and his own ostentatious style of living and travelling abroad.
THENIOS.
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T

Page 20
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Page 21
Gulf: War as
Jeremy Seabrook
at least onc scrvice for
humanity. He has achieved something for which political idealists and visionarics have striwem in wain: by his annexation of Kuwait, he has created what the media now reverentially refer to as "the World community'. For this historic act of solidarity, he deserves the gratitude of all nations, not least of those regimes - China and Syria a Ilong them — un til recently co Insidered irretrievably lost to civilised wall lles.
S:o: Hussein has performed
Is this why what must be the most advertised War ill history is part public spectacle, part macabre celebration? A War Has Been Announced; a major conflict which calls for the Inost thorough and elaboratic rehearsal, at which our presence has been solicited by television.
See the detailed construction of the decor, the costul Illes, the cast, the props bcing placed in readiness for the tragic spectacle of Wilter 1990-91. Never have so many participated in the preparation of so great a military cwe:Ilt. At the sal Tilt til 1c, Inc. W s bulletins have been transformed largely into publicity for the arms industries, with Ila lufactuTcrs " wideos dem constrating the efficacy of murderous new weapons-systems to be deployed for the first time in the forthcoming War.
And how professionally it is being staged. It has involved the equivalent of moving a medium-sized city half-way round the World, a sort of real-life Imagic carpet to rival the fabulous transportations of the Arabian Nights.
The Writer is a freelance Joitrialist at
Eluf har barred ir Lorida FT.
Thic bro Lundarie mentary, reality already flimsy, IIרWay cוmclted H this explains the when Saddam E. W:5 te TIA childre the exploitatio I TW is ii. West
The i del of Social Occasio I. by references als “the host C lowing catalogue arrangellents (f of beef and p tons of poultry Seafod, 2,900 in the first six to the Daily anticipated "pei troops under d the reported w of Stomil" NI a War, it's by c-b
Of course, til drawbacks i 1 project of dra ' il to the col fit leaders in so ay
taking. For if they are t ought to bre
suggests a degr Too long a title for Teft instance, the f cious irreplace; human flesh.
Becill se the were not in p of the Çırlı sal de HL155eil halwe thti moral oli el cvated pitch, attack when Il II. It colles
They have h into their cap of his Tinic טso that publi

FOREIGN NEWS
show-biz
is het Ween dQCushow business, See III to hawe 1pletely. Perhaps fury that erupted Iussein exploited In on Iraqi TW: 1 of children by I'm I 110 Inc.) poly.
soInc sa nguinary L is heightened C. Saudi Arabia ou Intry”, by the - of the catcring .8 million pounds rk, 5,3 million , dairy food and pounds of coffice' Weeks, according Telegraph), the for Ilance of the esert conditions, it and Wisdom man ("If they start ye Baghdad'),
1 CT: El TC certali
the a ildait: 10lls wing the public delce of Weste Til "es i 311 c al 1 LI IlderThe thing, wars, | CCllr Elt all, :ak out', which ce of spontaneity. preamble affords ection on, for ragility and preability of broken
necessary troops
lace, the leaders agli Inst Sidda IIl had to sustain
trage at a suitably in order to justify the opportune
ad to reach deeply acious reservoirs self-righteousness,
ha tred of Hussein
and belt-tightening,
- so easily kindled - should not evaporate prematurely. Nothing could be more embarrassing than to be seen taking out' Baghdad or other centres of population in cold blood.
The turn of the screw, the Lightelling T100se, sanctions, diplollatic efforts (albeit not so vigorous as to risk success) hawe all served als al useful sub-plot, while the takcover of Kill yw Elit has been represented as the greatest crime in human history, before which all others pale.
The leaders of the World community have grasped for all the historical excesses Lhey can think of, and all the cons of the 20th century have been conjured from their shallow graves in order to provide comparisons. Above al II, the Second World War has been invoked in order to furnish the forthcoming war with borrowed moral us tre - the betrayal of Czechoslovakia, appeasement, the Nazis, Hitler: cv cIn the Desert Rats and the period of the 'phoney war', and With Nuremberg trials to follow whicn, it's all over.
Nico T hä5 the El Collic froInt bce:L Inciglected. We hawe: becni wa Tined thält sääCTi filçe 5 Will Haw c to be made; we can expect hardship although it is not always to distinguish between the privations of the looming recession and the noble renunciation required in the
interests of the liberation of
KL. W lit.
The very vehemence of the
denunciations of 'thic monster,
Hussein' is perhaps to exorcise the complaisance of the West and its readiness to do business with him u Tintil hic marched into Kuwait. His use of che Ilica 1 Weapons gainst Ku Tds and
19

Page 22
1+
I Iranians did not a bate the keenness with Which fait contracts were negotiated for the reconstruction of thic war-torn I iլIIք
after the long and futile "W"El With Iran. -
We do not appease dictators. Maybe not. But we have no objection to offering them moral succor and material aid. We found nothing TPLEl Ell at Galtieri until he took the Falklands, and the extent Of OLIT approbation of Hussein can now be measured by the extent f the loss of jobs in the North
of England O'er cacced business.
The racist sub-test is never far from the surface, expressed not only in the “So di Saddam' T-shirts, and thc references to the butcher of Baghdad' - that "is only to be expected, but also in response to our allies. It Was reported that the import of Bibles along with girlic-mags had been prohibited by Saudi Arabia. 'Saudis Seize Bibles from Our Boys", said the Steri, the only real doubt seemed to be over which of the confiscated material was the authentic religious text of the West.
The constant use of the phrase "Western Women and children de II on stratics that they are a different order of humanity from the hundreds of thousands of Indians, Bangladeshis, Filipinos, Whose labour has contributed so much to Kuwait's boast of the highest per capita incomes in the world
The image of representatives of the United States circling the globe to press recalcitrant rich countries for yet more Inoney for the war effort, while Asian nationals crouched in makeshift shelters on the IraqJordan border, gave some hint of the priorities we may expect in the new World order.
It is A Ille TCI Ճ1յlք are In lumber to
that the поw Iп the equivalent in 5 tation ed in
significant
forces about
those
2O
Europe through It is as though dial Tilliament we sing to thic e the industriala providcntial
dered such rad changes as im Fire un necessary
At the 5 amic ti Feiriad hird has be the lineaments filling the vac der Tilise of thc IIlÖTe familiar brainwashed sol Creed like C search for a CI1b7 i II et CF i sary has long the Middle East, Orie, Il (1 W anot i Isla Ilic է: Այ11 T Gaddafi, Assa Saludis are Tigh: diffidence tow protectors.
SOIThe have d Western rage o COf Kuwait (as real Tage over which they see a for the first maj But resource-w every day again the earth, and indignant West
It is not tc: invasion of Kuv also the rigorou talined by Weste their own armie (in the guise of which destroy a lives of millio dwellers from force subsist cince people aпd paste land for the sa development req usurious debts to
The war that
Toll Iced turns to piece with the CCIII dilucted i ! Wresting resource who would deny inperial right to 1 II list bic liberate of feudalism a this will be only a outcrop of the

