கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Lanka Guardian 1991.03.15

Page 1
COMFLIGTS. VANISH
Vol. 13 No. 22 March 15, 1991 Price Rs. 75C
GULF: Racist
U.S.,
O RAW.JAW O RO
 
 

ING BOUNDARIES
- Kumar Rupesinghe
1. Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka OD/06/NEWS/91
0 NS ஒலிட்
IN DELH ans what for Sri Lanka?
Mervyn de Silva Prem Shankar Jha
War
-Izeth Hussain
not U. N.
-H A Sene Viratna
'TS O LEADERSHIP

Page 2
ཟ
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light banter amongst thase ritral la TT15ls, Ļļ, hir aço busy Siarting Cut TibiaCÇça LH LL SH LLLLLLS S L LLLLLHHLH KLL g LLLLLLgs L gaLLll
barris spread uut in the ritid and L-LITEIT, inter mediate 20:12 where the arable land remains falci, iiiiiing this if sista.
CLLLLLKS LLLL LLLL LLLLLLaS LluHCL DD LHLBLBLB Oa C lucrative cash crop and the green leaves turn to TLLLLSSSL al KalLLa L LlaaLL LLS 00La LlLLL LLLLL LGLaL
afinually, fut perhaps 143,0XI TIJIal folk,
 

ENRCHING FRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that rings employment to the second highes: IILITiber of people Art: this: people are the tobaccc. barn owners, the tobacca gryers 3rd thr: whi) . Kirk for them, Cri the lard and in the basis.
Ll LtllleeS LLL LLLLtetHtHCLLL LLL eeLGLGLHLH LLLCLCOHHMLa GHLHLLS
corrille life anda so:Liro futura. A good Erough T2a5', 'or la Lugh! Er,
Ceylon Tobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our lard and her people,

Page 3
TREMIJS
GOVERNMENT
MIWITES U MICHIR
The Writed Nations Corrimissio 7 or Hur77ār? Rigy Whits Was been irvited by the goverment Uf Sri Lă/7&# ta serid FEJ FESF '7ťā ffwG5 ou Werg fra ** review ar 7 d' āSSESS" Y We Wituman rights situation in this COL 7 iry to W. Sri Marka was 7 CV a 7 7E77 fier State for Wiig Commission this year ELIt took paārt in the Currer7ť sesgriang in Gerieva as ar i oib5:Fr
Til Erg Mere fra advarss rasolut fors adopted Åfjort flirt Ar rights ir 7 Sri La rika f'Whis I ir 772, a gover 777 at Spokas a d a news briefing in Colorrho,
BOOM IM BABY BUSINESS Westerners were paying лтоге ѓђа г7 7 0,000 догу гісїs
Sterf rgy for ë baby Writor 77 Sr's är 7 kå, i report fro WF7 1Cor 7 adar 7 Sã fữ. Bhit #ffe mơrray warit to r77 idade f77er Araf' Wa Wawyers, with the mot l'her receiving only a při fa 7 ce. Officia / Statistic5 rgleased recegrity ir Colorimbo put the Lumber of Srí Larika babies adopted by foreigners 0 Ver the past Gright years äť 70,000.
7 he actual / 7 Lurr7 ber is probably much higher according to knowledgate 50 urces.
WANTED: ANALYSIS,
MOT MEMORY Mr. La Vith Athur Kathrmuda (, the 77 infster of education, war 7ts fro C7 arge ťWre exampfa for Syster. He to a Scfloo/ ргfzе дуїv frтg сегелтопу at Kurunegasa that the present System tested ori /y the mar70 ry of a Carlosdata and rot his power of analysis and criticism. He irise/f had /earnt the difference at Oxford, the miri ister Said, wherı arı е хал77їr7ег һагї доѓтfecy out that he had cranrried his År 151ver LSDer lysff Iss the facts he knew, without botherfrog 5 h 0Lf relevar:g.
A forth Corηληg Wāfra W Education Confirmission should
Correct this, Mr. Athlath
Lucas said.
Briefl.
9 Elactions to will all be he They will be Councils, Urban Prades hi ya Sabf tioris wi || be r MāTCI 21 to Elections Cortin dra la da dg Si tions da y Will between five a from the Ist d nations.
Altogether will be contest levels. Districtdu 'wn is as folli (285), Gampaha |шtara (228), | Malale (137),
(1 40), Galle ( (197), Hambë Kurшпеqala (33 (161), Anuräd
Pollaruwa (216), Мопе Ratanapura (227 (195),
About 6,00. Working illegal are likely to Soom. Sri Lank lomatic Telations and the gover little to help, Säild.
The US has asked Cong US S 4 1. 1 miI täCE to Sri L A State Depart tti V. Tādi t: to the Hou 5 Sub CorTTittee Pacific Affairs tion: ''On huma the Government priпагу гespor Wigorously i TWEE judicial killing a ra Ces Celib security forces : Tesponsible to j that, there mul: Effort to inves linked to serious plim e in th: S e CL b) E Strang the nɛ underscored t! many occasion: the dolor Con

Ꮴa - s
| || Cal EdE-S | On one day. to Municipal CC) Lucils äld las. Nominaeceived from Wärc: 28. issioner ChamWa Säid. El C:- be ) a did te d seven weeks a W of nomi—
3,442 places ad at the three wise the breakJW5;: Colomb) 0 a 326), KaKandy (326), MILI wara Eliya 241 ), Matara intota (138), 8), PLu ttallarTi lapura (201), 82), Badulla Tagala (104), "), and K3 galle
O Länkas no w y in Taiлуап
be deported -Clip סח fisוH I:
with Taiwan Irinent can do official sources
administration
"OSS to approve |
ion in assis
di ka for 1992.
ment represeris observation Foreign Affairs on Asian and in this Corine Crights matters of Sri Lanka's sibility is to itiga te a || extraand disappe
ly linked to and bring those ustice. Beyond
st be greater tigate officials S abuses. Discirity forces must 2d. We hawe his point on 5, including åt sultative Grouբ
meeting in Paris On October 25. Other delegations, including the European Community, expressed similar concerns in their state Tets'.
ē) Sewen Opposition partias, led by the SLFP and including the EPRLF and TELO, have called for an independent commission to investigate the killing of Ranjan Wijeratne, State minister for defenca.
6 SLFP Chief Organiser Arm Lura Banda ramaike MP told a party de legates, conference is Kandy that the SLFP would in future contest all elections. It had been fool ish of the
Cīri: ar Page f
STOP PRESS
As the L. G. Went to press, the siad na Ws of the dath of Prof. Archie Singham, the Sri Lankan SG holar, reached Luis from Mlew York from a nn Lutual friend, Jayantha Dhana pala. The autor Of Sourcra bo tak, 5 On Mlo malignment and Third World problets, Prof. A. W. Singham was a contributor to the L. G., and one of its most anthusiastic supporter5 - Ed.
LA MFA
Wol. 13 No. 22 March 15. 19g 1
Frisk Fo TEL Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 245, Unior Placs, Colombo -2. Editor; Merwyn de SIIwa g: 4,47E84חםTBleph
CONTEMTS News Background Bangladesh Elections O T Race War 1. Gulf 14
The Disappearing Boundaries
Bet Westerial Ed
External Conflicts - (2) 5 The South Indian Big-man 21 Letter 23 Books 31
Printd by Ananda Press 82/5, Sri Rat najoth i Sarawa mamuttu Ma Watha, Colombo 13. Tala phone: 435975

Page 4
SOCAL JUS
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Further information and subscriptions ava
The Manager, SOCIAL JUSTICE, No. 28
TELEPHONE: 59.545
 

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Page 5
The LTTE facta new Indian equ
Mervyn de Silva "A Ilybody Wh 0 häs anything to do with the security and the dignity of the nation would have been convinced after seeing the report I got' replied Prime Minister Chandra Sekhar when
he was asked by an Indian journalist Whether he Was conWinced that the situation in
Tal Il mill Nadu warra Inted thic disImissal (If the K:11'una ni dhi :ldministration and the imposition of President's Tule. By security, lhe meant of course the activities of the LTTE and its connections, in pilrticular, with the
sccessionist rebels in ASSAM, the ULFA. At the time, the Temoval of the pro-LTTE
Karunanidhi regime suited Mr. Rajiv Gandhi's electoral gameplan and the pressing need to strengthen Congress ties with Ms. Jaya la litha’s AIDMK, Mr. Karunanidhi's chief challenger.
But TC3 w Mr. Chall Id Tal Sick här dC es Tot com In and a majority in the Lok Sabha any more. Mr Gandhi pulled thic rug under him. But is Mr Gandhi quite ready for a general election" Was his own neatly calculated Il Wes and ide a 1 tilletable wrecked by the Prime Minister; who plainly didn't consult hill"
budget. The powerful
and dissolving Parliament.
crisis, if at all, has the Congress turn about.
FLASH: In a dramatic move that took by surprise, Mr. Gandhi's Congress sup Chandra Sekhar's Janata Dal to approve
Opposition combi party National Front, the main Marxist the rightwing BJP) have demanded fre criticised President Wenkataranan The budget would government to function after March 31.
deepened by this
Parliament Will Ju n0 5 after polis in May.
Ny. (G Tl || for polls in ended all the m
II major parties situation regar El llysts 15 - “fluid
Inct his been sent El budget, was by the IM IL COk Si Abhill Ll II ** Passage to Par
Will Ele cust la nidhi. El StT eIng th, en r:Lth e: the DMK, whic ed il 5 e If with Minister W. P. STI Ig Left coil (M) which riu In: El Id the CP. H inspired Centr; forced regionali Tn: t ii ii Iialis III?” (I): Kif Ta mil madu | the disruptive a LTTE the cri III that has resulte Tcl illed activitics the Tamilitadt India breaking u is "yes". " T: rijl In LO raise the Ii ionist flag in po India, collid tä: Punjab – To:id
TE

| as II b w calci May. This has al nou cwrcs of the in a political led by all al''. The governunable to pretrapped as it demands, and libers game. (See alysis”)
er of Mr. KaruGa lidhi Ill We, I r than wea kien h has now alignformer Prime Singh and the bile, the CPI s West Bengal, as the Congress*'s move Teinsm :: Imd Tamil r are the woters near tily sick of ctivities of the c and Violence i frill LTTE; especially on coastline? Is p? If the answer adu, the first tionalist-secessst-Independence ke the Kalsh II litGun culture,
Opposition DrtBl Mr. an interi ne (the 5arties and sh polls. for not allow the The Indian nin Owo and meet by
drugs, gold etc. have insidiously entered the social-political life of this important solithern state, les 5 ha. In 20 miles fra III STi Lanka's northern coast. Once again, the island's furious sepalratist Tcvolt is part of the vortex of Madras politics and El ploy in electoral games of the Illajor contenders of power in India. A comment from a well-known Indian editor who became Mr. W. P. Singh's in formination adviset, Preim Shankar
Jha examines the issue in the Indian context. (He is the brother of the Indian High
Commission er in Colombo).
The Congress strategy demands an early Tamilnudu poll in the hope of having the AIDMK in Office of a much. weaker Karunanidhi. The danger is that in such an electoral battle, Mr. Karunanidhi is far better equipped to beat the
Dravidian drum together with the Dravida Kazaghal m. CENTRE CONCERNS
A factor which is not sufficiently emphasised in assess
ments of the Tamil nadu political situation is the contributio In of the State (Central govern Illel I) agencies, the Indian är Ined forces (the Navy in particular) and Intelligence (RAW). While the local police and Customs may be pro-LTTE out of Tamilian loyalty or out of other considerations such as a share of the LTTE's loot, the statements attributed to person like the Indian Navy chief on patrolling the Palk straits make it clear that Delhi is disgusted with the Way the
LTTE is allowed to get away scot frce even when it is caught in the El Cit, like
smuggling sophisticated weapons. The evidence lately unearthed
3

Page 6
of the LTTE's deep involveIn tent in the ULFA-led Te Wolt in Assan. India's finest Lea collintry, has compelled the Indian establish ille it. certainly the security agencies, to reconsider the et i Te LTTE i 55 LLC i l l so newhat different light. The LTTE, il s E10 TL, is lo lot i gcT, a Tamil issue which in Will Wilts : large souther II state att a ti The when ethnic strife and rebellion
is on the rise, but a security challenge to the Indian State, confronted by high-intensity
insurgencies o TI I India’s borders —
Kashmir, Punjab, Assam and Tallillad, . .
But LO el hi face5 a dilemma.
From Indira Gandhi's time, the Ta Inil problem and the LTTE itself were treated as legitimatic instru II ent of coercive diplomacy
LTTE all built rivals, particularl H: force-fed the (Gald Hi-JR “ “ Alc:{ BLI thic LTTE stillach it, acce: trail el grupos : til ISL IR LU i Accord hic Inestly . which iп апy t LTTE less tha. Il m iiImi 11 LI III.
DELHIS DILEN1
T1: ;1ti-LTTE the IPKF li di Wo Office, BLIt the T:i 11 i|35 5:i. "Y%" th1 "stooges' and Wh:1 tever Credibi TULF etc enjoy Li midler mined by linkaige, the per
and the Indian S-E-S, 部 I “ unfriendly (hostile? J. R. govern Ilent. Out Once again, of distaste rather than cold quandary. It re calculation, Rajiv distanced LTTE for all himself somewhat from the methods its i
Briefly. . . sitting in the
(Confirser fred fuga ()
SLFP mot to contest the last provincial Counci | elections, he said. Mr Bandara naike că ar for a broad anti LINP front and said that the party should be willing to tie up with any break away group from The UNP and even With Mr TdāTā.
Hg said that the UNP and the SLFP always shared thig Sinha la Buddhist W0te almost equally while the minority wote always Went to the UNP, The SLFP should the refore try to win over the Tamil and Musli Vote.
A committee appointed after the deportation of Casino king Joe Sim will review the state's policy on gambling. The Committee is headed by Prime Minister D. B. Wijetunga.
Parliament passed a resolution brought by the Gower tent condemning Wasudewa Nana yakkara MP for
in a protest in the House.
9 Indian Fo
Muchkud Dut Lihat || 1 dia had to grant incre to tha Tami Was addressi Lanka Fru should not b he said,
Th FE also said tha open mild at Treaty and W 'di lute for Ch
Täl draft.
President an Iritarnjiti o meeting that deprival of positions in t Lt that afte victory) that He also said to Ti Luchi tha חB וחטW"ו ונאf We's We ba adopted.

up the LTTE's y the EPRLF. LTTE Inc: Llı ird" was signed, couldn't really pt the Indiais “equals, or Implement the ... . . ii n * Accord' case gile th: in acceptable
MAS
3 grups helped were installed in majority of em as India 1 collaborators' lity the EPRLFed pre-1987 wa 5 the evident ceived collusion
1t T läige.
Delhi is ill a Elises that the its dictatorial
ntolerange and
militarism, remiins the "*procc Libro” of the orther | Tri mills, The fu TiOl 15 milita c:limpaigrls launched lately where the non
co IIb altal rit Tal ther till:11 th1 : Ctrlbata11L Lake the bruikt of the attack, especially the aerial
bombard IIn ënt, halve strengt het lied Lic than Weilkened the LTTE's
hi billi billi the ma SIS II Tl i ind, Elmd
group allegiance.
As a result, both the Indiam
High Commissioner, Mr. N. N.
Jha as well as Foreign Secretary Mukh und Dubey, have Tecently stress the LTTE's crucial Tole. This mot Imerely highlights Delhi's dilemmas but its anxiety to shuffle off this awkward and oppressive burden - the messy Sri Lankan problem - when it has much larger problems on its mind: elections and political stability; the IMF Hпd critical economic decisions, scicurity threats on its borders a Tid its foreign policy in the post, cold war tril,
Speaker's Chair demonstration
reign Secretary ey said in Delhi
äsk, Ed Sri Länka hased autonomy minority. He g the India-Sri Im. D E WOlution e half hearted,
ign Secretary
dia had a »out a Friendship řas prepared to arge" the origi=
PrВП adasa tald mal Women's Day Women had been Oding certail 13 public: ser wice, r. 1977 (the UMP h Fid cha ng Ed. that in addition t had been domë Cart Car for fare Should a 50
SI Opposition Leader Sirimaya. Bandara naike told a meeting to mark Women's Day that in 1974 shë had been privileged to be among 38 heads of state Who signed a memoramid tum to the UN Calling for the a bolition of the practice which den i Ed Women certain typ as of employment.
'We should not forget that wome have had to Wage a protracted battle against the elitist wiew that they should not be in Wolved in political, cultural, economic and ligga | affäirs. They hawa also had to struggle for an equal place in society with men and for equal pay. Their ainm i all these Struggles W 35 for equality with men, or at least liberation from a position of inferiority. This à im was based om matural justice. Any rejection of this position is truly a slur om humanity", She said.

