Page 1
Vol. 14 No. 3 June 1 1991 Price Rs. 7.50
Mervyn de Silva on
 
 

Registered at the GPO, Sri Lanka, OD/06/NEWS/91
India after Rajiv
the IPKF and JVP
LLLSS
Spencer's Sinhala Village
War and Peace

Page 2


Page 3
| TRENDs
OPEM FOR A
Алтnesty /гувглatforma/, огтсв described by a government spokes rrnar as ''a terrorist orga75Brior." Wi'M''' (byg i â WWN i Williwgal (Yr 7restricted movement Örı İt:5 Scheduled wif f is north, exсед! їл the Worth and East, Mr. Borg WTTā ir 7 WWEFa rako Lor, Fre5f
dential Advisor on International
FRg/at faJ r7,5. fo / t /’i E2 r 7? E?ffa.
WFS ft 5 to Y WE Wor" a "7 " AFäsť“ wj// Hé Coridst so 15 Hy S Xssrfrg Situations t'i gra a the i irrje, Mr. Weerakoor said. A Wis a V8 free access to prisors, deterritor7 Ca 7775, sed WyGrS, fir 7 Terest gy ("CLEOS.
JET FIGHTERS FOR DEFENCE
Unidentified intruders frto Sгї Lалka’s airspace have beеп detected frequently hy radar. A squadron of supersonic Jef fighEers has the refore Eyêer? acquired to de ferid ffe isla 7 d. a rad B/s)
TE ETT FEW MY Ffaf5.
Briefly
G. After the government ele ternational tյէ which oritori has suggested Lanka GOvernm national idë i tit requirement fr minimisв іппper: While oil comings the the less conclud
| tion was free
O Mr Glads to High Commissic tחם וחווWBrםis dוI
cent local gow ti 5 i Sri Li and fair. This
the Hous of Parliamentary
tary of State f ad )Cוחדחסtחר Mark Lenox-E "JVyer to 3 qLu e51
In Hilsvar question Mr. said that the L. London was en' there; if any illegal activity Would be a TT police.
||m |titial SLFF"
Era', Jodies" Said th;
GÜARDIAN
Il-L 14 No. 3 Jung 1, 1991
Pric B RT, TE
Published fortnightly by Limir Guardian Publishing Co.Ltd. No. 246, Union Place,
COOTED - 2,
ECE Mervyn de Silva
Telephone: A458
CDIT
News Background חםOpini | stability i Sri La
WIWIT
Ord Ed Asian C.
First til VËS, I til Pakistän THEO Philosophy of | ls Pl CE P55illo
Arts
Boks
Printed by A. 92/5, Sri Ratinäjo
Mawatha,
Telaphгап:

TBC#ft [[[:ãl ctions the iSerWer group ad the polls to theg Sri at thält thig y card be a ir woting, to Gornatiom.
g some shortցTCյսբ. I1EWETled that elecdnd fäir.
Te, tha British inter, has told thät til fatirri li ċart Cl | ECkä W TE fITĖ was said in s ByחםחחmנCt Jill der Se:r3 - in the Foreign
Walt | Offig Boyd, in ansі оп.
til at FÈT Lennox-Boyd TTE COffic:a i titled to remain elwid g|th City of be 10ted, that atter for the
'sis äfter the election the
at the UNP
ETS
3.
8 Ika - (2)
13
|wtlgբmEn1 had 90s — (2) 15
15
FrtյցTE 8: 31
호7
28
and Press thi Sarawana mulu
.13 סH תחנlaנr:
: 43597E
CWC combing support had dropped over five per cent While the SLFP wote Had Tissarı boy nı early eight per Ceııt, compared to the last general election.
This said the SLFP's general Secretary in a Statement, Was dgspite a massive Tardiã bli LZ 1 behalf of the UNF.
T|1g start said: "Though the UNP has won 19) of the 237 local goverTent bodies the total woe of the UNP and the CWC has de Crea Sed from 5748 per cent polled at the last Geral Electio I 5243 per celt at the local government el eCtiữ ms, Tho UNF-(CWC CũIIlbined vo te has de Creased by dower five per Cerrit in the short period of two years and four moths".
The Stä tement alSO Said ""THE SLFP CT1S3 di to Cortigt several areas throughout the Country under the symbols of the MEP, CF, LSSP, and BNP. For example the Matara Urban Council Wäs comitested Luder the symbol of the Communist Party which won that UC quite COT fortably nin et per CEt of thosE 3 ICC tid Wara representatives of the SLFP."
The Doice askad for the
ATTOrney GërnëTEl's a dw i CB about arresting Mr Anura Bandara naike, the SLFP's
national organiser and Member of Parliament, following an alleged incident during the C government pols. The A G Said Ilo. HE a dwised the police not to arrest the MP Ewr lät Car, in this Com BC; tio, without consulting him,
From midnight May 26 Sri La rika mi se: Lurity forces wara not to attack the Tigers (LTTE) in the North and East. The government declared a cessatiom of offensive oparations for thrae days, to mark Wasak.
The police and security forCes Were instructed to prowide protection to all youths who present themselves at police stations and security camps, after renouncing wiplence.
(Contїлtved оп Page 27)

Page 4
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Page 5
RAJIV: The end the new Raj
Mervyn de Silva
he sandalwood pyre Was On
tieg barks of th a J23 TI LI I1ali, a tributary of the sacred Ganges. Seven years ago, Rajiv Gandhi had stood there to play final homage to his mother, Indira Gandhi, the victim of a Sikh assasin, one of her se Curity guards. Earlier in the day, thousands had filed past his coffin at. T3 en Murti Bhawal the homË of his illustrious grandfather Jawa har la | Nehru, the maker of modern, independent India.
There was another bond betWee these three famous Indians, representing three generations. They were ALL prime ministers of India, Chosen fra E3 | y by the multitudes of the world's largest democracy. They were all Presidents of the Congress Party
which had governed India for nearly four decades since the end of the British raj in 1947.
Rajiv was the last of the postindependence Raj.
In panic and confusion, the Congress high Command offered the post of president to Rajiv's Widow, Sonia, an Italia by birth, Indian by choice. The party bosses had two matters on their mind: (a) to Cash in On the erotionally charged mOment and win a clear majority; the opinion polls had indicated Congress in the lead but well below an absolute majority and (b) to conceal the conflicts within the party leadership at the highest level. A former external affairs Minister of Mrs. Indira Gadhi MT, NEurasimha Rao was convinced that he had the strong est claims for the post of party president but this was Strongly conto sted by Prof. Pramab Mukerjee who had also served as a finister in Mrs. Gandhi's Cabinet. His portfolio was perhaps more important. He
was Indir a Gan mic adviser as
But Sonia Gam ( the offer. Su t a clear majori gress as well
WHO Wi|| si|| t chief remair op fect the party' tunes? A great have still be i55 Le that Mr. before the 50 was STABILITY. and the politi C of the assassina Ta Tilla du, ha' E wern greater un C
fusio into ni arid the was t ( It is agreed
heigh Dours tha is better than
As a general rul despite the fa C Gandhi assert: aggressively at Such a S B är gl
B. J. P. Threat The ideologic regime Tay by Ea å factor il | Tid her South Asia
Libers in the exaTi pola, the Bhara ta Jati ya take a tough er Pakistan (on, si gow armable JarT| Mr. V. P. Sin The Hidu Extr ticism that Mi party represent: of the WiET CE the pre-polls From the clash mist ideologies violent passions than a hundra up to the ME lence is not as momen on but t explodes out

d of
dhi's top E COO - fila CE: minister, hi turred dowr he question of ty for the Conas the issue of he post of party in Wil | it af - S a l 19:torial for = many elections ed. The Central Gandhi pola Cůd 3 Пili Oп WC1ETE His tragic death, al CirCLI 15ra i CeS tiom in Madras, we injected än ertainty and Conidias society and lēctrā8.
a Torg India’’S it a stable dia a volatile India,
e, this may hold, t that Mrs. If i dira d herself most peak strength, desh i 1971.
a Outlook of the Tore important ia's relations with neighbours than Lok Sabha. For HindLI revivalist Party will surely line with Islamic ay, the nearly ummu-Kashmir) than gh's Janata Dal. ermmi SI1 and fa mal, - L. K. Adwani's s is also a source that laS Tarked
SCane in India, of these extrei 5 prings thosė
thāt Claimed Tore live5 in the rumay 21 polls. Wio1 unifamiliar phehe violen Cë that of religion, race.
BACKGROUND
and Caste a || at ance When national political parties Compet B for power is not merely dead| iar but Salf-sustaining. It is not merely the raw emotion but fierce rivalry that contributes to the tema city of SLI Chi prim Ordia | allegiances. The first day's polling was marked by a violence that claimed wall over 50 lives Mobs, arson, baton-chargingpolice, looting, were also part of the election Scene, The rage arose from allegiances deeper tham party membership of lowalty to this or that candidate.
''If thị: BJF Comes to p[]WE. T..."
Wärmed Dr. Kalba Sädiq, E
moderate Muslim leader "then we wi|| hawe to protect Court identity and the basic fundametals of SLAM'. He was Speaking to a Virres Correspon
det. Beflid tile B. J.P. is SHIV Sala, Lord Shiwa"'s army, the most extreme spokesman of Hindi cha Luwi misri. Why is it a Shiwa Sena activist asked the same journalist that "where wer there are Moslems, there is a demand for a separate State?" He was pointing to Kashmir and Punjab. (In Assam too polls were fixed for mid-JL na bëcause of the separatist revolt there). In Kashmir, there will be no polls.
And Kashmir was the bagi nning; almost the day that moder | dia was born. Amid Pakista, of course.
Kash [Thir, Which i had a Hindu maharajah remains the only State in India with à Moslem
majority. The Indian army and the Governor Girish Saxena, tha forrar R. A. W. boss, ha WÉ |ost control of that Orthern State which borde TS å mother Kashmir which is Pakistan's,
Will ther 9 EB do the T W Er OWër Kash Thir?

Page 6
Anti-Separatism
In Mr. Gandhi's last interview (see FINAL INTERVIEW), he t. Li red to a favouri te the TiB of his mother..., "the de-stabilisation of India". In | rn dira Gandhi's Case, the US and the CIA Were the most feared agents of such
"de-stabilisation". Rajiv Gandhi inherited this deep anxieties though he was in fact quita
pro-Wester in his Orientation. That is why NYK Times reportET ITS tio 5 the '' C.I.A." TOT 3 tÖngU==ĩr1=thẹ Chaçik tham deadlỵ Earl St.
WOther änd Son
Such fears, real or imagined,
a tiri al leaders for 9 igni policy C H|| kmOW, Indir obsessed with A träti "" of Sri L but StratagiC is| advent of the J All har Statem änd threits ab. for 2x3 m ple War these apprehens Lanka COn verted India Arical WO A, Hired mili arms pLITCh18Ses Trir1 C 113 |c: B E Galdi's CSLS
it cor wention: coercive diploma
influence the thinking of with the training
FINAL INTERVEW
Gandhi said he thought his Congress Pa to bring the high expectations for India af dependence from Britain "down to a kind
ya ""
"But we have so much more to do, W make the system more efficient."
He said four things were needed in need education for the women, the girl chil a good job for everybody. We need child a
CCLL LLLCCLS LLLLL C S LC0L S LLLLLaLLLLLL S LLLLLL The government must act so that the result planning, which would follow these things."
Above all he was determined to kill versies over religion" he said.
Asked how he thought he would get on Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, c they had not met and he could not specula relationship,
But he said former President Moham Haq, who was killed in a plane crash in have solved these problems with us.
"We were close to finishing agreement
, , and then ha was killed,' Gandhi sa He said there was a widence Zia Was in would not elaborate, the Times said. Anot who was in his car asked if Gandhi to leaders might be targets as the country larger regional profile. He agreed, but said Union was no threat as it had too many - חWים its
"Are you talking about the CIA again?
asked.
Gandhi smirked in response to the que :
One of Gandhi's last acts was to plac around a statue of his other in the tow perumpuder, 40 km (25 miles) from Madras
Tir.

an [d thus thair took. As we a Gandhi was
mericari "perie- afkod. thS 5T1)
and after the . R. government. ants, Warnings,
Ut TriCo Tallee e prompted by ioms of a Sri =t1חנF חa סtחi iasa. So Israel, try in StrLIC tors, and most of al II, .Mrs הוחנE} ( :Fנ a W. admittedly | Warfare but Cy, which i began of Tami | guer
ty had tried ter its irof realistic
'e hawe to
| THE HIMME H. We need nd Taternal "hic growth1.
is family
al Contro
With new Gandhi said te On their
led Alia ul1988, could
: o n Ka,5h - idi.
urdered but her reporter
ught Indian took on a the Soviet
problems of
'" Crossetta
tion.
Be a garland W of Sri
NEWS BACKGROUND
rill as by R. A. W. (India's CIA) and Parathasarthy high-pressure
diplomacy. Unlike Bangladesh 1971, the air was limited ho We wer - not a breakup of Sri Lanka ad a EELAM bt regional autonomy, something approaching a linguistic state |ikg TäTinä du, Nehr L's SLC
cessful exercise in pre-empting Tamil Secessionism. Secondly, Colombo's agreement to wountarily impose restrictions on its foreign policy choices. It would not accommodate extra-regional powers at the expans of '1- dia's mational security interests".
The author of "Glimpses of History' had a fin a sense of His
tory. Besides Nehru reached manhood in the twilight of Empire and, given his other
qualities and inherited assets, ha Was Eorl to lead. Yat, Nehru had a strong streik of romanticism along with his intellectual wanity. But he had no instinct for power. He lade independent | dia suffer the arguish of tilitary defeat When with Krishna Melon, he tota || y Tis-read the Chinese Ilind.
Indira Gandhi understood realpolitik and was inten 5ely a ttracted by tha power and the glory of India. Rajiv Gandhi was пеither; an in посвПt in-between. So ha baca The the creat Lure of the 'silent service", the So-Called 'steel frame" that kept India united. South Block was the power-house. Indian foreign policy was inade there. Foreign Policy
Rajiw's Contribution was to shift tha Omphasis froT for Eign policy and defence to economics and economic ra-thinking StructLural adjustment, (privatisa= ti CTT, märkt a Comics, IMF agreements atc.) has been postpor Ed Sin e India has had three Frimẹ Ministạrs iT1 |ẹss tham 20 months when it had only five in 40 years! External reserwes är at an all-time low, with imflation, foreign dabt and um employment causing alarm.
Recently, thore was an excha rh ge of fire ba tWeer Indiar troops and the Pakistani army in in Kashmir. The economic turmoil
and political un certainity that hawa Conting a T Jage 3)

Page 7
A Thwarted Dream: Et
Steven R. Weisman
Pಳ್ದ uneasy and untested when thrust into power after the assassination of his mother, Rajiv Gandhi carried is party record landslide victory in 1984 and led India through a turbulent time of economic progress marred by sectarian violence.
Beset by turmoil in a wast land that may be a II but Lungoverna
Eble, Mr. Gandhi sought, With only partial success, to reach political accommodations for
India's many ethnic and religio LIS divisions.
He took office pledging to forge a more cooperative relationship with India's neighbors but ended up spending much of his time quarrelling with them and carry ing out militar y buildups to defend India against China and Pakist,
Under Mr. Gandhi, the gover ment lowered taxes, lifted economic regulations and moved toward warmer ties with the United States and the West, although these were strained by periodic fights, such as disagreement Ower Washington's aid program for Pakistāli.
Meanwhile, the prime minister maintained India's historically close friendship with the Soviet Union, winning increased Econmic and military Eid from MosCOTWW
In the process, the prime minister himself grew from a reti cent young a mate Lur politician to an incresingly confident, if besieged, administrator. championing his nation's leadership in the developing world and espo u sing moda rnization to prepare India for the 21st century,
He continued to advocate honesty and integrity in government, but also came under fire for a leged involvement in Scandals, including charges that his political organization benefited from kickbacks in overseas military cofftracts.
"Wgw York Tir7125 Service)
The Charges di smirch his earlier i C|gan," althԸ Լյցի tio 155 Were nO t po
HB i r i t the : l, political dynasty, had grown Lup) in of his fiery, stro ther, PrinTe N Gå med hi, and his Ja Wiä har la Mehru, and patrician ind der Who Was Ind Ti Tister, froT 1 9
Á former engin and airlina pilt t early ambition he a Boeing jat, Mr veloped ti || 0 W - WES iritially pop| masses and the Cities, especial y CDrilm unity.
Later, howewer C: Tig to DB Seen the urbaj In Thidi among the intelig harded and im bureau Cräts, polit tics in the press
Mr. Gadhi TE exhibiting little mingle with the |ịtỉt:ĩa This with ựựh prime minister, Cal | eader, is ex friendly.
But in rural a di was illes
The criticist : Office Often tick SOT e took it that the prima I SCIT et irlles break Totor Carde, gat b) E of his jeep or at high speeds, cars accompaпү
Oncé he also
çar at an airfieli rity aides gaSE parachute and C pou lled by a je e too could practi with a group o flying alone h ground.