XLIt the Cold War. 1 the pro Imise of Te to de stabiliigen dynamik of lilitary Illachine; threat has Ten
ically disturbing prudent as they
.
me, the essecntial III CCC ISILIC te: of the enemy um left by the Red foe have a look than the diery of a II upstart III 1 Illi llum ism. Tile IOre suitable deological adverhovered around , Settling on now 1ет leader of ап try — Khomeini,
Hussein. The LL to feel sole irds their new
eplored synthetic WCT i till C i Invasjon opposed to the
oil supplies), is a flimsy cover TESOLIC-War, El TS. El Te Waged 1st the poor of by the morally
itself.
Condone the wait to deplore s silence mainII) leaders over !s of occupation iconomic forces) nd lay was te the 1s, evict forest
their habitat,
farmers, tribal Italists off their of forms of Luired to service
the West.
has been anlit to be of a
Other conflicts he interest of 'S from twilers
the West its henn. If Kuwait i for the sake nd cheap oil, | Tilre dramatic
feudalis in of
monopolistic and non-accountable transnationals, which subordinate whole nation-states to their superior claims upon timber, protein, minerals and food-crops
All the les sons of history" didactically drawn from a dissimilar past scrve to conceal the only serious instruction to be derived from that I'm clanchol y teacher. When US soldiers tell the cameras that they cannot wait to 'kick ass', they demonstrate yet again the case with which another young generation can be persuaded to give up their lives in sad and irred eenable expenditure of blood. Once they have done so, their deaths must be sanctified and mythicised, in order to conceal the Vanity of their sacrifice, and to pave the way for future WATS.
Finally, perhaps, the readiness to resort to war (and the noisy discrediting by the media of those who seek peace) demonStrates another truth - about thc Western way of life. Rather than contemplate any serious IInodification of the means whereby our energy is procuted, or give thought to the substitution of 3 L1 stailable alternatives, prefer to envisage a convulsion of the Gulf of unknowable extent and Wiolence.
It is, apparently, not yet time to consider whether a more just and humane economic order might replace that which can be sustained only at such excessive cost to the earth and its people, and which must be defended by the devaluing of Our most precious resource of
II, life it 5 cf.
If there is 'a cause that goes beyoned the calculation of commercial advantage', as the Daily Express piously argues, it involwes a different kind of emancipation than the military liberation of Kuwait, the toppling of Hussein, or indeed, anything else likely to be achieved by the spectacular deployment of weaponry in the Gulf.
(Cortesy: Third Forld Ner l'ark)

Page 23
HOUSI INWG (2)
Finding shelter
Stanley Senaratna
he construction industry Can
not be treated independently of the general economic Imalaisc facing society in this country. Construction iIl fact is El III el 15 of capital formation and when conditions seem to be bleak als regards foreign aid, local control of inflation cannot be maintained. The prices of goods seem to be inter connected with the importexport cC0 10.II.1y We are wedded to. It was for late that at Wery stage the present Government was in a position to replenish its used up finances with handsome packages of foreign aid. This is really what kept the present administration going. Resea Tchers till economists Were a Wilf of the fact that IMF and the World Bank teams were sent to Sri Lankal fra 11 time to til TT1C to examine the causes of the CC010mic crisis.
In Colomba, the Tatio of slul II 15 i Ill shallties With thalt of the tota:El ho Lising stock, acco - ding to various surveys conduct cd was estimated at 45 percent to 55 percent. This is a fairly high ra te when we campa Te it With the situation in other cities outside Colombo. Historical evidence points to the fact that these telements were built to house the city labour force during the growth of the plantation sector Llder the colonial ecolomy. The expansion of the processing, packing, storing and shipping of the plantation products led to much overcrowding at this level of labour habitation. These houses Were il existe 11 ce 1011g before the Rent Controllegislation came i Tito being and a Te situated very often in close vicinity to the harbour, factories and stores Where major trading, commercial Eını d i Industrial activ Lilies are calırried T. After some til Inc, in the late nineteenth century the old houses became real slum units occupied by low income Workers. -
for the
The large maj are temporary of easily availilt as cheap wood
Il di zinc: Sheets cadian. Quite a kind of building by squatters con of the city facilit alıd Tural Eli Tel: 5 ya ter alını d for e? SCW Crag.
S1ums and sh the most light the Colombo M faces today. Thị Wards with slur around Pettah centre of th: tradi Ing activitit:
Studie 5 0In Sll hawe shown tha unsuitable for hi lliwing in tc Tills and ment Hill Well
ding, CCingcs tid) ver In Li la tio In HT: drawbacks. TE
which is of piral where the health is; collı Çermel is drinking WilcT, cillu Tities pēc 1 cct - Li Il clean Wła vicinity for dr It hä5 Eb ce[1 1 e (GylweT 1. Illelt ti' ) only because the 5 luni dwel dwellers but
complexity of t SS115 : Deep consider to be. ΕίνεΠ το of these War Lo thic distanci places, the sizi units, the socioaffecting their schools for chil and crime and It is importa that the casu will ul Ilir; y el th tically and tht degree of co

homeless millions
ority of shantics structures built ble Illa terial such and planks, tin
With roofs of
lumber of this is are occupied ning in search its from suburbs
for obtaining :ase of disposing
anties are Teally problems which unicipal Council : main Municipal Tı dwellings are alıd Fort, the CCIIII eTci H | 4 Lld is of the City.
lns in shaties t they are Imos t. ealthy and decent
of both physical being. Overcrow
In and lack of some of the Le 0the T factor
110 lunt importance of the individual the lack of pure ln so II e shanty Eple tend to coter from the same: inking purposes. cessary for the itcTWcle It f the defects of ers and shanty because of the he problenn which ional character. tid) D Willi | halwe the cally cliences ers in Tel: tio 1 of their Work of their family sect II lic factors living conditions, 1ren, malnutrition illegal activities. it to recognise Tes to be adopted c Inselves automa - rc Could be a fai T cration extended
to any benevolent schemic of rehabilitation by the people.
The housing in the estate in Sri Lanka has to be marked out as one of the most important items requiring development under this programme.
A conceptual unification of estate production with external Tural production is neccessary. By that means an incrcase of the total value of the product in terms of the national economy can be achieved.
This may sound idealistic, but is based primarily on a steady improvement in the lateial Iditions f bu. Fr this purpose it is incumbent on us to give th cm the essential sanitary facilitics such as water, health amenlitics such als drugs and dispensation at the sites, children's wel faire where educa - tion is concerned, regular rations of food requirements, training agencies for the purchase of necessary requisites for comfortable living such as cloth, etc. and, most important of all, the provision of housing which would mean a complete abolition of the existing “linc system'.
Whatever economic activity is initiated in any sphere in Sri La Inka, we always compare the quantities and values with the premium activity now accepted by all, na mely tca production. It is well known that there are sectors such as the garment industry, foreign employment, ge Ins, etc. which at times seem to surpass the income from the estates, but taken is a whole we are still existing and Ilaintaining our economy upon the successful Thanagement of estates and to that extent we are a stagnant economy.
This shows the importance of the estate labour force which can be considered the vanguard of Sri Lanka's economy. How
21