Page 7
Талттffлаdл
Playing with f
Prem Shankar Jha
R. Chandra Shckhar's deci
Sion to throw out the DMK Government in Tallil Nadu has set a constitutional precedent that takes Indian democracy to hitherto un plumbed de piths of cy nicis. Article 355 which allows the President to Iccorn. Illend the imposition of President's rule was only intended to be used in thic rarest of rare cases. In Pan dit Nichiru's 17 years as Pri IIIme Minister | it was iliwooked only three times. Since his death it has been used 11o less than 40 times, what was intended to be invoked only in the rarest of rare cases, has become a convenient tool to get rid of i Luc. Il ve Illic Int gewer il The Ints.
Bll till the other day no Government in New Delhi hadi dar el tó dispense With the constitutional formality of aski Ing thc Governor to submit a report Tecommending dissolution. In Tamil Nadu, lhe assembly has been dissolved over the Governor, Mr. Barna la's objections. Thus has a Government without a popular Inandate formed by a party with only one tenth of the members of the Lok Sabha has dis IInissed One that was backed by two thirds of the House.
The fact that the Cents e chloise to declare President's Tule and make the whole of Assam a disturbed arca instead of confining its actions to upper Assam, only reinforces this lesson. The result is a growing a lienation in Cordi
nary people that will increase the States prope T1 sity to bTeed insurgency in the future. Since
the Toot Causes of discontent, the lack of jobs for thc educated unemployed, and the lack of investment, are not likely to be a meliorated in the near future, the country is likely to face more and Tlot less trouble in Assam in the coming years.
The Centre's Nadu is ever II del Inger for the c. Inly Mr. Châ Wird for T Lll been training in Tamil Nadu known that t nu nin bers of LT" State; that they particularly to li fid se mill-educa youth; that the Th: Injavur coast PEl rallise, froIII flowing freely i they have slipp the Peoples' Wa dhra Pradesh, ia, 1 sold thern to the lastly that the extrcmillely relucta Egli T15 t t ble III,
The grounds and admiration ELISO Il de i di DMK GD wer Ilme äCtion : gainst i the local police Cooperate, but Cell t Tal Gower to throw out th ment will only WISc, not be th1Tea t tC) ITI dian Nadu comes not but from the l: i 1 : sectic II of of the Stite. T sion into State p Ols Only becaus circumstances a the spark that latent feeling in separa ist Tio vem
Mill
Mr. Clä TT: : is particularly i Caiuse i Hıc. II, care til: should know jus the position of and thic efore: hic Was to support
in the hidd

ire
action in Talil 1ore fraught with Juntry. We have Idra Shekhar's it the LTTE Hlas JLFA insurgents but it is wellhere are la Tige TE cid Tes iI the i Te local heres, the educated, ted unemployed have turned the Tito i 5 m ligglers where: il Tims i Te 11th II dial; that lied AK 47s to ir Group in Anld may well have ULFA to and local police is i nt to tE kie E1 Clio II
ell of support for the LTTE ifficult for the
int to take strong L p':Articlılarly Els did not always Ile again, the The Tits decisiom - T) MK Gott e TiiTake mL tters LLET, The Tell i unity in Tamil from the LTTE, tent separatis In the population 13 LTTE"3 i cili Ilitics is dangere it can, if the c right, provide Will fall this to a full fledged 1Ը I1t:
lle
Shekhar's action fresponsible, bean anyone else, it hii w difficiul It the DMK was, 1W necessary it
and cajole it
NEWS BACKGROUND
into gradually tighte ni ing its gгір on the LTTE. In Taillil Nadu politics, Mr. Karunanidhi is the
Ima I1 in the II iddlc. To one side are the AIADMK and the Congress, now to all intent and
purpus es cone, which has a defiInite nationalist. Centrist stance. On the other is the Dravida Kazhaga m (DK), the parent party, which was, and till very very recently, remained Wedded to se på ratism. Thic secessi) mist platform has never enjoyed much support, That is why the origiIn all, undivided DMK only succeeded in Sweeping to victory in the 1967 Assembly elections after it had explicitly dropped secessic) mis II1 from its platform. That is also why the CongressAIADMK alliance proved virtually unbeatable throughout the Seventies and the Eighties and still commands the major share
of the wate,
Mr. Karunanidhi had therefore been pulled by the preferences of the electorate into adopting a stance on the CentreState issues that was only different il shades from that of the AIADMK, and to join hands with the National Front which endorsed his desire for greater autonomy for the States, but fir Tly within the framework of the City Instituition.
Support to V. P. Singh
The eruption of the LTTE ill to State politics at a time When the educated unell ployed youth were Tipe for political in doctrination has posed a dire threat to him from the opposite side, He ha 5 the rcfore beem forced, while he look 5 for an adequate political response, to g0 ẽä$y Ởm the LTTE, Sø 15 not to crystallise the secessionist threat that it poses. Mr. W. P. Singh's ardent championship of job reservation for the backward classes gave him just the weapon
5

Page 8
that he was looking for, and Mr. Karlula Inidhi Illa de 14.) Eittētilpt to hide his delight. In fact the overwhelming response of the DK to Mr. W. P. Singh, whom it hailed in a massive postcr and advertisement campaign als the saviour of the backward classes, showed him that he had found the ans Wer.
That is why Mr. Chandra Shekhar's action was not only unwise, but also singularly illtin med. This is Lucht the first, but the secold ti ile that the DNMIK has not been allowed to gover in after being elected by the people of Tamil Nadu. The last time was when it wa 5 un cerelloniusly bundled out by Indira Gandhi during the Emergency in February 1976. The party thus has a mass of latent anger against the Centre, which is now erupting in such widespread wilence that the Goverlor, Mr.
Barnala, who s respect in the forced to issue
restraint to the
State.
Nationalist motri
Worst of all, has deprived M of his stronges the secessionists. no answer to th Imembers who at what they stand citillling to SW unity and a C has been used t de Fr:lli Lleil Today only the op with the Nati: W. P. Singh's ch job reservation, real possibility t Front Will emle T, single party in is kcc ping the II
Death of a sold
r. Ramjan Wijeratine was made a general posthullously but he was in fact a soldier in civvies, al Ways pure white Lusers and Lillic, HC was the party's front-line cornmander, and once installed state Minister of Defenc, CommanderL1-Chief de facto in LWO WilI5 – the war against the JWP in the South, and the II luch longer Wä: il the North-East,
As a politician, he was fearless and tough, El Il C-11) 15:15, whiff-of-gra peshot Iman. He was also a. stickler When i t caii1e to the rules, party Cor gover I1 Ilment, and of course the LAW. As the State's Chief Enforcer, he could be Linco Impir Collisi Ing..... but always fair. Hence the regard in which he was held by friend and foe; OT Friend tur Iled foc after the dirty work was done
In his essential simplicity, he thought he could crush the Tigers as effectively as he did the JWP. He didn’t grasp the es scntial differences - the most important of which Was ITUtivation
and the discipl in the cynalide
Hic believed, si וrt: IThe Iו_th:1t mv money could giv hic had scio Ted in the Stյլյth, TINES wote th, wis wit 1 h c Treasury which
lion cut in te. Het W011
The LTTE (1CI bility for thic ; the press obscI' LTTE ha d di occasions e, g Sa Ill Tambin11.111 **Kitu”" who is: in Londom Col. guilt without response from ties. While de Kit LL1 sa id: “ “TI nowledges that the STi La Inka T pressive system mental in the Im of illi Cell t Ta' his dellise is Tal Imil people'',

till commands State, has been
an appeal for people of the
Ilբ: President's I'll le IT. Karl II; Didhi t ca Tid agai Inst He low 1:15 lo se of his party -c ai sking him to gain from car by Indian onstitution that imt and again of their rights. arty's affiliation nal Front, Mr. lampionship of and the Wery hat the National ge :ıs the lEl Tg est ble next electi T1 MK tied to its
ier
ime exemplified capsule.
one what naively, I1101e ar ITIS, I110 TC e hill thc victory so triumphantly The SUNDAY a his last battle IMF Til the proposed a 2 the Inext defence that fight.
ied 1ll responsiAssassination but Wedi (a) that thc e so om pre Witolls . Amirthalingam, u etc. and (b) that is led a state Tett ıld hardly a di Ilit inviting a stern the JK Ft Luth (Tiyi rng iTn Wol Wement, The LTTE alckhe symbolised ı r: cist and Copyald Walls in St Luurder of thousands mi1 civilia ns, a T1d Tc|if for the
NEWS BACKGROUND
nationalist m1oorings. The longer Mr. Chandra Shek her and the Congress postpone the next election, the weaker these will becoille.
Mr. Chandra Shekhar's two decisions reveal clearly wh9 the owner is and who merely is the driver of the ramshackle anata Dal (S) vehicle. The Ic asons why, against his better judgment he dismissed the Tamil Nadu Government in such unseeInly haste, are well-known a rld hawe been extensively discussed. What his actions therefore reveal is the complete inability of the Congress to learn from its (I Wוז past mistakčS OT, pTesuming tbalt it has mot lost this capacity, its frightening readiness to gamble with the future of the nation in its impatience to ge alck to po Wer.
SSSS
Interestingly, the PMK. kept silent but the HINDU published aforthright editorial:
... It is most natural that Sls picion centres. On the two groups at the Minister of State for Defence was leading highprofile war. With the LTTE and the IWP, both of which had threalte ned Mr. Wijerastil- with Wellgeance and death. "The m:1 In mer in which the b է: 111h explosion ook place — its detonton with a remote control dcwice -- hals strengthened th: conjecture that is more likely to be the work of the LTTE. The also recently said to hawe issued M. Wijeratne a death threat which he had in fact shrugged off lightly".
The daily, whose associate and de-fact Ldit LT1 Mr. N. R: T1, is somewhat well disposed towards the LTTE, further said: "The fact that the absence of Mr. Wijera tine will Cripple operations in the north-cast has reinforced the suspicion that the LTTE is behind his killing, and that feeling is hardly retrieved by the organisation's blotted record in this respect, including the horifying slaying of the respected TULF leaders.

Page 9
The LTTE, which with all its might has been resisting all attempts to draw it into the democratic political process by displaying an incxcusable intolerance of other political groups, will have to demonstrate con vincingly that it has nothing to do with such horrific acts of violence if it wants to be taken into account in the search for a solution to the ethnic crisis'. If the LTTE wants to convince international and Indian opinion that its leadership of the Tamil cause is based on popular Collsent, it must also make the transition to a political entity in a credible way, which would imply moving to a democratic and non-violent course of action'. The equally respected Tamil Daily, brought tout by Indian Express gr Colul P, Dir arrari said in its editorial that the continual tion of terrorism in Sri Lanka posed a danger to India to 0.
ilʻHowewer genuine ()In eʼs .. g rievances maybe, terrorism is no way to redress them," the paper pointed out.
The Hindu's editorial further said the Sri Lankan government would have to share the blad The for the current violence in Sri Lanka. : " Al beit in a mia Cab T9: way, the assassination should bring home the reality to tle Si Lankan government that is pursuit of a militaty solution would not only have such disas: trous consequences but Would also plunge the situation in the island into a nightmarish spiral of violence from which there Would be 1 ) retlu T Il.
While local detectives are investigating whether the hightech explosive was brought here in a container, the Su in day Times added that links with a local casino chain operated by a Singaporean operator Inly םTין וחיםt thש police to seek INTERPOL help.
RASHO MO MI EFFECT
Akira Kurosawa's first movie RAS HOMON not only intT0duced the Japanese master to western audiences but invited serious critical at tention to di hither to neglccted Japanese cinena. Both movie enthusiasts of my generation as well today's
cognoscenti - km2 W for its brilliantly sentation of a d as perceived by differelt versi. Il reality, though shocking and gru Each person sti story faithfully, it is the whole possible. Each i quitc conviпсіпg. is somehow "col. ciously distorted rather than the
So with the a poor Ramjan Wij speaking man, a what lost in the devious ways of A party loyalist Kotha so loyally JR trusted him sensitive task of : party branches the UNP ''Illac the strongest Cal MTs. Bandaranai ciplinarian, he ministe tial Coffic of the planter regimented life-S ing planter Raj That discipli Էt 1151 Il to th to I That was the St. cess as State Mil Quite unknow he was someth
II. L society conflict, the vil seen, and by aliegia Ince5 2.5 ging loyaltics. F to him bec: I'm . section betwe: forces, competit and fię rce issl. few, Illilit: ry settlement; old Sinhala Ilatio T12 bera is II: '': ' sent, oppositic
No wonder 5 from the Sing to LTTE WEROS side-job Wa IId al
What interes each individu group, often qul էլ 1111ւյst pr:-Sէ: this or that d

RASHIOMON structured preTamatic Event four persons; s of the sa Ine only a single, some incident. cks to his/hcr convinced that truth, the only s plausible, and And yet cach JuTed', un consby the “mind' eye that sees. ssassination of eratne, a plainplanter Some: : dubious and power politics. he served Sri that President With the most all - consulting :, fiind er ut who hine' felt was ndidat e tij fight ke. A stcr. In disbrought to his c, the manners and the simple tyle of a vanish
me was a cl C5 e military Iman 11 er. circ L of his su Chister of Defence. n to him perhaps. ing else t00.
torn by divisive lent ind the Llnboth steadfast well as by chal ilanjan, unknown : a point of interthese contending iwe clui Ilıs diverse Es To 113.11: El solution political UN P/ new UNIP; I l ism/Tho Ilnia nl lliw-and-order's disn: army parly etc
io many theories, apore connection. ; DJW EROS; inny mix of these.
ited me was how al апd opiпі0п ite dispassionately. lected as salient letail which suited
NEWS BACKGROUND
best his/her version. The RashoImon Effect. And this was ofteTn complemented and supported by seemingly disinterested non-Sri Lankan groups which also presented their 'interpretations', but more deliberately I felt, than subconsciously. What I would call putting a little spin on the ball.
- Kattiya
Indo-LANKA RELATIONS - A BREAKTHROUGH
Foreign Secretary, Mr. Muchkund Dubey has told the Indo-Sri Lanka Forum that India had an open mind on signing a treaty of friendship and that it was not only prepared to discuss the draft of the treaty it had given to Sri Lanka but *:1150 dilute it and where necessary change it.' Sri Lanka had eta Tlie:T presented to the Indian government its own draft of the proposed treaty and India had given counter draft which sought to incorporate provisions which Sri Lanka had strongly objected to because they were identical to some of the provisions of the 1987 agreement.
Our correspondent in New Delhi, notes that the statement of the Indian Foreign Secretary is very significant because this was the first tille that a Tes. ponsible Indian public official has publicly declared that In:li:l was prepared to make changes to suit the Sri Lankan sensibilities on the subject.
If India is prepared to make such changes, it will certainly angur well for Indo-Lanka Telations which sank to the lowest depths with the signing of the Indo—Lanka Agreciment of 1987.
Whatever the plus points of the 1987 agreement that may be cited by its drafters and promoters, it is now agreed that this document con tributed greatly to the deterioration of relations between the W. Cll tries. Basically it was an un equal agreement where Sri La Inka agreed to be co wedi down by Indian stipulations with many Thou sha || Dots" while Indi: Wà 5 not bound by any such obligations.
(Island, Editorial)

Page 10
Ranjan, rumbustious
Ajith Samaranayake
anjan Wijeratine's was a brief a remarkable political CareCT. A blunt, Լough-talking Iman, who brought the discipline of the plantations which he revered to the business of politics, the tall, silver-haired Minister WFIS al quinxitic Personality, an energing legend WTF? Poped i Il a enigma. A dedicated UN Per, he reconciled all problems by invoking the Plrty Code. He was the party man PET excellence.
An old Thomian and long time plaпter in the classical Inould, Wijcratne first made his public appearance after J. R. Jayewardele's victory at the 1977 General Election.
As he recollected speech in Parliament on January 25, it was as a Director of Lake House be CEl D1n è in t) Iime
in his last
light. After that his rise was Tipid.
He was Chairman Of the
Agricultural Development Auth
Mлdfал Vfeилу
rity, Secretary of Agricultural Research, Cha Reform Comm tary to the
Plantations du
His national however, bega made first it Tel: Ty of th its Chairman Jaye Wardene re garded as an er, he is well backed Mr. P. to 5 Lucceed Presi At a Lime whe Were in the Fiel
PTewailed. Und mill däsa his ris rapid. He was
a Tid the Teafter
tati 01 Industric President's dept Minister for I)
Wijcratnic was Controversial gi Cians of recent
Wijeratine killing extre
death of Sri Lankan State אחך Minister for Defence Ranjan Wijeratne in a powerful blast in central Colombo this morning points to a precision job characteristic of the LTTE and the JWP.
The fact that the blast occurled near the high Security Police Field Headquarters in Häwel ock Road during busy Inorning hours, that it was set off by remote control, and was powerful enough to be heard up to a distance of 18 km, indicate I eticulo 115 planning and ruthless precise execution which only these two extremist groups on Opposite sides of the ethnic divide are capable of.
It is not clear yet whether
it was a car bomb blast or land mine which blew up Mr.
S
Wijeratine's con El Te the stock-i LTTE and devastating effe IPKF and more thC Sri Lanka f killing 44 pers. Tigers do noth in the Sri Lanka they are quito filtration.
Logistically, it for the Tigers t in the predomin Hea adjoining the of Bambalapitiya off by remote c daylight. Moreov donc it has clos the movement of The LTTE does an intelligence Colombը.

olitician to the Ministry Development and In an of the Land ision and Secreinistry of State Ing the JR reign.
political career, wheel hic was
· General SecUNP ani later also during the gn. Widely rexcellent organisknown as having madasa's claim lent Jayewardene | other claimants ! and un certainty er Preside il L. PreWas Well ille Foreign Minister Ministicir of Pla 1s but always the ty as Lhe State :fence.
ị amững the most ower ment politiime, He genera
NEWS BACKGROUND
te di ficrce feeling among his opponents because of his blunt speeches but there were also thosc who felt that hic spoke his mind out openly and would not do anything behind a person" 5 back. Hic was self-confident to the point of brashness, Outspoken to the point of rudeness but all that he did in the cause of his party.
A Wolunteer Army Officer holding the rank of Colonel in the Sri Lanka Rifle Corp., discipline was the icon he dutifully Worshipped.
Whcther it was taking up the opposition in Parliament or the JWP or the LTTE in the country, Generalissimo Wijeratine was the su preme party man. Hic sa w Ino distinction between himself and the party and carrica the touching devotion of his formative years as a planter to the larger business of life.
(Sunday Island)
'mists' precision job
w (pey. Lalı d min c Il-trade of the cre used with ct against the recently against }rces in Mannar nnel. But the ave a presence In capital though capable of in
is not possible () plant a mine antly Sinhalesc : Tamil district I, and set it ontrol in broad er, whoever has sely monitored Mr. Wijeratine. Tot hawe such inct Work in
No Immediate Suspect
The JWP, which used to operate with Russian-made T-56 assault rifles acquired expertise in land mines in 1989, allegedly from the Tamil militant group PLOT which had then fallen out with the PKF. But the JWP used
land mines only on Tire occasions.
The JWP is not an immediate
suspect in the eyes of the Sri Lankan authorities because they believe it has been decimated after the liquidation of Mr. Roha na Wije weera, Mr. Upatissa Gana na yake, MT. Shantha Bhandara and other top leaders in one fell swoop in December 1989.
The government was a lic to get at the JWP leadership because it rejected President Prema

Page 11
dasa's offer of talks, made in April 1989 which the LTTE promptly accepted. Mr. Wijeгatne, a hardliner, played an important role in the no-holds barred drive against the JWP, marked by the brutal killing of thousands of Sinhalese youths by the so-called Vigilante Groups in operations typical of Israel's Mossad.
JWP, made its second blunder by targeting the families of the
security forces. This had the electrifying effect of unifying and motivating the forces and
it also led to the birth of the dreaded killer squads.
After the liquidation of the JWP leadership, its district-level Structures lay low. There was a perCeptible relaxation of temSion in Colombo and a lowe. ring of guard making the situation ideal for resumption of іпsurgeпcy.
Ace Radio Cab
" Computerised meters. "
Every Reason
The JWP, if it has every reas Mr. Wijeratine
10 SECTIct of Hii Crushing of th the South. In Sll CCess which Wijeratic to a tactics in the N after the LTTE long hon cyfnodor la St June aIld 5
In the initial War, hundreds WeTe. I 155 i Cred A CCCardi Ing to a 6,000 Tamil yout pel red in the li
The Sri Lank all set to lanch ti CT il thc: No district today a the refugees in ministere di camp
Carl be summoned to you
* No call up charge within city limits " Vehicle acc * Receipts issued on request * Company credit avat|
Ca || 5O15O2 50 1503 r.
ệAset A.
Another Aitken Spence
 
 
 