ME VVS BACHKG RO UND
thnic Harmony
Tuch to beImage as a "Mr.
tile a CCLsaΤΓι' Ε.Π .
IIl try's laatling Wilf. (Gaidh i the shadow
lig- willed moi inister Indira grandfather, the schoolarly pendenca leaia's first prirTme 47 to) 1954,
eering student whose lone ld been to fly
Gandhi dekey style that ular ""With th1 B
glites of the the b)LISingeS5
Mr. Gandhi
by many in dle Class and entsia as high Det Lucius to Ward iciamS ad Ciri
mained a | O || gr,
inciation to established poom än Indiari ika any politipected to be
reas, Mr. Gåely popular.
and restraints of their toll, and as metaphoric mimister would free from his hind the wheel ar, and drive outrunning the ng behind him.
got out of his d and, as Secuted, put on a rdered himself p so that he ce air sailing ' air for Cg men, igh above the
Friends of the prime ministar, sympathizing with his frustrations, urged him to expand his circle of advisers and show more patiencs and Consisten Cy. In re5ponse, he began turning to some of the old line political aides who had been around his party organisation for years, long before Mr. Gandhi ente red the 5СЕпе.
his independence and illpulsiveness, Mr. Gandhi came to symbolize the coming of age of a restless rew generation eager to mowe beyond the ideological premises of the nation's freedor fightars and to make | 1 dia’s institutions Work Timore efficiently.
"" || did not sa e thë struggle for independance, he once told a Crowd at the Red fort om the an niwersary of India's birth as a nation. "Today, two thirds, of the people of India ara like me, who hawe not participated in the Country's struggle for indepenities i C é. A new generation has come to the fore."
Usually wearing the tunic and pyjama trou 5 ars or buttoned Nehru sluit that is the unifort of the ruing Congress Party since before independence, Mr. Gandhi spoke with a ready Voice and slight smile as he exhorted Indians to work for national unity, secularism and greater government ассошпtability.
He sounded these themes from the moment he took officia, a
White
time of Crisis as the nation moured the Turder of Fis mother by two Sikh security
guards, and Hindus rioted against Sikhs in New Delhi and throughout the morthern part of India. Thousands Of Sikhs were killed, their homes, businesses, and farms burned to the ground,
Mr. Gandhi's greatest early triumphs WEr E Steps Seen as binding up the wounds from
the traumatic Cir CLIm StarCes Of his taking office. Among these

Page 8
Were se vora politica accords negotiated with groups that had bitterly tangled with his mother in the final years of her life, when her style grew increasingly confrontational and, many said, a Litocratic.
The Tost Wë||-known of thèse was the 1985 agгеement with moderate Sikhs jailed by Mrs. Gandhi in 1984 when she sent the army into the Golden Temple at Amritsar, the Sikh religion's holiest shrine, to rout radicals using the place as a sanctuary and arms depot.
The Punjab accord eventually
paved the way for elections won by the Sikh moderates, and they assumed control of
trod rter Stt f PUTjääb and sought un SUCCESSfully to cope with killing by the extreists,
There were political agreements with other longtime foes of Mrs. Gandhi, including rebellious leaders in the states of Assam, Mizoram and Jammu and Kashmir.
But Mr. Ga dhi's HCCC mrodiOS Werg a So Contro versia, and nå ny party regulärs com - plained about his practice of making Concessions to former political fo GS, They found windication when the prime minister | Ost Fl String of Statea legislativa elections in the years following his initial landslide victory in the parliamentary elections.
Mr. Gandhi shuffled and reshuffled his Cabinat numero.LI5 times and quarreled with such longtime leaders as the Indian president, Zail Singh, who was appointed to his post by Mrs. Gandhi and who in the hours after her a assassination, repaid her loyalty by moving swiftly to : S War in har sol,
Brushing aside such opposition, Mr. Gandhi became more aggressive and assertive, chalenging op Doments to debate him and blarning the rising tide of criticism on a campaign by LIn nämed "foreign forcé35' to destabilize India Eo y undermining his leadership.
Rajiv Gandhi was born Aug. 20, 1944, in Bombay, thraa years before dia a chie Wad il
6
dependence ur ship of Jawah two years afte Taria di Feroz
rialist and latar lar ember o was considered marriage, in p Gadhi was a
religious sect (
By all acco Lir dhi Was Fā gi ten tio Luis . H nd Str ure who do të Rajiv, and his Sanjay, som etir toys from WO em Couraging til tim kering With im
ELL the I11a Tan y 5 tra iris, of what people Gàidhi's na Ed shadow of hi A5 || 1 di E3's first MT. NEHTU, B on his daught his hostess and
The couple during his cl Mr. Gandhi g grandfather's Murti House, de Cie, while nearby in a m Feroze Gandhi after hawing im said Were qual and fair-mide
dead, Tian' that iп pвrsопа Was Tuch to fathfar tham h was widely st ful, distrustful personality afte many slights WN As her soil she was initial and discounte pЕвrs.
Colla ag JĘas än Gandhi Was II his years at t a prврага tory a Duri, in the Himalay ås. The founded in 19 Gators as an || the English pri
The influence was such that brought into th

der the leaderarlal Nehru, and "his mother had Gandhi, a joura highly popuf Parliament. It d an Lur orthodox art ba cause Mr. member of tiny of Parsis. its, Ferozo. Gar"egario LI 5, LIF preaightforward figd or his sons, younger brother, tes Taking them od car wings and heir interest in echanical things. rriage Contair Ed in part bECäL}se i said was Feroze to iw ) ir til s father-in-law, t prime minister, Widower, Cälld
L 5 E T NE H5 confidate. separated, hildhood, young rew up in his ousehold at Teer the official rasiis father lived Odest bugao W. died in 1964, parted what many itis of C3 ITTF 55 i rles S t0 his SOT1.
y observers said lity, Mr. Gandhi "e si Tilar to his is to ther, who EE FS E TESElt
and imperious r haying en du red her growing up, was to Eld later, ly under estimatad ld by political
and
friends said Mr. or influenced by , |ם סח:n Stסס B Dך :adem w in1 DE hi ra foot Hii || 5 of the School had beer 35 by British Edutidia Version of ap Schools.
2 of the school Mr. Gandhi later e government and
into his informal circle of advi5 er5 In Hry Old frisnds froT School days and found himself criticized for it during his first two Wears in officia.
After graduating, he went on to Trinity College at Cambridge University in England to study mechanical engineering, but by his own admission was a poor student and failed his require
TELS.
During Wacatios Mr. Gandhi earned money by working in the College bakary or saling ige Cream. He also da veloped a taste for Western music, including jazz, the Beatles and other rock music բopular in the 1960's.
It wa5 al School that ha also met Sonia Maino, daughter of a construction industry axecutive from Turin, Italy, who was studying English at a private an
guage school. 'I could find an irn n a r beau t y in hirm1, "" sh 9 orn C9 to ld an in terwië Wer."
Friends said that, at first, Mr. Gandhi's mother doubted her suitability but latar became very close to Sonia. The two were Tarried i Ne W. Deli i 1968.
Upon returning to India from Cambridge, Mr. Gandhi took up his greatest passion, flying. He joined the Delhi Flying Club and went on to obtain a cornmercial licence, becoming a pilot in the domestic carrier, India Airlines,
MTs. Gandhi har self Hidd HogCom a prirTita Tinister i 1966, after the death of Nahru"S SucCessor, Lal Bahadur Shāstri.
The advisers were stunned as Mrs. Gandhi quickly assurned Control, breaking their hold on thв goverпmвпt in 1969 by splitting the ruling Congress Party, and achieving enormous popularity with India's victory in the war with Pakistan in 1971.
During this period and throughout the 1970's, Rajiv Gandhi Continued to stay on the sidelies, while. Mrs. Gardi relied On this Younger brother, Sanjay, as a confidant and operative.
He joined politics reluctantly - "Mummy has to be helped somehow," he was quoted as
Y COF foi rrugad - F7 Page 25)

Page 9
India: A Flawed Mirac Somehow Survives
Shashi Tharoor
his is mot the India i grCW uբ in.
In April 1975, as a college student and free-lance journalist Of 19 || Want to Parlia T1ënt House in New Delhi to interview Printine Minister |n dira Galldh i for a youth magazine. A friend fr QT1 College asked whigther he could accompany më; as his excuse, he carried a tape recorder is a shoulder bag. We strolled uncha I|enged past the guards and into the prime minister"'s ou ter office, Where a Cheerful shamble reigned.
Supplicants, officials and hangers-on sat around walked in and out and brought tea and
Con Wersatior to the private sêCretäry, Who tod am Irré verant anecdote about the un canni│y
plausible portrayal of an Indira ಙ್ಞdhi-like figure in a current
II.
After a while, a press secretary en Erged from Mrs. Gard hi's inner Sanctum to Call mE in. asked if my friend could join me. "Why not?" he said, and We both Walked in to the prime ministerial presence. The shoulder bag might have contained a bomb, but no one bothered to check. The thought would mot e we hEdwa CCC Lurred to thërT. Despite the assassination of Mohand as Gandhi. 27 years before, Indians did not order their affairs that way,
Within a decade of that enCounter, religious and sectarian Wiolence had inflamed India. |n dira Gandhi was dead, mowied down by her Sikh bodyguards in 1984. When her son, Rajiv, ascended to power, he carried
The Writer, author of "The Great rida Now," contributed this cornrrent ta The Naw York Tirres,
out his public d ably in a bulle addressed CrOW a Perspex sci GOTICII of COITI וחhi
In a Countr) dividual could fast throg åt ter's residen CE or benediction, Of Parliament F ugh intensive יחldiקוחסE LוחסS ппеапіпg it wa: plaints Wara mi had happened security preca Lu 1 avoidable.
Ad y Bt Cold add arco Cracie: as freewheeling mot instinctively ting their leda Cam är issue di Star Cethat SafE obliged Rajiv from the pe WORBS TՒlէ: came to be see and remote fig pings Of Satul many voters' e prima Tinistry,
imperio Luis primi Was this Corea Els that Cast electi).
So it was
that this Was ti Gandhi threw sal in his campaig in casting his and pol Lunging ir he asked the into the empty of the podium Old Off for SE His every gestu vita premise, s all democrats, th

le
uties clad roticeitproof west. He ds from behind egri, a security andos around
where any injoin the breakthe prime ministo SEEk a favor even embers lad to pass throse curity Checks, ed about ho W dei, but the comut Ed. After What to Indira Gandhi, iOS e Came Lin
habits die hard, s, especially one as India's, are good at protec"s. Se curity bein itself: the aty considerations Gandhi to keep Jple Cost hin prime minister * I'll a S f ar 1 a 100ff LIre, The traprity created; iп yes, an imperial CCCLII pied by an | E | This i Str. t than anything him the 1989
hardly Surprising ime aгошпd, Mг fety to thé wirds Jr. He rewalad bodyguards aside
to the throng; crowds to flock Spaces iп froПt
that Were seçti2Curity purposes. Te reaffirmed the io пёсвssary to at they are safest
NEWS BACKGROUND
am[]ng thẽiT DWT. pHoplẽ; that to be touched by the dial masses was, for an Indian leader, to be in to LIch with the sources of his own power.
India, as in the United States, elections legitimize the system mot mer i ly through thi El Castig of WOtes, But through the process itself, the self-renewing Exchange of hipes and promises, demands and compromises, that make up the flawad miracle of гHamoсгасу.
The voters of India had repeatedly proved - and were in the Pro CeSS of demonstrating again - that a democracy offers other ways of manifesting disagreements with one's leaders. Despite the spiraling violence, the growing Criminalization of politics, the increasing number of fringe groups who found bombs more effective than debate, Indians have newer ceased to beliewe in themselves. Thea bombing Tuesday shook that selfbelief by attacking its wery basis: that Indians could choose their rulers and preserve a way of doing things offering meaning and value to that choice.
Th 9 platit Ludes now flow lika blood: that end of a dynasty., a life cut short in its prima the bu||et's triumph ower tha ballot. I mourn for Rajiv Gandhi, for his again berea Ved family, for a nation so tragically deprived of a leader of gracia and potential. I mour, too for the India greW up ini, have no doubt that India will SLIrwive, that Indians will find the resilience to
tras (:end om more natioma | Calamity, But it will newer again be an India where freedom is
Un tram maled by fear, ami India Where a student Can Walk in Un in Wited upon his prime minister.
7