Page 24
do they pass their time, how a Te their material Ineeds satisfied ' Do they live in habitable houses '' What are the implications pertaining to their home life." Is it sufficient if we imagine that their families as such a Te provided for as best as possible by the establish ment?
Is there something more that is needed to permit a more contented life-style and if so
how could we meet such needs
The historical development of the housi Ing situation in the estates consists of three stages :
(i) Seasonal, (ii) (iii)
Periodically innig ratory,
Only much later a dcnt la boul T force.
resi
This coincided with the change from coffee to tea plantations
Or seasonal crop lo a nonseasonal crop. The houses built-up on the idea of a seasonal and migratory labour
force remained the same throughCut the teak eta. The estate houses, therefore, were of a very un satisfactory condition. By 1971 there were about 250,000 housing units in the estate sector of which only 12 per cent were permanent and 85 per cent semi-permanent. About 15 per cent of these semi регmа пепt houses were built in 1920 or even earlier (sources: Government of Ceylon Housing Census 1971, published in 1973.) The Consumer Finance Survey of 1963 for instance noted that overcrowding is high est in the estate sector. The Survey conducted in 1973 revealed that about 29 per cent of the house
The survey carried out by the Department of Census and Statistics in 1971 revealed that 168,356 units cor approximately 70.9 per cent had only one room for their use and 39,374 or 16.6 per cent had 2 rooms, while 9.270 or 3.9 per cent had 3 T) IIs. The extent of overcrowding can therefore, just be imagined.
The Report of the Consumer Finance – a Tid Socio-Economic Survey 1981-82 issued by the
22
Central Bank shows Some im
But this Rep. that a 10 per i 570 households examined and t had no latrines, Ceilt. Walter available to ti households, 55. sisting of 97.02 using kerc)5 cnc. purposes.
The principal as el cctricity iT per cent of th kerosene in res households.
Regarding co 90 per cent of wood.
From the ex by the impleme wa Tills schem development in necessary and engage in an of the results : of the program ment implement to make an a 55 impact they ma the lives of the
draw up sector; future.
In deali Ing wi such vast propor housing for a ChyeT 15 IT lilli majority of whi pOverty, it is a ever the conseq that we milk analysis of the features which success in this SC we hawe att to be conscious rus constraint face, economic cial hazards, in barriers and hl that Wici a Te plan we must, regional level 5 a sounder and di T1 e 15ions of L Within the co axico Imatic that CC-cardinati CT a II

(October TOWellent.
1984)
Tt also reveal cd cnt sample of was intensively at 274 of the in i.e. 48.0 per acilities were e majority of household5 conper cent were for lighting
type is given respect of 5.6 total and as pect of all other
oking facilities thell use file
herience gained ntation of the is of housing the past, it is Im Ost uscful 10 in-depth study indi perspectives me of developed So far and 25 smelt (f. Ilt y have had on people from a angle and thus 11 plans for the
th a subject of tills as Tatinäll population of on, the large om live in abject ppropriate whatuences may be, e a pTignatic basic objective could lead to field. In doing the Sa Ile IIIc of the nume; we have to andicaps, finanlumeTable social I 11 am weaknessics pro ne to. But PlaTnning at a hould lead us to more rational ought and action in munity. It is social cohesion, d associati C1 al
a micro-level will always - be deeper and perhaps stronger and more meaningful. A segment naturally affords an opportunity not easily available to the whole. This is largely truc of human resources development too.
In any financial outlay on house construction, it is not the well-to-do bull siness Iman or
the upper middle class that have to be catered for, but the lower middle class, the poor peasant and the Worker and perhaps even the group which could be considered at a lower economic level. The history of the programmes implemented during the past
few years gives an insight into what directions should be adopt cd for a more resourceful activity in the future.
The earlier experience would come in helpful, What is proposed for the future is not really an imitation or a duplication of the processes which have already been put into effect, but a constructive reversal of those processes. If we were to adapt a familiar dictu II, the idea which now stands on its head Will be milde Lo stand on its feet. The emphasis here is in regard to individual capacities, financial potential and the physical and social aptitude to pro Inote a development programme of this na turc. It is not in Lended to commcnce from the haves' and proceed later tardily towards the have-nots, It will simply be vice-versa.
The reasons for the drawbacks experienced are many and of ın international character which the developing countries can hardly cope with. In Colombo alone we have a population of 1,809,000 or 11.4 per cent of the total for the Island. In the figures already given in the report regarding occupation of substandard houses in Colombo, we have pointed out that between 45 percent to 55 percent of the citizens have to face the defects and the insanitary conditions in such houscs. It cannot be
(Carl finited on page 2)

Page 25
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Page 26
Food and the ethnoce
S. Pathiravitana
he man who should have
bccone the first Primc Minister of Ceylon was Sir Don Baron Jaya tilaka. Fatic, ably aid cd and ab etted by D. R. Wijewardena and his political cronies, conspired to deprive him of that signal honour.
So, instead of a philosophicstatesman Well versed not only in Elu, Pali and Sanskrit but also Latin and Greek a Ind English we had Kelley John' as oul first Prille Minister. The Englishmen noted that Kelay John’ could not only tame elicphants and 'speak to then in their own language but also don the top hat and tail coat on the appointed occasions. Whether the colour and complexion of Sri Lankan politics would have been any different under the guidance of a philosopherstatesman Will always Teillain a subject "only in the World or speculation'.
But as this poet went on to say, what might have been and what has becn point to one end which is always present. And viewed from the present Sir Baron's once bigger than life political dominance recedes to the point of invisibility.
The temperance movement that lured him away from the life of letters to which he was truly born and led him to the cesspool of politics is rarely heard of these days. A Buddhist colntry that thrives on liquor, gambling and tobacco, all a na therna to the pioneer freed on "fightcrs. Would have been too much for dear old Sir Baron. For all that he app cars to have been a very understanding man.
I got this impression while reading the colurns he wrote from London to thic Diria Piri in 1911, some of then reproduced in the biography of Sir D. B. Jaya tilaka by Dr Nandadeva Vijesekara. Berlin, through Sri Lankan eyes just before thic lights went out for Europe is what the journalist Jaya tilaka
24
gives us in surely be a ur hala Teportage. His stylc is popular and co a departure f classical stylic eTudi Le Sinhala mally wedded for a good t Sinhala prose:
“ "Berlin. . . by city descend Though Supe the impressi you come to find that hel hili Ind. TheIc unending sor, Along with the Te is alls i poor. To th dulge to the sual pl el surco the starving the phrase sc exist by the
For ill that the disability Illot visible i Berlin. You beggar there. пеп dressed ering idly ar. Ilets Cor il 1 shops as in And now come
"But because people cann ( they cat the and dogs, II by in Saxon horses and
sold as flesh,
The poverty trics can be T Extel L. fr0I11 Such a dispa cess of wea p") verty Cal T T c:15teTI Coll|Ill lCom at Colle a Tl We to o hay hardly a nyon even though for it. **Most of the Imud hut to