 

is still around, in to go for ince he made glee over the militancy in act it was this prompted Mr. opt the same orth and East ended its yearwith Colombo arted the war.
stages of the f Tamil youths
in Amparai.
church group, his have disapst one year.
an forces were
a major operathern Mannar ld had directed thc church adin Madu Church
to movic out. The timing of the blast may therefore point to the LTTE. The offensive,
however, did not take place,
If the investigations point to JWP involvement, the Sri Lankan Go ye Timment will hawe to Ted Talw its strategy, One year of relative peace in the South enabled Colombo to mass its troops in the North and East. Even so, it is yet to gain complete control over territory in the war-torn Tal IInil pro wincc.,
The Sri Lankan Government went in for a massive recruitmet to the: A TITed forces after hostilities resumed in the North and East. It is a moot point whether the thousands of youths
who lined up at the recruitment centre in Colombo were properly scriccined,
* Deccar, Ferrd
doorstei)
55 from Selected tās
la ble
50 1504
Service

Page 12
Bangladesh Elections
interim Assessment by N. G. Observer Group from SAAR
3) Melb: NOI-GWe
metal observer Group from 4 SAARC countrics has been in Bangladesh from February 23rd to March 2, 1991 to observe the parliamentary elections held oil the 27th February, 1991. The obserwer Group was Satisfied that the elections were conducted in substantial conformity with the electoral laws and procedures of Bangladesh, and in an at Ilosphere tlığa t was free of wie ilce and of fear. The participation of the people in the electoral process was manifested in the high voter turn out and the lay local groups and associations which organised themselves to protect the integrity of the elections. The participation of w co III1 en and II'nin Cority groups also reflected the cite (Fall elic III e Ints within the Bangladesh polity to the democratic process, On the basis of the direct observations and other information secured, the group was satisfied that the electoral process was conducted in 5uch H milnner 15 to facilitate the expression of the will T t ble electo Tilte,
The Observer Group called on the Acting President, Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, the Election CCTil mission, the leaders of the Eight and Seven Party Alliances and of the principal political parties participating in the elections. The group als 0 met repLLKaaLLLLLHCaLLS SLLLL S S LHLaLL L L S LLLL S 00 non-governmental organisations, human right groups, professional associati CIS lil di Willeil’s and students' organisations which have played a significant part in the transition to democracy. The group also divided into 15 subgroups which visited the following areas-Nawabganj, Naoga on, Rajshahi, Na torte, Kushtia, JheIn idah, Jessore, Magura, Bagerhat Khulna, Piirojpur, My Tensingh, Dhaka, Gazipur, Naraya Inga Ilij, Fa Tidpur, Brahm manbaria, Co
O
milla and Chittag visited 77 constit Polling ccm tres ir where they - obse poll irrangement: and counting prot also observed the and declaration Assistait Returni the Chief Election
The group rec tations from i 11 parties and orga met With, that t TheEllt EL Ty clicction historic departu electoral practice in that it was b by an interin TI1äl. D1i:4te di to ho! clections. This thic interi Tı adlı of the Election th1rce D11e II bgcrs
ire Justices of the Wals reafir led a a 1 l district lev
ministrative app sible for the elections.
The determinat El mi faliT elcg til panied by Dıca: IIlake the elector parent and op by the concerne ties and by in Il Litið Illal obs; crvi Electi Els Com Step5 tO e Ins Ire Circill:34, TS :: Il di be el issu cel to celts With Tegard of the elections available to ol Every phase of t CSS Was ill 50 0 by such observe Clection. Te5 111I& We TC declared a Werc displayed maiti. Il Cen LT cs tuт пiп.g. Officers Electics Col I information wi.

O. C
ong. The group Luc. Il cies al Id 288 1 till: 4 divisibils I'ved the pres and the voting :ess. The group Consolidation of results by the ng Officers, and 5 COIIl missioner.
eived represenof the political Iisations that it he 5th Pål T1 il5 represented a Te from the in Bangladesh, eing conducted administration id free ad fai T COI'll III tIII ent of inistration and Commission (all of which body : Supreme Court) t the divisi kJ TILL el by the adtil Titills responcondlict of the
ion to hold free
25 "'S EL :) IlSLITES take Il to ill process transen to scrutiny di political parteraticial and *r groups The missio Iher Lok Lihat all of the rectives that had Returning Offito the conduct Were 15 millic bserver groups. he clectoral propen to scrutiny Its. Further, the as son as they polling centres EL the Ilfo Tof both the Re
and the Chief Ilissioner. This is also im Ille
REG OM
diately communicated by television and radio to enable thic concerned public to follow the progress of the count. Hij wever, there Was some concern that there Was 50 I 11 e die lay in CCI 11 mulliCating the progress of the count in the Dhakai colstituencies.
Another important measure Which Catrib Lu Llei to il free ald fair campaign, was the removal of press cens Corship of newspapers, and the access that political parties h:1d to radiu and television. The only cxception in this regard was that the Jatiya Party was denied a ccess to radio and television. This was sought to bc justific di con the ground that it could hawe: triggered public resentinent and protest which could hawe en - da Ingered the safety of the telcvision and radio stations. The Jatiya Party also complained that their effectiveness in conducting an electoral campaign was prejudiced by the die tention of their Chairman and other important lealders, who were not a ble to openly campaign in view of uch arrests or of public threats directed against such persons.
Three i Il porta Tnt concerns were Taised in the pre-election phase with regard to the electoral proCSS,
Firstly, concern was expressed with regard to the accuracy of the electoral registers having Tegard to the fact that these electoral registers were compiled and revised during a period where the Te WaS || LL || 5e COlfide ICC in 1 the integrity of the electoral system. The Election Conmission informed is that the electoral registers had been updated to March, 1990. There were many al legations that persoils whose names had appeared in previous electoral registers were deleted from the existing register, and that thicre were sig

Page 13
nificant new additions to elec. tOrtal registers of person wlıC) apparently did not reside within the co Institu cincies. The Te were: also allegations that the electoral registers contained dual registration of workers in Lhcitize:S Hind in their willage comştitlencies. There was agreement lm Ongst political parties and clection officials and candidates that there were defects and irregularities in the electoral register.
All the IT CCT CETI Telated to campaign expenditures. The electo Till lliw's were al Il elded to require candidates to adhere to a lill it if Tikal three hillied thousand per constituency as
election expenses. This proWisions was sought to be : e1.1- forced by Tequiring candidates
to file : state ment :ind a fidavi. With regards to their source of campaign funds and further requiring the II to file a stateIn ent of expenditure within 7 days of the elections, Almost all of the candidates who inct us complained that their opponents were disregarding the expciditure limits cnvisaged by the law and the code issued by th.c El CCltir) i 15 CC) [1] This:50, 11 ef. The party leaders however felt it his Ili f Tik tre: lacs was lIn realistic, given the costs of printing colour posters, electing : Ich es : Incl Cutolits, and in can paligning in constituencies where the number of waters exceeded two hill dred thousand.
Yet aminther concern Tela Led to the possession of unauthorise ki arms which had 1 Cyt becı recovered by the interim admiistration despite repeated requests by party leaders. Sille political parties conceded that the process of recovery was a difficult one. A few expressed disappoint illent that To meaningful steps had been taken to
recover at least the licenced at IIs. Despite such concern, there were no incidents of
violence observed by us on the day preceding the election or on the election day. The elections were reportedly suspended in only 34 out of the 24,000 polling centres in the coli Intry.
The high turn ly of women wi ly at tributable 1 the elcictions wi an atmosphere inti midation. A I pressed to us and certain par Eible groups par ities would be freely exercising Were investigate the sub-groups. til Ils were LII1st there was signi thusiastic partici Imale and fema minority groups
Polling agen L: pal political pa ances were pres polling centres gTCups. We rec III atit on that ager IT1 idated i El from performing Polling agents a the Watchdogs Of the calcid ate : 150 [he C11 integrity of the Cess. Althought cally present polling Stations observed, there
No
Chaucer Consult Perg TWeak ëC Then so A priori My Axic My Alg: You car My CoWith a Magneti Cannot In graph Sо теппе
a Wait Til ti5 In subAnd the

| () ut particularCaters was di ricctto the fact thilt *TC conducted in free of general prehensions ex
by candidates ties that vulnerticularly minorpreve In tcd from thir falchise :l by several of
These allegaLubstantia tical and ficant and enipation of both le Witcrs fTOIl
s ; f the princiTitics al Id alliIt in all the visited by the ei wedi 11 o inforits had been intier Wise impeded their functions. ire not merely of the interest ates but they stodians of the electoral prohey were physiin all of the which were Wils consider
Marx for the Market
able variations in their effectiveness. In many polling booths, pollings agents were relaxed and cxtended consideration a rld courtesy towards each other. An important safeguard relates to the issue of a signed statement of results to each of the polling agents at their request. In so Inc instances it was found the polling agents were unaware of this requirement, and
accordingly statements of results WeTe. In Cat Tequesticci by such agents.
All the Returning and the Assistant Returning Officers
made excellent arrangements for the conduct of the elections, and handled problems that surfaced firmly and effectively. This instilled public confidence. in the electoral process. Almost all of the Presiding Officers were conscienticus and en - deavoured to follow the instructions issued to them on the conduct of the polls. There was however variation in the quality of the polling officials and their knowledge of electoral laws and procedures,
The resolve and commitment of the people of Bangladesh and of the administration to a free
(Corfirilled for page 29)
Cheesman (Nobel Laureate)
ad on the Recession d pre-ambly the Mathusian Equation
i his genetically engineered nose lemnly said, I chose,
Ty Hypothesis and of COLIrse
3 ms. Hence
abra is somewhat dense 1't see through it with a classical lens
Drdinates sur
in determinate blur, c fields, chips and lasers, Compute my blazers
nic or digital display, embering Picasso and of course Einstein ппу Space iп Time
Century Smithers
tornic fritters
a great mountains sink in brine
LJ. KarunatiIake
11

Page 14
The Race War
Izeth Hussain
" his Sunday Island column of February 24, Kautiliya performed a public service of some importance by quoting former U. S. Attorney General Ramsay Clark's judgement that the assault on Iraq was "uncivilized. brutal, and racist'. (Mr. Clark's lette to the UN Scc. general appeared in the L.G. March 1st)
We need to be alerted against absorbing Western views and prejudices through a mindless process of plant-like osmosis, something that is very difficult to avoid because of our exposure to the Western media. It is important, therefore, to make available to the Sri Lankan reà der the unorthodox wiews of a Ramsay Clark. They should enable us to grasp that the orthodox views in the mainstream Western media, according to Which it appears the factor of racis Ill docs not count at all in international relations, is really In ) II 1 Core than part of the Western discourse of power. As we Sri Lankans are not Westerners, and as we have no power whatCW er in the interanational arena, our interests require that we engage in the antinomian disco use of the power less, taking in Lo account the possibility of racism als a factor in international re
lations.
In alleging racism, Ramsay
Clark had in mind the dewa
Station caused by the brilliant
bombings of places like Mosul, which had no conceivable connection with the supposedly li imited objective of getting Iraq to withd Tal W from Kill Willit. I have argued (in a statement in the Sunday Observer of January 20 and an article in the L. G. of February 15) that the primary In otivati child the Gulf War Was TOt 5 L Illuch the Test Orition of the sovereignty of Kuwait, or even the safeguarding of oil, as the destruction of the military power of Iraq which had dared to th Teal en Israel, A. Ehd behind
12
that Iltivatio 1 Wat 3 ÇLI seems to substa I ITT ETT
Häd the J. S, co-operative ov initiative it the to Secure. Il II in exehange for Peace Colferenc tai Illy there wol Gulf War. It belie'ye (Hıat tıcı title in the for Iraq would haw an Ilex disputed proceeded furthe gle-hold on the C beca T1 : c'y CIl ! after the sawaging un Telenting bin a month. But I ativ c te prcwcint rejected outright, that Sallä Til Hi stupidly got hit of his own. In a Woluld be allow only if he was p in abject humi final stages of th 3an di Brita i Dl Li: « clear that their pl Wils. It all I from Kuwait, bl. of Iraq's milita if possible, the o A Tid that was I calls e Iraq col dominant power Et lec: L5ę i Iraqi military p come a red Club further Arab-Ist; Gulf War, it a for Israel.
It is possible Lil minn te tidded c) IlGL1 NN 11 Illent of the Pa Scale of the Ti at the ti T1 e “T 5 pokes Illan see Should the P:1|t settled at long show that the
311 um Il CC CSS;lty

Was racisml. Ilally happened iıtiate that Elı Igu
nd Brita il bcel the French Security Council aqi Withdrawal a Middle East e, almost ccrild ha, we been ıı is difficult to eafter, at any eseeable: fu turc, e proceeded to bill - ficlids, Elmd : t get : Stranfulf. That notion Il Te Tidiculus of Iraq through libings for over he Soviet initia land-war was It was obvious Is sci, who had lself into a trap king in Kuwait, :d to withd Täw repared to growel |il titol. II1 the 1o Wa T, the U.S. ie it absolutely rimary objective Taqi withdrawal it the destructil LITy power a Tid, Luts ter of Saddam. 1ecessary not beild bec{ı me the in the Gulf, was thought that HW er Could beble factor i a le! CCI) Fict. The pears, Was a War
that one of the seque Ticcs of the include a settlelestine problem. ises being made writing by U. S. 11 - nc Il rig Ing 2stinc problem be
list, it will be Gulf War was One. It could,
in the first place, have been avoided in exchange for a Middle East Peace Conference, om the basis of the French Security Council initiative. But, quite obviously, the Te were i Trational processes at work behind what amounted to a U.S.-British insistence on a war, which might be explained in terms of the Tal cis T1 spotted by Ramsay Clark.
The Gulf War, a clearly unnecessary War, Wreaks hiw ic with the World economy as a whole, by It While t ble Tf1 Licht colul Lutries can expect to swim along quite happily the Wretched of the earth, that is to say countries like Sri Lanka, can only expect to stink al Indi sin k further. (OLI I 5 el f-interest requires that we try to expose the Western irrationalism El In di racism which ca. Il led to full ther destructive stab TT13 i Til the Middle East, is tead of swall). wing whole the discourse of Western power.
I will makc some observations pointing to the possibility that racism could sometimes be an important factor in international relations. We readily recognize thält indiwiduals all ower the world can be subject to group millias, of which racism is just of left Tm, but we are not usually prepared to recognize that Tacism could prejudice Western interaction with the Arabs or other coloured peoples. Henry Kissinger may be a racist, but somehow that will Ilot dist Oft his wie w5 Ul AT12ricani Interacti CIl with the Africa ns. According to Seymour Hersh's The Price of Power, Kissinger was blitantly and LIIa shamedly racist. At the time of the Biafrail civil War, one of his aides informed him that the Ibos were the most advanced of the ethnic groups in Nigeria. When that ha pless aide later inLtttLLL LaLLLLL LLLLLHH LLLL LL SLLLa0S HK CLLLLC also the blackest of the Nigerians, Henry K. exploded in fury. How the devil could the blackest be LHHLLLLLLL SLLLLLE LLalLLL S LLLL S S LYLS SLLLKK black? Walking towards the White Hrusc on thic occasi 3 T if a Pret: sideIn Liu | dim Inert foot a : black African head of state, Kissinger was hea, Td loudly wondering what thc sincll would be like. I suggest

Page 15
that racism could be distorting Kissinger's perceptions in his weighty lucubrations on international relations.
Kissinger was a scholar who turned into a man of power. We hawe to cx picct such men to be exemplars of the groupIllind, showing all due respect to the shibbolchs of the tribe, as otherwise they Will get nowhere. But what of the litera Ty men, those highly intelligent and exquisitely Sens
itive fellows, who since the days of the European Romantics of the early nineteenth
century have thought of the Illselves as individualists in opposition to the groups?
A recent re-reading of Frederic Prokosch's novel The Asiatics suggests that there is a book to be written ab collit the group manias of litera Ty. T1c II, Published originally in 1935, it was reprinted in 1949 and again in 1983, so that it has the status of a "modern classic'. When I first read it in Illy student days decades ago, I dismissed it as rubbish. But I Was surprised to find that the blurb
to the latest edition carries high praise from three great literary panjandrums, Andre
Gide, Thomas Mi m in a Indl Albert Camus. Its 1949 publication by Faber and Faber indicates that it had the approval of yel another panjandrum, Faber editor T. S. Eliot, who hall el Tlier praised Prokosch's poetry. I thought perhaps I had been LOC) severely critical, as befitted a disciple of Leavis and Ludowyk. A Tic-Teading shows that Prokosch can const Til Ict his si: IlLences neatly, his language is on the whole chaste, and there is evidence of a slender lyric talen which has bice used well i sin bi i nging Collt thit tix (2 till: appeal of the book. All in all, yet another forgettable novel. Why, then, the high praise from some of the greatest writers of the ce Ilturyo
Part of the reH 5 mm probably is
the contrast in picit in the novel between the World of the European Will, with its ceaseless and endless striving,
and the cffete c decadencic. Th. C of this cell TW, has taken kind civilizatil 11, COll wery appeali Ing. important probil tant note of I
Cowell. III. El The Festiwal, PI an Americ: Il pit riate’s visi c) Il Europe, together of impending poem Europe is il te T'Illicinc Wallr, Il vel ole getS of door threate
the wast horde who may effete but are als 0 5 C ing
Ngine of the have mentioned victed of : Il Gide was ench French North A ME 1 II, the "* g ) : fed fit :) I'm the 'i' the Nazis, Wrote about the El Il cit Indian civilizati fine flower of isIIı, sh () WS TIll I sense, and the classic in his quite unlike temporary, Sali SEG TITT TICI than E. ciSI11.
However, in tics as a usef not concern cd racis II but Till minal mental p Cruise O'Brien comilient abilit The Plague, wh my purpos c... l that although t in a II Algerial Il cl1:L T:1, c: te:1"S 3H. Tğ: nonc are A Talib, the Arabs 11 ity which had of Camus" ir cape. Come LO Arab character: novel, The Ou pleasant and can sense ob processes at W EL ILLI I t. t.) T: work of 35 h.