Page 10
Joyless Campus
Kalpana 1sаас
uilt during colonia | times,
the architecture of the Colombo University blends with the landscape of Colombo Seven - the embassies, tree-lined roads, and a sen So of spa Giousness that Colombo is fast losing.
Ho Wower, the serern E2 landscape hides a boiling cauldron of prejudices, some injustices, bigo
teld motions, and idea || S. The students are restive. They are in a frustrated mood. This is
partly because their ideology has not changed.
In the Colombo University today the campus canteen does not serve Fanta, Coca-Cola or Sprite. These carbonated aerated waters have been banned by the students who are committed to the 'Jathika Chin thanaya' debateThey despise products of multinationals. Sure, John Keells and CWC (Ceylon Workers Congress) the major shareholders of the riwal company, Elephant House, must be happy but not so any other sensible person. The students blame all the ills in the Country on the 'open economy'.
Jathikä Chilth the Extrë Tles C the Campus Cr | The Sa ar Chr organisad by A oli C CF LIIches. that the girls long de SSBS.
Walking into mingling with Taking sure to not a soft drin dated by the a that brooks 10 what they h. 'right' for this c housed hawa hi nate accommod
Tt S the V what is fearful gap among stus Recently, the ' пауа” gгошp bє students who a campus dan C Less than a de da 1CS Vere not occasions such bitter hatt E ended up in h05 this WIS S0, B S """Th953 C3 barets cultura. Today casinos and Cat try is åt War, think that dal
Asphalt Apparatchik
Ajit Samaranayake
It was the President who hit the campaign trail with gusto and beat the drum for his party which is increasingly reflecting his own personality and out look on life and politics. Sociologists of politics have been inclined to note that under Presidert Prenadas a the UNP has becomé distanced from the old conservative, patrician and propertied layers which were the bulwark of the old UNP particularly under the Semana yakes, both father and son. J. R. Jaye wardene as both party leader and President weakened the hold of these layers and influas dari Urban professional a Milite in to the decision-making
8
bodies of the pa Mr. Prema dasa, t Іeader bвlonging chamed circle, t increasiпglү remс of populist, grass apparatchik deriv папce from Haye middle clases ir countryside the new rich outsid of Colombo.
Despite attem sension betweer ngW element5 . the UN P has bo together in the President's giar

na ya' goes to f barırıirı g e'W eT1 Sada for Christ. istian 10 weTlhants nglican and Cath
It also mea IS must waar Only
the campus and the students, ask for te a and k, I was in timiir f ii t l ra Il CB argument with awe decided is ountry. A earlier 3d to fild alter = ation.
E fare 5ide, But is t HF widen ing dants themse lwes, Jathi kā Chimit Hasat up a set of wanted to hawe e, western style. ;ade ago camp us the mor T1, and
that rOLI Sad d. O Ea studËT t, pital. Asked why tu dent explained; gD against our all we have arë arets, Our COUand We don't ces should be
rty, Now Linder
e fist läti
Outside the Old he UNP is being Juded as a party roots and asphalt ring their suste
ΟΡΙΝΙΟΝ
held on campuses. How can We at this title per Tit Ojā YB grOU OS like the Gypsies to perform here and have dances. To drink, dance and enjoy one selfis today mor all y Wrong"'.
Link Language
Their other grouse is against English." This language, called the "Kadu wa" by university students for well over two decades. has been a bone of contentio
Withiri uiwersities. KāV3 meaning sword, stands for the language that cuts like a knife and segregates the English educated from the Wernacular educated. Add to this the fact that in any university in the country the English stream Consists of 15 to 40 students in a batch and Sinhala stream 1500 to 2000 in a batch and the Tamil stream having 750 to 1000 students in a given batch.
The Sunday Observer
rs of the lower
| both to Wil and
elements of the
3 th 3 li ta' Clubs
pts to Sow
the Old and the within the party per able lo Stand shadow of the it figure.
Y5urday /5/ard')
dis -
RAJI W . . . .
fСо пffгішвg from pagу8 f/
seized the Soviet Unior his foulght down the major pillar of India's mona lignment, The United States With o furth Dr Ed for Pakistani Collusion in the War against the pro-Soviet Afghan regime, is now forcing Pakistan to Stop its nuclear program the Islamic bomb, Pakistan has rejected US demands. The US Would lika to hawa E COSB relationship with India if only India abandoris its long standing pro të Ctionist policies. But before a new administration in Delhi can Wrestle with such problems, it must restore law and Order. For this it must contain the raging passions let loose by the Contending a legianCas of religion, race, regio II 3rd Caste.
India's neighbours must pray that this would be a Chie ved by a Prile Minister and a ruling party
fu || y a lliwe - to tha frighten ing paris of divisive, sectarian slogans,

Page 11
New Economic
Mahanama
Despite these Tilor shifts in figures however the more important thing is that the UNP has received a vote of Confidence from the majority of the people after 14 years in government, By getting involved personally in the campaign President Premadas a Converted an other Wisa Crab local government election into a keenly contested referendum on his rule. It appears that the New Economic Policy of the Premada sa government is acceptable to the masses; the IMF and World Balk''S Stibilizati programma and the double digit inflation mot Withstanding. The Open market Conomy appears to haya Come Of agg a 5 ar indispensible feature of the Cour
try's political landscape,
The Të Cëntly issued Country i Raport on Sri Lanka by the
Economist Intelligence Unit (LOndon based) makes this obser
Policy
WF til i E) LUt t | E: i : PJ || grounds for th Lanka Could be
of a long peric high growth, of private indi
remarkabla sin Ce a w Graging grc) Wit per annum, and , now being intre hope that the sat:tor will be sul and werhauled from offsetting formace of thb 'Growth shot in 1951 - CIE continued fighti and East is the virtually becomi with economic rest of the is El most Lur affect immedia te BCO) remain general'
VASA O
207, 2nd ( Colomէ
eחסTeleph

TE UMP5, NEW :y: 'There are inking that Sri On the Werge ld of sustained The performance stry has been the rid-1980's, h of over 10% with privatisation duced there is wer grown public fficietly trimmed tio por event it the Strong perprivate sector." ld remain strong effect of the sig in the North it the regio is ng marginalised activity in the iland continuing ed Th LS thg lomic prospects y buoyant despite
OPINION
the conflict."
As political analysts see it, the open market economy which hade possible the Creation of 700,000 new-jobs since the Prema dasa administration began, is a key factor in the UNP's local polls wictory.
The success of the Jana Sawiya power ty a lleviation porC - gramma, however limited its numbers may be still, is another factor that got votes for the UN P. THE question is why the SLFP persists in calling for a return to the closed economy of the pre 1977 ara. Mrs. Sirima Bandara naike's May Day Message. just ten days before the local polls, assured the public that if the SLFP led opposition returns to office they would form a government that could achieve the 'Socialist goals and aspirations of the masses."
f8ff;" | '''
PTICANS
Cross Street, .11 - םנ
է 4 2 1 63 1

Page 12
PARTY SYSTEMS AN
PRO
Report of a regional semin:
Instituite in collaborati
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INDIA PrC
Prc
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NEPAL PO
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RS.
MARGA PU
P. O. B 61 , | sipatha |
Color SR | L

D THE DEMOCRATIC
CESS
ar organised by the Ma Tiga on with the Friedrich . Stiftung
fe SSOT S. D. Muni
fessor Asoka Kumar Mukh0 padhyay
see b-Ur-Rahman
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fessor C. R. de Silva
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Page 13
SRI LAN KA : INSTABILITY — (2)
Accord and After
P. SarawamaTuttu
he Crux of the Accord Was the substitution of provincia | autonomy for Tamil secession. With the exception of extremists on both sides, there was general, if tacit, acceptance of it às a wiable formu la for bothnic reconciliation. The Sri Lankam government agreed to make Tamil an official language, with English as the link language between Sinhala and Tail. It also agreed to enact legislation for provincial councils and to confine the Army to barracks onca the Cease-fire had taken effect and tha militats had su Tresidered their arms. Territorial obstacles were surmounted by the merger of the northern and eastern providces into one administrative unit, subject to approval in a referendum. The timing of the referendum was left to the Sri Lakan President and has now been scheduled for 1991. Il dia undertook to guarantee the Accord and to co-operate in curbing guerrilla activity if the militants rejected it. New Delhi also dispatched a peace-keeping force to tha north-east of the island at the request of the Sri Lankan President to assist in the implementation of the ACCOrd. Il fL|- filment of this undertaking, an 8,000 strong IPKF was deployed immediately and then enlarged
beyond 50,000 men onca the tha agreement Unravelled.
At the Inter-state level, a no
ther Controwersia | dspect of the Accord was the exchange of letters (in an Annex to the agreement) between the two leadars, in which New Delhi obtained a wirtual ve to ower Sri Lanka's foreign policy. Sri Lanka agreed to review its arrangements for foreign military assistance and broadcasting facilities
Dr. P. Sa FG wa Tam7W ft L is a LČC Lurer fл Internatioла/ Relatiолs, Departmerr of politics, University of . חטuthamptטS
in accordance rity concerns, a similar consid: apply to the u: tegic eastern malee. The oil
another source ( was to be dew waltura betwee
RetLIrn to mil шpheavaІ
Despite its st reggarding provi the Accord Wa in its assump t:Ճuld negotiate Tamils Without explicit manda Therefore, whil mitted to dia with a partial Weapons at t October 1987 to guerrilla wat IPKF following siwg3. Ar fatal arrogance and the nature of fronting then I dissipate its st among the allowing the L itself as the p Sri Lanka TaT misconstru ing t ation in northIndia tried to LTTE by interw the political pr was employed the November elections, boy LTTE, resulted India's preferr Wince-based Ea volutionary L. (EPRLF). With foothold in thị ly Tamil north Indian protecti goodwill, the E Only limited le Ved to be a equate counterf and, not sur por With the IPKF

t1 di al SECuld conceded that
Tations would e Of the StraOrt Of TriCO
tank farm there, f Indian anxiety, oped as a joint
th B tVMWO 5 ta t9S.
tancy and
bstantive merits Cia a Litor OTY, 5 fatal 1 y fl a Wed :iom that | India on behalf of a clear and te from them. 3 the LTTE SLubn forca frajgure
surrender of he outset, by it had reverted "afarė against tha à Indian OffenColbination of ignorance about t|B task COr1 = the IPKF to ock of good Will population, thus TTE to present rotector of the lils. Consistently he political equ-east Sri Lanka, circumvent the ening directly in ocess. The IPKF to ensure that 1988 provincial cotted by the in victory for 3d easter - POTOlam People's Re.iberation Fra II t a stГопg overwhelmingand reliant шроп on and Colombo's :PRLF Council had gitiппасу. It pгоthoroughly inadorca to the LTTE isingl y deCamped
However, by the time of its withdrawal at the end of March 1990, the IPKF had furthered some of India's objectives. Although it, too, was responsible for some atrocities, it averted a bloodbath in the north in 1987 and held separatism in abeyance in the short-term. While it sparked the second JWP insurgency, the IPKF also
indirectly assisted in its destruction by relieving the Sri Lankan Army of the onerous burden of a guerrilla war om
two fronts, thereby buttressing a Sri Lankan government from whom India had obtained highly favourable concessions,
In the south, the Accord and
exchange of letters provoked instant and wiolet opposition against what was seen as an unwarranted Indian in trusion in Sri Lankar affairs. So The eWer spoke of the threat of "Indian annexation." The promise of prowincial autonomy acquired notoriety too as the inevitable pre Cursor to eventual partition and the diminution of power at Sri Lanka's political centre, Both Premadasa and National Security Minister L. Athulathmudali openly woiced reser Wations while the SLFP opposition denounced decentralization and vocifgrously proclaimed its ability to obtain less demeaning guidelines for Indo-Sri Lankan relations. More seriously, the JWP, reincarnated as the champions of SinhalesS nationalism , portrayed the Accord as a betrayal of the Sinha lese nation by the political establishment and exploited popular sentiment to relaunch its arried insurgency in deadly earnest,
Throughout the 1987-89 period in which présidential and parIli anTentary el actions (December 1988 and February 1989) were held, the JWP steadily escalated its rebellion. Its strategy of political assassinations and a conomically Crippling Strikes Was matched by an unrelanting counter-terror operation Conducted by the state through para-military and regular forces. As intended by the JWP, the
1

Page 14
election campaigns were marred by violence and intimidation and the results disputed accordingly. In spite of, or because of this, the UNP held on to power and by the end of 1989 had crushed the JWP rebellion.
Before turning on the JWP, Premada sa had effected a temporary realignment of political forces in the ethnic conflict. Given the shared the reed of the President and the LTTE to be rid of the IPKF. Collaboration between the two took place. Premadasa, despera te to demonstrate his nationālist Credentials and to fulfil his election pledge to solve Sri Lanka's problems without external interwention, antered into negotiations with the LTTE. The latter complied, eager to capitalize on a considerable bargain - the departure of the IPKF without in curring a cost to itself. Ha - wing initiated these contacts in May, Premadasa then engineered the Worst Indo-Sri Lankan
Crisis. In a 2 June 1989 speech he unilaterally demanded the complete withdrawal of the
IPKF by the second anniversary
of its introduction - 29 July — and, when India flatly refu - sed, he threatened to evict it.
Though this Was bluff designad for domestic political consumption, it succeeded in haightening tension. The LTTE responded favourably with the announcement of a largely symbolic cessation of hostilities against government forces. The JVP (which wished for the removal of both the IPKF and the Sri Lankan President) increased its terrorist activity plunging the state into near anarchy. As tem
bers subsided and diplomacy was rediscovered, a timēta bola for the IPKF withdrawal was
reached and the possibility of a treaty to forrmalize tha new relationship between Sri Lanka and India was broached.
By April 1990 a number of factors could be cited in support of a Cautiously optimistic interpratation of the Sri Lankan situation, Government-LTTE cotacts continued. In prepara
12
tion for its anti in to the politi the LTTE form in December 19 which - the PC Liberation Tiger of Eelam. The moved into the by the IPKF |last-ditch militar EPRLF in the cising de fact mental powers. the military ba JWP had bee Cr it the justificati cious Counter-te ratus. On the the international tained a genero aid, but turbed travagance by ir conditions. On
east, reconciliat bilitation seened
Fight to the fi
The brief inter W ead out to be th war that neither quickly or chea It is a war that government has 'fight to the fi racterization that not dispute in avowed goal ( Statö,
Ominously rem pre - Accord situa appears that the tagonists find it to rewart to absol military means, confront directly enging political differences thr negotiations and ciation of Tut The responsibilit the current War, |1 וuGIוח סt sסח localized incider persistence of tion on both sid the political ol. war will be dec — by the man mɛ tilities are prose by the popular the belligerents' government has as a fight agair

:ipatad entraпсе ;a mainstreat. a political party 89, the title of ular Front of ; - no mention TTE häd aSO a reas Eva Cuated ld routed the
efforts of the }rth-East, exerquasi-governIn the south, ckbone of the shed, and with in for the ferofor state appaaconomic front, do nors mainIs flow of wita | government exposing auster a : Surfa C3 3 t ion and reha - finally possible.
nish?
a of peace turna prelude for a side can win ply, if at al. the Sri Lankan declared as a nish"" — a chathe LTTE does relation to its of a separate
iniscent of the tion in 1987, it principal promore conge nia! I te aims through rather than to the more Challcore of their Ligh sustained ma tu To apprea constraints. for initiating therefore, lies the details of ts, but in the his predisposis. Furthermore, tCome of this ded by default T i Which hosLuted rather than legitimacy of objectives. The portrayed this st Tiger extre
mism rather than an ethnic conflict with the Tamil people. Neverthless, high-level statements threatening the LTTE with the fatea of the JWP and deastruction to civilian li fè and propërty Could redo und to the Tiger's advantage, Whether fhe popLI– lation of the north-east endorses or rejects secession by choice and not circumstance is a major question of Sri Lankan politics. Put differently, will they get the opportunity to exchange bodyguards for rules, or to confirm the bodyguards as rulars?
An examination of the justifications for the war provides an indication of the fears that caused it, and the reasons for its Continuation.
In Substantiäting its thesis of Tiger extremism, the government claims that it was LTTE unwillingness to countenance the participation of other Tamil groups in fresh provincial Council elections that Wrecked the passage to ethnic reconciliation. This Con CeS5io lo pluralism, the government insists, is a Siria qua son of selling another round of elections to the opposition parties. Furthermo Te, to illustrate its good faith in this respact, the government Cites the dissolution of defunct EPRLFcontrolled Council of 7 July and its willingness to consider revoking the Sixth Amendment.
The LTTE on the other hand, is a damant that the government negotiated in bad faith and always intended to go on the offensive onca tha || PKF had departed and the JWP had bean suppressed. Tha existence of som a 30 new Army camps in the east are provided as walidation. Moreover, the LTTE contends that the devolution package is in de qua te and in precisely tha a reas where it seeks further powers, principally and settlement in the east, the government has sought to alter the demographic balance against the Tamils through renewed Sinhaese colonization. In addition, the LTTE dismisses as spurious
Corf inted or Page 75

