Page 1
in
། ___་ཁྲུང་།
Vol. 1 4 No. 17 Januar y 1, 1992 Price Rs.
WHAT'S IN
SAARC SUMMIT
GLOBAL CHANGE
NDA-PAKSTAN TIES
KOSAMBI & MARXISM ||
 
 
 
 

. H. W. Jayawardene Q. C.
S. Nadesan Q. C.
OR STATES MAN
A. J. Wilson
= Panik Sandrasagara
MeryVn de Silva P. S. Suryanarayana : Birty Gajameragedera
: Pranawa Chaudhary

Page 2
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laught I arid light barter arriorigst these rural darisels who ar: Lisy sorting out tobacco leaf in a bar. It is one of the hurdeds of such
barris spræåd Liut in the Tild HTid up i Jurity inter mediate zore where the arable land remains falo, during ill ff 542.5or.
Here, With c3r efi, il TILIr tLirir"g, tobz3CCC ggTJʻ„L"5 35 3 LLLLaLaL LLGLLL LLLLLLLC HCLL La LaLa CLCaLLLLLLL L LL gold, the wall of Cive: Rs. 250 Tullium or Tre annually, for x:rhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

p ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings erriployment to the second highest nurrber of people. And these people are the tobacco barn owners, the tobacco growers and those who work for the IT, or the land
Id in the har TLS. For them, the tobacco leaf means Tearingful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A good &mԱլյgh Tea5.ir for laughter.
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Shariпg алd cагіл9 for our land and her people.

Page 3
Were present at the opening of the one day SAARC summit |
Briefly . . . .
Opposition too
at SAARC
Several members of the
parliamentary opposition too
in Colombo om December 21.
Among them were serior SLFPMaithripala Senanayake, Stanley Tillekeratna and Mangala MOO nasinghe.
ETS
Three topics
Three topics were discussed when President Premada sa and Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Rao met for fifteen minu
aftĒT I unch OI SAARC Summit day in Colombo. They discussed economic co-operation, Sri Lanka Tamil refugees In India and the Katchatiwu.
tes
is and of
China approves
A Chinese Foreign Ministry statement expressed appreciation of SAARC's efforts to promote regional co-operatiom and peace. China hoped that all South Asian countries would live in harmony on the basis of peaceful co-existence the statement said.
Talk, says the President
At the post SAARC brief ing pre SST en asked Presidet
Premadasa if he had a message for LTTE. The President said
""My message Stop) this un Come to the n In answer tions the prt the Tigers cou
Or BV8r de C| ness to lay enter the neg
His ol
ThO
The cont
PĒCkEdgĖ pro Industries M boss S. Thon
OW", the w tOr Said at Kandy. The that the g Поt opposed but Werg stu
Mr Toda he planned
LATEA
WOI. A No. 17
Price
PLI}|50 || f
Lika Guard IE1 P
N(p, 245, L
ווחםIםG)
Edito: Ma
ТвІврһог
Printed by A. B2/E, Sri Ratnaje Mawatha, (
TElgբl1Ճm:

I to the is to
9.Cessary War and egotiating table". O further quasasident said that ld lay down arms are their wi||ing
down arms to otiation process.
UVп, says mda man
roversial peace posed by Rura|| İrı ister and CWC da man was "my Could-ba negotiaа ѕеппіпаг іп
Tinister said
OWerriment had his proposals
to talk to the LTTE after the Hindu Thaiponga holiday (mid January). He was already in communication with deputy Tiger leader Mahattaya and would be meeting Tiger supramo Prabha karan, he Said.
Three hats
Dissident UNPer Gamini Dissanayake who was sacked from the party and thereby lost his parliamentary seat told a Sunday Times interwiewer that Mr Thondaman, the Rural Industries Minister who has offered to ոEgotiatթ
with the LTTE, was an exGallent negotiator.
"He has been doing that
dying them, all his life and getting the Tan Said that best for himself and his to Wisit Jaffa community. That is all right.
BIDAN CONTENTS
January 1, 1992. Ligt ter 보
R. D. News Background 3
Media Debats ES
.8 Sri - Shri "ונrtnightly tם 'ublishing Co. Ltd. IIllurl Fltյեմ, Global Crisis (1) 9 Bu D - 2. India's Role in the
Changing World 11
yn de Silva The Region 2
E: 445 BA Barber's Paradigm 15
Plantations (5) לן"
and a Press Pe. 19 " ":" Goya's Looking Glass (2) 21 Old TTBд 13,
43,975 Kosa mbi 23