-harm of Asian major writers Ilone of whom y to bourgeois li fidi co Il trast Bullt fäT I 10 Te bly is thic consIn eace in the stTiking p0em; "kosch wh) is ojects an expatif a glamorous with a sense clico CII, III thilt threatened by while in the the impression ni Ing from the is of Asiatics, and degade Ilt Imehow The nac
great Writers I can be conexplicit racism. a limited with thc frican countrics. bid Germa m'' who icist Horror of : sympathetically ent Jcwish and in S. Carills, a Western hulill. Iloderation, good balance of the best Writing, lis nois y conc, and Dothing |note from Camus
taking The Asia| exlibit I all with explicit het with sublirocesses. Connor Ilalde. Il CLlLC Camus' novel ich is L15eful for He pointed out he Towel is set city, all the Europea. Til and sluggesting that pleasant realto be shut Out aginative landsthink of it, the in C: Inus' first sider, were u nI Ille hacing. One cure subliminal Ik, which could SI T1, even in the Imamely intelli
Clmus. A
probably cxplanation for the Prokoschos
gent El person as sublimli mall racis III is the only Over-estination of D1C)Wel.
O'Brien's point could perhaps apply also to Solzhenitsyn’s novel The Cance Ward, which is set in onc of the Asian republics of the Soviet Union. Only a few Asians appear in that novel, and that is just as well as thcy see II to be particularly noxious ch: Tatc tcrs. Possibly contemporary Russian literature cxhibits racism to a far greater extent than Western literature. I recall that sometimes in the first half of the "sixties, thic French på per Le Monde published on its front page the translation of a shockingly ra cist pocm by Woznesen
sky. He swore in that poem that no matter what happens the Russians will lever allow
the Mongel hordes, meaning the Chinese, to u TiIla te o il the tapestries of the Louvre im Paris, I believe that another famous Russian poet of the title, the unofficial Laureate Yevtuchenko, also perpetrated a racist poem against the Chinese. Neither, as falt as I am aware, were chastised by the Soviet bosses as should hawe bcen required in terms of communist ideology. According to a book by the sovietologist Ha Trison Salisbury published in thic ’seventies, wheTever hic w cnt in the So wiet Union he cncountered racist hatred against the Chinese. In connection with my guess that contemporary Soviet literature could be more racist than its Western counterpart, it might be Ilentioned that around the time Woznesensky committed his poem the London University psychologist Eysenck was roughed up by students because he was investigating the question of innate racial differences.
Creative Writers provide da zzling and profound insight into what is really taking place in a society more than anyone else. But, it could be argued, they are creative only because of a fertile lack of balance, and
(Continued on page 20)
13

Page 16
GULF
WITHER US AND UN
H. A. Seneviratne
he fact that the Gulf War
did start at all is in itself a terrible indictment on the present stage of World history dominated by imperialism. The continuation of the War despitc the declaritico Il of ITA's preparedness to withdraw from Kuwait - though with Tegotiable conditions - proves this indict
ment beyond doubt,
The irony of it is that the Gulf War started with the sanction and the mor al sta II1p of the United Nati. Ils - the highest international organisation professedly dedicated to the task of preservation of peace on olur planet. Its failure to find any kind of democratic method of forcing Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait speaks not of the strength but of the inter cnt Weakness of the UN "Could fall inline With the dictates of the US: today's Illajor super pOWer.
The Swiet Union is IIlore the super power that it was during the cold War period. More importantly the Soviet Unit in does nit any 13 Inger signify the source of inspiration for the people of the world
who have nothing to lose except their chains. And in fact they are the world.
Ceasi Ing to be the source of inspiration for the world in this special sensc is a natural bʼutcc3 Im c ]f buTc::L. Lucratic **coII1 - I Ilulis Tı” or stalinis III and IllestalinisIII. III reality buteau cratic 'co IIIlulis. In considers the preservation of the supremacy of the bureaucracy to be far more important than helping the world to altogether break With the chain of capitalism binding it and thereby usher in a World socialist TdT,
It is in this coext of World politics that the Operation Desert Storm was begun,
Since then the full onslaught or high-tech warfare has colle down on Iraq although it is El third World country. The US
14
W..I. Egli St Wi third World coll Where Leill the Storm in colp tempo, ferocity thc new scienc thic Work:TS St the Sowiet Unio aligned' count Iraq also belt. helplessly looki ing the war eft| to adopt a p tent line of the Iraqi e pe w" (2011 eInı alıd pounded by im illlies.
Il T1 (der I ti be Linderstood with LIt graspin ing of the poli ics of imperial
Imperialism i gcd i C) W II i 1 C economic crise:
quently imperi Els his to co and characLer
And War is pi sent imperialist still partly hic WCT se tha Iil the Workers states SCwiet LT1 i UT. of imperialism Will Come cras the US cite We aրgn: F 117։ Will be Il CC devaStation Çıncc
It is the pe I CCC T O Illic stagna: recession that t high-tech warfa In point of fac gence of Iraq : hege T1 (II) istic i culmina ting in of Kuwait - it of imperialist Bi n iirl direct resul lism's despara Hvoid at ally cos of recession. It of Weapons fri Inilitary arsena.

N2
et låm - El mothe | ԼTy - CO II1t:3 riմ = C) per El tjor Desert HTis01 With its
:lind the use of :: i) f' wil T. Blut ates headed by II and the "illI rig5 til Which IgS Were set ng on and backfort Whilst trying olitically impo: ut Tality even as :Cple - including childreil – were erialisII and its
CS 1 WEET :: Il
in any depth g the real Tea 1tics and ecolois Il
s get ting bogIle of its worst i today. Conscalism's politics intain the depth of this crisis. blitics. The preCrisis - though iden – in much crises in the head cd by the When the crises really sets in it hing down like :0 Illrül high-tech A stealth. The Te | IntTol ČVer itS : it : omnes down.
it up forces of Liti?) leadi Ing to ook the shape of Te in the Gulf. t even the emer. is a third world regional power
its occupation Self a creature
''Wisdom" - is of US imperiace attempts to it the catastrophe
is the US sale 2il its II odern | tt) Iraq that
strengthened the latter militarily to a great extent. That factor played a key role in thc whole
process that ended up in the Gill War.
The war material industry
with its usually infamous deals has developed in the US to the detriment of its national product interns of consu ner goods and services. Therefore it retards progress. But it is a Luc Tal tiwe industry which cannot of course flourish in a vacclim without War. The end of the cold war or rather its suspension to be I more exact would hawe so unded the suspension of high-tech arms manufacture as an industry. This situation would have meant the worse Illing of the econo II hic recession, Tetar del tcchinological and scientific research (not research in the true sense of the word) and In ore over added to mass uncmployment for the US. War and death as well as mass destruction connected with it is a God-send to imperialism as it is to decaying capitalism. It
helps imperialism to cushion the effects of recession by releasing the 'excess' man-power and the stockpile of weapons. It also helps to destroy any antagonistic regional hegemonism in . order to esta bilish a
realignment of imperialist political control on the ground. It would have been naive if one believed that the Gulf War was to be fought out within the
param ctcrs of any UN resoluti(III.
Once imperialism gets a chance to perform their tasks both political and economicIn tot CWel sclf-a. In Inihilation ca. In Inake then turn back. The only force on earth capable of stop
ping this process is the turn of the World mass movement includi Ing that of the US — against the War. No matter
what form this opposing mass To ve I i lent ta kes — whether it
(Салгіліyerї ол page 39)

Page 17
Part II
The Disappearing Boun internal and Externa (
Kumar Rupesinge 3.4 nuclear proliferation
here is a greater diffusion
of the nuclear arsenal to big and middle powers in the Third World and to so-called threshold countries (eg China and Iraq). As fears of superpower nuclear conflagration recede, the the spectre of nuclear and conwentional arms proliferation in Asia and the Middle East is growing. There arc Iany disturbing examples. Sadda. In Hussein's belligerence and rehetoric to use it against Israel is one instance. There is continued efforts by Israel to Work on a advanced nuclear capability. The Tationale for the Pakistani, Indian, Chinese bomb is still based on concepts of deterrence and Chinese bomb is still base di on concepts of dete Trence and nuclear terror. It is reported that North Korea is attempting to join the nuclear club. The various safeguards, safety and early warni Ings Timechanis mis a Tc still at a primitive stage. Further, there is a greater demand for long-range balistic missile technology. Most countries in Asia. and Middle East are seeking to acquire longi-Tange ballistic missiles. Most coln tries are also acquiring combat aircraft which have a greater strike capability that ballistic missiles. Disarming and dee scalating the arms race in Europe has meant that solic of these arms are being sold cheap to Third World gC} Wern I112Tilts.
Studies of waT have however, to ignore the cant increase and sa lience of internal Wars i. e. wars within a given nation state. It is important not to confuse appearance With reality. Internal wars have led to Tlassive civilian casualties, have destabilised societies, created millions of displaced persons and refugees, Melco for example notes that whilst there have been only two major
tended, signifi
conflicts in the since 1945 (The and the Hungar that there has 14 million kille World compared 100, OOO in the
There is TC internal Wars a ase, instead all points to an scale, it cnsity of such violent c studies have I enough the incr and criminality ties, wheLhcr Ti many. Third Violetlçe h:15 bi along with milit
Although mucl and Tesearch do: was di Tect will ural violence, tibi to be di Cinc on violence, Many that We Te cur quantitative figu Illum bers of de conflict. What is is the spread o! phenomenon, an inter disciplinary Te cently started. given many defi the subject of the conceptual is Hind i Illic Tä 1 W nation state is stage. Galtling h: attenti OI L CLI cultures which till Tal violence the Other.
4. Armed Confli Characteristic Research on : and their specif light on the ty We :1 Te Witnessi as give Luis än i we are witnessi as give us in i conflicts in the SIPRI Y carboo contempo Tary a II

daries Between
Conflicts
developed world CGT: Ek Civil War ian Revolution) }:: Il til di in the Third
til fe Wer than leveloped world.
evide cc that e (Il the decrethe evidence increa se in the and frequency inflicts. Further, 10t emphasised 2a SC in Willcc in many socic:h or poor. In World societies, * Colle endemic, tarisation.
li has been said ne un inter-State Karl Co :: Il di Struct1éré is 5 till T111ch the study of if the indicators fronted with are Tes related to this in El given more significant violence as a d it is here that Work has only War has been Initions and been Il: Ty Studies but |tion of violence trs Within the still at an early S recently called It liral violence, gitilise strucAnd marginalise
Cits i id Teir
III led conflicts City may shed es of conflicts gtoday, as well dea of conflicts g today, as well lea of emergent u tu Te. The 1988 identific d 33 led conflicts
with armed conflict defincd as a situation with oveT 100() casualties. 32 armed conflicts were recorded for 1989. According to these estimates the total number of armed conflicts seem to be Con the decrease, But If ye consider armcd conflicts listed S. he10үү OOO Cilties then we get a higher number of recorded conflicts. According to their observations:
"The total number of ongoing armed conflicts in the world today is staggering. In some locations there are several destructive conflicts going on simultaneously
They suggest that numbers have increased from about 75 and it is likely that more efficient reports would reveal that numbers would increase to about 150. Some interesting observation can be made based on the Cill i Tical alta.
1. Most of the arrned conflicts take place in the Third World countries;
2. The basic issues in the armed conflicts of 1989 were related t o i I1 tern1:1l Imatters,
3. Inter-state conflicts are currently on the decline perhaps for the Toment. This has ins
pired the media and others talk of a grand peace Sct Lillemelt.
4. In Thost of the conflicts which led to external intervention, either by the superpowers or by a Lihajor regional power there hawe been military withdra walls o T negotiations for phased with dra Wals.
5. With regard to conflict managcile In L C T T eSolution, the UN Security Council has rarely been involved; in some cases the good offices of the UN Secretary General have prevailed, but Iunost often conflict reso -
15

Page 18
lution has been the function of a big regional power. It is likely, however, that the United Nations, and in particular the good offices of the Secretary General, will play a more active role in conflict resolution in the future.
6. In most cases, the internal conflicts hawe been fucilled by arms sales and military cquipment to comba tants. A Tims have been provided not only by the superpowers but also by some states in the Third World. A pa Tt Tron a Tims the Tic: is evidence that chic Dinicial Weal - pons a Te being used both by the state and by the guerilla.
7. There has been consistent and flagrant violation of human rights, and no Te spect for the Laws of War. Gross abuses of human rights are evident on the part of both the state and the guerilla movements, Civilians account for 74% of of these official deaths of almost 3 times as Illany Illilitary deaths.
8. In Ilost cases, the conflicts halwe i Iwo Lw cd cross-b7 Td ET affiliations or le L Works, where a neighbouring state provide5 sanctuary as well as arms and training to the guerillas,
9, Many of the conflicts listed are identity conflicts, where gra Inti Ing substantial de volution of power or territorial autonomy would eIId IIn ost Conflicts.
These propositions rais e a range of new issues which may bring about a significant shift in the paradigm of conflict research and international relaLions. Firstly, there is the matter of building a sound comparative experience in inter III al conflict resolution, Here it is necessary to be able to identify the actors generally involved in internal conflicts - not only the state, but also factions within the state, ethnic groups ÖT Teligious groups, particulary actors who are generally silent in the discourse. The Western liberal tradition has tended to ignore non-like minded actors, particularly those belonging to funda
6
mentalist religion
Пi 1101 ity
5.
la Ingli Elg
Types of Intel We need to d
various types of cts which genera
Series
Cor Wicle
From the lata lliw fictis We Ilay III: wing classificatio to internal cols
1.
2.
3.
4,
Ideological con the stat e lind i
ments Where t quality betwet d) II11iD1Eı Int.
Governance and flicts, concernil tion of power in society. De:
opposition ilir: changes and TE: GLITCS.
Raciill clflict conflicts in and Namibiti, conflicts in Europe.
Environmental are broadly conflicts, Owl the control protection of arc tW0 Categ) Illen tal Conflic tal calflicts and natu Te,
Wy:::I stilte: groups caused by environm Resolving the ferent aբբroa
identity conf kio Iii In a nt a& Teligious, trit differences. flicts in w) lwc identity and
security. Wher te lition con: tion of powe nail type (): suchı çol flict increase. Id can be 511 te Tritorial ci and minority gious asserti foT 5olf– dete

S OT
t:8,
speaking
*Il fal Conflicts
listinguish the internal conflilly rcsult in It hostilities. ailable (Il Cona ke the folloin With regard icts:
flicts, between insurgent. In Ovehic social ine2 classes is
authority conng the distribuand authority [ml:Linds from thc * for regime control over
5, Including the South Africa as well as racial the USA and
conflicts which resource based er land, water, of rivers, the forests. There ries of environtS: Cr1"Wiro D1[T1eI1 — between man and conflicts and population or exacerbated : Intal problems. m Tequires difthes,
icts wille Te thic lect is ethnic, all or linguistic Jte I these conEl Illixture of the search for : the Illain con: Is the devoluThis was the war in 1987: a Te likely to intity conflicts -divided into Inflicts, ethnic Conflicts, TeliIls and Struggles пiпHtion.
Warious linkages may exist between the conflicts so definici, or we may find a mixture of several. The above classification is h0 weyer Sta. Lic and what is required is to conceptualise the various inter relations between them. It may well be that there are several types of conflicts which are waged si multaneously; or that i colul IItry faces two or IIlore types of conflicts - for example identity conflict based in the de II and for alıtolony, and governa ilçe and authority conflicts. For example last year in Sri Lanka thcre were 5 armed conflicts waged simultaneously or in CCIE WENI e the Te Were several armed conflicts being waged or in the Lebonon where again several armed conflicts arc being waged simultanously, Given the analytical problems in defining the specificity of these conflicts, some have preferred to ter In the se internal conflicts protracted social conflicts or int Tacital ble conflict5.
6. Potential Conflicts
If we cxamine the Warious types of domnestic conflicts listed, we may speculate on the general trends and types of conflicts likely to emerge in LEle fuLLITc.
6.1 Ideological Conflicts
Wiլի conflicts,
regard to idcological
these conflicts halwe been Hindi will be endic Illic in all societies where there are serious disparities in in come and class stratification. Howewer, it is li kelly that the traditional communist parties will no longer plu Tsu e armed guerilla confrontations, except under very special circumstances. The ideological centres in Moscow and Peking have discarded their leadership role as the Vanguard of the international proletarian revolution. This does not in can that armed groups will not emerge in the future or will not persist, as they do in Peru with SeInder Luminoso, or the Janatha Wimukitlii Pera muna (Sri Lanka) but they will hawe to rely on their own resources to sustain a protracted con

Page 19
frontation with the state. Modern ethno populist movements, and guerilla s ccm tÇ)
acquire a common ideology, but also common types of organization and politics. They tend to be military-politico movement's with common features. There is so Inc evidence that the guerillas are involved in the drug trade and that this trade provides a source of funds for the purchase of arms. New tactics and methods of guerilla war are also being adopted where civilians arc increasingly becoming the victims. At least in so II e i Instances, destabili saltion and the collapse of a democratic alter Dative is the stated objective of the guerillas.
6.2 Governance and authority
conflict 5
Gower Dance and conflicts arc likely
Ilore sillient in the future. These conflicts. Te Wolve onl popular demands for democracy and political participation. The authoritarian responces to the demand for popular democracy in Rumania is one example. The use of ar. Ined miners against de Tol Strator s is a mother. The emergence of death squads and armed vigilan te groups, mercenaries, commando units and the increasing number of recorded "disappearances' El Indi ''extra-judicial killings' are the
authority to become
silent Wars which lre being waged today.
The tT: Isition to ciwili: government in many Latin American societies is highly problematic and fragile. In many of these countries thc
ar Tilled forces continue To Tet;Li Tı significant autonomous power, and endemic forms of violence, such its police brutality, continue. In almost every country civil rights are abused, various for Tims of dis CT i III initi CT are rampant, and economic and social co II ditions Conti Tille to deteriorate rather than improve. In countrics such FL 5, El Salwad Co T and Guatemala, grawe violations of human rights continue un
der civilian governments. Severe violations of human rights, such as disappearances and
assals sinations, Ilent in formal cracies such Colombia than of thic military Chile and Para tio is further the fact that governmcnts fall erltsוון ט/יt Irloחטg
The liberaliza regulated social milde Llew typ more wisible". " democratization ties has conflicts supp With regard Union. We are Irlands for grea for various at will be charact armed conflicts gover II, III e Tit and the various nat will also be di ter luto no T1y political institu a serious poss In entition W powers struggl co It Tol. There pola risation () such as on ide (both conservat tic) and identil religious confli over authority (Col flicts a wc::II take many for torial conflicts sion, 15 in Lith u Inia and Moldaw Georgia. Ther tc ned at med c) | Karabakh: Ar Kirghizia-Uzbe Abkhazia and TCLind cof a T11 e ween Azerbai: Isla IIlic and and dermands for lurkisk-mi GCTITla 115 etc. are likely to difficult to obvious that it Clt in evo mollis Co IIn Iill 1 n has been aban will replace it cal probleIns des talinisation revealed and
e