Page 15
War: The
Ultimate A
Malathi de Alwis (Dept of Anthrōpos) seg y Li'r swers
Οι January 29th, The Chicago Maroon, reported that Molly Yard, President of NOW (National Organization of Women), who was one of the speakers at the massive Peace Rally in Washington D. C. had "criticized the U.S. for defending Saudi Arabia, where women hawe no rights" was greatly dismayed to find that Yard, who was supposedly representing tha 'feminist viewpoint "at the rally should have made SLIch a blatantly ethnocentric and imperialist statement. What I am objecting to here is an issue that many other feminists of Colour — Gayatri Chakra Worty Spivak, Gloria AnzaldLia, Cherrie Moraga, Chandra Mohanty bell hooks, to name a few, have addressed in terms of much of the EuroAmericentric feminist writings in the ac de me, il literature, in art
C.
What Molly Yard stated at the rally came out of a discourse that Chandra Mohanty has described, as one that 'sats up its own authoria | subjects as tha implicit referent, i. a., the yard
stick by which to encode and represent cultura Others" By implying that Saudi Arabian
women wera more opporteSS 2d than America women, Yard Was merely quantifying oppression. This is an extra mell y dan ger OLIS path to take because it feeds into a claim of superiority i. e., American Women are more superior because they are less oppressed. This type of reductive analysis also defines women only in terms of their object status. Patriarchal oppression must be theorized and interpreted within specific Socioties and by taking into account, the historical, socio-cultural and politica|| processes that contribute to its hegemony and counterhege Thories. Sisterhood cannot be merely assumed on the basis of gender.
Instead of criticizing the Saudi patriarchy in an un-informed and
impressionistic W major focus of a
of this WaT SH) struct its explic nating, masculine mony. As femini political theory out, politi Cal po C bogan coextensi w prowess, notion and masculinity Lloyd 1986), TF sophical traditio the fact that W bols of attachm bodies, private
atural feelings, war, citizenship must contain THLI5 is bor 1 t F of 'duty" that to forsake their |i B5, to tran SCČI änd desires in higher and pur even deäth Ct insert Women i area or battlef disorder and ch from the horse'
War is man's сопvergeпсе о would not On || in terms of W do, but it WE mous psychol for the mål, W, that he's fighti Somewhere bel i t HÈ SE ITB tramples the you get right hawe to prote C1 ."ח בישתו
Gemara || R Commander tl 1332,
This stating ting for a Warie begin with Bar invokes the pub inner, Tati El dichotomias in fix and idealize types, War is

Aphrodisiac?
ity of Chicago
way, I think the feminist critique uld be to decotion of a domi3, America, hoge1ist CritiCLICS Of o hawe pointed Wer has always g With military s of citizenship (Hartsock 1982, te Westerm phil0n is premised on -וחEm - H5 SWוחם It to individ LE | i tré:sts a r h cd represent all that and masculinity and transcend, 'ât Tdthlé flotiðsl drives man til F10 TBS a Tid färtild petty needs t Fh ög sear (: f a er selfHood that on mot s Lu||y. To to the public ieci iS to C Č Lurt Iacos. We hawa it
TIT LI thi:
i work. Biological the battlefield W bę dissatisfying hat woman Could Luld til Earn Ermorog i Cal distraction ho Wants to think ng for that Women hild, not Up there
foxhole in. It male ego. When doWs to it, you the Italingss of
obert H. Barrow, if U. S. Maries,
| is very iluminay of reasons. To row once again |ic / private, outer || lity W irrationality Order to rigidly gender stereoTan's Work out
there il thig foxhole Whi|3 im Competant WOmanis COItäind within the home eagerly a Waiting her "protectors" retur. These rigid lines have been somewhat blurred in this War as worne are out at the front. Even though they may T10 t be engäged in Combat, thay stil| Camba takem prisoner or killed in a missi la attack. Right not, the American mediai is ag og With the news of the first female POW. With the American popula CG COn Win C3d that the mia 9 POW's had been tortured, the LI IAWO i c3d fie är in this instä (cs) is that the female POW Could be sexually wiol åtgd. Tha irony here however, is that though a War is raped eyer 3 riiutes in America, the rape of a single female soldier by the ’énerry" Carl Sudderly Whip Up a lot of a motion she has low been transformed into a symbol of American H100 UT.
Barrow's idealization of the 'man liness of war" is not only premised on 'that woman someWhart behind", but a lso On the woman who services the soldier during his off hours so that he
does not forgat the er Otic make-up of his manliness and dominance. This 'searnier' side of the idealized woman - the
prostitute, is most often consciosully cultivated by the Defall Ca Department - usually through the bodies of 'foreign' women. Unlike during the Wietnati war when Saigo flourished as a massive brothel for Americari (G. ||Ts, the Strict isla -- Tic laws of Saudi Arabia makes this impossible. As one Army Colonel was reported saying: 'Not only are there no girlie joints in Saudi Arabia, there are no girlies" (Chicago Tribune 8/30/90). However, this was circumwented som a what by Corganizing R8R ships for the male and female soldiers, the logic probably being that the two sexes would pair off. There was also talk of an offer that had
13

Page 16
been made by the Romanian Government, regarding the use of their resorts in the Transylvanian Alps and their beaches by the Black Sea. Of Course, the writing between the lines Wags : '''Wg Coffer WOLI OL I Iri W0rm3n as wel I" for after all as the Chicago Tribuле роіпted out; Romanian women are noted for their chan" (9/30/90). THE latest interesting twist to thE phenomena of prostitution how
Er war, are the letters to "" any single soldier" or "any young single sailor". Aboard the
nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Théodore Roosevelt, thé Sailors know that latters from "nice girls' can be picked up at the chaplains office while letters from 'girls who do not mind sending pinup pictures are distributed from the "special Services' office, where a line sometimes forms (WYT 2/1/91). Many of these 'photos of scantily clad women" which the soldiers are reported to keep Lr der t† Bir helfTets, are in tLrn traded with French soldiers for
their snealg (Chicago Tribune
2/6/91),
Metaphors of sexual domina
tio also make 98 SW transposi
tios is to military discourse or vice VerS3. 03 arSäd räds of militar y person el and W Bapor's experts (all mala, not surprisingly), non chalently dis
Cussing "man med penetrating aircrafts", ""Wertica | Erector la urnches", "thrust-to-weight ratios",
'soft lay downs" etc. The most familiar pola llic Symbols are of course, the gun and the missile. In September '90, the British Governmgut reported via Reuter
that English sa i lors on wärships in the Persian Gulf, were Using their government issue
Condoms to protect the barrels of their lichi and a ti-airCraft guns from the du St (Cl7 fCago Tribu 7G 9/30/90). I this ista C, th 3 "i 55 ta' Was from CLItside rather, tham frQm within! The Chicago Trifure published å photograph rĒCèntly of a famale soldier Iowingly bending ower a missile to inscribe a perSona || message of halte to Saddam Hussein. And if anyone is
14
Wondering if t "this is my rifle, f5 15 ts) k|| Wi is still in Luis ag sa W a der Thoristir wery similar to to January 1 5t | iCarl Wasg Serber reporter with th consisted of th rifles with one ding their crc it FET. THE WOf ligible but th more that a de
However, the Ti|itar y do Tiriat Iy limited to th minance. Opera has sa tUrated |
of TT eta pohors the Cori 3|Exity dið Tination. In Ճme thing is t part of a disco presents Armer much lesser deg mastery and wi
TETTS.
To be girl wi "'th gatra"", that arld Sariitized Our Surgical () equally wonder refined place w Our entertaine, yers in this '' Ameri;ä SG å dit | Ewar is Orchest according to a foded i Luis nGads and om a dule, Continuin Saritized rino tap ing theatre. Wa 506 ing demon: "Clean", "abso. "surgica | precis |aser guided 's and to mahawk that Carn || C. Ca 1 elevator shafts. are the Weapo not the effect sins or who is end. Therefore, ger y b9:Comes When One reali Cal tool being r delicately contr a b0nn Ho Which Words, "has the target into Soil

hat inspiring dity this in my gun, th, this is for fum" e; Rest a SSLITed, ation of something
that on TW prior n: a r a r r ii W b) attahading a female heir war cry which e raising their
had while holtches with tha ds were u riintel3 wist als Wörië I Lat H.
Tetaphors of ion are not mereose of sexual dotion Desert Shield us with a variety which ill utilate
Of this motif of all of their usage, lear, they are all urse that only ra - rica's (and to a ree, their allies"), Citorius a Chieve
ith there is tha wonderfully clean place We go for erations or that fully cultured and where we go for nt. The major pla"theatr Go" are the here "allies". Whatated here is dong Master plan unIn With Arherit: ai A Terican Schle - g along with the For of the operatkeep hearing and 3 trati cors of the ute a CCLII racy" and ion' of the latest rärt borbs" arid cruise missiles EE and de Scerd The referents here Пs thЕПselves – of their explo: at their receiving this surgical imaextremely ironic zes that the Surg |- eferred to is not a Colled scal pel but in Major Cole's ability to turn the ething that looks
like a moonscapa'" (WYT 1 /22/91). Ad as Carol Cchim Termids Lus: 'even sical pells Spil i blood",
Along the vein of entertainment, we also have the all powerful sporting metaphor like the triumphant pilot who claimed he he had "scored a touchdown" after a bombing mission. Back home, a football fam Echoed him somewhat along the lines of this slogan: "'Patriots: First in war and last in the Football League' (C- caga Tribune 214.791). A Vietnam Wet sorrowfully confided to me that during the 24 h Cour CO WEIrage of the war, people in his neighbourhood would switch the TW 5EL con and Off to 'check the and to see whether '''We
scorë" (the U.S.) were still winning',
The Sophisticated technology
that is being used also helps to Sanitize and reduce the brutalitics of Wär to a mere Computer or video game. The remarkable similarity between a bomber pilot's joystick, the control stick of a Wideo Tachine and of COLITSE a penis, Carnot be ignored either However, the equation of a bip On a wideo screen and a blip on a bomber plane's screen, can have Very chilling Com Sequences. Kiren Cha Ludhry who was featured in the Reader reported this interview she had heard with à pilot from "one of the Se extrertely sophisticated new bombers" :
A reporter askad him, "Hawe you Sean the enemy yet?" And he said, "I don't Want to see the enemy. To me, the enemy is a blip on my radar SCTOGI, did ai || || Wäd it is to make that blip go away. I don't ."yוחB חw my Bסחk סWant t
the War is an "wenture".
Thеп agaiп, aggressive business You use all your 'assets" to T1BLItraliz= the EnETB 5' 'à55Bts“. If the U. S. Ca '''ta ka Out"' TO TE of the eneries' 'assets" than they can of the U.S.'s, the U. S. Takes a profit both politically and economically. It not only becomas a hero but other coul
tries will be lore willing to pick up the tabs of a winner as Wall. This wat has also b3an
a wonderful opportunity for the

Page 17
Weapons Industries to both advertise and test their goods. As Kiran Chaudhry pointed out: 'The
Defence Department is delighted becausa finally all these st гапge and very expensive
Wää pons 5ystems get to be test ted and weg get to se if they work or don't work. The whole question of who they're Working ägäirst hä5 besen moved off the agenda". On the basis of the 'fine performance" of the patriot missile (which was used for the fir5t til The if this War). Bush has proposed a 1.6 billion i Crease for th Ea arti-missile program (Chicago Tribu me 2/4/91). Then again, as soldier after sodier kept reminding us in TW inter Wiews, there is a 'job' to bE đang Himit]] thay are therÐ to do it. It's just anoth Br day in the workplace as the men troop in to bring hom a the ba con.
However, the imagery that si ckgned me the most were the i w Cations of holida y CelebratiOS that ara Hald so sa Crad within the American family. When das cribing the first air attack on Baghdad, John Holiman of CNN enth used that it V/WaS *ʻ|ika the fiTg Wc)rkS fira |g on tha Fourth of July at the base of the Washington Monument" (WYT 1/17/91). TIME magazine reported 'cool young pilots' returning from bombing sorties noting that Baghdad was 'lit up like a Christmas tree' (1/28/91). Right through the might of January 17th, Da Rather of CBS, triumphantly played and re-played that horrifying footage of the bombing of Iraq
but not once did he stop to reflect on how many people T, LISt be dwing bengath that
beautiful sky. All we heard was white, male experts' chatter on the sophistication of the weapons that were raining down on Baghdad and the ineffectuality of the tracter bou||ets from Iraqi anti-aircraft guns,
Not only was the tragic relality of the people of Baghdad era sed through Dan Rathar"s silence, but he visually manipulated all of his wigwers by
deleting the last footage on the Baghdad which
fied Iraq i motha a bLilding Glutcl ren. (The only shown Was WF Wigwing the raw
with his wiBWer: beапас via sati rest of the 17 Rather's Costa 1 most mowing in War I to that ti showing an Isra cing gas masks
and 'fire Works' Motherhood WES as it was the ''
Another | rat havէ: and their tragЕ is through Presi sonal izing of til fOCLISing exclusiv Hussein (Reader of my male frie plain it as a 'dic is trying to st TT1{}TH wỉTil# t#1ãm 15 T1 it fi | tl ff t| Wa know, Wars
Jow er and d pleasurt is th a Kissingar S LImm when he said Lultimate aphrodi
Wa'y
beel
All of the im: a bo'Wga are pa r t c di SCOLITSO – fQOtt (паа(ге, Chris harlessing them of war, it helps ou TSE3 w Os from ! alities of it, Mi hawe de wel op B i
mechanisms it Take for exampl ful euphemising as KIA (killed i (Wounded in a (This sig in : death are referr teral damage" b: the U. S. army civilians but targets of oppor Cor missile Take """Tha Lutralizas"" its "Engage in exci get "wasted".

fra mas of the a bombing of de picted terriTS rinn ing into ning their childtima it was en Rather was footage together as it was first el lite). For the th might, Dan : ra= Cap of the ments of the The COI sisted of eli mother pola - om har children Over Baghdad, i moving as long allied kid.
the people of de-humanized dies Tirimized, dent BLISH's perhis conflict by Fely Orl President
2/1 (01). One lds tried to exik' thing. Bush 10 W thHt ha is HLI55Birin. Thı S
a mark for as dra a Out TFile ם וth - חםatiחiוחס Te non ethele SS. ed it up best 'power is the sia.".
gery i discussed if our everyday Dall, wideo games, [[11515 etc. By in a situation us to distance the bloody relitary discourses these distancing C. El fing art. a those wonderacronyms such in action), WA ction) and MIA a Ction). Civiliam 3d to ås 'colla2 Cai LSG 3- of Co Lur SE,
Tever tärgéts only 'strategic Lunity" A bomb
S 'contact' and targets, Tгоор 5 larges aid the
Brii t l is war.
troops hawa had tha a ddad opportunity to succumb to "friendly fire". This kind of language conveniently allows ong to ska te upon the "rational' and dehumanizo d surfaca of abstractions and euphemisms without having to face up to the reality that is hidden beneath these Words. Carol Cohn's brilliant paper on the rhatoric of dafense intellectuals, refers to this type of language 도 't Gchnostrategico". As she insightfully points out, this language only articula tas the perspactive of the users of these weapons, and not that of the
| Would like to conclude by suggesting the umbrella mgta pohor for this entire war. This is President Bush's most ironic euphemism - the "new world order". The ordering and domina ting of the rest of the world in order to reju wena te the flagging phallus of Bush's America. Dan Rather however preferred to use Tuch more flowery language to express this violance When ha delightedly exclaimed On first seeing the bombing of Baghdad, "and now we sag the star spangled sky of Baghdad".
Accord . . .
"Conffrтылып from Pagyа 12)
the go wern Tsent argument of an insufficient lagislative majority to repeal the offending Sixth Amendment, pointing to the fai|ure even to bring the issue to the floor of the Assembly. On the eligibility of other Tamil group participation, the LTTE avars that the age-old "dividaand-rule" ploy is being employed by the government, who, having befriended rival groups, then proceeded to arm them. To allow
other armed groups to participat e in an election, thë LTTE asserts, would be to deny its
Self-defined status as tha sole au thantic represertā tiwe of the Tamil people.
15