Intrics
what today must Lique bit of Sin
equal to the task, Il Weers: tib Tal It's Til the fČITIm]
to which the scholar is norand sets a trend wentieth century
Light is like a ed froIII helve II. trficially this is Il you get, if o close you will 1 is mot fait beis both joy and row in the city. the super Tich Do the Weak i Ti e few who illbTim their selis the hungry and (he actually uses 24 du kirE a peler7nio) th Du sand.
the poverty and of the poor are In the streets of ToTI llet l There are no in Tags and howlind street coTont of liquor ther countrics." 5 the shocker:
of the poverty, it buy beef so fles of horses the year gone y a 10Ile 12,000 3700 dogs were
in these counIcasu Tcd tc some these figures. ity between exth a l d cixtirere It be s cel in ies such as Ceythe same place. Our poor. But Inisses a mcal hey have to beg
p) 00:IT clwen 1 ha. We call their own.
There's no such solace for the poor in these countries. It is difficult to assess how many of those tramping the streets of London are without homes and are going hungry.' (They are, by the Way, still doing it under Thatcher's influ.cnce). Dickens has portrayed for us wividly thc horror of the lives of the English underprivileged olit of whose blood and sweat the industrial might of England greW,
Jaya tilaka too puts his finger on the spot and dwells on the inability of the working class to survive on the wage of 30 shillings a week, though this, he thinks, is a princely wage by ou T standards; and how they are forced to form trade unions, which in turn has compelled the employers to form themselves into associations and the strikes, the lock outs and the groping of the entire working class in Europe towards socialism, all of which I think should go to fill a tight footnote in a Kumari Jayawardena cdition of Thc Early Inspiration For Socialis In II1 STi LaInkä.
But What has caught my attention in this fascina ting account of the life in pre-World War I Europe is that the good old German Shepherds, in their, turn, were nourishing the si news and bones of the Teutonic brand of industrialism. It is not the
done thing, of course, to eat man’s best friend cor such a beautiful animal as the horse,
or so we were given to believe at the tiimic of the recent Korean Olympic games when it sce med for one ghastly moment that the august spectacle would become a non-event because, it was rumoured, the Koreans Were going to serve dog flesh, which, as you know, is a dear
delicacy of the Far Eastern
people.
To honour your guests with
the best you hawe is a heary
Custon dmong a grcal Il 1 ny traditional people. Assuming that the Koreans were keen on pleasi Ing their guests and that this was being Inis understood

Page 27
in Europe, we come to a most interesting problem in human relations, the proverbial case of one man's meat being another's poison.
Not that the Europeans have always treated the Imeāts II heltio ne di above as poison... Let us heä T al Europea 1 nutriticionist, Paul Fieldhouse, on this sub
ject: In his Food and Nutrition: Custo ITS and CultuTE he Say SI:
I'm mlach of the Wics Licern World horse flesh is not considered to be a Toll fit for hurial consumption. Thic tabo against hors cm cat a rose in the eighth century when Pope Gregory 111 ordercd Boniface, his a postle to the Gerlans, to forbid the consumption of horse flesh by Christian converts to show their separateness from the Wandal pagans. The current distas te for horseIl Cat Still: 11s 1š 1t frio Iül ilt Ti Isic: un palatability but from this historical sign of superiority and separa teness.
SC nw WL kI10 W. The Tod habits we pride ourselves on a Te nothing but a dirty ethnocentric pose. The Incats we eat COT do T1 't eat a Te Ilo indicatioIII of our assumed racial superiority and is als empty als the boast of the Aryanness of some GerIn ans Who, according to our colu Inlist in London were thriWing on dog meat when presumably Adolf Schickelgruber was mugging up his state craft while being a house painter.
The phrase sacred cow' and the smigger that in evitably alcCOIn panies it are, then, totally LIW IT inted, for now We know what can happen to even the 'sacred dog' in the west. F. J. Simoons who, according to Fieldhouse, is another commentator in this field, "remarks that Western anthropologists rarely comment on dog-flesh avoidance because it is a prejudice they themselves share.' The socalled repugnance to eating horse-flesh is another myth that is floating around. Argentine is reported to be the leading exporter of horse IIleat. And where do you think it goes? To
stuff salusages Japan wherc it to another deli
() ut food H1|| Where the irrat reme. Though kinds of Ille ait consumed all () all of them a sg) III) e Wery cur fit for Hill Li Imma We are Ilc, äl ing beef, por or for that m: wa day and ki: though some, TecleIded E SÜLITICE 3 Iik: tht like di og Hindi ] demned by enli the Buddha.
Cettels Like altı d legium c s lik in the west to Sumption only beasts. But it Third World it is the firs helped to put beauties ä5 til in the dry zo 1 and soya is throbbed the C ducing a most listic II,
Those amon who are dream ing the world hearts' desire a nic har Thony hi cring thought when they Lite; field Of food & 1 hit of these culties just Illu clusion f Paul F and word by el ce: “There is people are pe everything, ew everyone and it
And yet the ling the promis *f Teledd)||1" if W ling to accept led political ideals, so IIle O listing slha Tunc c) fathers are Ilo, fore our Very {
But let mile Don Baron Jay tle philosopher

alıd the rest ti isi : Iye Titci i IlCalcy — Sukiyak ki. bits is () le field ional reigns slipthe Te Hre Ilmany S a ı dı vegetables We the World Int TE: Tegal. Tided, f’T iço Li s Teisions, als in consumption. agreed on eatk, insects, grubs atter thos ay and will in and kokis like i Insects, El TC y un impeachable * Bible and So Ille, orse flesh, coghtened ones like
millet (kurak kan) ze 50y: arę fold bg fit for COIlby birds and the so-called (though in truth t) kurikkan has up such serene nks and dagobas le of ST i Llika the pulse that hiIese it) promarwell (ou s civi
g the utopians ing of remould
In ea TeT to llei T nd restoring ctha ye a very s obccbT11i1 g . ta) th1cmı til CTI this Tinc hallwinism. For
immense diffill over this con'ield house slowly, Word for preferno society where Tritted to eat try where, with 1 till situll ti') IS.”"
West keeps dangc of ILlibrill dici e a Te only willtheir new fanginstitutions änd f which to the f their founding w collapsing be:ye:S .
Come back to ati laka, the gen
He was very
much into the subject of cultuTill co-ex15'tence hiT15 elf ill the 1 ett CT5 h C WYTL) te to the OrlaFina. Beforc him there was Charles Ambrose Lorenz who in 1854 reported the first cultiLT1 e Il culte I With the West. But he was on a different flight and more like a bird Teturning home. In fact he held up the ) Litch 45 “all indl 15 tTivolls (Godfeari Ing nation” and appealed to the "young men around me to look upon Holland “as a glorious model and pattern for their iTiiitation. . . :ild to el del voll T to follow in the footsteps of your forefathers,
The Jaya tilaikā view wis more Calluti olls, his i 11 die TC', t)), WELS diferenti:
| III Lh c liitteTS I have Written so far, Conc thing I pTetsu Illic may be cWident to the reacier. And that is, the good and the bad is found in Europe too. The Europeans are not L SLLLLS tL LLLLLLLLS LLtttLL 0L LLaHHL civilisation i privilege bestowed by heaven. On the other hald they ääre Thot, is s Ille thirlk, bärblril 115.
Mill is the heir ti both
Wirtue and Wice There's li one oп earth
whU is fault læss This saying is true not only ab. Llt individulls blut lb Llt societies too. So, to Whiltever group human beings belong they have excellent virtLes and qualities as well as vices. Such being the case to Tegard yourselves as superior of Imore civilised is only to delude yourself.
' At the same time to imagine we hawe nothing, that we should get everything from Collitside is ewell. Il Te kiel IIsory. There’s son ething to learn from everyone, but who - ever the perse In thic e will i 1 him should not be listaken for good.
The Silhalese lave suffered for failing to take note of this. We Hayc abs (Tb, cd far more of thc cwill of Europeans than their good. If the younger generation would only take note of this that would be to our good."
25