-11ח{)II1UTe pr ט'r political cic mo:13. Peu and
In the last years dictatorships in ulay. The situacomplicated by se yeTal civilian e år 11ed insur
tion policies of ist societies have es. Of conflicts The process of
in these socie
talized sleeping ressed el rlier. to the Soviet
witnessing deter independence i 01:Llities. This crized both by with the Central Conflicts a mong iol Llitic S. "There: amands for grea
for civil and I tio Is... TE ere i5 ibility of frag
ith C()T11 p etiTng ing to assert will be greater ni many fronts, ological grounds, iwe and democraly conflicts and cts and conflicts and governance,
identity mily TS, SLIch as terrileading to secesalia, Latvia, Estoia and potentially : will be heighflicts in Nagorno dizhan-Ost that kistan ; Georgia, — perhaps another d conflicts beta 1 a 1 d. Olher Asian republics for autonomy, 5 che tints, Soviet These conflicts le protracted and manage. It is e Soviet experiviTng a homogest Swiet citize
oned. But what 2 The ideologiis not merely b lut whether alı bsolute ideology
can be replaced with liberalism, Could it not be that the Soviet Union may come to represent another case of Lebanisation, with different centres of power, greater use of extra judical methods of governance, the appearance of death squads and fueling of conflicts though LTIIns? Could it in tot be the case that when the official ideology has bec under Imined and there is and increased sense of fragIn entation that communities will scek ne w i del tities or revive old identities as the only basis for security'. These are questions which need to asked about a period of transition. In China, als the world has recently experienced, the popular demandi for democracy and participation has been brutally suppressed, but We may expect this process to continue with greater vigour in the fu turc.
The problems of governance
in Ilost parts of Africa will be turbulent. For instal mcc, what would be likely consequence
of a bandoning the one party state and creating multi-party Statics. Ewents, il the Sowjet Union and Eastern Europe has cncouraged debates in many parts of Africa. The debate on this issue was public in Tanzania, and Zalimbia but it has led to strong reaction in many others. Arguments agilinst multiparty has also been made on the ground that it would revivc ethnic and tribal lead to ethnic and tribal political configurations which affect ecolonic development and stability. There is currently a partial relaxation of the apartheid regime in South Africa. T1 e tra 1sition to majority rulle will be complex, and other conflicts between the warti i) LIs colo II Imll I Ii ities will emerge with greater saliance. The region of Souther I Africa, after na ny years of destabili
sation from the Apa Ttheid regime of South Africa will face complex problems of
.:Ctוa Tוזrט"יו)E
6.3 Racial Conflicts
Of growing importance will be new types of racial conflicts likely to emerge, particularly
17

Page 20
discusses the future als
Of equal, if portance is which the gli Sources can E exploited in will be in nature; (b) static conflic in th
Incs assure integrity.
in a reas with large and growing numbers of new immigrants and refugees. These large flows of im III i grants from the Third World to the West are already provoking intense debates in the USA and in Europe, with demands for various control policies to stem the tide of Il cW HTTI wills. Cha Tacteristič: 0 f this Ie w fo III of **Tälcis”’ is that settled communities - large White populations - see a threat fra Til the Walwe of TiiiTi World immigrants who refuse tij integrate into the cultural values of th1e "1,ylıite c3 T11T11LInities i b u t wish to bring their own culture int) Lheir II e W country. The insistence of emigTants on Inain tai ning their religious, ethmic and linguistic identities, In ear that new tension and 6.5. Identity Co conflicts will be created. These waves of Illigration are provoking ethno-populist right wing In OWellents in many parts of Europe.
The potential truction has be Imatic expressi.] III assi We it: citril 0; and gross inequ by a global ci Tm uch coII1ccTIn.
Identity conf pervasive and Identity is defit sense of the 5.
Identity his
an abiding st th: t the ca. Te life predictab "WidYLI :ä l. Ti} |E: anticipate eve
6.4 Environmental conflicts
Disputes over the control of natural resources are likely to be a cause of war or a contributory factor in the future,
There are clearly disappearing boundaries between external and ile:TT:ll cal Lu 5:e5 foi elwi TC TT12IItal degra dation and sustainability. Clearly environmental pollutico II will hawe global innpa C L L Tid be a seritus threät tCO sur wiwi: 1. Demands on 1:1пеј, fresh watcT, and other natural resources of the earth are growing rapidly owing to increases i Ti population and human å spiTil tirns, the latte T i Il bijih tle developed and d veloping nations. This dilemma suggests that mill turi li resol li rces huawe the potential for playing an even Ilore important role as a cause of War in the Tu Lure.
to experience is ca Lice iwell a psychologic it en COmpa 551 ble is sa Te physically, ps Cially, ewe in s which Lil Tea Le the care ser 15c elicit de Teitl ained at a Ind / Cor. physit Identity is operate in th il re Li LE1 Ըն II flict ԷյլIL betwee I g H ou
Wii || III B |
ting study disc ta lice 1 I idien building... Ident dyna i Illic and
aspect of pe Tsiei as We have arg raction of state modernisation play an import
There is a strong likelihood that states would Tesort to Tiilita ry : ction, or the th Teat of such action, to ensure contiInuing access to what they perceive as natu Ta1 Tesources. Access to resources may be oil, but also access to water, control of rivers and disputes over mi- identification ning and forests. Arthur Westing and un comSc
18

problems of the
not greater imthe extent to bbal Imatul Tall rehe managed and a Way that: (a) harmony With will avoid intert; and (c) will, if til Tele w||
th cir long-term
foT IN Luclea T de 5:e the most draIn but potenti ally gical disruption |alities generated illuse it last is
flicts
icts a Tehe Il CSL the moest Will: 11. ned as an abiding : If Litt) thic worldir
been defined as einse of sel f”Hjaði Cof what Ilkes ble to Il indi1:3 Wę na ability to Ils is es sentilly terror. Identity CT ES 117 re till: Il :al sense of self; leis a ge. Inse thilt in the world chi lgicilly, SCpiritual lly, Events 1 til II i wild te of identity will isiwe Tespio Tises widing psychic al a II i la Lio I. postulated to is Way In tot only to interpersonal illso II conflict p5. n1 in a II inter esLisses the imporlity to nation ity is seen as a ever cha Inging millity, Falıd it is 11 ed il the iIl terbu ilding, and that identity will at:1t role.
is an inherent jous behavioral
imperative in all individuals. Individuals actively seek to identify in order to achieve psychological security, and they actively seek to II lainti, protect and bolster identity i )TdeT t{) im121 II1 ta in aT1 cIn — hance this psychological SccuTity which is a sine qua non of personality stability andi emotional well being.
Little conse Isus cxists in the literature regarding the Lerminology and basic concepts deal
ing with ethnicity. **Ethnic group', ''Illinority', 'tribe'', ''Ilation', 'nationality' are used by different authors in
different ways which of course leads to analytical confusion Ethnicity is not a static concept but dynamic one, in that ethnicity and ethnic bound: ries canlı be continuously red fined, given ccTtain factors. Politicization of Cthnicity is a long historical process, where il crucial factor is centre periphery interaction. Polarization does not seem to take place until a certain point has been passed; before this point, there will normally be instal Ices where C flict Testi) 1 LItio In could a chiewed through comprinise and acco in Ilodation.
The reasons for the ethnic revival have been fairly clearly identified. I try to list below some of the inilpot tant findings and knowledge already existing with regard to identity conflicts.
A III1 aj Cor reason for the ethnic revival is scen as the contradicti. Il between state building : Tı d latio Trı buildi. Dig, where: the state, in its attempt to Centralize Tesorces, may come into conflict with the many III altions who co-exist within its borders. However, some such centre/periphery conflicts might well have been mediated through constitutional means (federalism) and other forms of devolution of power.
The distictico Il bic: tween + + Offcial Islatio T. till is m' a nd ** i Iliagined communities' has brought about theoretical rigour in understanding post-colonial Third World nationalism. Here sonic ThiTd World statics can be

Page 21
se em as artificial constructs not corresponding to the mally
co-existing tlationalities. I målgined col11 Tm unities then are those which in turn create the
Illyth of community as a strong force for identity,
Cousiderable attention has been given to the Lcision betWeen ethnicity and modernization. Here the argument has been that un rcf lcctcd capitalism and Inodernization have created El sense of psychological deprivation (rcla tiwe deprivation) which has led to a backlash in terms of a reawakening of fundamentalism. Development strategies may have unintended cffects on inter-ethnic relations, Some scholars have advanced the concept of ethno-development, arguing that development theories must be sensitive to cultural pluralities. This is particularly relevant to development strategies which ignore minorities and where hegemonic clites and international dolor agencies may concentrate om certain groups only.
Many states have denied the existence of ethnic conflicts. Ina recent study, Barch evaluates the extent to which international bodies responsible for the protection of human rights have recognized the significance of ethnic conflict as a destabilizing force in both developing and industrialized countries. The study concludes that a surprisingly large Inu Inber of states refuse to acknowledge the possibility of ethnic divisions, Examples of such denial can be found in all regions, but most frequently in Asia and Africa and where the evidence suggest that the contemporary threat from ethnic conflict is also the greatest.
7. The role of the state
The Tole of the state is central to identity formation. The Static creates Tid demics the the identity of others. It is precisely here in this business of nation building and state formation, that cthnicity assuIncs particular salience. Toge
ther with the democracy 1. ther C aire eth Illic: Illin Critie 5 de II
a utent Imy, recoք tity. These prob SiOIls Will be a attention in the Il the Third W. Imation will rel proble II, with general democra and demilita Tiza religious claims Il OI e ligj: It all { articulated. The likely to be ful ded by severe unemployment i of the Third W. for identity and located within of increasing ga elites and the p Co w II language Elr be the final foc: in a rapidly chi zing World to W, a Te deniel acces
Staite wiolence Wilence serve cleavages. The hill mill rights, i. judicial killings produced a Wic viole II Ce : Ill tcTT ce has brought of insecurity; th a strong force which to often ti amentary or mil ding to armcd co in so Inc cases, t of the al II el FC Ofte et Hıric al Til to provoke gueril
Further the m sical violence is ly the property According to thi cept of the stat Sta. Le Tillust be : { societal instituti Claim te thic le poly of physical essential attribu Crcitc5 the di: one hand the st tect its citizers : Wiece of the purpose the stati poly on violence of violence. resp

de Ilands for l participation, and religious anding greater nition and i denile This and tenmajor focus of yeATS LE CO11 e. Tld, stalte for1 li fl El complex concerns for су, рагticipation tion Ethnic and Will become i more clearly se tels i 15 arte rther compoul II: po verty and In I11-11y Darts rld, The dema Ild Cll || Lillre Will be the frille work ps between the OOT, where their ld culture may L1s of identity i Enging Tunc dcr nihich the poor S.
Lld culterto exacerbate "Wibla, ti(T1 ("T cluding extra{T tortlIIte, h:15 tious cycle of I T. State violenWith it a sense is the acts as If I The 5 bilization kes extra-parlii tant form5, leainflicts. Further, he misbehaviour rces and policels - his served El 11 isbehaviour.
Como poly of phy
na 5 li Inger sole
of thic state, * Weberian cone, the moder In le fined as the !) In which i lays gili In 14 te mono
violence. The !e of the state IIIla. In the a tc has to proagainst arbitrary Ts, and for this : needs mono!, I the Ileans cctively. On the
oth cr hand by this wery monopoly the ruling group has the possibility to use violence for its own interests against the people, even arbitrarily beyond accepted rules and laws. Other groups also have ready access t.) meža Els of physical violen cc
These new actors tend to dctermine the direction of clflicts.
What is suggested here is that there is a global struggle for a redefinition of the staite. TEIlc concept of the state and its role
IIlust be discussed within a changing global environment, Where new actors and new
initiatives challenge the ability of current state for Illations to resolve some of the Ilost pressi Ing problems of Imam kind. The multi-ethnic state' is an orgaInizing concept which can accomII10 date ethnic claims :Lind de. mands in all parts of the world.
There is a growing awareness of the uniwersality and compleXity of ethnic problems and the need for concerted action to devise strategies, programmes and structures for managing ethnic conflicts. Some multiethnic states have Worked out federal forms of devolution. How ever, in the scarch for constitutional models there has been disagreement over unitary and federal efforts, and the extent of devolution and autonomy. There is a need to re-examine the role of constitutions and similar the role of constitutions and similar mcchianisms for conflict management.
Constitutions Inay, however, provide only de jure recognition of minorities, not de facto recognition. We T1 eed to i de I1tify cultural and social institutions With in the cou1n tries comcerned. There exist many mechnisms and religious and collective experiences which help to enhance co-operation and tolerance whilst respecting the positive a spects of ethnicity. They may be the school or places of con mon worship, or trade unions and various informal community organizations. School cu Titicula, particularly concer
ning the interpretation of the
19

Page 22
country's history, are important in the deco II. In unalization of the II ni Tid. More studies {!T է: In ceded on the role of curricula, particularly their impact on young people in the formative years. In some cases histo Ty books III ay have to be: rewritten to recognize the mu altiet l'Illic chlä TaciteT of SCcii ctics. The role of the Ilass IIl edia is frequently crucial. Information, and the way it is handled, call exacerbate cle: wages or help to enhance feelings of cooperation. All too often, disi Infor Illation campaigns and Tum Cour ser we to
fcc.d and excite tensions. The role of communications and inföTII1:1 t10 II iS 11 iTıp Orta Int
aspect of researclı where: Tı Corc comparative knowledge is requircd. 8. Guvernance and Cunflict
Management We have argued that although significa Int changes ha We occurred in the global situation there is a gap bet Weem the international institutions created during the post war period and the new problems which are e mer
ging. Much has been written about the role of the United Nations, and the Tale of the Secretary General in dispute
scittlement. Much has been said about the strenghts and the limitations of the United Nations. An impressive record has bc.cn established in the operation of peace-keeping forces. Further equally impressive work his becı Cine i Il II editi. Il between states in many a difficult circuIIInstance. Howe wet the Iliadiite if the United Nations is basically to resolve disputes in the intcr Ima til al a Tena. Blut what about violent internal conflicts whiclı tclıd to de St T) Ty societies and cause untold hill Inan suffering Would it be possiEle for the LJN L. revis e its manda te regarding internal Conflicts' Could it allow its god Coffices ind i L5 wast Ille Lwork Cf skills to be used to provide for timely inter wention. Many proposals and recommendations have beeth : m:1de :äTnd the c: lu TreInt conjunct Te enables the UN to review its Tha Tidate in conflict resolution and peace making.
There is currently : consells LS which has developed on the
20
need for preWe TI carly
preventalion of This work is
early stages but is likely to em co-operation an to critic E. W. discussion On
Il conflict Te! A very sig rhif instrument in C mation has bec elections, Inte tion a lid m. II strengthened to ensure periodic Illi y Caso Tiln only be achieve tence on regul
Tectic: a milde concerni third parties in tion, as Well a bargaining and gies, New foi Tes lu lin hal We יr Gblem-Sרן וון לfrr to profession However, lost Tetical ad yarıç: within stable d a considerable flict manage Ine studies tend to hippens once | ght to the ne; where;15 th: I often how to i
li lil whitl t Ċal li people to III Negotiations Lei partners, but d involving group Ille tric or LI are general lly si Lull i com 5. The which acts is
Il te futu T. conflict involv identity, symb
WCI TS 11 of mea Illingful attenti sh (" to conflict tra can il fra Tie yw . co Il flici res Clut. the teTIls Of : constit Luc. Ilicy Co cha ngeci? 9. Concluding
The paper E th: L nie w b01..111
on the way in tually define :

Intative action, WaI ining and violent conflicts still in its a new coalition. erge as well as longst networks ider forum for early Warnings solution. icant and import lflict transforin the role of ma ticball atte Ilitoring çan be facilitate and : elections. In 5 flation car :d by the insisa T electic III S. |va Lices lawe been ng the role of col flict resolu5 in improving negotia ing stra te"Ils of conflict been suggested, plving approaches al facilitato Ts. of the se the Cohıwe beel m: de enocracies with tra di Lion in connt. Further, such focus on what parties arc briugotiations Liable, real piloblem is dentify the actors be done to get cgotiate at all. 1d to imply equal comestic conflicts s a Te often asy IL1nequal conflicts not single-issue y inherit a past a heavy burde I1 Pro tracted Social es questions of lic Ineaning, cont"Ces a 1 di EL sei h 5c security. Morc 111d bg paid is formatic. How ırk be created for in". How can the "SefeTence: a ı l the the conflict be
reaks
als tried to argue daries will appear which we concepnd analyse confli
cts. The World is certainly going
to be Flore wiolcnt and for Ina Il y people morc in ScClure. There is therefore a liced to review existing global institu
tions and mechanisms for wention and transformation conflicts.
The challe nge will be on who Will capture the democratic space available, will conflicts be tra Insformed through collectivc forms of non violence or will är med conflicts and criminality dominate the democratic Spacc Invalilable. The Te is Tulch to le:LTT froin the Intifada, the peoples Illovements in Europe and more to learn a bolt II violet sicial transformation.
ргеof
The Race War. . .
(Сонfiннғd fromп page I3)
their evidence is not therefore coll clusive. What, then, of scholars, who cannot be regarded as schola Ts at all unless they are exact, scrupulous, judicious, objective? One of the great Is la lists of the lä, tio nin ctc en Lh century was just as manical as European politicos about the terrible threat posed by PanIslam. Today, retrospectively, we should be able to see that 50 me sort of group Imania was behind that Olsensical notion,
The ill cycle in classic or racist stereotypes in the world of scholarship is Edward Said's Orientallis II. He Talther tends to
Overstate his case in that book, unlike in his later Work Covering Islam which is about media millias.
The un pleasant truth which as to be confronted is that man is a group animal, even though he has the capacity to transcend
the group, and even the most civilized can lapse into group manias. One feels only too
often with the man that not Inluch archeology is required to get to the stc. The age. It is absurd therefore to pretend that racism, which is up mania, isטrm of grוme Tw ר) if relevant to our understanding of international relations which re determilled by the dikta ls of the man of power. Ramsay Clark has to be applauded for malking his cha Tg e about ra cis II) in thic Gulf War.
of power

Page 23
Leadership and Individuality in
The Case of the South
Mattison Mines and Wijayalakshmi Gou
lthough there has
great interest in prope: Tilly to conceptualize the person in Indian culture, few hawc explo Ted Indiam perceptions of leadership, achievement, and agency as Walled features of individuality (Singer 1972; Mines 1988; Fox 1989). Indeed, since Dumont (1970a,b) forcefully argued that the values of cquality and liberty that support the Westch notion of the individual WCrc absent from Indian society, the important rolcs that personal unique Ilus5, Wolition, and anhicvement play in Indian history have been largely over
been hoyw
looked or understated. This paper Teccions idcirs. El in Indian sense of these roles by exil
mining the south Indian concept of the "big-man' (periyar, periya Yar), a nation of individuality and instrumen Lality that is central to the politics of south India and crucial to all understanding of the dy namic relationship that exists between action a nd orga Inizzi tion in Indian society (cf., Fox 1989).
TEIli 5 : Tticle exa. Ililiile 5 : 5 it 5 primary example a renowned religious leader and "worldrenouncer,' the present head of a II i II1p ortant south Indial in monastery, Who, ils : Il agent of his Own Preeminen Çe, bases his leadership on highly political strategies similar to those of "this-worldly" leaders. DuIn ont has argued that the 'World Te nollincer" is the only type of
socially valued individual in Hi Idul cultu Tc, but is s C der y to the textcIL LHAL EJE: is al
individual-outside-the-World. . . both exterior to and superior to the society propeT' (1970a: 234). The career of the renounÇET we will c) Isider de IIIstrates the opposite: that even " World-Te nouncing” Inonks establish individuality and leadership using instrumental approaches that are very much
''this-worldly" this article, hov, critique Dumont rea, dy been mil. Marriott 1969, 1986; Dirks 19 Mines 1988; R: than tc) cxplore: EL I l Indian kind i 1 Willi ich i id iwidi plays : Signific if our view ap El secula T colul II to the Tetlowed we conclude Wi til 3 of a mlal Il Shaktivel, a lon in Madras City
Defining the Big-man
The concept is draw II from lea de Tship term south India, in . (lit., "Big-min' the le 55 formál and periyadarak thy-person. 'T llised to Ill Tik 1 of persons withi ties ind, in so cial fame wi Society. MThár", Sanskrit term, designation for G d h i lexica the Tä II il Leri a Te general t3 || A leaders pre hiili1 S H II i I III diim 5 stre: 55 5 til til Is When Lh dividuality, a
ester in e Impha: a II ong individi
The LIthly T5; believe that wa fט יוון חי וT ון 1:וון widespread in this article: li to substantiate ethnographic fi dia. In conte IT dia, a leadin!