Page 18
PART — 2.
World and Asian Deve
in the 90s
Gamini Corea
Aằ | 5ta ted Carlie this is a
area that has received increas sing at tention in recent time. The Te Cā bē no doubt that a reactivation of development in the 90s will require vigorous and purposeful actions on the part of the developing Countries
hETS EIVĖS. I do Tot Share the view that the generally bad experience of the developing countries during the 80s was
primarily due to inadequacies in domestic policies or that this point is proved by the few success stories of the decade. We must not forget that in the two or three decades prior to the 80s, with a differert exterпа1 есопопnic enviгоппепt, thв general growth performance of the developing countries was better although domestic policies were, by and large, the sa Te as il the later period. Never theless, sound af d effective domestic Policies are a Sire a for for the revitalisation of development in the 90S and it İS, the refore, İTıp OrEirit to ask will these should be. Here, the Strategy, as well as other documents, outline a Tix of policies some of which are traditional whereas others reflect the fashions of the day, LaL0 LH S LLL HHHCC L0HHLaaaaL Side, the dË w Eloping COLIIT trias ara urged to mobilisa sa Wings, raise investment levels, observe nonetary and fiscal discipline, avoid inflation and maintain realistic exchange rates. They år G also Êxhorted to purs LJG the modernisation of agriculture as well as the process of industri
lisation. The Strategy includes science and technology as an additional area, along with
(The Author is Former UNCTAD
Secretary-Gвлега)
16
Asian Davalop "Distinguished
55" LELt.L. AprīI 16, 1991.
agriculture and which a rewi wa | in the 90's meerd
The relatively f|| 1 ty Col
og side, ther E emphasis on Tha of development light on entre tre private SeCte looking gro With into the World deregulation a On the other, is to social object tence on the g of the benefits powerty alle wiati Tesource de Velo regulation of pc. aid on the car. ment. ThEë se latt treated ir tha S of special priori tions may be a far teSe le W mutually consist ket for CeS, liber Oriented gro With te d policy Optio income distribut ltյքrliant of h and the care of There would might answer " if tlg tig-fram ul. But in the Context Social to be conscious call for actions for actions that died, financed a For actions tha 1 words, for a de lation and for

lopment Perspectives
ment Bank
Speakers IrE2, Manila.
industry, around of development Sto be centred.
EW Origitations -egories. On the } is the new rket led models With a highreneurship and r, on Outward and integration וזס ,yוחם חםBC di liberalisation, the sensitivity iwas, tha insis00d distribution of growth, on On, Cr human ment, of the wthםulation grם 2 of the environer subjects were trą tegy ås argas ty. No W quessked as to how Frientations are int. Would maralisation, export and other relaT15 Bris LIre goÖd Ol, the deveJThe TESOLITCes the environment? be Some who Yes", particularly is the longar ediateוחוחre iסוח objectives hawe ly pursed, They by tha State, have to be stuInd Coordiated. Call, in other gree of Tegulanning,
I do not, therefore, like to see the policy options before developing Countries presented
in terms of a simplistic choice between planning and laissez faire. I believe that Some of the criticisms levelled at the role of the state in developing countries are indeed valid. There are limits to the capacity or the state and When these are overstretched efficiency and growth could be hampered. But One should not abstract from questions of time and location and talk in terms of eternal werities. In many developing Countries the state responded to the imperative of development through public enterprise and other interventionist policias in order to fill a vacuum caused by a weak and undeveloped private sector. Often, the motiwation was pragmatic rather than
ideological. Where conditions have thanged a nd the capabilities of the private sector have grown a shift in policy
could well be appropriate. But here common sense and pragmatis IT could serve better than philosophy. If a Country has am emerging private sector it would make 5grse for the State to
focus its efforts om providing it with a stage on which to perform. But in situations in which there is still no 'corps
de ballet" Waiting in the Wings the abdication of the statē from any signific Int Tole in invastment and direction might resu It only in a void and a loss of momentum in the development process. The developing countries should correct their past mistakes in such areas as priсіпg, платket regшlatioп, export orientation, import substitution, protectionism, and foreign inwestment. But it would profit them to take a hard ook at

Page 19
the practice as theory of Countrigs that hawe made a success of development and mot neglect tha dictates of practical Commonsense.
Developing countries today are being exhorted to integrate into the global economy as a key to progress and prosparity, Integration - or perhaps a better word, participation - in the world economy is certainly a wital means of access to techology, finance and markets. Yat I do feel un Cornfortable with formulations that seem to 5 LigqBSt that the dor TESTIC märkats of developing countries hardly matter, Ceylon of the old days was well integrated into the World Tarket Wher the concept meant exporting primary products and importing virtually the whole range of manufactured goods, both consumer and capital. This had its merits but also its limitations, I do not think that any modern version of the concept would be satisfactory if it does no more than update this historical pattern by adding or substituting manufactures on the side of exports with no focus at all on imports. Production for exports and import substitution can appear to be policy alternatives. But the common experiance, I believe, is that they are also mutually supportive. A dynamic development process in a dynamic world Economy must rafla Ct and takfa advantage of all kinds of positive linkages and banafit from the growth of all kinds of markets - those to be found abroad in both developed and developing Countries as Well as those provided from within. All this, no doubt, is pretty obvious. Yet, suspect, that it is possible that the driva for export oriented growth can produce its own policy distortions with tax and incentive structures that discriminate against producing for the do Instit: märkt.
PRIORITY AREAS
The concept of special areas of priority highlighted in the Strategy is also welcome. It is good to underline the thought that tha assential objęctive of
much as the
development is of the I LI ma Will not ba guar Withil ä til f too distant, by a a long irrespect
growth Could el El population a S of a country ar strive Conscious distribution of The a lleviation example would patter of dew. impact is wide special actions, actions, that a Vulnerable grou rightly points a
12C2ssary to wi nationa per Ci make significant socia | filald... - M Sri Lanka, de SE is credited with siwe performar CE arena despite a |e Wel of par C: believe, howeve less on to be this is at that downgraded b stylĘs of dEWE be pursued t Tutud || y raim fori ווסחס:Br וbBtWBBI social objectives, mation or ina L. Cän Lundermine |ז חם t:SחEוחנBWE Employman t Cr3 the best weapo against po Vërty, forgat that tha 90s are likely te from the disap frustrated axe WOL fig as from of the poores sections of a
As I said, th pinpoints huma oprnet, բՃբll en wiro iment as priority for the B du Cation, the th1e r|g )f WWT1 to the de Valop it is right to S са пt advances d'Uring tha Cours | Would like to cially the strateg

the improvement
condition. This anteed, Spocially a 15 that is Tot Conomic growth e of the pattern he benefits of u da sections of
Well as regions d it is right to y for a better these benefits. of power ty, for
require both a :lopment whose dispersed and êWen distributiwa e focussed on 15. The Strategy
it that it is not ait for a risa in pita il com a to advances in the y O'Wil Country rvedly I think, some impres
5 in tha Social relatively low | .B וחסם חita iטנ Fr, that til 6 real draw Im firorTn a | | growth can be ut rather that lopment should hät Bostablish à cing relationship nic growth and Prolonged stagi equate growth or setback achia social front. tation is one of ns in the fight We must mot tensions of the spring as Tluch pointments and ictations of the tha SLI fferings t and weakest }opulation.
e Strategy also In resou TCD de Wa - lation and the areas of special 90s. Health and Care of children, en are all crucial lent process and trive for signifiin these fields ie of the decade. Linderline spBic importance of
transforming the skills and capabilities of the people at all levels so that our Countries could benefit from the Wast opportunities that science and technology present in the modern World and so reduce the 'knowledge gap" that separates them from the da velop ad countries. I must also underscore the importance of reducing the tempo of population growth and
the interaction between this goal and progress in human resource development, Here
again, tha example of Sri Lanka
is, I believe, of som a reale wanca. DOspite a relative y low per capita imсоплв, Sri Lanka has
succeeded in raducing its annual growth ra te of population to less than 1.5 per cent, a result that refects a complex of factors among which must figure the countries progress on the social front.
EMWIROMMEMIT
A keynote of the decade is a || a|TIOst uniwersal Concer| With the issue of the environment. The Stategy emphasizes the issue, though without too much elaboration. A wide debate on the subject is underway at present in the context of the preparations for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Developmen I that wi|| convene next year. All this is highly welcome. Almost 20 years ago I was privileged to chair a Meeting in Fou nex, on the outskirts of Ganawa, on tha subject of 'Environment and Development". At the tima the developing countries, believing that pollution was largely a problem for the rich, wera inCined to be lukewarm about the Environ Tät Cofferanca i Stockhol that was then about to take place. The Founex report showed how poverty itself could CauS serious environmental degradation, specially under the pressure of population growth, and that the remedy for this Was essentially tha Bradication of powerty through dewa lopment. At the same time it argued that developing countries should learn from the experience of tha developed countries end mini
17

Page 20
Tise the è rvironmenta da mage that tha de Welopment process itself CCLuld bring in its traim.
This broad thesis remains, believe, valid to this day and has been reflected in the increasing awareness of the environment in developing Countries. But since the days of the Stock
Holm Conference the i gwirolment issue has takel on ëwen broader dimensions with a sharper focus on its global
aspects with rising Concerns, for example, about global warming and the ozoпe layer. It is against this background that the Brundtland Commission launched te Col Cepot Of "'sustaina ble development". Today, it is becoming increasingly infecuent to find the word "development" used in isolation. It is often prefaced by the word "'susta irmable". I do mot think that anyone can quarrel With the idea of Sus ta ima ba development - who can support Uri Sustainable de Welopment? – a Wen though Som £9 may fe g| that development is difficult enough to achieve even without qualification What is still not clear to my mind is what the concept precisely implies and why it was considered crucial to establish it.
I am troubled by a host of questions. What examples do we hawe of unsustiäinable development? Have We in mind the development models of the
USA, of France, Germany or Britain, of Japan, of Korea or Täiwäl? Are Lhase Countri Es
Unable to Sustain their de wel opment for Environmenta || rE a SO15? If not, them what is the argument about? Perhaps, the essence of the idea is that past development has put pressure Con the carrying capacity of the environment and there is hardly rooT for newcomers. This is, for me, a deeply troubling thought. I believe it to be true that if all the world's poor were to be -
Come rich - in terrT15 of What we have come to accept these days as riches - the planet would indeed collapse! But What is tha Tora I of this? Not surely that the poor should remain poor in order to save
B
the parat? Or Other way for Does this othe styles of living and more benign but different t0 developed count We after Ole W life styles - one are already rich for those who a do not belia wa
EB Viable. The Environment iSSu for a life style
| if style, a popoliç; t:Ճmbinas high li With the prote Enwir On Ilment. Her rich to show th
poor will Want י חa[[Bווח טוח וrit:f give them. Th
"sustaina bola dew not abstract frc cannot be left
and should lawi wwith the 5вагс would cal│ "repli
The Care of t is of course, a a CCulties. CD Lrtries m LISt ät ment problem in ties whether Ca
Tät or the lack It is earter it opinion and day Ther S a'r £3 bg2 CColli sensitive to this. EISO thät thea ir tling agan ties : important role in Torinta || y Sou patterns of devel tainly needed a pairg Countries i their Edwi ho We War, 3 Com make on the q It is possible, environmentally logies and deve Will Cost morë This is why the c tionality" has b ԷյgliEve, into t dabata im TElat assista T1Ce. Il Strategy and in for the 1992 Co Wiew, the CQ1CÉ than helping to costs of indivic

is the re Somë today's poor? r path suggEst perhaps simpler enwironmentally those of the "ies? If so ara orld With t WÓ for those who and another spire to riches? that this will heart of the 5 i 5 the Search
a universal able to all that wing standards
ction of the e, it is for the e way, for tha
to Copy tha what a d'wice WÉ a Concept of elopment" canT a II this, it to Stand a loma Tuch to do for What Cable' lifestyles.
LחeוןrחםחוWחE Bוf imperative for The developing täCk té SWrUIltheir own socieused by developof da velopment. Ig that public elopment planng increasingly It is hearte ning teraticola || || eare playing an this area. Erwild projects and – erם t arBחEוחקס ld the develomLIst be help Ed DUITS. Therea is, rent I wish to Jestion of COStS. *wen likely, that sound technolopment options rather than less, concept of '''addieen brought, I 1é Elvir OmEnt ion to financial figures in the the preparations ference. In my apt means more meet the higher lual projects on
a case by case basis. It should meam that ar internationa | Effort is needed to help bridge the tota | resourcĖ gap a rising Out Of a proceSS Of Overa devE: Opter that is both adequate in tempo and en Wironmentally SOLI 1 d. it is an aspect of the wider issue of external re SOLI rCBS for de W El Opment and a crucial part of the link between enwironment and development. This link does not imply only that the environment di män sico Teeds to be Wolwen into dévelopment debate. lt implies equally that tha en wirolment debate itself Tlust reflect the de velopment dimensio.
MAI MISTREAM IDEAS
I have traversed a Wide area painting with a very broad brush. | hawe tried to bring Lupo SOrme thoughts which I feel could add
balance to much of today's "mainstream" thinking. | hawe set my remarks in the Context
of some of the themes of the International Development Strategy for the 90s. I have not spoken specially of the Asian region for which the prospects for the The W de Cada saam to be more encouraging than for the rest of the developing World. In any gwent, I do mot beliewe — des - pite the projections - that the 9Ús will be just a mir for image of the 80s. The World scene has already changed remarkably with thë dramatic haբբerling in Eastern Europe and with the ënd Of the ter) SiOT1S that hawë so fais chas a citesised the post War period. The 90s present a new opportunity to be grasped, an opportunity arising from a flew political, climate from - the Gulf War apart - the end of the arms race, from the prospect of new impulses to the World economy through the strengthen ing of major economies; from global concerns about the environment: and from the march of Science and technology. It is only if the opportunity is not grasped that the dangers ahead, suggested by the projections, would come
reālis, Despite all the other preoccupations of our time there is now the opportunity for a renewed focus on the develop
Continued on page 25

Page 21
PAKISTAW
The dynamics of powe bureaucracy and the p
Akmal Hussain
IMITRODUCTIOM
The available literature on the mature of state power irn Pakistar has essentially examined how the State apparatus came to predominate over the political system. Within the state apparatus, the bureaucracy and the Tiilitary hawa so far been lumped together as CD-5 ha Ters of the pigge of the power Cake that häs al CCFL tid to the 'state apparatus" as opposed to the political elites in civil Society. The dynamics between the bureaucracy and the army, and the changing internal balance Qf pOWer within the state structure itself hawe hit herto not been analyzed. It would be useful to examine these dynamics, since the bureaucracy and the military are quita different institutiois. They not only relate in differing Ways to civil Society, but in fact, it can be argued, have Towed is opposing directions in tars of the nature of internal changes within these two institutions of the state respectively.
This paper is an attempt at examining the changing balance af power between the bureaucracy and military with in the state structure. In Section I, we examine the nature of the crisis that any authority purporting to
govern, has to confront. In Sectiom | I, the intra institutional changes, as well as the inter
institutional changes with respect to the bureaucracy and military respectively are analyzed. Finally, in Section || the role of the people is examined, as a factor influencing the power structure, in a situation where institutions i civil society hawe eroded.
The gridr is cre of Pakistan's est kraw scholars on Third World Pasifica FF:ssés
Paper presented O 1 "Inter El Co Asia" held und of Intrito Institute (PRIO
| LEnka April 24-2
1. ECD MDMI SOCIALP AMD STAT
The ruling el
of independenc alli än CE betWeE the nascent indu backed by thern B LI Cracy, The ria a lite conditione the economic However, the fluenced tha foi OC) WEST WIS 3:4: growth was of a affluence to thi pense of the m BrOSiOrl Of SOCI endemic povert inequality betw. LIn darmined civ actorated the
1milita rizä Lir.
|| this; SEC til the relationship Creasingly militɛ TLU TE), and the r mic growth.
1, 1. Economic Social Po
While average rätE) Gf GNP [| the regi Thes of É qadr Ali Bhi Lutto, Benazir Bhutto, trend of growi social and reg Corti|LI Ed.
During the Ay 1969) the basic dewe o porment 5 t achieve a high Of GNP withim of pri Wa te ente