Page 28
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Page 29
JUDICIAL ACTIVIVSVIM
The Role of Social Ac
Scott Newton
hough the Emergency marks
low-water in the stature and independence of the judiciary, it yields to thc un precedented flood-tide of the judicial Tole in the years following, Social Action Litiga tian (SAL) involved two major procedural innovations: a great expansion of the concept of sta Ilding and a relaxation of the formal requirements of petition. The former permitted all manner of social action groups and concerned persons to initiate lawsuits on behalf of the disadvantaged. The latter permitted postcards addiressed to individual justices – what came to be called 'epistolary jurisdiction' - or even newspaper articles Written for the general public to count as formal petitions invoking the Court's jurisdiction. Bhagwati and the others who pione cred a Iud refined the idea and practice of SAL did 5) in the conscious advance of a refornist social and political agenda. They in effect seized the constitutional Directive Principles and in their name charted comprehensive domestic policy,
Judicial participation may be cvery bit as important, and in the context of development, even more so. Electoral and legisla tive processes Eure noto) - riously wis cous, particularly from the perspective of the underprivileged; the resistance of wested interests to major social and political changes greatly slows things down, even if it can be overcome eventually. However, the flow of participation in the judicial process under the aegis of SAL can be uniquely liquid (albeit limited: there are 13 Supreme Court justices for 750,000,000 potential litigas).
Further, SAL enables-the Court to play a pro-active rolle in
furthering the g and equality. In saĩIlā'Ta Khal{Jørì see cases, the C Titiative. Moreo the Linusual con lly Incon-advcrsari The audi city of pears striking: customary role o tO 315 su IIle th:41 even advocate, privileged. In s ever it has bc. I name of the ( the era of SA Sulp Tene Court, posing fundam the DiTective PI struing the fo reinforces cach No longer Hitta opposite ends ( riage, it yokes Of course, if our metaphor h is a ponderous a jligքernallt). : so much tveri ! cated Court ca. experienced its plosion of late II ll St 5 clicct 3D potential SAL problems confr of Subcontine any one institt Colle With lilit barely scratch t the less, the de' tion the judic ing through SA ll is setting the and political coming decad the government plications of i ciples. The j coming to play Copment wil ngu H
Thic Hussiana BandhLI , M1Likti in very liv cly special perils () and the proble

tion Litigation
oals of equity bollı the Husını il Slı eselı Bar = purt scized the ver, it acted in text of essentialall proceedings. the Court liphis shed its ' rileLiL Tal arbiteT of patron, or If the Lilierdoing, howacting in the onstitution. In L, the Indian instead of opentill rights to inciples by conIII er marrowly, with the other. ching then to if the social carthem together. we Inay stretch etc, the cal Tiago: one (Llore like Lid there is only tiTeless :1, D1 d decii – Il diri. Indial ha 5 own docket CXEnd the C1rt ly a fraction of cases. The Sociall onting India a Te ոtill magnitude: ltion, especially :d Te5 LITICS, C:ll he surface. NineTelopmental funciary is dischargL is a vital one. para mount Social agenda for the es and holding to the full illEs Directive Pri Iludiciary is thus if the Tale of lewell
Td.
ira Kha foron and Murcha cases raise
tert IIIs for LIs the if judicial activism :Imatics of judicial
power in general. There are two inter related issues here: on the One hånd, judicial Capability, On the other, judicial legitimacy. Upendra Baxi's observation goes to the heart of the Imatter:
At a pragmatic level, the question really is not one of legitimacy of the Supre [1] e Court's role; it is rather one of its Institutional capability, The Supreme Court may discharge its political responsibility of initiating structural social change through exercise of its constitutional powers and privileges. But can it really see it through? Can it really Thanage the change, IT10 nitOT it, direct it towards meaningful implementation over sustained periods of time? If it does not, then its legitimacy might be slowly but surely eroded. People might say that it exercises power but as su Times no responsibility for change."
Institutions, to be effective,
must husband their strength. An
institution which WCT-reaches
itself compromises its legitimacy and risks loss of ground. The judiciary has more at stake in
contests ower Power thall the
other branches of government
because it is inherently so ill ch
weakcT; it is II luchil s Illiller in scope than either the executive or legislature, its field of activity
is farther Te||1(3wed froIIn the public eye and public understan
ding, it cornmands far fe wer
material indi huma li rcissources ("How many divisions has the Chief Justice''' we light echo
Stalin). Its institutional clout
depends to al grca ter lcgrec tlıları liny other part of go WCTI1mm cint on in tangibles Such is the es leer in which it is held and the rega, Td members of society hawe for the concept of "a government of laws Lind not of men." These, we should perhaps note, are not the hard variables by
27

Page 30
which political scientists generally prefer to gauge institutional potency, especially in the Third World.
It is the perennial preca Tiousness of the judiciary in a politically developing polity which places Such a premium on judicial strategy and political development if it takes constantly into account its own stage of development wi-a-vis the other major political institutions and the polity as a whole. The Indian judiciary ran up against the limits of its power during the Emergency and backed down for the sake of self-preservation. In the years subsequent, it has pushed those limits title and again, and in so doing has perhaps pushed them back.
Preference Policies
We have empha sized the constitutionalized developmentalism of the Directive Principles of State Policy. Among these is Article 46 which states:
The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.
In accordance with this Directive Principle the Indian Patliament has seen fit to enact various schemes of compensatory protective discrimination (rescimbling, but only in part, American affirmative action programs). These schemes have entailed three types of preference policies: reservations (chiefly of legislative seats, jobs and educational places), welfare entitlements (scholarships, land allotments, health care) and special protections (such as the Bonded Labor Abolition Act we discussed above). The definition of "backwardness' as a qualification for compensatory discrimination has proved a baneful and recurrent issue for the judiciary, as has the question of reservation in general. Its record is one of
28
"dith tring and the Words of . the case of K. Y State of Kr. S. C. 495 at 1. the property-he rights litigation post-Independel judiciary playe. rictionist role. observes:
Summing up that the gros: gation on th discriI 11 iIıatior to Cl tail and Who have at SEltory discrim in court har reila Tkable re While those is COIn pensatory have bec n les
In the era of the Court has more for thright tive role in the Compensa tory d it has defined VeltpII1erlta1 rטd Wasanth Kiliminar comprehensive, c Inced a II å lysis, in Ward Te55'' il Contemporary II lity. What is pai about Wasanth PLITp (354:5 j5 its reasoning': this which developm and which strive to the complexi Tm1 fe I1 t. JLI stice CWrites:
Development Opportunity t) tai ke fill
ISI Wils. I the ultima te s 1112:15 l'IE5; il III: TULInd econom dcvelopment. T) uTse the dange
Enders selfde backwardness Wesled intere;
real da Inger is
but reservation
Bill To Lind socia dew clopment.