South Asia:
Indian
rishankar
The purpose of wever, is less to I - that his illIch do ne (eg, 1976; Beteille 187; Jaer 1987; iheja 1988a,b)- the liture of of leadership uality (Tariirt'ı yarı) 1lt Te. T. st plies as well to lity leader as religious leader, til am ex a TlinaWe will ta || P. --Brah. III a. Il leader
Institutional
of the big- ma m the lexicon of 1S 1 :luding peri ya var , or great one), v: riat perior, TT rar, * * Big-well"hese te T 115 are he preeninence n their communiThe cases of spethin the larger | 71 i5 : Similar familiar as a T Mihandals Kequivalents of ms for big – Iman Indian languages. : Tı ilı elick: defiı eS 1 dividual SC Lith his inequality of ey value his incontrast to the
isis on equality uals.
If this article
riants of the bigleadership are I ndia, although 3.` 5 ոnt attempt this point. Its cus is south In1рога гy south Iпg WCIl a Ll I lay
Big-man
also have the status of a 'bigIIları'
We add the “ti 15 tituti Ill” qualifier to the Indian big-man Concept because such men attract filo WCF5 : Ludi (! In: Oct their Ti | eo5 as generous leaders through the *“claritable” 15titutio Is th:lt they control. We Lase it als 0 to distinguish this variant of the big-Ilan from the Melal nesi: || variety who has no institutional a ffiliation alt all and galins prominence solely through charistina and unusual ability to attract followers (cf. Oliver 1955; Sahlins 1963; Godelier. 1986; 163-4). But we also believe this distinction can be overstated. Institutional position is a necessary condition of the viability
of the Indian big-man, but it is Tot sufficient, li keepi Ing with their highly personalized
nature (Kakar 1981: 4)-1), India. In institutions expand and contract in popularity and membership depending on the idiosyn Critic charis III a. if thei T heads. Although it is often slipposed that local Indian leaders Ça. Il depend om ready-made castic НП kП СП Пstiti11ercic:5, the fict is that even hereditary leaders have few followers when they lack charis Illi and skill. Indial society is salted throughout by these "hillow crowns'' (cf. Dirks 1987).
Five of the many characteristics of the institutional big-malı Te particularly important for defining this Indian notion of individuality:
(1) The big-man is both a quim Les sential hiera Tchical III a. Il and a 1 individual Big-IT1 e are
individuals in the sem se that they must establish themselves ä5 unique persons te acquire public recognition. Si multa n
eously, big-men are hierarchical persons who hold statuses of eminence anong their circle of support tTs.
2

Page 24
(2) A big-man achieves his e Illine Ilce in part by his personal ability to attract suppor
ters. Depending on personal style and ingenuity, the bigTha This following waxes and WIS.
(3) The big-man is not only pree Illinent i 1, but ccm trill to, the constitu ency he se ves. He Creates and defines his colstiituencies by his redistribution of benefits, his generosity as a broker, and his prestige.
(4) Because the big-main ap
pe:lls to followers as an altruistic benefactor, a tension between individual and group
il Lerc55 i5 bl1ilt it thli5 fIl of leadership. The bigger a leader becomes Hind the Timore he appears to benefit from his status, the more vulnerable he becomes to accusitions of venality and corruption. The big-man, therefor Te, is defined by a public recognition of individuality and inst ITILI IR 1er tality til at is circunscTibed by wallues that sub cordinate his liberty to the comTl in god.
(5) Thic big-man emacts his lcădership through a variety of instit li tions L hi alt be coIl t Tools or Creates. Big-man leadership has been called galactic when such a leader has redistributive lights in outlying sa tellite centers, resulting in a characteristic Thämtlala structure (Tambiah 1976). II south Indial today, such centers are often temples, but they can Filso be other kinds of institutions that serve the public gooid. Such als charities, medical dispensaries, caste associations, Schools, loa II 50cieties. p. Clitical parties, El E1d labor u Iiii) Ins It is i Il Lhese i mistitutions that a would-be bigIT1lT undertike5 to estäblish his SCbCill CTC diit is il gener tills :Lindi tTlust w Örthy individual (Fra 77 bagaPri la 777 777 7 F7iada777) : nd to cstablish publicly his fame (puha R) and honor (rna anarii), attributes that distinguish him as an indiWiduall.
It is important here to highlight the galactic polity and its mandala structure because this kind of polity correspond with
2.
the concept of
big-In Eln. This
Iläkes le: 5
His foi TIl Cf lei relil is cell of ch ship and chief gnized historicall lld il SCILI LH1 cai: Leach (1960:55)
du izce stilte, “Wes (Breckenridge 9 ShulTmatn 1985; I 8 STi ljyä5, 197Ó: . matic kings and C a cultural Illide feattles is simil institutional big
According to 21-23; cf. Stej Im glit: w: 1 Tal 11 El El clear cente l da Ties. Imste composed of
series of celle kinds of funct with will Tills i II Wrks. There
“kings' : nd 5 LI porta with his capital Si Inill Tilly, il s dy, El big-Il r Fil Fid demm il girl philic: reach of his repl. wing nie w positi ili s :L te | | it eo: i 15. Li distributed ulov the territory wł Tecognitio 11. De ils titutio†15, the tics' of these bi fra tie Ts (cf. Lei satelli te and its is an institutic which a galactic his influence to t CO Institl:Ints. Th leader II ay have tituti Olls that L Ti widely separated i Isti Iuli 18 that tered Elt which Te It ca 15 titleri tsi a lic: big-man had trustee of president of his tion, the found
of mit ('ch it' Fund), ti free medica, di: poor, and the community IT us
() tille T feit LITES tional big-na eW:All II di 3 m k

[b1c i Istit Lltiola 1 Sttlctl1re al 5o Ine features of dership that are larismatic kingtailship, recoy in S Lith India st Asia - What calls the Hilleff, irises' 77; Stein 1980; |-23; Dirks 1987: ! 16—20). Charisshift:li is follow l that in many it to that of El Il
ーIT1阻I』」
ShulIna In (1985; in 1980), the ki Ingdom licked In real bulid. it. Wils
"'il shifting is of different ins, connected terlocking inctwould be local |{1C{1|| {1 Tles, ca ch CRT capitals . . .” Out II sia tgeographically tally extends the Italion by achieins of cmilience itutions th: are c 1 ly throughout 1 cre hic de sires fined by their “g: lactic polig-III lick clear
1ch 1960). Each set if offices Hl point fru III
big-man extends h; institution's L15 : Il important : Tights in ins: geographically is WEll is im are tightly clusappeal to diffe... For example, right be the a te Tiple, the Caste assicia2r and treasurer y lar society he sponsor of a spensary for the President cof a ic society.
of the institutill:Lt Teci | Imediingship include
the big-Tian's premier role as altruistic benefictor and domor of charity (Periyadalakaarar), selfless generosity being central to his fa Time (po That R) as it was for kings (Shulman 1985: 23). Like the king, the big-man is a premier sponsor of worship (p'jaar 777 ČTYT 7), and much is the ki Ing personified his state a Tid was its protector, so the bigIlla in also personifies his insti
tutions and serves their constituencies. Such relationships are complementary: he Teeds
institutions to head to be a bigIlan, and his followers and lieutena. It's Ilec{1 hitl for the be efits he provides. It appears,
therefore, that individualistic leadership and highly persoInalized institutions together
generate galactic structures that Te Ter IliniscenL of one Another despite the em o T11 JL15, differences that historically separa te them. But there also are key differences betwee1 the conte IIl porary big-Than and the Inedieval king. One is that a big-nan stands out as altı individu all known for his deeds in the Illiids of his public. By contrast, Shulman (1985: 16) states that medieval kings lack individuality and elude us as persons in the literature of their times. They see 11 to be 11 Te the state i rithTopoll orphized than individuals.
THC i 15 til Litions of south Trndia. In big-men have a special in
ternal form or structure that eII phasizes the individual who leads them. We Tabell the se
kinds of groups ** big -- Iman or hea diman-cente Ted groups.” Centered in the big-man and his subordinat e lieutenants. these i Institutions a Te maintained by ties that link the central leader to all members of his group. Although often corporate in form, the vitality of such groups is dependent om their central leader. and when he dies or grows, LOC (Old to command, the association often declines or Splinters into new big-manCente Tetl groups, each organized arU und à new central figure and his personal following. Even when orderly succession occurs, the institution will changc to reflect the charisinatic unique

Page 25
less of the new big-nan, who Will appeal to constituencies that differ sole what from his predecessors,
This individual-centered pattern of group formation is characte ristic of institutioIls il general in India. Thus, Kakar (1981; 40-1) observes:
Institutions in India are . . . personalized to an extent inconceivable in the West; individuals who head them are belived to be the sole repository of the virtues and vices of the institutions; as hul Illa In beings, such individuals in authority are thought to be accessible to appeal, open to the impulse of Hercy and căpat ble of actions linc constrained by the rule of the *systellin’.
Wher al leader is al great III, I, his followers legitimate their indentity and social standing through their relationships with lin. Accordingly, big-mancentered associations contrast with Western corporate groups because they are organized a round particular individuals rather than fra med primarily by brell critic structures. Westeril bu T"e:All I Cratic: 5 tTLI (: t l.1 Tes C(bI15tri ir1 impulses and mu te the importance of individuality.
In sum, the individuality of the south Indian big-mail lacks the characterizing values of liberty and equality Dumont (1970a) associates with Western individulis II, which cincurs with the sense, if noit the reality, of personal freedom and of indiwiduals als el la l5. Non etheless,
it does exhibit several other features of socially significant individuality, including social
identity marked by eminence, achieved identity associated with a deliberatic striving after position 5 that C11 fer hribliot Id establish a status of dominance. chari 5 mil Public rCCIgnition af the instrumental role played by unique persons in groups, and autonomy defined by responsibility for who one is and what one does. Galactic polities and big-Ila. In centered groups reflect the central illportance
of this type of the orga Elizati Sulth II dial. Il on the dull re dividual chie", the ill dividual aspects of ide monta (1970a) the Indian pers
Interpreting I
Over Lle past scholars lawc d historically deri zation of pres sg) cicity that col licr wic wis thit tim cl cs5 fr:Limley hierarchy (Webe 1970). The new Ir pilgical pre India's highly driving India less from caste from the redist cc Tt Tallized agen du r:1i 1981: 33-3 1977: Dirks 198 At the 5 tite ev W:Te W:äke T13d thcy w cre socic tributors of la Tidge 1977; Dirk colonial Limes, level, these age the di milialt of willages (Ra the patrons of Fis stris) among congregations ( As wielders
agencies hawe ge Organized le 53 archy than by t h: We had a reltionships of d they have exerc to disperse (Raheja 1988b), ded collectivit (Appadu rai 1981 apportioned lai nors, and Tighi wices in the hi tical a Tid secil British kingdon 126). Students fore, hawe begu. d0 11 i Tha T t gTour Il CT te sällicit t t archy as the social Telations Ciety. In this II priests lack the

individuality in on of society. leadership rests cognition of intill aid of
Els all älg: I1 I, T1 lity th E1 t l T) ulinterpretation of t) n ignores.
Indian Society
decidic sc wera | cycloped a new, well conceptualient-day Indian ltTS E 5 Will eartemphasize the Work of caste :r 1958; L) u mmont historical anthept oil stresses political nature, 5. Organization hierarchy than ibutive acts of Cies (e.g., App:- 4; Brecken Tidige 7; Raheja 1988a). el before kings by Colonial rule, ty's premier disrgess (Breckens 1987). In postat the local lcies have been Castes (ja ir Pariz) heja 1988b) and woTship ( F'a ja - urban temple \ppadurai 1981). f power, these nerated a society by caste hierhem selves. They grtrail Tole 111 is tribution when ised their rights symbolic gifts ha w c C Commalmies in worship :226), and have | cls, titles, ho:S t} o Tse T SETerarchical polisystems of pre1s (Dirks 1987: f India, thereIIl to consider is and persons 1äT1 ci ste hierdeter IIlia. Its of in Indial II Sdel Brahı III, 1 cil Sul ro le il
the creation of thc social, order that scholars once accorded them. Brahman pricists are subordinate to dominant men and
even lack the superior ritual status that Dumont attributes .וון שוII וLIC
But there are problems with this Incicl that de wolwe from the status of Brahmans. Brahman IIlonastic hC:lds (Tamil, SWarriga I) a Te Costcn important both as spiritual and political leaders in Indian Society and are a sigInificant exception to this characterization of "priestly' BrahImans as politically subordinate (Fuller 1984: 50.52, 92n). These Brahmans con Ind respect From secular Brahmans command respect from secular Brahmails and non Brahmans a like, even while they are esteemed for the IT 1gaTning and asceticismı (Singer 1972: 86-9: Fuller 1984:52). In south India, the five monks known as the Sankaraacharya s i te such men. Recognized as the spiritill heads of the influential Smartha Brah Ilan caste, these celiba, te ascetics, especially the Competing Sankara Eicharyas of Kanchipura II and Sringeri Towns, are recognized throughout south India, and increasingly throughout all of India, as both major religious leaders and as potent political figures. It is one of these men, the Kanchipuran (Kanchi) Sankaraa charya whom we consider il this article.
A second problem with the di Olm in El Ince model of the Indian social system is the relationship between politics and religious practice. Why is religion the medium and focus of struggles for local dominance il s Chu Lh India Along others, Dirks (1987: 289; cf. Breckenridge 1977) argues that worship is a root metaphor for political relations' and that the honors politicians receive during Worship equate with the positions of Coffice fou Which honors are also requisites (Dirks 1987: 290), So Dirks has it that temple politics are 4 local expression of Telati ( 31 ships which takt: form in the political arena. But this analysis leaves unresolved why sy Tabolic ter Inple H1 colors (such as
23

Page 26
mariyaatai) often seem to be the mai is SLI e of much la cal political contention. As hic notes During my year in thc field, I saw more energy and more money invested in disputes over honor(s) than in all other disputes combined'' (Dirks 1987: 289) In part, Dirks's (1987:261) solution is to arguc that colonial Tu le Terlowed issues of power from local political st TLIggles, so that in a sense sit Tuggles ower symboliç Tarkers of status were all that was left
to politics,
Yet, like Fuller (1984:46), Dirks notes that while the tem
poral sources of doininance (e.g., land) can be shared, religious honors cannot (Dirks 1987:119-20). As Fuller (1984:46) not es to they are presented to particular persons, precisely to single them out. . . 'This, we feel. cxplains a great deal about the rela tionship between politics and religion: the intensity of conflict over honors exists not simple because they equate with political relations, in effect being symbolic markers investing persons with the authority to represent and command, but precisely because they distinguish individuals, acknowledging them as Society's agents. It is this a spect of honors - their symbolic role connecting individual identity With agency, reflecting the dynamic and often independent role a big-man plays in organizing society into institutions and Constituencies – that We wish to stress. This connection has not not been incorporated into theories of the India II person, perhaps because it has been assumed that the individual is significant only in opposition to groups and that Indians act and therefore are honored, not as individuals, but as a TC presentatives (of groups. This thinking, however, involves a la false dichotomy: that individuals exist only in opposition to groups. Individuals always exist in relation to groups, and the individuality of eminence that honors help define necessarily defines individuality in relationship to others (cf. Dirks 1987:260). Further, honors are
4
achievements t seek for then: to interpretatio downplay indivi society, our the viduality Wigor ou and Valued in ritual hic T1 Cors, of galactic poli c) TILlation Cf | group's. In oth wild Luality is ress ship.
The Sankarag Institutional B
What follows of thic cultura Willich the con Jayer dra Saras y the Kanchi Salk titucts his publi institutional pe I11 H II. He de 5 : his monastery ria Dari). the Ka Pe'er lc: Led IПgliа П tuw I U Til Nid St at the Ka nchi M1 cessor, the Pia. Periyavar
In Imlich the Tambiah (1976 hi5, to Tic Thill Tachi ry': toda rights and the licly can ferred dr: liti 7 e his establish illi II (Lewindowski Temples that religious heads throughout Tami iii a few i Istar India. They fi d:lla structure gious galactic II ters on hi Ill. F of public hono reputations of business III en as, dividuals with i polity.
Our exa, Illinat viduality of this and his leadler CC: Inside the fai "World-renounct J'd Sir) As lo gues that world the { } Illy cultu individuals in

at individuals elves. Contrary s that den y or uality in Indian ory finds indiily acknowledges the practice of in the creation ties, and in the ig-man-centered IT words, indi. : Itial to leader
charya as ig man
is a description
politics within roversial monk, vati, kn-1 Wın as 1ra a charya, consc identity as an riya war or bigto with the aid of
(Mutt; Tamil, Fichi Kit Fiskosti
in the south f Kanchipuram, :lte. Also living uttare his predePeriya ya r, New
SA T11 : ITT:LITICI ES has described for nd, the Sal Inkay uses templc theater of pubTitual honors to leadership and Lintain allia, Ilces 1985: 66-7), acknowledge his hip are located 1 Nadill State and ces, elsewherc in
brimm the Imma Ilof thc Ticli}{}lity that cen
Hic is the source is that mark the politicians and
the IIlselves, inIn his mandala
i com of the indi; Sankara a charyal
ship role must ct that hic i 5 h r" (Skt. sann.
ed Dumont a T|-T-I10-L111 ccT5 a Te rally recognized
Indian society.
So to Dum o Intians it may appear that, while the example of the Sankaraacharya elaborates what we know about renouncers, it does not add a new type of indiwidual to Dumont's limited Categ0 Ty.
We disagree. First, as we demonstrate below with the examplic of P. Shaktivel, a seculaT Inc. In-Brahman institutional bigman is also a socially important individual and displays an individuality that is constructed much like a Sankaraacharya's. Second, while the Sanka Taalcharya is importantly a learned ascetic (Skt. Jagadguru, World Teacher'), he is not a solitary mendica nt. Hic is deeply inwolved in the day-to-day world and is not an 'individual-outside-the-World' who has stripped himself of group affiliations, as, Dumont (1970a:185) would portrary him. He is the focal officeholdcr of a powerful corganization and a chal rismatic public lead cr who claims and uses a widc variety of symbols of kingship, including royal unbrellas and a gold crown, WOII on special occasions when he is called both God and king.' Thus, We disa gree with Dumont because his definition of Tenouncers does not explain olur I councer's role as an individual in Indian society nor convey a Thy motio II of the kind of individuality that hic represents.
Constituents and Identities The Periyavar as Source
Dedicated to the goddess Kamakshi, the temple at Kanchipuram and the Kanchi Mutt arc at the center of the Periyawar's galaxy of temples, charities, schools, and alliances. The Kanchi Periyavar. Jayendra Saraswati, is known il s A Illi efficic In t ad Im i mistrato T. Hic uses his control over the Kanchi temple and rights in other Kamakshi temples as a political resource in Inuch the samie haller that drināt men u5e their control of te IT - ples in local communities. First, the Periya var cmploys the Kanchi temple as a stage where he receives his Inost important symbolic honors, Inaking his