:r: military,
eople
at the Seminar fi C:t5 i SOLlt 3r the auspices
Peace Research
ls Cortio Sri
C GROWTH, DAAR ZAAT OM E POWER
ite at the dawn B Consisted of an ir landlords and strial bourgeoisie, ilitary and bureture of the ruling d t ha mature of growth process. at tėr i turri, ilfirl which state rcised. Economic kind that brought 9 fe W at the exany. The gradual a infrastructure, y and growing Ben the regions il society and trend towards
WE Will 3 xa Time betwEET an inarist state strucHture of econo
Growth and la rizati O1
annual growth uctuated during Ayub Khan, ZulfiՀia-ul-Hag and yet the overal ng powerty and ional inequality
ub period (1950objective of the rateg W Was to gro With Tate of the fra The Work trprise supported
by government subsidie5, tax Concessions and import controls, In Westment targets were expected TO ha achië Wed Orl the basis of the doctrine of functional inequality. This meant deliberate trasfer of ir CorThe3 froT tha poorer Sections of Society who Were thought to have a low marginal rate of sawings, to high income groups who were expected to have a high marginal rate of Sawings. It was thought that by thus concentrating incomes in the hands of the rich, total domestic savings and hence in w Est et Could be Täisad.
During the decade of the sixties When the above strategy Was D ut in to practice, whila income Was transferred into the hands of the rich they failed to significantly increase their sawings, thereby obliging the government to in Creas e its relianco on foreign aid in order to meet its ambitious growth targets. The particular growth process in Pakistan during this period generated four funda
mental contradictions:
i) A, da pendent gconomic strutu e and growing inflow of foreign loans. (They increased from USS 373 million between 1950-55 to USS 2701 it in 1965-70.)
ii) An acute concentration of economic power (43 families represented 76,8 per Cent of a II manufacturing assets by the and of the 1960s).
iii) Polarization of classes in
the rural sector and a rapid increase in and lessness. For example, while the incomes of
the rural elite increased sharply following the 'Green Revolution" the real incomes of the rural, poor (declined im absoluta terms, The per capit a consum
19

Page 22
ption of foodgrains of the poor est 65 percent of Pakistan's rural population fell from an index of 100 in 1963 to 91 in 1969. Similarly, according to a field survey, 33 per Cent of Small farmers operating less than 8 acres suffered a deterioration in their diet. During the 1960s as many as 794,042 small far mars bet ādess labu S.
economic disthe regions of
iv). A growing parity between Pakista,
These consequences of the economic growth process during the Ayub period generated explosive political tensions which not only over threw the Ayub
government bringing in Yahya Khan's martial law, but also fuelled the séCEssionist mowé
Ingilt in East Pakista ni Which ultimately resulted in the for
nation of Bangladesh.
During the Bhutto period economic growth slowed dowr sharply. Industrial growth fell fгопп ап, аverage of 13 регсепt during 1960 to only 3 percent during the period 1972 to 1977. Similarly, the agricultural growth da clied from I m Waräge 5.65 percent in the 1960s to a mere 0.45 percent in the period 1970 to 1976. At the same title, the nationalization of barks and credit expansion for financing loans to capitalist farmers and industrialists led to heavy deficit financing and an associated increase in the money supply, (Notes in circulation in Cressed from 23 billion rupees in 1971-72 to 57 billion rupees in 1976-77). The sharp increase in the money supply during the period of virtual stagnation was reflected in a sharp rise in tha inflation rätte. (TIG wholesale price index rose from 150 in 1971 to 289 by 1975),
It appears that although nationalization of industries and credit expansion enabled the PPP to - acquire the 5 upport of a section of the urban petit bourgeoisie through the provision of jobs, iCEICE5 and loans, the available funds were not enough to enrich the
O
entire petit bour the section of class that did të PPP sufferë decline in their to the high inflat this frustrated petit bourgeoisie | Lurpe proletar inflatio, that TE for a street agi 1977. Although form of the stre spontaneous. It Ed and gi WET PJ key junctures ol The organization inating function by trained cadre Islami, allegedly frt the U.S. Was, of COLITSe, fact that the P. to have rigged
I Tiber of Con Owarthrow of th and the subseq the first popula Minister f P ki. represented tha is I with a stati nated by the bureaucracy,
1,2. The Fragn Civil Socio
Each regime
power sought ti through an e: The Ayub Teg the ideology ad economic C Bhutto regime macy in the ide. ing the poor (F Shelter for all) ismi. It is är fear of popular initially sought his government temporary ch thing it was 1 transience. (tha for only 90 da purpose of holdi It was this fea the Zia regime through a llega physical elimini i diwid Läl WH1) popular forces. fgart at 5LE5 Zia to Tula O

geoisie. In fact, the CW er midd|O поt gain fгопп
d : absolut E real in Come duE įür rätt. It Was section of the and the large iat Strick en by sponded to call t-tim i March the apparent at agitation Was Was Orchestraloli ti:al focus at f thg 11 O Wgment. 1a and Coordwas performed s of the Jamaatwith support The agitation fueled by the PP was alleged gle: tions in a Stit Lu FCIS. ITh E9 e Bhutto regime uent hanging of rly-elected Prime Stan drarilatically -pulטם fם itsוחi| structura domimilitary and
centation of
ty
that Cama into i legitimize itself Kiplicit ideology:
ime propounded if modernization levelopment. The sought legitiology of rede Ernbod, Cothing and through socialindex of Zia's forces, that he justification of precisely in its THC:ter. If any - : he ideology of t he was there 'y's for the sola ng fair elections). r that iTıp ellod to seek (albeit Il process) the ation of the One Could mobiliza It was the same equently induced the basis of
Tilitary terror while propounding a version of Islamic ideology, Draconian measures of military Courts, arbitrary arrests and public ashings were introduced. Thus the gradual erosion since independence of the institutions of civil Society, brought
th a po War of the State into Stark confrontation with the people. Earlier in 1971, this
confrontation had been a major factor in the break-up of Pakistail aid the Creatio 1 of a in de per det Bari gladesh. Now a Pro tracted period of Martia | La W Under the Zia regime served to
brutaizé drid Lr der mir E Civil society in what remained of Pakista.
As the Zia regime Tilitarized the state structure, its isolation from tha people Was matched by its acute external dependence. In the absence of domestic political popularity it sought political, economic and military support from tha United States. This pushed Pakistan into becoming à "front i fle state" in America's Afghan War which was an important factor in further Lundermiming civil society.
Batwa El 1977 and 1987, with the steady inflow in to Pakistan of Afghan refugees and use of Pakistan as a Conduit for arts for the Afghan War, two trends hawe e Tierged to fuel the crisis of civil society:
a) A large proportion of weapons meant for the Afghan guerrillas hawa filtered in to the illega | ar T15 Tı arket,
b) There has been a rapid growth of the heroin trade. Powerful Mafia type Syndicates hawe emerged which operate the production, domestic transportation and export of heroin. Many Afghan refugues who now hawe a significant share of inter-city overland cargo services hawa also been integrated into the Drug SyndiCEBS.
(To be continued)

Page 23
The Philosophy of Pro,
Zuhail
he book 1 was hoping some
body would write has been written. It's about the future Cof progress. The evidence in the past for the future-is-a fadedsong' school of thought has been so overwhelming that it has left many of US wondering whether there are any serious thinkers left who still believe in
progress.
who believed in progress from the days of the so-called enlighten ment of the 18th century did not envisage that progress will lead the World to where it is now.
Ewa those
This is the view of Christopher Lasch, as professor of history from the University of Rochester, who discusses this at some length in his The True And Oriy Heawer: Frogress And sts Critics, scheduled to appear this May,
He lists the names of those ћa thinks would not only take a dislike for the present trends but have in thia İr ownı day Smi = ped at the head of progress itself. Among them are, beginning with Rousseau and Montesquieu, thin kers liké Carly la, Emerson, Max Weber, Georges Sorel and G.D.H. Cole.
For a || Such baliewers Eric Gill, ston H carw er and lett år - Cuttér a 5 he described himself (he did away with serifs in the old type), designed a woodcut of a Sailing ship with the devica PROGRESSI inscribed on a sail, but a Ship without à rudder. That's what he thought progress W as "to kėlėp con going it knows not where."
They all appear to believe that ther B Should bei 5omé nat Lura || || imits to What wë Starr men has come to exhalt - human freedom and human ambi
tion. Lāsch p th:55, är Tot passimists or ar. the EJ || back', nostälgit past, fo Luld that thig loyalty, respect ship. family, civ sibility, sacrifice dations of the
Lasch is not self, but has already in Amer people, not as pect the riddle
O W Er middle C class satisfied W. hawe do lot WE ren to beco The successful, they
to be corne res.
You may sur being more inte serving their w about acquiring and have little
Will always get
This is Tot i
who the Marxi approve of beca that they are t of the European denounced by M are Still "provinc arrow-ided." the philosophy
görle barık TLIpt 1 politicials shoul more than they
That progress Thay be i ferri Lasch is putting f He says hät m in the richest (; שחwwiםחt gםח Bחa ki C) W it. THEt c: Created a societ COSLTB r3 ani t Sense of Commi the grabbing materialism has triwialised politic

gress Goes Bust
its out that II who are a trying to ring wards to sole but Who hawa old wirtues like for work män'il virtua, responas th a foungood lifa.
dreaming himdisco wara d t ha L ica a class of you would exclasses, but the ii r the working With what thay I r 1 t th (ir C: F1|idrir: hür Qır more
just Want them ob 15ib)l9 a dLI|tS.
in them up as Tested in '''prgay of life than Tore goods, faith that life better."
class of people st thinker would use Lasch says he descendants petit bourgeois, lar x, arhd they ial, racist and But bĖ Ca Lusa of progress has lasch says that ld lister to the
are doing now,
is in recreat ad from what or Ward as facts. ost people, even Oultry A Tierica, any ricer and SUm Eris Til has
y of individual akan away thë unity and that
mer tality which encouraged has S.
Sri Lanka after 1977 is a living proof of what Lasch is saying. Not only has the country been totally misled by the material aspirations urged on by a shades of politicians but the task of drawing the country back from the morass into which it is being inexorably driven is prowing formidable ever to those who have realised it but .la IB טנW tt|חס
The open economy concept which has largely encouraged the demoralisation of our society reeds to be re-defied. Wa TTings had be sounded gwe beforg we became independant but as usual such things fall on de af ears. Let us giwe e är to what the prophets were Sawing half a century ago even before the words "open economy' came to be recognised:
"The best virtues of a nation nearly always begin to disappear When mutual obligations are Converted iT to money va|LIÐS, because the sense of partnership and obligation becomes lost in a welter of legal without moral contract."
In this situation the Writer recalls the mutual obligations mankind has Corte to discard and så ys: "" It is lot Lunfair to say that the willa in of the Midda Ages was a freer Tai ad had more security and dignity of status than tha wage slawig of today,
""This a spect has bumi owerlooked and denied by the Whig historians Who gen Luinely beliewed
in the glories of laissez-faire and in the Spiritual beauties of "dewi | take the hidnost".
And this is not Ananda CoolinaraSwamy Who is saying this but a British peer, the Earl of Portsmouth in his A/terraf we to Death (1944).
21

Page 24
ETHIWWC COWFLCT
ls Peace Possi
t is fair to Say from experianca,
that in handing ethnic Conflicts and issues of peace, one should not expect too much from other governments. The thrust should rather be in creating popular movements that promote certain ration El COur SBS Of Fiction Whilei rais in questions about presat directions. An important aspect of it is to remowe fear and pära noia from forces which by their own choice and inadequHcies have become imprisoned in the game of might is right - the rule governing relations in an unjust world order. In such än order, these weak forces constantly find themselves outJÈ W TECH I H H Lumilia tid. ThĖ remo Wall of fear and pärä noia is important to per5Lade these forces that there is roor for bol new limitiatives distinct fron repression and murder,
Take for is tace 'Perestroika" that brought about a remarkable thaw in the climate of Europe overnight. Such ideas could not ha WB become practical propositions if the leaders of Eastern Europe. presiding over weak Et on Omit arld repressiva regimes, had been overwhelmed only by fears of Western Couest or dominance, There WBre le gitimate grounds for such fears. Apart from historical fears, thera Was Lhe a fact that the e COnomically powerful nations of to West Were in Wolved in a "moralo Crusa de H. gainst communist nations of the East, accompa nied by an arms race where the expenses and stakes were being pushed up, perhaps in a genuine belief that the Soviet Union threate ned their security.
Seen from the East, things would have looked wery different. Apart from leaders, even
many ordinary people living in the East's traditionally weak economies would have been frightened by the actions and
22
rhetoric of Wes their bid to kee arms race, the Europe could
resour CE35by ri: and het Cg firl C keep a live the
pression, ựựhi{ Creating its Cov, thէ ցOwa Inments West WETE the the 5 CEE, the hawe indeed be ewe tua || y lead
It is herg th; On popular mՃ", CUC i for N ment (CND), C gether with Woman's ad played their hi is ii S LI ffi: lent These moved Schü5 in EFStar governments a
divs ir S to tā in a civilized elder states men Braidd a Titl Olaf Support to these even raised iss disastro LIS Con WOLI I d filo W | fr O | justice towards (third world) in perSoria | Cont hu Tallised rel: East, thus gre fear and pагапс
We feel the based N (GC)" s di organisations Sim ir r ir Sri Lanka.
Human Rights Organisations
El Crisis 5 state should b: responsible foi ffair S di itS pusilla nimity an of the leaders and question ed

ble?
term leaders. In D a breast in the aaders of EastETTI only find the sking discontent ling a ded to apparatus of rewas itself „wn problems. If է նf tՒ1b East anti Olly actors on situation would am Without hope, ing to tragatly,
at issue based reme its like the uclear DisarmaGreen Peace toEnwir Commenta list, Church groups Storic; rol G that ly recognis 3 d. its found their ni Europe for Çing Cross ideological ilk about iSSLI es 1ām ner. Europe's such as Willy Pi m3 || 3 t their TO WETE: Tits and Jes, SLI (Ghi as the Sequences that -וit ifוחם חם):Bt וח the developing ations. Through act they also tions with the atly diminishing
៧.
it interrationally nd human rights Could pola y a the crisis facing
ad Sri Lanka
Ich a5 Ours, the 3 hield principal y the state of actions, and the d moral failings must be exposed . In the case of
This is another EK, Carpt from the report of the University Teachers for Human Rights | (Jaffra).
50 Callad liberation ITIOWerthent d like the JWP, the LTTE any others which hawe showwr wers clear signs of degeneration, do we need to Wait for them to become state powers themselves before we criticise their atrocious coduct? We know froT experience that not to do so is disastro LS, Again the5e institutions should be sensitive to the fact that they are also relying on other nations whose governments and agencies hawe used them to he detriment of the people here.
In the context of the current war, what we ideally need for peace is a populär TÜVērment am og the Sinha les a that will Ass sume responsibility for the legacy of racia H Wiolen Cg äga inst Tamiland re-examine the whole question a frash, This iš again Wirtually insäparable from the growth of a movement amoпg Tamils that would repudia to the lega Cy of terror and allow the Sinha|ese to feel that they hawa nothing to fear, such as the division of this country, from a just treatsilgt Of TarTilS. BLIt We krio W from the current drift of things that this cannot happen. It is hera that international organisations can play a useful and neCessary rola.
Currently, the situation is lär gely governed by subjective impressions and feelings. Although the Sri Lankan State SBBTS Very powerful in the local context, in the integrationa | id Tä its weakness, dependence and poweressess äre diriwan home agai and again, causing insecurity and fear within its ruling class. Let us try to understand how