wacillation,“ in Justice Desai in ... Wasanth Kumar nataka (AIR 1985 502). Much as in ilwy flinda Tental COf the i 11 || 1 cilite 1ce decades, the d a largely obstMarc Galiler
* We Dilay 5 lar rise i effect - of liti It compensatory | policy has been confine it. Those Elcked compentination schemes We compiled a cord of Success, eeking to extend discrimination S Sliccessful.
iudicial activism, taken a luch A Ti di construc! enforcement of is crimination as and asserted its Esponsibility. In the Court, in a areful, and nuaterpreted backthe context of ldian social reaticularly notable KLI TIL IT of our "developmental is a Court for Tilt is axiomatic 5 to be adequate ties of developlin Inappa Reddiy
all facility and Illst be created advantage of indicates that olution lies in Id firmly at al II lic and social There is of coor that it eng: Illigration and I may become a t. The fu Titler It reservation Without general and economic
The judiciary is uniquely positioned to scrutinize the soundness and viability of develop
mental policy, to balance the competing values involved. It takes the long view and the
Wide view, sees development at both the micro and the macro scales, calculates the local as well as the societal effects of particular policies. In Wasanth Kumar for example, the Court weighed carefully the paradoxical OT un intcnded consequences of reservations (the fostering of dependency). Whereas governments all too often pursue development blindly, abopting misconceived or counter-productive policies, the judiciary does so (or has the potential to do so) with singular intelligence, training its critical eye over policies and exposing and exploring isSLIG
Perhaps the Illost divisive issues facing plural societies in the developing World are those involving ethnic, religious, or linguistic minority groups. Minority grievances often becomic the focal points of intense and frequently violent social tensions, occasionally threatening the integrity of the society as a whole, as for instance in Sri Lanka. The status of minority groups in plural societies exposes the tchuousness and superficiality of concepts such as 'state,' "polity,' 'society' and "nation' in the lifeworld of people who sc primary attachments are to social group, cthnicity, or set. In Inost developing countries with significant ethnic, religious, linguistic or social diversity, government-crafted approaches to c) II. In unal strife have either been sadly inadequate or downright counter-productive and irritating. In such situations, the judiciагу is inherently a more effective Temedial institution than the other branches of gO Wernment, for it is not (or altogether less) a majority creature, Precisely because it lacks a formal constituency, it is in a position to exercise greater independance of judgment and action. Morcover, the judiciary is made up of individuals who by training and cxperience enjoy certain advan

Page 31
tages over others in the Settlement of minority/majority disputes. H. L. De Silva Writes:
By and large the high CT judiciary is composed of men with a wide outlook and broad interests (who have El greater capacity for balanced judgment on such questions (ethnic problems) than those who arte engaged in the hurly burly of life), who have political impartiality, integrity and indic: pendence and have enjoyed El symbolic prestige, Standing as they do bet w cen citizen and citizen and between the citizen and power of the State in the windication of legal rights.
Effective and assiduous minority rights protection on the part of the judiciary becomes possible only in an activist climate. TI some scnse, judicial inter Wen tio 11 Om b c half of minorities is by definition '' unpopular,' if we equate popularity with majority sentiment. Whereas protection Caf i Ildiwidual funda IIle Intal Tights is gencially regarded as in everyone's interests (since it might just as casily fall on me to inwoke them to morrow as it con you to invoke them today), protection of the rights of a discrete, identifiable social group is often not so benignly received. A judiciary will play a leading role in minority questions only when it already has established itself as an institution capable
of and willing to help set social
policy in general.
We should not underestimate either the Tagnitude or the coinplexity of the task of redressing
minority grievances. The American experience of pluralism, multifaceted as it has been
does not begin to approach the problematics of pluralism in Third WOT|d 50cicties. Il the U.S., a common secular culture providcs disputants with something resembling a neutral ground a Tid arbiters with something Tesembling generalized norms of
behaviour. How cwci a literi Elited sub-populations (e. g. Native American tribes or inner-city
Blacks) Inay feel from the AmeTica. Il Imails treil. II, they con tille to share some portion of a connon fund of experience and
values (howering ground and typic to, thus constitiliti in the sense of
developing Socie background Cul obtains; experieI of those livingsi belonging to difl ties may be Tali In such a sitt la 1 produce multipl.
II, I ridia, tlլe called on to dec 35 whethe T EL I tially religious tionally protecte : Ild not SCO pri sa called CoWthe Cour Tuled st cow slaughter CO pite their consec lims (deprivati.
livelihoods a Ild cow slaughter feast day). H
(community's) fo is al 1 Uther T1 a Tl poison, and the solution: the and let live: eth monize with { religious 5C Til sib: recent Slla Band took it upon it: Muslim divorce the lus ball support his exa 74 year (d. beyond the fo divorce (iddat). indicates, ill a India's, public () — in jobs, holl political partic at hic societil 1 . distinct from pl equality - in II tance, and - oth! sonal status, W be regulated iT by traditional The rights of qua gr011p5 tỦ affairs II 13 y Till T the rights of quia i 1 diwidualls lives.
Daun Ling, ev
Lble se issue:S – cLul:1 ris Tm iT1 T1 societies, the
public and pri the viability of minority rights

in the back:ally unattcnded ng a "lifeworld' Habermas). In ties, no such tura l amalgam 1ces and values ide-by-side but crent communiically disparate. .iol, liberalis. In c paradoxes.
Court has bec ide such matters "actice is es ScilA md so co Instit lilld or commercial otected. In the -Sla Lighter cases, at Lutes forbidding Istitutional desluences for Musin of bitcher's prevention of on a Muslil ere Colle T Tam’s od quite literally 's (community's) 're is no ready America Ilı "livc ic” doesn’t ha Ti.eeply offended bilitics. In the i casc, the Court self to interpret la W als requiring to conti Ill'1 e to wife (in the case destitutc Women) rinal period of As such a case society such as I formal cquality Ising, education, ipation and the goods - is quite ivate or informal larriage, inheri:r matters of perhich conti Ill e to traditional Ways orporatic bodies. Thinority groups reglula te their head oil into group III embers to control their
on in 50 || Luble, ils he limits of seulti-confessional conflict bct ween "ate equality and legal uniformity, wersus individual
rights - might seem, the Third World judiciary is virtually the only institution equipped to approach thcm frontally and creatively. All things considered, it is (at least potentially) without peer in performing the dewelopmental function of harnicssing pluralism to strengthen a polity and enhance its legitimacy while mitigating its divisive pocritial. This function cintails Tcd Tessing minority gric wances, adjudicating communitics' Competi Ing Iclili Ins, promoting equi talblc PoWer-sharing limong communities, Lnd en Suring Ilıca Illingful autonomy in matters relating to group life (in particular decentraliziang or devolving power where feasible from the state to local bodies). The Indian judici: Ty has mot Shied frûTT1 grappling with minority issues in the discharge of this function - With what lasting success remains to be determilled. If we look to Sri Lanka, he wewe T, we see on the contrary a judiciary which has wholly neglected this developmental function, having rcmained conspicuously (indiced notoriously) aloof from the public arcna in which the ethnic question has been so tumultuously disputed.
Radhika Coo Taraswamy observes, “Despite the enormous social cost of the current ethnic conflict, Conly one casc in wolwing ethnic rights has appeared before the courts - that which challenged the writing of a cheque in Sinha lese to a Tamil recipient.” She remarks the pointed contrast With the U. S., U. K. and India, where minority and women's rights have been in thic forefront of fundamental rights litigation, and hawe provided for the dynamic growth of judicial di CoctTitle.” To what cail we attribute this reticence". The Sri Lankan judiciary has forborne from rushing in where Parliament it Self has fe: Ted to tTead. In a situation where Parliament and Government have repeatedly failed to address increasingly LIrgent minority grievinces, the Court has not dared to seize the initiative. The Court's failure to act at earlier points, moreover, has sadly precluded it from the possibility of playing any constructive role at prescint.
29