Page 27
preeminence among his followers. Next, as manager of the Kanchi templc, he attracts subOrdinatic leaders to his constituency by granting them the right to sponsor Worship (fulljaa) and festivals (ut sa varm) for which they are also publicly award cd ritual honors. By their sponsorship, these men are marked als individuals and als) gain the right to bestow deriwative honors on others. In this IT1:11 Il eT, these inter mediary leaders draw yet more followers into the Periya war's constituency and ultima tely attract the public to attendance a festivals, Finally, the Periya var has crea tcd and administers special trusts designed to fund the daily rituals of the temple and finance temple projects aimed at entertaining the public with grand
and opulent displays. He also uses these funds to finance wel fare benefits for the poor.
In each of these ways he widens his circle of supporters.
The Sankaraacharya uses redistribution of temple rights and honors to make lic utenants of local domi Ihant men a Indl, through them, adds their constituencics to his. These dominant Inen, in tuTI, use the Periya wa IT to establish the individual public reputatious as charitable persons dedicated to the public good. Their individualism is also of the bigman type and requires that they establish and maintain reputations for altruism (cf. Srinivas 1976:216-20),
An example of this individualism involves the Telungu Chettilars of Madras, who migTated froll Malurai district between thirty and forty years ago, and now are Interchants tra di Tng in anong other things, new and recycled auto parts in one of the most prosperous business districts of the city. Against some opposition, two people in particular brought the Telungu Chettiars into the constituency of the Sankaraacharya. One of them, whom We will call Manikkam, is a for Iner MLA (Member of the Tamil
Na du Legislativ is active in tics. In his pt. has been Sup brother, whom Kamma rm, who li brother's netwo by gaining re the Sankaraach (colloquiail, rratur chi K:LIm:ikishi t
Manikka II opportunity can Telungu Chettia ThoTTam (the Road locality C inct the Silk:ii he was on ti sõlle eight T and received bli from him. The Lihat at that til offered their c. right to spons day of the main (Brahiroorsa vari) ; temple In Kan is the deer-w (Mazar. Vaalhiatriarf Of the 10 SL col attended of t Rights of this s prized and jeal because key i singled out with following such two brothers wer the right only a former sponsors brothers create Kā makshi Chari raksi Hirakk fra funds from the to finance the “charity' is a s institution used to attract client prestige that sp popular festival
As ma naging In an annually cx invitation to a his caste throug Chettiar caste meals are prow who atte Ind, ant Comme Tıp Tative printed with a goddess. In this 1 gains public rec al truistic benefa dess and his cas

'e Assembly) and State-lic w cel
litical efforts he ported by his
we will call las extended his rk of influence :COgni tion fu Il Il ry:ll a 11 di Tights af) in the KancIl ple.
Hnd Kannan's l: when a few T5 frt)I11 P:Atter Generall Patte "5 if Madras City) El Elcharya. While I ll T in Mildrig ni Ile y cars ago *Ssings (dar shari) brothers claim 1e thc Periyavar listic group the Or the second al Il T1 Lull festival ilt his Kamakshi chippuräm. This chicle festivä | L'oss'. J'y), One TfL and wellemple events. Çort a Te highly usly defended Individuals are ritual honors festivals. Th: e able te secure fter taking the t) CallTL, The | Lihle Mather tie5 (Ari nai KIa to collect T Casto 5.Cg Tient festi v Hl. This 1tellite big-man by the brothers drawn by the nsorship of a g ĊIl eTail tics.
Sponsor, Kia Inı - השקט נוtends h IIIbers of h, thic Telungu journal. Frce led to this
all are given carrying bags icture of thic 1an III er, Kannan gnition as an tor of the god.e. The public
բoli
honors (rariyaafi) he receives from the priest who perfor Ins the day's worship consist of a garland of flowers (rraa la i rrariyaarai), a share of the holy food-leavings of the god (prasaadar), which he can distributc to friends and to the houses of families he wishes to honor, and a silk cloth, pariya Tari (Yastral Skt., cloth to be worn).
First honored, Kannan next has turn to redistribute honors to a few Telugu Chettiars of his choice, usually leaders of locallevel Tellungul Chettiar associations. In other words, he beco. mes the source of public honors that distinguish the reputations of les ser big-men of his cáiste. Since each honored individual stands at the center of a circle of clients (their association members) as the ultimate source of honors, the Sankaraacharya gains a large part of this caste group as his constitucInts. He uses the caste big-nen and they use him. The relationship is circular but depends on the acknowledged price minence of the Periya war Jayendra SarasWati.
From the above example the structure of the big-man circle is apparent: an apical leader (the Periya war, Jaycindra Saraswati) sur Tounded by lieutenants (men like the Telungu Chettiar brothers), who are themselves the centres of subordinate circles of les ser leaders (e.g. the local caste association heads), whose supporters form the public membership of the full constituency of the apical big-man. Big-len build their leadership on the network of less cr leaders, who build theirs on their access to benefits provided by greater men. At each level, the identity of big-men is
IIlarked by their association with institutions which are used to attract and serve a
“clic Intele"." The Periya wat has the Kamakshi temple, the
brothers have their caste asso
ciation and the charity they
CrCated, and so om.
It should be noted that this
same patter characterizes ther big-man circles un related to the
25

Page 28
Periya war's circle, for example, in temples una filiated with hirin
In these situations the apical leaders are often non-Brahmans. The point to be made is that secular non-Brahmans as Well as Brahmans may be apical men and thalt big-Thail manage and create a multitude
of institutions as organizations for patronage that serve a Ilti attract overlapping clienteles, Among these, the circle of the Sankara a charya is particularly large.
Temple festivals attract little public interest when they exclude locally recognized bigmen from receiving and besto wing honors. This can be demonstrated by the current lack of public involvement in the Kachalccs wa Ta : Ind Chennali Mallegeeswara temples in George Town in Madras City, which are managed by the H. R. C. E. (Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments) department, a state agency. These temples Were once controlled by members of the Beeri Chettiar Castle, in important me Tchant נחטס IIוu1 חLy in the city, and are located in the heart of their old residential
area. When the H. R. C. E. department took over managment of these temples, it dis
banded the sitting temple boards of trustees in order to stop persistent fighting over h10. Il OTS, appointed its CWT II: Iage Ill:1 ti, and stopped the distribution f temple honors by Beet Cheti: T big men (cf. Preslet 1987:39-40). Today, both the public and dominant men are little involved in these temples and their festivals, The meaning of this disinterest is made clear by the CD or mills popularity of the Kamdas : my temple, located nearby which is til Tuanaged by big men of the Beeri Chetti: T. CASTTens of thousands of People attend its festiwals.
Consider how the W. L'emples have lost their popularity. Both temples were taken over by the H. R. C. E. department because of rivalry among competing bigmen. Cônflict arŭo ng mangeTS of the Kandasa my temple illust rates how and why this occurs. One of the subordinate illen
25
bers of the main trustees of the lodged a law sl Shakti Wel, the (dharakari sa), d him for allege Informants expl riwal’s concern i Irluch Shaktive l's tegrity. Rather, own relative pre to precedence cowe tha L of thi TE Tt T : WaltS eith Cr L0 of the di 7 rrrek so secure the r ciated with recei at festival, T, H. R. C. E. dep: the present tem dissolve Berli ( tration, to dics Lil the temple :15 source that PTC. bent, Shaktivel, big- man of tici tion and hiris : of secondary ra circle's there is one Iman at th { Talk bel7 W hir men. This got toward explil it III (150 l'IS 1:1 till T competition. festival 1re til: and the popul rituals depend to secular lo them to establ Illem tial TO'o - El li and their i Indi' as patrons of Pregler 1987:41
It should be order to a Wi. Lille H. R.C. Tole in temp department in plc administ en Tim Col Isly 31 of a temple C
equate with popular leIn I III. R. C. E. :)
the Karld:43:1.1 does. Its het Livel, uses t audit temple publicize his Eelis trustecs are all departillent.

aging board of templc has it against P. head trustee esigned to oust In a feasilice.
a in that the s not really so personal in
it is the Tiwa l’5 stige and Tight in the temple 2 head (Tulis, tec. if the lawsuit Wrest C011 trữ l rial office, and eputatioIl assowing first honors by having the TLment disba Il ple board and Chetti LT ad Illin isroy the value of a political resellts the in CLIII1as the apical Tıp le Teclistribuclf as a leader nk. In big- mai in room for only c top, those who In are les ser bigis a long way ning the acrie of big-man Clearly temple stuff of politics, arity of temple on their value: illers, who use ish their instru. no Ing their fellows Fidual reputations thic public (cf. 44).
pointed out, in misTepresenting E. departinent's e decline, that Fly:lle. It il te IT<ic yn can Wall Ty ld the oversight ocs mot necessarly decline. Many | cs hawe li II liited trol, as, in fact, y Le Imple itself d t Tu stee. Shake department to accounts and to trust Worthiness, the temple's () overseen by the nd cc d the Sin
karaa chatyaʼs Kanchi Ka makshi
temple, which is very popular, has similar financial oversight. It appears temple popularity
is primarily lost when, in order to stop rampant conflict, the department takes the administration of a temple away from local big-men and eliminates their control of the distribution of honors. The Kachaleeswara and Chenna Mallegeeswara temples are cases in point, and it is precis ly this kind of takeover that the Tiwal of the head trustee of the Kandasamy Temple and his allies hoped to CITLIG,
The Periyavar as Institutional Individual
As the focal big-man of an important religious institution, the Kanchi Sankara a charya, Jayendra Sar:15wati, illustrates the political na tute of religious leadership in south India and calls into question the dichoto my between religious and political-cc. Inomic models of behavior. The head II onks of major monasteries are religious heads, but they are also dominant men, just as are thic secular leaders who manage temples (Appa dura i 1981: Presler 1987, and Titula 1 habIncors H Te critical parts of temple festivals and worship because they mark dominance (cf. Dirks 1987:288ff),
III augurated in 1954, at the age of twenty, the present Sankaraacharya derives his Periya war status as the sixty-Timth incumbent in the line of gurus
(Skt., guru paran para), tracing back to the original Sankaraach:i Tya, the Adi SaI71 kdIra,
the ninth century founder of a major sect of Hinduism. A seated portrait idol of the Adi Sankara is kept in an inIller courtyard of thc Kalchi Kamakshi temple, close to the temple's goddess. Portrait ure is a marker of individual identity and is uncommon in HiTidu Culture, The idol is in Lended to symbolizc that Kamakshi worship was founded by the A di Sankara in Kanchi puram. Temple legend relates that the Adi Sankara tamed Kali, a

Page 29
fierce (Skt., grai) goddess, by placing a Sri Chakra Yari Ira (Skt., a round or cone-shaped altar)
in front of her, transforming her into the peaceful (Skt., saaritari) Kamakshi form. The
Adi Sankara idol's central and honored place in temple ritual Ilarks it as revered by the goddess and as the source of the power and legitimacy of the Teig Ining Periyil Wa. I.,
A mong the living, the Sankara= acharya is the most honored i11 di"widlu :4, I i J KEI I1clhi Karl11::iksh1i ritual. The many symbolic honors to which he holds rights portray him is al Tegal being. In addition to his use of a gold cTown and royal umbrellas, other homo Ts that mark his domiinance include the right to be received by a priest of the temple with par Naik Larra par (Skt., a small brass pot containing Sanctified water) when entering the temple; that the deity must stop in front of his Mutt whenever it is taken in procession; and a s al, r11:1 rk Öf his sLu peTi - ority over the Temple priests, that he alone may perform holy bathing of the idol (Skt., a bi5 hektarı) ait any tiilile.
The San karaacharya also has rights to important honors in other temples and part of his str:l tegy as a big - Tha T1 is to protect these froIIn the cha llenges of others while Wi I1Tning Iew hL)n ors that in crease his public reputati OI 1. FoT ex at Imple, when he wis its the Wenka tecs a Perl mal temple (Trianala Tirupathi Dee Was Iha arrari) in Tirupati, the Wealthiest and lost popular temple in India, he is ceremoniously received with a royal lumbrella, diru Ins, and r7@Iĉiga 5is a rari (an auspicious doble-recd instrument) a T1 d is given1 a 5a Ti that is twenty-fi, ut cu hits in length. At the Akhila T1 dices wa Ti temple at Tituwaan ikawal, he claims it is his right to be present whenever the temple is consecrated. In addition: hic maintains the exclusive rights to make a Tnd Tep:Lir the ear ornament, Cal led that arkarri, for the goddess of the temple. Each of the above honors establishes the status of Jayendra Saraswati
as a II i Individual others.
But the Te and agency rig givens of office contested, and de Til ble histo Tic rivalry over the KIchi Skål T. Sringeri Slnka! example, in th: E: I Orina ITI E Int, i Periya war filed cl:liming the T. OWI. He list costs (Reddiar atively, if cor gli II control, t the institutina Tiwi 15" lı T ir 5. '' the L. W. Mutts to discredit ca c that the Adi S
only one solu 1 and that they a ple, the Sri II
Mutt argues th kara lever visit 3Dıd So the Kılıç Ous, Els is its lhe source poir worship. The K In the Other h. the Adi Sa InkaLI fa) u T. Mill1 Li Lis L. Int. Mutt as center in effect crea structure with the Hle: i istitu täin til at Lhı: his last years a (Skt., enlighten (Aiyer and Sas Legends asil. Mu LL la s cc It II kshi temple c. aid it is certai the prestige Si Inka TH a charya EL CLI iSiti on of big-man Tc5ölır Le tv critic11 Jayendra Sara predecessor, th (Ch:1 irais ek hir the Kanchi Inc. such important Ilicitee 1 il cel IIl 11th IIl t} re lik of what was a ful brach | Brahı III1 ans, as w
Although the hals inherited

who coin Illands
iyawair's hon Cors its T e Ilat the . They are hotly Lhere is co II Sidepth to the Il bei LwecIl tille a charya and the Ta a cha Tya. For : instal Ilce of the I he then Sringeri 5 liit i 344 "pair right as his the case with 1987:3) Alter mlpetitors ca II not ley try to Wreck I basis of their Thus, foT decades have attempted h other, claiming lä Tk: Til fillied hern monastcry Fe It. For examgeri Periya var'5 at the Adi Siāed Ka nchi plurim hi Mutt is spuriclaim that it is iıt qıf Kil Dırığı kishi 31 Inchi C. Il telders, and argue that a first funded 1 I ı ı - Kichi (Reddiar 1987:8), Ling a IIla 1 da la thı Evi Mult 355 tion. They mainfüuller i wci Ind attained siddhi ment) in Kanchi tri 62:4). le, the Ka nchi -olled the Kima,1863 ly sinceחג inly arguable that Of the Kanchi s begin with thc this institutional ce. It is only in century under .5 waiti : Tı d bılis e PaTa. Inaa charya ST:AS W:lti. Lihat liks have become big-men. In the tu Ty, they look e the castic gurus politically powerf the Smilrtha Ne describe below, Kanchi Periya war rights to many
hon cors, the examples described clearly indicate the importance of political agency - that he
must diligently maintain his rights to prevent their being usurped or destroyed by his rivals - as Well as rights of agency. These latter al Te the
rights that enable a big-man to order society into institutions all Constitulen cies With himself as the center. The reputation and identity of the Kali nchi Periya war is not therefore merely an attribute of office. It is what the incube It is al ble to make of it, in part activating, renewing, and protecting rights his prcdecessors hawe w 3 m, and in pa Tt Teaching () ut to a cquire new rights. Gali Illing adlı itilistrative control of the Kalch Kamakshi templc in 1863 was such a1 n acquisition.
The instrumentality of the Periyawar as linchpin in the institutional organization of his galactic polity is underscored by considering what would happen should he disappear withOut i Teplacement. Then, either hi5 iT strumental role Would be usurped by a rival or, alternEl tivel y, the polity constructcd around him would fly apa It. Loss of control of a satellic institution, even a key instituTim FlIch 15 the Karlchi K1 IIllkshi temple, while it would diminish the extent of his polity, W Could Ilot cause its i di sintegra
tion. However, loss of his Mutt, which gives him his officer Would. In fact the forme,
Periya war's control of the temple did apparently lapse for a time after 1939 because of his opposition to Temple Entry withOut disilst Tolls effect. However, in August 1987, when Jay endra Sal Tas Walli disappeared fron his Milutt un announced, his a drin i mi - Strators panicked and quickly appointed his young successor' fearing his absence Inight spur a H. R. C. E. department Mutt takeover The Week Sept. 6- . 12, 1987: 10 - 23). Had this cu Tred, instead of having the Periya war as their instrumental head, they would have had the department. The new appointIlment was II la de civen before: it was known what had happened,
7