Page 25
this class and perhaps many Sinhalese would see their position.
They fail to se a that their weakness and humiliation in the international arena is largely of their own making. In the course of avents which led to the shaping of Human Rights consciousness, World opinion was wery sansitive to the abuse of minorities. The dark events of July 1983, captured in film, left a deep impression on international consciousness. It is hard to find another occasion where the leaders of a state so openly and una shamedly threatened a minority. Against this impression, the abuses and degeneration of the Tami militancy made little impact. Thase are frequently seen as the response of a victim. Rather then seeing its way towards restoring Tamil confidence, the state has been spurred into mora erratic actions that hawe further eroded its Credibility and increased its feeling of isolation,
Moreover, their power lessness
in the international arena tends to make them angry and irrational. India was training Sri
Lankan army officere and Indian firms were tendering to supply equipment for the Sri Lankan army for some time after it started training Tamil militant groups. After President Reagan's envoy Wernon Walters had arranged Israeli military help for the Sri Lankan forcës, the sama Israeli Mossad had also trained the LTTE according to recent ra velations, Were Western governments entirely ignorent about this? For powerful governments, having their agents play double games with small third world states that have seriously mismanaged their own affairs, is all in a day's work. On top of this feeling of helplessness come the churches and human rights organisations. For am gry Defence Ministers Who cannot hit back at Reagan, Thatcher and Gandhi, the Amnesty International and Church organisations becorne natural targats besides their own civilians.
Many international human rights organisations have decades
of experience mately with Tib By now thay Capacity to pic dencies in reb Bad to rottens ra tio r. lf on B I sident phen om reasons for it, th ration were evic early as 1971 militancy by the exposing stata abuses, it is a hL! Than rights 01 out openly wit as signs of de groups. This W. somé CO (15 train וחViסוחWhila re paranoia from W In turn, it will of encouragiឧg trying na W and tives, and more somé hope fD movements and tÕ : Out.
This role Cat by organisation and their well-b of their concer their internati OI the capacity for tics whether f sive state, states influenci or the oppress been governed with little cont consequences. M in this country pro-people's pol had a politics ple, but the Cop| politics which state quickly Wards inti = p5 strugglė produc tors - that is tra
In today's W opinion does it had been What the Tam themselves, W ned by an ex in self pity to responsibility.
What in th C} | rm ha we We b: Why did we a
ding the flowe

im dealing intiration strugglios. must have the out those tanall groups which ss and degenexamines the dis3mon and the signs of degenagilt in tha JWP as ad i the Tamil early 80's. While powers for their so important that ganisations coma n what thạy sẹo generacy in rebel ill help to place s on the latter some of the Bak State po Wers. help the process the state towards humana initiamportantly allow r new peoples' alterative i da as
| опly bв played s having people eing as the Centr I, and which by | standing have objectivity. Polirom the opp rasOther mational 1g events here, ad themse wes has by subjectivity, :ern for long term What We hawa had is anti, and not itics. We hawa mot that is pro-peoosite of it, Tamil begal as antidegenera tad toople. No other Bd so many traiitors by definition.
ord international atter. We wish Tore Critical of s were doing to
ha wa been ruiessiwe indulgence the exclusion of We need to ask, ima of liberation 2n fighting for? quiesce in senof our innocent
youth on the path of suicide? We have not been fighting for the right to live in dignity, to develop ourselves as a free, humane society and to contribute our creative potential for the betterment of the community and the World at larga. But rather, at crucial junctures of our history, we appeared to be asking the world's indulgence for a right to fie, to Wallow in a filthy fanatical chauvinism, and a right to kill and maim Our opponents at will. This appears to have been the case when ower 70 dissidents and 200 Sinhalese civilians were killed during the weeks leading to the war of 10th October 1987. and in the event leading to the current war. It is time for organisations concerned with human rights to redefin a their role in a broa dar context that Will account for the total reality.
Apart from defensive derations, there are also areas in which international organisations can go on the offensive, aiding those tendencies and movements that work creatively to build something on the ground to defend the interests of the people. Organisations which hawe the good of the people as their central Concern should be able to identify and awaluate such activity,
COSi
An Appeal to the Expatriates
In the mi det of war and tragady, When people are overwhelmed by hopelessness and feel powor less to do anything for themselwes, our Teports afa causing uneasiness arTlongst many quarters abroad. We address this section mainly to the expatriate community with a view to raising some important questions concerning our survival and our future. Whether they like it or not, their wishes, perception and activities very much influence the fate of the people at home. Moreover in the meantime, large numbers of boys and girls are voluntarily and involuntarily giving their lives, and people with no avenues
23

Page 26
to leave are bearing the brunt of the War. Thus, those who make judgements and influence the course of Wents have a grave duty to seek out facts, think seriously and under Stand What it Teams to the community and where we are heading. There are many who supported the Cause, directly helped to destroy lives, then came out of it saying they made a mistakE. and devote themselves to pursuing lives and careers in the West. To them the whole experience was as Water off a duck's back, Mary more are likely to follow this irresponsible course. But to the community at home, the damaga done is irreversible.
On the other hand if they take responsibility for what has happened, dissociate themselves from present trends, enlighten others and move towards creating a new history, they can Take a positive contribution. This would also create Space for healtheir developments at home and influence benignly the Culture of the World as a whole,
We need to first || Ook at the struggle in the Context of Sri Lanka's History and explode some myths that are prevalent in the Tamil middle class - particularly abroad. We need to see the historical connections and pose the question whether we ever had a liberating politics.
We will not go into matters that hawe beel Written about at length elsewhere. But we merely highlight some developments and pose some questiоп5. when the majority. Sinhalese Community succumbed to the politics of narrow nationalism, the process of nation building was destroyed from within. Politicians from the minorities too responded with variations Cĩ the same idenlogy. They bạ
came prisoners of it for their political Survival. There were small groups of Tamils trying
to promote alternative, creative responses to Siri ha lese cha Lwinism. They failed, partly on account of their own limitat
24
ions, and largel potency of narr When question about th (3 hone: their hypocrisy of a difference and reality, ther cliches concern purity and t people were appearances and the politicians to achieve : militant strugg imposed on thi out exposing th and futile na lationalism. So tants Who tried, the sama kild often had a fa tham that of th predecessors.
In the action: the dominant p Wa see the cle narrow national TULF, although between rhetor far more garing fully has this po ed community the Tamil sp Instead of se Tamilis arid MLIŞ why did this p to Crëa te divisi in the North existed? Can tics rely on f and appealing tergSt;S, for mot We are Witles of the logical na froW lationa
It is not ou discuss issues поп-violence, E point out that liberation strug tary component great man of l ion such as M A ami IC år Cabra: few, who have sively on th leader too pay them. There about which The struggle defending the it is centred,

because of the w nationalism.
were raised ty of politicians, and the World
bat Wetan rhetoric: 3 were the L 5 Jal ng motherland, aitor, At best old to igru rВ Tot to Tmb) är rāSS who were trying Ճmething. ThE e WWEA S S LI IP flpolitics with+ totalitarian and LI Te of a Tr0W me of the finilicame up against lf rhetoric and te more tragic ei non-militant
and rhetoric of olitics of today, a stamp of the st legacy of the the differ: Ce ic and reality is J. How successlitics strengthenfeeling a mOng aking peoplas? eking to unite SlimS il the Eist, olitics also have on and bitterness where no such I liberating poliomenting hätred to sectional inlilisation? Today
sing the horror progress of our |İSm.
r task Flere to of widence and Ut it suffice:S tO tha history of gles with a mili, hava produced hought and actMao Tse Tung and ial, to пагт1е а Written extele subject Our ed | ip ser wice to are two things they are clear. must be about people, on whom and a liberation
fighter is one whosa presence inspires confidence and makes the people feel their human potential. To take the second, in our struggle people have only been made to feel degraded and worthless. It many situations here, the presence of a fighter actually inspires fear and anxiety. The question too often asked is what trick will he play to get the other sida kill
us? In place of assurance we too often find women and children fleeing and screaming
without any guidance, or people cowering in silent fear afraid to complain, a waiting the grim fate of the inevitable. What We hawe seem is the arosion of any sense of cohesiveness in our society. And in consequence of identifying fighting with having a gun and the ability to kill, what have We produc
ed A liberation arm ora killer
machine?
A large number of Our ox
patriates would contend that
they went abroad for the sake of their children. They must know what it means for an eleven year old child to be samt about with a gun without the parents having any іпfІuвпce in the matter. What then of a struggle that makes a virtue of this, knowing well that these children ara only machines with no understanding of what they are doing, merely satisfied that a good meal is on the way? The elite are certainly privileg
ed what it comes to their children. Do these child recruits havia the philosophical
maturity to Copa with their short and brutish lives being snuffed out and in particular their limbs blown up? Do people know the agony and the cursings of the injured?
Further, how does the military strategy. Square with the concept of liberating the people? Here again myths are built up based on a few sensational attacks like in Kokkawi and Mankulam, which have made headlines. Those in Jaffna and abroad can dwell on these to their satisfaction with no sensa of concern or sensitivity to the

Page 27
plight of the people in the East who suffer the terror of the army and the STF. What was the politics behind their suffering? It is easy enough to take a foreign reporter to parts of
the East or even to a suburb Batticaloa and pret and that it is a liberated area. But what
is the reality? Is there the will or the ability to protect a single civilian home in tha North Or East? There Seems to be a I awareness of reality only when the army walks in to parts of Jaffa with its attendant cosequences as has happened twice recently, which we easily forget. We also forget that there are Tamils outside Jaffna. With this forgetfulness that accornpanies idle triumphalism, how Capable are we of se eing the overall picture? Are not the Tamils and the Country losing in exorably all the time? what are the factors that lie behind this military strategy?
There is also something sensationally unique about our Struggle. Almost every liberation struggle has been fought by a number of groups. Wery seldom has one group set out to ban other groups. Where this happened it was always after the enemy's capitulation. Is it a sign of exceeding strength or of the need to silence reasom in order to defy reality? |s it not a sign of fatal sickness, a part of the sama militant D5ychology that for Ces people in a besieged peninsula to put Up festive dacorations in the sight of angry air force pilots?
The more we dig into reality, the more indefensible the whole thing becomes. When the Tamil elite are questioned by foreigners, they Would readily run down the Sinha lese, talk about the insecurity faced by Eastern Tamils because of stata violence coupled with colonisation, and about the exploitation of hillCountry Tamils, throwing in slo
gens like "Don't drink Ceylon Tea H. It is Tamil blood." But how has the current politics
tried to address the Very real problems of these people?
During the 1 LTTE-Prelladasi tha LTTE put gant set of po solve the Con and the thor which is a m death for EastE was one hartal Ship question hill = country Tar the outbreak of to drive home ment, the LTT paralyse the NC its gun power. E issue of hill-co dressed with a fore or after th
were the right during the LTTEWere they not
How Ital y poco party are to
where? Was I ful arresting a ordinary Tamils there Was sor political links issues on Whic Tie vās ac
Is it lot ti truth that Eas Hill country Tai times the Muslirt used in a polit frol tha Jaff How else does
Inilitary strateg Why hawe sta the East whare
mostly endam gej seriousness abc. Tamis“ wall bein contradictions b reds of policam ner, including M area? If a mi ma de Could ni hawe bee used the safety of Or if top | tE mistake was r disciplinary act offenders as pa fire process? Cringirig people the final battle, tal arrin y by da. of dead ser WICE)| explo de land mi Were approachi Centrations and

months of the honeymoon, did forward a coOp OS als to retitutional issue land question tter of life and in Tails? Tere on the citizenof a group of ils shorly bafora War. This served to the governE's capacity to rth East through Ut then, Wa5th:8 Intry Tamils ady cogency bee hartal? Whare i of the people Pramadasä tälks? mostly about pola from which саггү guпs and it the disgraceld torturing of against whorl ne suspicion of he of the few h Working agree
ed?
The to fä: a tha Lern Tamils and This and sommeIs, are only being ics that springs a man's ego? One explain the y in the East? rted the war in tha Tamils Werg ed? If there was ut the Eastern g, why stir up the y killing hunden ta kern prisoMuslims from that sta kĒ had been it the prisoners to bargain for Tamil civilians? admit that a na de Farid take Orth a gainst the "t of the ceaseThe to tell a that this was in cense a brutecrating bodies men (KalmLunai), nes when troops g civilian conrun away, lea
wing the civilians to fight the one sided final battle
15 not this military Strategy based on simply using the anger and misery of Eastern civilians facing an undisciplined army. just to get recruits? And where are these recruits being used? - mainly to fight in Jaffna and
not to liberata their Own land Our politics had become so dagenerate that in rmany parts
of the East, it did not require Sophistication on the part of tha government to set the Muslims on Tamils and then to step in as protectors of both Muslimi and Tails at the same time,
Is Peace Possible?
Mow that ta I k of Ceasefire and negotiations is once more in the air we need to go into the important Causes of the Conflict. The LTTE had earliar tal kad to the government about power for itself and not about the people, As both a bargaining chip and in preparation for other eventualities, it launched a parael militar y build Up and recruited thousands of children at a time when the larger expectations of ordinary people were about per nament pa 3 CE. To break through this mood and attract recruits, the LTTE had to resort to the language of violence saying that tha por Casert arrangement was only a temporary solution and their goal was Tamil EElam. This Creä tad är in tara | dynamic of its own necessitating War. On the other hand different sentimants were being uttered in Colombo, in English.
Coupled to this, the major political parties of the South have newer shown tangible concern for the Tails, and whenewer there was a crisis, they had quickly agreed upon a militar y solution. With the politicians abdicating resposibility, tha army was samt is without political guidance and without a parallel political process to give the Tamils Confidence. With the army having done its Stuff it edgd Lp demoralised and looking weak, Even if talks get going now, it is being too optimistic to expect from Southern politicians the
25

Page 28
kind of wisdom that will address the Tani people and not just the militant groups.
The LTTE now appears to be talking about Federalism and the Canadian constitution for international consumption. Its Weakness prompt it too look for some diplomatic gains to justify having started the war. It wi|| skift the question of whether it was Worth all the lives lost and bringing the society to the brink of collapse? Whether there was not a public mood in the South that was willing to be generous, with the terri Federalism appearing in much high lewe | disco Lutse? Whether the Same thing Could not hawe bogan achieved by mobilising the people politically?
A gå i t O ke Épo its politi CS gÖing and to satisfy the expectations it had fed the LTTE will have to say that this law solution is temporary and that its goal is mot hing short of Eelam. Although Sinha les e fears in the past were largely imaginary, this time there would be the real articulated public fear that whatever they give the LTTE, their next step would be Eelam. Thus will both parties be cornered.
Of course the Tails reed a
for IT of Feder Hiss that would gшагапtee their secшrity aпd шпfettered develop Tent, But as we hawe shown, there is tion unless the present mould of
0 50 lu - ||
our politics is broken. We need
a fort of politics that
Will
genuinely respect the Sinhalese
and Muslims and not seek
| סt
ki | I and humiliate them. We need ||
to be responsible by them.
Such a politics can emerge only by placing the people at the centге апd gшaramteеіпg theiг democratic and hurrna ri rights. It is only the that the Ordiпагу соппопsense of the people would assert itself. There is such that can be done by Tamil expatriates to create such a space.
The Liberation Phenomenon Liberation or Degradation? - The Peoples' Experience:
Immediately prior to the June War, the Liberation Tigers massacred hundreds of surrendered Muslim and Sinhalese policemen
26
in the Easter Pr шроп people to ther is the fi th J 11 חט 1חuוח
Srī Lākā Come to bu y desecrated their ing this display age, after abo Tigers made a drawal. Often their Toto rised it alead of f they had pled Who had to foi
Then Gama t die TS of Sri Lak, sends of Larm involLIntàry Tiro. an astounding WHT| it Carl E t The anger of the ing the murder red Muslim po East, was dire C! of barbarity. Ti SøftBrl tC. Cũl against Muslirts credibility am which Was slid Wil Existent. It WE prisals by the against Tamils i give the Tam gle its initia || ||
World and A
'Cortin Led f Terit issu, 3 making the figl powerty a priori mational Com T cortitment to new 'develop TList indflad b of any na W W responsibility d with the deve with the majւ South Colm is | was få TTÉTE) to what the tri 35 t HaSÉ IWE
Take the 90s welopment, The il thė Sėlwė 5 ; purpose and ir own domèstic ז נWEסrנpוחust iוח and ease it arr must work wit er han CD their international the North-Sout