Page 32
CONCLUSION
In light of the foregoing detail cd discussions of judicial review and judicial activis II) We are now in a position to identify a In ““imma ment'' dewelopmcI 1 tal function of the judiciary, one which cuts across the various issues We have been ticiating - indeed which is Inanifested precisely in the variety of those issues. This is the diagnostic function of articulating and focussing the disputes and tensions genera ted in the course of political development, of bringing to the surface the ill hu rili Lu ITS and toxins of public life. If development is in some broad way the progressive rationalization of the several spheres of SÇociety — adinilis tratio II, the economy, law — the Til the judicia, Ty alone explicitly or for Inally Tationalizes dis-agreement and controversy - that is, it gives them the for III of logical arguInnent (instead of Intere opinio II, passion Cor. preference). In proWiding a forlu Iin, the judici:Lry sh :li Tp e in S public: a, WareIness :ıTnd forces advocates and observes alike to think through the consequences of particular positions. Once the judiciary has focussed an issue, it necessarily proceeds to force it. It must, after all, render a decision. The judiciary hlas a much quicker “response time' than other political institutions because it must grapple with concrete cases as they arise. Thus, e.g., in the American context, the legislative remedy for segregation and racially discriminatory practices lagged a
decade behind the judicial Tennedy. In the Indian context, als wie halve selen, the conflict between public equality and
private equality was brought out in to the open in (and by the instrumentality of) the Court, In developing societies, the dis
putes :ı. Tıl com [[Towersites comic thick and fast; issues which came to definition over gene
rations in the industrialized Coultries se em to aris e allost Spontaneously.
We follow this up by identifying a corollary developmental function: that of helping a developing society to internalize legal culture and inculcating in the
30
public understan for the value (a value which the legal proc a spects of a We have spok need for the j lish institution legitimacy in responsibility guardian. As a and a colonia a developing s larger obligatio educate them to the Il ind to tial for polit advancement -
IncIlt - which sts. The Ill not bc one preaching Black lils. Rather, för multe legill culturally relev: it to the cit deve oping soci imparts it to t la w cam ser we instrument of d humanizing govt Ince it has be similiated. Othe li tal bf L Hilt carns the colt Lllice. The II Certed outreach its “bringing ju Td eco IIIlical grn1Iբ8 (crllph: Chief Justice B - is exemplary develop III ental issue here is f: siTորly acce:85:
i Ors ("If I y IceboLIt di Illestical Li c7 T1 for til ble al II. It is instruc for Is LS 1 C III of the judicial
Tent tÜW:1rd been working : between lil W : conceived by Development' sa
is led in thic [H U. S. II 1 this approach, lanter expose t
belief" tikil:At thı 'legal liberalism yıl içi iTı it5 t
description of system, (b) exp loping societies

ing of and Tespect f proceduralism extends beyond 55 per se to all modern polity). in above of the diciary to estabLl autonomy and rder to acquit its s constitutional elite institution iThe Titance, il ciety it o wes a in to citizens to o its usefull I e5s the great potencal and social olitical develophe law posscsel hete should if didacticism – istome to the milthe Co u Tt m1 lu5 t isIt in L socioent form - adapt :L111 stan. Ces of : ety - even as it 1e citizenry. The Els : In L111Il'atched elnocratizing and "r 1 1 TmeT1 t, but only en culturally asIrwise, it Temains : privileged and :Impt of thc poplián Courts coneffTt i II SAL -- stice to socially ly disadvantaged Lisis minc)," in hagwati's phrase of this crucial function. The miliarization, not not opening the forbidden palace, Ing it, making it
habitable. tive in closing i pare the vision role in developwhich we have 111l the Telation und development the Law and :hool which flou50's a Titl 7()'s im heir critique of Trubek and Gaile Taiwcte of the e paradigm of '' was (a) wholly hwn right, as a the U. S. legal Itable to devewhich operated
according to very different valuesystems, and (c) of any real utility in furthering political development and not of potentially significant disutility. In particular, they noted that "in many nations courts are neither very independent nor very importanti” (p. 1081); that **law may have little effect on society'' (p. 1083); and that "the formal in cutrality of the legal system is not incompatible with the use of law as a tool to further domination by elite groups... Law may be used to justify and legitimate arbitrary actions by government rather than to curb or ban such excessics." (p. 1083) Finally, they observed with regret that the whole project of legal development aid, however sincerely undertaken, was tainted by the ambiguity of U.S. foreign aid motives in the first place.
The relation between the judiciary (conceived as an autonomous governmental institution) and development is however very different from that between law (conceived as a universal technique to realize social objectives) and development. The Court is not the legal profession. Whereas it is un Teasonable to suppose that the latter will act disinterestedly to adWance social Welfare and not its own interests of those special interests it represents, it is not un reasonable (or not as unreasonable) to suppose that the former will so act: that is, after all, its constitutional talsk. Fu Tther, the judiciary could never be in a position to receive forcign aid and Tisk thic comproI Inis es en tailed: judicial decisionmaking is a definitely sovereign activity. The judiciary has the potential to play a fully autocthonous role in a developing society - a role precisely not uniwersal or uniwersalizable. A developmentally effective judiciary can insure that development Temains pre-eminently the society's own business and is defined in locally pertinent fashion. The judiciary through innovative interpretation and creative procedure (as typified by SAL) can adapt and indigenize law in a way the legal profession Cal L1 IL) L.

Page 33
Trotsky: waiting for
Punyapriya Dasgupta
FE decades Soviet nationals in Mexico City da red not vi5it the I 5 e Where LEO Trotsky had been killed. They would not take any risk because
they had learnt, without asking questions, that the ghost there
was as II ale woolelt Els the Irla. Il
la di bee In.
Only recently, after Mr. Mikhail Grobachev pledged himself to glasnost and many Soviet intellectuals began i Ti sisting on the right to free i T1 LI i Ty, häive: Çuri 3 LIS Soviet visitors started joining others in filing through the place Where the Corganise T i Illi (CCIII ilalinder of the proletarian forces the RL155 i T. Revolution al Iud creator of the Red Army was finally struck down by Stalin by remote control on August 20, 1940. Death came the next day.
MT, {{{1|''b'ã cho ự hi TT1ščlf firld it difficult to curchi.Il 5 elf of inherited prejudices. At the 70th anniversary of the Revolution, he ruled out Trotsky's rehabilitation on the strength of a statellent attributed to Lcil that this leader (Trotsky) always Waciliated and ch cated. Leni and Trostky did trade charges before the Revolution but after the seizure of power cycrything harsh between them in the past was forgotten.
Some Soviet publicists still believe that Lenin never forgave Trotsky his “non-Bolshevism”. The Lenin Testament (officially, Letter to the Congress) has surviVed Stalin's attempts at suppression. It clearly gives Licnin's wicw that although not very tactful, Trotsky was the most able Iman on the Central Committee and his non-Bolshevisin (in pre-Revolution years) was not to be held against him.
The que
taken up 5
Lanka's lead
Sowi3 t Uni
offered that
ced and there
says Siriwal party has bi
place in S
but his mis
Siri war dena
An official pl USSR embassy cently - in the MF G QThã Chew' membered Geor Ethic fist Swiet ter" (Sovier Rei editor was prob the true hi5 LOJI country. Or he sweep of Mr. Go - "there must b im history or li In tot as Wide äs 811ցg E5Լ.
Trotsky was and, therefore, tiaries, with clai Til t.) El f: history — An Lur history books an by pass the aston ÇTee T F TITt]
When they ar the t Tu tlı told, will learl that Trotsky their firs ter but could h the first head of government. L.