Page 30
to the Periya war, a Tld when, after a few days, he reappeared, he had to struggle to be rei Ins= tated as Sankaraacharya. We see, thereforc, that the big-man's autonomy is constrained by his institutional Tolc. He II list be diligent serving his constituents lest they replace him with a nother. In turn, his constituents need a big-man to hold their polity together and to Taintil in the relationship that give the II a place in it. Within his Mutt administration, Jay endra. Sa Taswati's critics fear that he is to o un predictable and i Impulsive
(The Week, Sept. 6-12. 1987).
The Periyavar Master of Priests
Jlst as the Kal. Il chi Kārlihakshi temple is an i II) portant political resource for the present Periy
awar, il my temple that he cal in directly or indirectly control i 5 El Similar Tesource. There
are two elements to his Str:lt egy for lighiewing control: gaining mastery over priests and gå ining rights in telples. Despite his religious reputation, typically neither priests nor the local trustees of temples Welcome such control. Te III ple trustees awid the Periya war's control because self-managellent Ileans they, themselves, are the sources of honors and benefits. Priests do so because they Want to In a hige their own fees and .n L שווltyyrם III ט
Whenever able, the Sank:1 raiachary: inistalls his I will braılıd of priests in Kalakshi temples.
Unlike T1st Sativite te Thale priests, the Kanchi Kamakshi priests are not girikka L.S. the
the predominant type of Saivite temple priests who follow the aagaria (Skt.) t: Ditric Lexts, but like household priests, pirohiri use the So Egy's Criri IImani (Skt.) tilntric texts, Consequc Lly thes e pries 15, refer red is yra rīks, s. under the tutelage of the Sanikal hold hereditary rights within the Kamakshi temple, the Sankaria charya has won in Court the right to fine them for infractions it to disiliss individual Offenders for life, Coltrol of
S.
rights and o Tigoing process a cha Tylai’s contra Hild of the te II sideTable politi ecolonic ISOLIII relationship wit Inay be CUnte sted patro II
The Salika Taal
predecessor at tempted to di: control the pri who claill de Klimchi Ka Tinks example, it is the Bahnga Tlı K in Tanjavur Ci eighteenth centl riik from the fleeing Lin Test in countryside, br. a solid gold pi the Bang:ı "LI Kia til led it in the T1C W ber 5 it5 desce Ilda Int:5 | filed a suit ili I the previous at te IL1 pt to T e:ks I He 11 ind their As the III: någe of origin, the counter-argued til first right to : to Bangl. Tu lKa II touching the id was ils to his Tig the Tanjaw u IT : judgments disinis objection, the Stated, iller al absurd to say who appoints t eltitled to di 3 litted to the s if the Ordt O. the Sub. Jud: N.W. Still 84, C). Si NGC 243/
Based in the a Tid this rulling. Siti raiswa Lil's com Mutt drew up i al T1 li list Titi We: S clauses, definil c) It Tol Cf the two lineages () The Tanja vu r s ť this c) It Tl i I "LS tוחנן סט 111; [] ט eighth clause W the present Per

Jellefi t5 15 arı and the Sankaraol of the priests tple rcquirc5 Cørl= cal, legal, and ces. The 5 farikals" h the Periya war Scribed als n/client one,
cha Tya, and his h, a Wic also raw under their ests of te II ples scent from the ihi tcmple. For the tradition of a nakshi temple ty that in the ry priests (stillKa nchi tcm plc, the Kanchipuram ought with I hem "ocession :il idi] li, TTıakshi, and in Sir Lemple, which Il T1c. III || 924
these priests med at blocking Sankarak a charya’s 5 ETİ ÇÖLLT ol Over Talja Wur teimple. r (of the te II ple: Kanchi Periya var n: he had the be for IT worship 1:ı kshi, iT1clLIdirg il, and that it ght to co II secr: te El rine. In the sing the 5 a 77 ikals,
Tiu ling judge il, that "it is L Hat Lille T1 Els Leer
15 servent 1s T11}t LElle du Lies il
ceTiwa Tit'' | Ex trict f the trillist of ge of Tanjore
in judgment of 2-11-24).
Bangai u legend under Jal y endra III: Ind the Kia Inchi In the 1960s. In che ne Of eight 1g the Mutt's temple and its startika priests. artika challenged
court and list :xcept one. This נוטld have giWנורו" iya war and his
successors the right to take the idul back to Kanchi, if they so chose. The Kanchi Periyavar reaffirmed administrative rights in the lawsuit, but not the ultimate right of control over the Ba nga Tu Ka makshi goddess.
The second element of Jayendra Saras wati's big-man strategy to increase the reach of his galactic polity involves his building new Kamakshi temples. Thc Kanchi Mutt claims that the Adi Sankara, a s gleddes S-ta Imer, and the Kalchi Periya wars are the sources of Kamakshi worship. Followers will sometimes even state that the Sil nika Talla charya is Kallmäkshi. The Sankaraacharya has built new Kalakshi templics in Ahmadabad, Gujarat, New Delhi, and Coimbatre in 50 Luth Western Til mil Nadu El Id has installed priests trained and approved by the Kanchi Mutt. In the Coillbatore temple, three portrait statues halve been installed of the retired Sankaraacharya, the present P ciri ya war, and the fulltill re Periya Var, III this LL I usual III a. Il II e T, the Sankara a cha Tyas identification with Ka II nakshi is Sanctified, while at the same time the stal 1 ue por traiture expresses the individuality of each if these len,
In a less direct manner, the Sa Inkaraacharya claims an inteTest in ail Ka Timakshi te III ples by asserting his right to install the Sri Cakra Ferra where weT L1 c gd dess is; i 15 tilledi. This is the device by which the AdiSankara is said to have contailed the Illalevolent powers of Kali, a Tid the Periya war, acco Tdingly, sees its deployment is his right. Needless to say, mšiny temple managers Teject this claim, fearing control from Kanchipuram. However, in some inst a Tices, managers halve excha Tiged their žlutonomy for the
prestige the Kiä nchi Periya v Hir brings.
The case of a Kalakshi
Le riple in Jon nava da To W1, near Nell Tc i Tı Adı: P Talli csh Static, illustrates the Sankaraacharya's strategy. As part of a 1964 agrecent to install the Sri Chikru before the godde 55, the Periya, var
(Cισητήημείί απ Ραξε έ8)

Page 31
LETTER
Still Waiting for the Champ
This Dr. Kumar Dawid is quite a fellow. In his article oil the NSSP, he invites, and
indeed chill lenges all and Sundry to "Writè i1 n, to Teply, tc) iIn - itiate a debate. The great Dr.
I Dawid has til Tyw Il dby I'll the glutlet ad liels see Whether there ELI : El Illy takers. That was the tre of His Lic1. BulL whcin a reply appears there's not a squicalk = from the good Dicl. I,
I said there was not a squeak. I was wrong. A squeak there wls – fram al gentlemi all (sorry, Ea comrade) from Jaffna, no less MT. W. Thị T11mā"ựã kåTäs 11 hä5 replied. But is he his masters Voice or is he a loose c:innon' More to the point, where on cirl is Dr. David Hills he forgotte his lofty challenge or has he gone back to Hong Kong? Yoo hoo - Wherever you al Tc LÒT. Llwid, I” III Still awaiting a reply to Illy Don't be shy low. What's the matter, charip - chicken
MI". ThiTumi waka Tasui’s article,
article. ||
though not meriting a relpy, should not be totally ignored either, becausc it lin Wittingly
proves one of the points I made - i.e. that the NSSP did III i rit fight consistently against the barbarism of the JWP. He says tilt the NSSP condic mnick the killing of the JV Per Wijeda sa Liya na rachchi. Does he kn1c). W that Liya na Tachchi not only took part in the Kangar) CN Court which passed the dichth sentence on thlt gre:It huminist, Socialist and liberation fighter Vijaya Kumara na tunga, but also deliwered this instruction to the assassis — Als reveilled by C055 ic: Abeygo onesekera at the 3rd death am niversary of Wijaya?
Therefore the defence of Liyan
arachchi al Illints to mothing less that i ail i ridirect cond con ing of the Timur der of Wijaya. des this squa Te with the Mai Txis II the NSSP and Mr. Thi Tullvik Tal Slu'''
Tisaranee Gli a 5 ekaria
H.W.
Wither US a
* Currrrrrrré: Fr
b c in the II or what law be the only saw its II Illus li lil al li the wat betwee Tıl Göd :ını d tbıE f:1t:t it is : Ը imperialism in We el the fi Tces the Test.
Despite all set-bal cks in t "Woo Iloil LI - EL S lignment of for the forces of taking place, ti cularly in the II LItries. Tilis וו וtitו) וון וןet i 5 the regimes in El Te fCel to) that tilts away Of the forces is an is ; wer of such a proc I India itself al II: cx) Lu Ilti Ties like the Ilass Inc. we sed Linde T e Ille regime appears pedi second thio backing the imperialism at SC L1th Asia. I s respect is vet extremy Wilti the analysis : i Til his :Article
Glf WTo. No. 20. Februa
It is quite: c rialis III a. Id it be ridd I will dicti CIS III18: the WaT and
In be Tc dist Tibi lis Te:51 : Wir wä5 folg Kll Wait is Wis Tial, 15; III ad i 1 Te it w Lys, falw Lihle T1 i diwidi inte:Tests impi til Te. The flut is lit li fl 1 l Irinic exp :L n5i01 political hand fi Tmcr grip ir The Soviet U: the role of

nd UN ?. . .
(Tf ש?dsק וזול.
la II of God Web LI - i I will 'ill T, Iraq and
es may call it el the believer : i IfisieI. Bu1 E in 71 flict Ectw cel 1 freedom, het
of Teaction äIId
the historicill le World mass p) El tal Teč3 LI S Teaces opposed to Te:Action i8 à 150 o be sure, parti1ajor third world development has a process where those countries take a Stan C: frill the axis f Teaction. Paky clear example :ess ta king place, the T. Ewell sillllll Sri La Ilka, where in ent is suppresrgelcy Tule the Lo have develLights about fully wiri * * e for L'' inf
ld its lies. The it il til 31 i I this y complex and le 15 See T1 frç) Il
f Mervyn de Silva entitled: "I Tilpact (See L. G. Wol. 13,
ry 15, 1991)
:ertain that impes :lligs Wi|| als
is W. C. TEthe "gains' of il I es Cources cirile Lil Ledi l L wils fi T ter Hill la tille. it. The future of Lillised by impeis ili | Ties i 1 diffccourable to each (if Lally with Is Tä, el nging on the picute of Iraq itself Lt. Ja pia In’s eConin will 1 Send its scar ching for a the Middle East. Dıionı to co H. 5 sʼuI II1i T1 g peace-maker will
Le adership...
try to Weild influence over the war-torn regio Il a Ild the Test of the third world.
IIn the context of the situation cwt if there is no war ther will he no peace. Ultimately it is the relative strength of the World Tillsis II) wcic nt that will be the decisive fict in these In atters of War and peace.
Interim Assessment. . .
(ri: ரீப் தரg 1)
and fair elections, cstablished standards Which athcr SAARC contries could elli late. Th: organisation and conduct of these elections is not an isliited event. It is integral It the building of political institutions and to the process of
de Ilocratic tra Il siti cm in Bangladesh.
A comprehensive report in
cluding recommendations would be issued shortly. The Acting President, the Elections Collmissio II, the Advisor to the Foreign Ministry and his offcials, and numerous public officials organisations and indi widuals extended every courtesy and as sistince to the group. There is no greater manifestation of the spirit of SAARC than the opportunities afforded by this and similar exercises to forge linkages between the people of the regio II.
(Corinited a page 28) sent a startikal priest to the temple to train its priests in his style of worship and to War I
the priests lgainst 115ing the normal Siliwife temple priests (gurukka L). By allowing the
Periyawer control over the priests of their te II1ple, the local malnagers accepted him as the riual head of their Lc In p e indi the source of their goddess's benevolence. The Periya war becartne the ulti måte soll Tce of hon cons distributed by the temple. The local mangers henceforth derived their public reputations markel by these honors fron the Kanchi Periyawar in a manner si Ili lait to the way the Tell 1 Tigul Chettiar's do at the Periyawar's Kali nchi te 11 ple.
29

Page 32
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Tartibuttegama

Page 33
Dissected Riots
Jayadeva Uyangoda
Das, Weena sed). 1990.
and
Mirrors Of WiOI
munities. Riots and Survivors in South
Oxford University Press, ha rd back.
Riots among communies and CCP tiñ 11 unity-celt Tic vicole:Ice have
now become a major aspect of South Asian political proCessics. Communities te Ind to
attach strong loyalties to such identities as ethnicity, religion, language and caste. Loyalty to traditional and tradition-bound sources of group identity is perhaps a perein nia l form of SCbCill relatis Yet, whe group loyalty exceeds boundaries of acco modation and tolerance and in turn leads to recurrent violence, it also lays bare sole deeper proble II is concerming what our societies are and why they halwe become what they are.
Moral Tca so II i Ing and right cous COT dem Initi. Il f” collective wiolence would not take us anywhere in grappling with this exccedingly co IL1 plcx proble III of out Limes. As many South Asians would readily and proudly proclaim, this part of the world has produced som c paradigmatic thinking on non-violence and social toleran cc. From (Gauthana the Buddha to Gandhi the Mahathma, South Asia has had a rcularkable intellectual apparatus for social peace. Meanwhile, modern ideologics of liberalism and socialism havC also introduced to the se societies, at varying degress, values of individual liberty and gToup rights, although they ha v c difered in their respective con
structions of desirable change and ultimate social goals. Yet, when Buddhist monks in Sri
Lanka perform religious rituals to bless war efforts of the state cmb Toid led in am ethnic insurgency, or the political heirs to the Mahathma organize progroms againsty Sikh or Muslim coinmunitics, or when young students of Hindu upper-castes burn themselves alive to protest
407
pp. Rs, (Int
against preferen til L15 for undt grl LIps, WB im t.) Tea | ize tha another uilderst much more po , gious morality
Willlle-oricitation Collective hul Illi standing this un El ll its Hiddel d haps one of the ges that thic com Asian mind has
tely scit itself to
Similarly, we shä Tp cantral dicti izing and IIlode traditionally at state and agencit progress. Large public investme growth all infr lop) TL1e1 t hH. We br nificant changes Scape, New eli professional and emerged in the having outward Illic and social Western metropic Asian urban cent ters of bloody flicts, supported Organized by the nizing elites. I lähted cities inh ethnic and religi riots flare up Working classes people and the ul doxically, urbani place a long wi Social fragment; נוורן וזו רויט tedנח סנIT linked with cac Codes of en Inity.
Il Creasing vico is yet a nother sic A remarkably c of modern Suth been their expan

Books
Talking Survivors
ince: ComAsia, Delhi: lian) 225.00
tial job fi | ln caprivileged Çili 5 tic mediately come t there is yet lucture, perhaps Y er full than reli
and political 1, which shapes 1 action. Underderstructure with imensions is per:lrdinal challentemporary South not yet adequa
also notice sonic ions in modernTization projects tributed to the es cof change and scale private and nts in economic astructural deveOught about sigi i In thc S 5 OC i ailtcs — political, bill siness — hawe: urban centers modern econolinks with even lics. Yet, South :ers a T : also theacon Inunity conand sometimes selfs 3ä Time moderin densely popuabited by many LI s Co In nln unities, easily involving snail business nemployed. ParaZa tio til ha 5 taken th great deal of ltion and fraglilies are often :h other through
lencc of the state le of this process. :Common featuTe
Asian states ha 5 ding capacity in
repressive intervention, yct with singularly negative achievements in securing social peace. A Imajority of these states are inwolved in ethnicity-related warfare. And there are also attempts by ruling elites to claim that the static is ethno-neutral. WaT
on ethnic minorities, seeking the submission and subordination of the latter, has almost
become a structural necessity of what is euphemistically called the modern nation-state. Should thc evolving political order in South Asia be built on the graveyard of rebellious minorities?
There is then a sense of deep concern, at least among academics, though not very large in Thumbers, a cross ethnic and state boundaries, about community discord and manifestations of violence. The fourteen essays in this just-out-of-the-press anthology a Te the result of efforts made by a group of them to have a dispassionate and inquiring look at Tiots and wiolence among communitics in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
Taken as a whole, this book, edited by Professor Veena Das of the Delhi University, is a splendid exercise of multi-disciplinary inquiry into community riots and violence in colonial and postcolonial South Asia. The existing body of social science literature on this is Tat her small. The pioneering efforts have mainly been made by Indian scholars in the pages of radical academic journals. In contrast, in scieties like Pakistan and Sri Lanka scl f-interrogatory social science inquiry still remains quite problematic, particularly when it threatenes community loyalties and allegiances of a parochial kind, cven among academic practitioners.
3.

Page 34
The chapters included in this volume have originally been presented, three years ago, at a conference held in Nepal on ethnic violence in South Asia. Many of the contributors are lcalding social s ciclince schola Ts who prominently figure in new movements of critical and interpretative scholarship in the region. A common thread, an intellectual commitment, runs through their cfforts - the hope to evolve visions of peace.
The anthology opens with a brief, yet informed, survey of som c historical and scociological studies on social action and collective wiclence. Ween: Das in this introductory chapter situates the focus of the entire book in social theory as well. Particularly noteworthy is the way in which the aut tot enables each chapter of the book to have a her me neutical engagement with theoretical categories of collective social action. There are also some significant questions raised. Those are questions emana ting from traditional, Marxist as well as non-Marxist, studies of social violence. Marxist scholars, for examplic, hawe long treated "communalism' as false
Phones:
DISTRIBUTOR'S OF
Office
Con 5 cious CSS, i aberration of de content and cot how is it that colm themselves in col the processes th logy, false or ot ther terrain C01 As Das points ideology-centric need to ask yet a the alchelly by bcco Illes transfor conflict. In a W of this Wolume the socio-poli =li111yווון ווויtט fט in general and logy of some c wiolence.
Taken als a W dies are extrcmille illu T11 jina ting. T Tidots i Il coloniai nic violence in al Id Sri Lanka and from interp Inial social hist into the Linconsc crowd behaviour ficantly, there that 1ct the sur ethnic violence they coped wit riot situations
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32

n ideological isively negative Sequence. Thcm 11 unities cinga gC flict"? W1ät Te Lt actiwatic ideoherwise, in a nolicts and riots' out, cwen the
cxplit nations mother question: which idcology illed into violent ly, the attempt is to examine ical pathology (cated Wic) le 11 Ce he phenomenoWcts of Cth Illic
hole, the se situly insightful and hey range from Il society to eth
II dial, Pakista ni
in the eighties, | retition of cel CDcry to an inquiry i plus in rebellious ... And very signiare three essays viving victims of
talk about huw riots and postïf survival. Al
M & CO., LTD.
ERERA MAWATH.A.
BO 1 3.
BRAMD GALVAMISED SHEETS
E. MANUFACTURERS OF
SCREWS WIRENAILS.
433143-5, 27669, 28.842
though the thematic connection of some of the studies in two historical pcriods is not clearly established either in the introduction or in the arrange ment of chapters, they stand with lot of strength. Because they unravel the multiplc understructures and varied contexts of social group participation in ethno-religious wio lle I'll ce,
How communal" are communal riots If we cven quickly look through some contemporary Indian debates, we will see that this is a nagging issue among many scholars. Some are strongly opposed to the nomenclatu tre 'communal' on the grounds that it is El category in colonial and postcolonial discourse of state power. Naming as communal or religious of social groups in political action under varied circumstances and context:5, 50 goes the argument, freezes the multiple meanings of social con
flict. And of course, this unresolved problem of categories and definitions is implicitly
present in some of the texts of this anthology.
(To be continued)

Page 35


Page 36
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