Owice ad called join hands with 1à Battlé. In Kalue, they killed soldiers who had provisions and bodies. Follo Wof Italy courut 4 days, the precipita te withthe Tigers in transport hooked lightened people ged to protect,
QW Ori foot. ne " " brawe" sola, sending thoued Tails to an vana, displaying ilwative esss o inflicting Paim. Muslims, followof ower a hundicerne from the EEd into the Orgy
gers in turn relective repris als to shore up their }ngst 'Tamils",
close to non3S Collective re
Sri Lākä Sität B in 1983, that had
About 12th July, a convoy of Musi T15 tra Welling il Vehicles betwee Kar Tulai and Kattankudy was stopped by the Tigers. According to Muslim and Tamil sources, several of the Muslims went on their knees and pleaded, Ower a hundred Were taken prisoner and a few bodies were dumped at Kurukkalmadam - a willage reportedly not supportive of the Tigers. This was followed by the massa Cres of Muslims at Kattanku dy and Eravur on 3rd and 12th August respectively.
Between the government and the Tigers, the destructive antipeopla politics of the East was brought to new tragic heights. The people, the Muslims and Tamils, had nothing to thank eithčer side for. Being burde ned with so such sorrow and being unable to plan for and contemplate those things thät are a source of ordinary human happiness, the people were now being driven to take vicarious satisfaction in tha infliction of päin on brother and reighbour. How artificially classified as an enemy. Not having anything to show for their politi CS Ėxcept
militant strug- shattered lives and destruction egitimaсү. (To be Continued)
sian . . . . least, they must strengthen and αrη Page: 78) in tensify the linkages among opportunity for themselves through South-South it gainst World cooperation at all levels, subty of the inter- regional, regional and inter-reTuity. A TE W gional. The developing countries
this goal, a
ent consensus", e the Centre pièCe orld order. The oes not lie only opgd Countries, or powers, The sion, of which
er, has pointed Beveloping Cournis must do to a decade of dey must look withand bring witality, tegrity into their policies. They natioma | institurios na tana ions. They th eilch 10 thits to effectiveness in negotiations and ih dialog LIC. Not
have an obligation to strengthen progressively their own ContriEl Litions to the impulses for growth and stability in the World BC0 10mW.
The Asian Development Bartık is at the heart of this great endeavourt. It has already been a catalyst for change and for progress in the region. Its role must indeed Continue to grow, I cannot see the 90s becoming a decade of development for Asia without a Crucial Con tribution from Our Common institution. It is both because of this exciting prospect and its past record that I take special
pride in the invitation to be with you today, an invitation for which, Conca agai, | it hak
you most since rely,

Page 29
Ray's Reflections
lqba I Masud
he telecast of Satyajit Ray's
Shakha Pros firāk fra (May 5) was one of those rare gifts, the DD flings at its audience from time to tiring. But the timing LLLLLLLLSS S LLLLLLLLS S00 L LLK SLLLLLLS no con is no time for a "premier" (to quote the announcer) of a a5: LEF's WC) Tik THC Eb Est time Would hawe been lat E. E' feming - 9.50 P. m. - Hot late night,
All the sale it was good to
have the fi || 31 the lati CH | network - perhaps Ray's first film to be telecast so so. A, te T i LS (CCTF) letio || || k to W people who hawe not se en Ray's films of WO's or 80's - films like a la Aranya, Jo Bafa
Felirath. Ga rias hatru etc., Some of the 5e h8'WE beleri teleCast bLIt at odd times and without propter publicity.
Evēl 5 kg Proskā v5 flЦng Gп ап шпSшSpecting audience With OUL proper preparation. Of course two days earlier there had been Bikram Singh's Mirospectio ris (May 3) — a record of C) I WÉrsations with Ray. BL ut as Singh said in his introduction this Wwa S for ''Le i for Thead audience" - which means an a L di e C. Which had Searl Lle films discussed in the featurg. I doubt if they are too many of them among those who care to watch TW. Both Bikram Singh's and the Ray film were telecast to mark Ray's 70th birthday (May 2).
D D Could hawe sparad a few Tore evenings during the Week for Ray features. Excerpts from Shyam Benegal's exhaustive film
on Ray which contails clips from fills Could hawa bala shown. A few firls of Ray
which deal with Bengal's gentry or the struggling middle-middle ir vir-ride cā55 - 5 grāLh Prtidyand and Jar Arā ir 7 ya Could hawe been show. There are rith ar y links between these fills and Sakha Prosaka Eind this later master-Work wOLuld have gained from this added di Ti E Sior.
車
Niv t J Shakif a product of la of reflections, A ITO || Palakar t obvio Luiso''' 1. AmO cieta direct
III like MF3FqUEZ, läcked depth1 =
Ray remarked wiew that 'you Le fiT TOre compreharid || frid a SECCI L sElf LI I, Tile fi tirri is isolation. It as part of a rr
|f yo Li tak{} í after om eta Ti it without ki. W Tient of Ray's be disappointed Not SCJ if y CU Ray's Work.
Ray has ofte a = -- '"ן 15חaוחון חי" he was sceptic Singh film, I "id" tile unblinking port Capable blEakrl וחסfT 8חוIin B r L Vā Pā 93-year-Old gri
In fact the end irii the E dissolved in to th in this fi|11. of the fill ha allost every '' tlieta fil Thai bering, hal f—wit sees to be say self" - if we li
凰
The depiction as certainly to Luche S. I t dB g | it :lävä tes t father — the H Andrd MHz Urmd thë sa me tir effect of Corfu Telä tionships is It has effecte wife relations married couples career of the Erother, The s covery of Corri the old rail,

I Frej 5 fik så It's la 3 ge – a time disi Iusio 1 ment. O|H The: *ʻ| tSʻ5s tOO ther noted midde relarked that Ray's later films d raso na TCE. in a TE: Cerit irterhave to watch than ice to I'... I certainly d wie wirg very Cannot b = wie Wed īs B3 vieved 359"S OBLIWFB. it as part of an air. It or Watch Edge of da velopWork, you will | wiLil the film, have reflected on
T been CH || ied a term about which
|| || || Bik'
հHWE found H in his Work, än tra yal of the inestess of I if I. The the dying old ir Pālāt ti Hindfather here.
"tragedy' of the är liar fill has a horror of decay
think this a spect s been missed by advers' Critic of
drooling, bola bLited old man, Ray ing, is our "future մt long a mough -
單
of 'corruption"
SOre obvious oades th= présent; le past of the E Tt patiënt - lar too much. At the specific ption, or family well worked out. the husbandlip of the two s, disturbed the
third Larried hock of the disIption early kills
ARTS
Against all this is set the figure of Shour mitre Chatter jag as the Tentally stricken brother, Prashant. It's a subtly drawn portrait. At One level he's mot in immedia te touch with reality, āt EBT Coth ET EWE HE SETTS to comprehend the moral tragedy that's happening all around him iirii illu rimina ting flashes. Hiis tantrums, Tore thān his Words, Conwey his werdict.
TTE firsi is a T. Olyi OLS bUt po Warfu | Satir E CITI this Lutter mediocrity of our middle class Cultura. I think that Š. One of the important points of the film, Corruption is a C01S3:lu erice of the most mediocre period in India's cultural history,
At dri Other lle Weal Sir Falk:Fija Pragšākā pers tirīt ti vi of (to quote Larkin) 'age and the end of age',
Briefly. . . .
(Co) tijLige fros Page 7
og Sri Lalka's Defecta Scratary flew to London to talk to the British Foreign Office about the "Gladstone affair". Mr. Gladstone, the British High Cormissioner, was accused by the Sri Lanka government
of interfering in the recent |local go Verrı Tlent polis. The High Cornrinissioner HHed lod
geld a Com polairt at a So Luthern police station that ruling party supporters were impersonating genuine voters,
The government Was a Waiting a responsa from the British Foreign Office.
S. T†le gQvBrrl Tért ann DurCead that Sri Länk Would extend all possible assistance to India in in Wg stiga ting the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. WäSV Er infor-mätion th B Sri Lankam authorities Were able to gather would be passed on to the the Indian authort ties, a Gower ment spokesman Said.
e. A policeman was thrown into a canal at Hingurakgoda during a fracas outside a 1usica | Slov. The Jolice T131 died. Twelve off-duty soldiers were arrested in this connectitirl.
27

Page 30
ASOO AS
A Sinhala Village in a Time of in Rural Sri Lanka by Jonathan spel
Mick Moore
his book embodies four major
dilemi mas posed by the practice of social anthropology. There is firstly the problem of the characteristic mismatch between the unit of observation - a small-face-to-face Community
- and the Unit of analysis - a culture. In what Ways can Corea learn about the Culture of
about 12 milliol Silla les Sri Lākās fr he study of single village? Se condly What is a culture? The peoples of Sri Lanka are diwgSa in many senses. Do the majority labelled Sinha lese (Buddhists) share a coherent single culture? Thirdly HOW Ca II B researcher Undertaking his first major field inWestigation make authoritative COIT parisons Eat WEEI this chose culture and any other? The wery process of researching a culture gefiera Les El different kind of understanding than for example, growing up or living within it. lf the anthropologist cannot validly compare the researched Culture With another, how can he Clair Il to udarställd it? AN. Tid finally, hovy Carl 1he Teider ewaluate the reliability of the work of a field investigator who has a Tonopoly of access to his field materia | and mälke liberal use of the licence granted by his discipline to shift frequently between wery differe:Tit II 1C des Uf discourse fram do: um E3 m, täition of fäCits about th1 E2 willage to presentations of indige nous understanding of the
World, and then to interpretation of local social processes in the light of concepts and
theories which would take no
sense at all to the people being res E3 TCH?
Jonathan Spencer has coped Well With thëse di lemmas, mainly by making them explicit and Writing much of his story around them. A major thema
EaS S LaLaLLLKS SLLLLLCLLLCSSS CC SHLLLLLLL
LLL SSS SSSCLLCLLCCCCHCLCL S aGLLCL SKSS S SCC Liversity of Sussex.
8
is precisely hol, human being be deeper levels O' the Willage as FCC Fapted, famili: THE TE IS HOW W agonising, Span wer W. and Self-c ing us Entert E3 in rated but not
the problem O' Lund Er 5tänd änyt
villaga and th helps the reade both, above a
interpretation of ald Culture rela His main storyli hawe Eben ti Simha les;e Budd iCCLIt of OW isolated popula drinking, Lo Caste-dilwided lil LI little authority t local myth and |lea Fried to think
as members of a
or lation of Sin and act a CCOTC irrigration, ec. ment, the Cx pa activities, the a dwelt of democ most Con Creta y installation it Buddhist temple School, the pdc themselves as dhists, to earl Ceremonials and ES. Si di5 B political and cu mënt, and to i if not necessarily drinking liquor, adwertising Cäst atten dänt them E between the elbodied in th village corn in L. Buddhists and and tensions w especially explic of two party el
"Cւյriflict arld fatt prevalent :

Trouble: Politics and Change
fw this fi i) le gan to identify F. "truth" abytut
e bg (:ar 1e . [T1} re är ältid St Lut G. er (10 tedidus Lér Writes with onfidence keeped, Heis fasci
obsessed with how he can ning about this is Cultura, H3 ir to Lunders tari |ll thrՃugh his
ho’W Comunity te to core other. illa Could W9||
Lleri ‘Be Cob I Thirig hists'. It is a t a Sri || alid tion of liquor
in na bis-Smoking, ter5 Who kT 3 W eyond that of Ef Lidlandlord
of the Svs larger community ha les 3 Buddhists
lingly, Through onomic de wel op15ion Of Stat
āSS dia, the ratic politics and, , through the he willage of a i ind a Stalg ple came to see Sihl |ES B Ltd -- and practice the rituals defined uddhist by the Iltural establishbe a shared of - to refrail from - еatiпg mвнt апd B prejudice. An 5 tiË :C1 träd St ideal of unity е іппаge of a nity of Sinhala the loca | Conflicts which are made it in the practice actoral politics.
"tension' are in heries. Whether
the people of Tenna willage really do liva ir a unusually "* Stradi Ed and dixious word "" (p. 204) is however open to question. That the anthropologist himself suffe rad severe strass thare is T10 doubt. As he was doing his fieldwork, thousands of Tamils were being massa Cred elsewhera im Sri Lanka by Sinhale.Sa mobs acting is the narr e Of Sia Se Buddhism. Spencer admits to difficulties in entirely dissociating "his" (totally irinocent) Sinha lese Buddhist Willagers from SOIT kind of indirect complicity in these barbarities (p. 233). The discovery of un usual te fisions i ri Simha lese cultura — which might of Course ble held to explain these barbarities - is as predictaE39 as it is in Sidi Qu5.
A Thwarted Dream: ...
Y Carrir7fed fra 77 Fagye G) saying - winning election to Parliament from his brother's district in Armat Hii, a si Tia || to wwr, in the Ganges River plair in ha lor thir 5tate of Uttar Pradas).
Mr. Gandhi aSSL ri 18d the rolle of spokasman con national and foreign issues. He also usually traveled with Mrs. Gandi and presided at government functions, throwing his energies into a major effort to reorganize the
party and bring in younger politicians, with the aim of ridding it of its reputation as
to | erant of Corruption, borib Fery and even lawless less among Workers,
In early 1984, Mr. Gandhi was laying the groundwork for the party's re-election machinery for la ter that year, While dW Cloping a publ||C image as an Lupoholder of higher moral standards afd en forcer of discipling and accountability. Then, on Oct. 31, Mrs. Gandhi Was Str LICk OWI), Rajiv Gandhi was traveling in the northeastern state of West Bemgal, and ha heard on BBC about the shooting by two Sikh Security gL är ds.
At the age of 40, Mr. Gandhi was sworn in by President Singh, Becoming the third gerieration of his family to serve in office,

Page 31
ཟ
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light banter amongst thase ritral la TT15ls, Ļļ, hir aço busy Siarting Cut TibiaCÇça LH LL SH LLLLLLS S L LLLLLHHLH KLL g LLLLLLgs L gaLLll
barris spread uut in the ritid and L-LITEIT, inter mediate 20:12 where the arable land remains falci, iiiiiing this if sista.
CLLLLLKS LLLL LLLL LLLLLLaS LluHCL DD LHLBLBLB Oa C lucrative cash crop and the green leaves turn to TLLLLSSSL al KalLLa L LlaaLL LLS 00La LlLLL LLLLL LGLaL
afinually, fut perhaps 143,0XI TIJIal folk,
 

ENRCHING FRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that rings employment to the second highes: IILITiber of people Art: this: people are the tobaccc. barn owners, the tobacca gryers 3rd thr: whi) . Kirk for them, Cri the lard and in the basis.
Ll LtllleeS LLL LLLLtetHtHCLLL LLL eeLGLGLHLH LLLCLCOHHMLa GHLHLLS
corrille life anda so:Liro futura. A good Erough T2a5', 'or la Lugh! Er,
Ceylon Tobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our lard and her people,

Page 32
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།
N There are a multitude of Guard
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