rehabilitation
Istion of rehabilitating Trotsky has not been
ieriously, observed Reggie Siriwardena, Sri ling authority on the current changes in the
an and Eastern Europe. The explanation
Trotsky was not formally tried and sentenfore cannot be rehabilitated" is disingenuous, notes however that a Trotskist
USSR recently. Trotsky's
oviet history cannot be denied by anybody,
rde la Who
een formed in the
takes,
concluded.
theoretical and political,
аге папу,
ublication of the in India refourth year Cof S g 7 arī 7. f — ITEgy Chicherin as Foreign Minis'feb' xx" yī, 7). The ably innocent of y of his own knew that the rbachev'5 dictlım e Io blank spots iterature' - Was the words might
Lurchbilitated L.) Swist Tucnt cոքոisable actual place in 1 pers, co I, Sowjet dencyclopaedias ishingly brilliant Ky.
e rewritten and !he Soviet people
not only was t Foreign Minisilw become even the revolutionary епіп recognised
Trotsky’s leading rol c in the seizure of power and offered him the headship of the government. Trotsky dcclined because by that ti IIle hic had come to accept Lenin, at the head of the Bolshevik Party, as his leader.
The current official explanation why Trotsky cannot be rehabilitated is a piece of Sowiet bereaucratic quibbling, Esteban Wolkow, who still lives in the house in Mexico City, where he saw his grandfather, Trotsky, murder cd, sent an appeal to the Supreme Court of the USSR through the Soviet embassy, for juridical rehabilitation of the Iman who seized power for Lhe Soviets and later beat back counter-revolution and foreign I I LITWY I til
The court would not reply to Trotsky's daughter's son because he was a foreign national and
also took the position that "there are no court decisions On L. D. Trotsky's case, so
there cannot be any rehabilitation. The court, mercifully, ruled that the sentence on
31

Page 34
Trotsky’s second som, Scr gci Sedoy, killed in Stalin's prison, "should be repealed and the case dropped for lack of a corpus delirti'. Trotsky's elder son, Licon Scdov, was poisoned in Paris by one of Stalin’s hir clings.
The professed un concern of the Soviet legal Illachin cry with Trotsky is a poor alibi, Stalin could not drag Trotsky on to the dock but all the three infamous Moscow trials were given a tell-taler connection - the cases of thic "Trotskyite-Zinoviewi Le Terrorist Centre' in 1936, the ''Anti-Soviet Trotskyite Centre' in 1937 ind the "AntiSoviet Block cof Rightists and Trotskyites' in 1938,
Yet, the protestation is that the arch-villain had not been judged.
At the same time, the KGB officially tells the Soviet press that judgments and decisions were pronounced. "'by courts and fall Forts of Tori-judicial bodies Tegarding 3,778,234 people, 786, O98 were slot fill 1930 to 1953 on charges of counter-revolutionary and state crimes', and those are still being reviewed. Some non-judicial bodies must have Corder cd the banish ment, Calumnia tion and assassination of Trotsky. Why is there no review in only this case?
After the exposure of Stalin's monstrosities by the Soviet Union itself, the 'crimes' attributed to Trotsky hawe cca sed to be a ni issue. Nor is Trotsky's idea of Permanent Revolution of much relevance at a time when the impermanence of rewol Litijos is al more Attir El citiwc politica belief. Perestroika permitted Trotsky's teachings and the Fourth International to inspire the creation of the Marxist Workers' party in Moscow last March, but hopes of this group growing into a significant force in the foreseeable future are very slim. The point now is only about Trotsky’s placc in history.
32
Ramo I Merca Spanish mistics: colonel attachc hatchet Illan, B Trotsky's Skull fr a Il iCC axe : Il Moscow's KLI Its a "hero' of the What is to be bones and meda of those who disown Stalin's thic crd cof his Stalinism, Revo Trotsky wrote: QuT bleaching bị will triumph.' coming. Trotsky' show up his tation, when eve Iced less,
The Sowiet II șfării la 5 sere: bok, The Sir Tirt ficatiori. I ri ro-stra has published third volum c of I classic Trotsky tr diaries arc appe. Ilagazinc Ziari'a of articles on Tro Ne's have asked to be credited ai CCount for pe In emory of victi A Soviet journa had suggested th anniversary of Tı nation Soviet li hold an open c Trotsky scholars Countries. TT cyts ing back into S defiantly and co was in life.
(After the arti a news report frt Week Said that PT chev had by a
b f Tch1a bilitati c)I, unlawful the repr "against a citiz cal, social, ethni the I IL1 cotives in til the 195Os" di plc tely reinstate these citizen 5 "" TI been a way of Trotsky as well, the 5Oth :1 ITiW Essassination.)

der, son of the i of a NKWD d to Stalin's leria, Smashed (II) behind with d lies how ill evo cel metery as - So wict U Ilic II. die with his l is the problell can Ilot totally legacy. Towards ir1 dict II1ecI t of Il fiori "Be it even owe
Il es, the t Tuthi That day is 5 Te Wenge may flicial reliabil i
it colles,
agazine Poprogy Llis cd Trotsky’s School of FalsiFrry Liferr Jortions of the ssa C Deutscher's "ilogy. Trotsky's Ting in another So Ille w Tites tsky in M-fosco1y their royalties to the balık rpetuating the TS ( Stalinis II1. list in Maxico El til ČT1 the Oth Totsky’s a S5 issistorians should liscussion with from other ky is thus walkoviet history as Infidently as he
cle was written, Ill Moscow last esident Gorbablanket decrec , CC Ildem Ted as essiwe Iesu Tcs :ens of politic, religious ånd he 1920s through loved to comthe rights of This may have rehabilitating 0 Ill the eil' e of ersary of his
Betrayed,
5 |
Finding shelter. . .
f Confiniverlfrarн да8е 32)
assumed that the other 50 per cent a Te in occupation of satisfactory dwellings. The lower and the middle classes in particular have their own problems of housing whether they are I criticid out or owned by the Ill. This also constitutes a big percentage of the population. It is, therefore, in portant that there should be a participatory means of arriving at solutions to different areas under specific sectors of this programmc. To Cile on c cxample, ther c is thc case of the building constructed by Chinese engineers for thic Bandaranalikc Memorill Internätional ConfercIce Hall in the 70s. There is technical proof that the association of the people in the physical tasks concerning this construction led to al II i IIle Il se reducti ČT1 of expenditure. The target was reduced by something in the range of 10 - 15 per cent as far as my recollection goes.
Included under one composite programme will be :
(i) the scientifica spect of construction such as engineering;
(ii) machinery and equipment;
(iii) ma npower and skills;
(iv) investment and accounta
bility, and
(v) overall management, inclu5ive of labour and IlateTills.
The housing programme of
our government considered islandwidic has now been deWolved on the different provinces. It is left to ea eh province to determine its plan of action which could lead to a higher 1eʼWel bf huIL18:. T1 sh c1tcr, What is intended generally is the In obilisation of all material rc501u TCC5 in the :âTe:15 COT cermed for the achievement of targets spelt out for this purpose and for improving human welfare,

Page 35
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Page 36
PRAJA MWAYA MWI
Bank of Ceylon has pioneere
Scheme linking the formal ses
A Praja Maya Miyama
O He lends money (provide
his community using Bal
O He works round the cloc
O. He is well known in his
without colateral as deci
O He decides on the repay
O Finance is easily obtaina
are made on mutually ag
Bank of Ceylon Praja W
is a step in the right di
BANK OF
A3Bankers fo
 

YAMMAAKYA SEGHEMME
d in th. Praja Waya Wiyamaka
ctor with the informal sector.
(3)
s credit) to the members of
nk finance.
community and lends with or ded by him.
ment period.
ble from him and repayments
reed terms.
a ya Wiyamaka Scheme
rection.
CEYLON
fhe Waffon.