Page 4
however weагіпg
On this occasio | think ha is three ha ts. One represents the LTTE, the other the President and the third hirself", ex-minister Dissa na yake said.
They want peace
A Civil Rights Movement representative who visited Jaffna has been given an assurance by LTTE ideologue Anton Balasingham that Mr. Thondaman Will not be takan hostage when he goes on his peace mission to Jaffna.
Rev. Soma Perera who is a leader of CRM is also an evangelist, and he visited
Jaffna on a peace mission himself. It was heart-breaking to see the suffering of the ordinary people of Jaffna; they wanted peace, Rev. Per era said of his return.
HR grou
Human Rig Sri Laka W with a SAA that economic important as Reuter report
One camp Tiruchelwam sa disappointing. taking a posi leaders took sition".
The
Rotary Inte dent Rajendra in Colombo might be the i the World polio. By 1: had already per Cent of its tary Internatio ing towards niini
LETTER
U D UPPI DY
I read With interest the letter of Sachi Sri Kantha Tesponding to my comments made on his previous letter on the D. B. S. Jeyaraj's article who was Sivarajan?
First I wish to point out Uduppididy village is only a small part of a larger Uduppididy constituency. So getting votes there alone would not be suffice for Mr. Dharmaratnam to save his deposit. Apart from that 1977 general election was declared by the TULF as, a referendum for a separate Tamil state and the people took it seriously, Mr. Rasalingham himself could win the election not because he drew popular support in the Uduppid
2
dy electorate contested on a Elections cann and only yardst ones popular su in a democracy a political part individuals. Mori till that Dha 'drawing sizeabl na Live Uduppid basel on the fac Dhal T Tha Tatinä Ilm h Tiddy Willage co two decades.
Sachi says th social environ II ne of 1970 was con for in the one agreeing with deny that poli Was p Te5ent am

s шnhappy its activists in зге поl happy RC de Claration
rights were as 1 LI män rights, a said,
signer, Neelan id: "It was wery Instead of
iwe stand the | defensiwer po
first
la tiola | PresiK. Sabo co said Ft Sri Lanka first country to era dicat 389 Sri Lanka Lised 88 :Hidrogn... R ()- a Was Workaking the World
polio free by the year 2005, Rotary's world president said.
Deser WeS as SiStarCe
In his Emperor's Birthday message (December 23) the Japānėsē Ambassador in Sri Lanka Mr. Isamu Nitta said that, where Ver pO55ible, Japan had strived to fu |fi Sri Lanka's exact need. "We hawe alway5 noticed that you richly de Serve Our as5istaПСЕ and aid. It is tharвfore not only the expectation but al5ữ th[: Him []f SLIt:h assistance that you will initiate yourself into action to HBCOTB a 5 elf-reliant and 5élf sufficient country in the days to corne, Perhaps you could bgcCTE a mode for the deveoping countries to look up to and adapt their develop. ment programs", the ambassador said.
but because he TULF ticket. It be the Colle ick Lo Illea sul T: per L. Where as people wote for y and not for eover my obser WaI"|11:LITELLI1311 W3AS e support in his lly willage” was t 13 t MT. R. R. eaded the UdupiLucil for al Ilust
e political and n L in lJduppiddiy npletely different Il 1991. While lim one call not tical enthusiasm o Ing youl Ing boys
even during earlier elections. I can wividly Teilhelmber how Iny friends and I as 10 year old boys roamed the streets with Federal party flags during the 1965 general election.
The trouble with Sachi is that hic fails to grasp the essence of the articles while looking foT silly statistical mistakes. In politics Sachi's great knowledge should accom T1 da Le many other things to lake evaluations cirTectly. Sachi Iced not call the editor to his support because one's comments are not accepted on the grounds that they are in print.
P. Kirupananthan
Karanawai North, Wallwettitu Tali

Page 5
SAAR
India changing
Mervyn de Silva
AARC need no longer be
regarded as a ready invitation to sarcasm. There was cof course such a danger just last month. When an unusually high absenteeism, nearly thirty (30) percent, forced the other summiteers to self-destruct, The expedition had to be abandoned at basc camp two (2), the ministerial level, when King Jigme Wangchuk felt it wiser to stay at home after (unidentified) security advisers Warned that his Himalayan Kingdom faced a seriol Is th Teat,
Invoking the SA ARC charter and its Tigid rule of “unanimity” and the physical presence of all heads of state (or government) Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Rao cancelled his visit at the very last Inom cint. The aborted summit, Inocking as it did the very spirit of regional coopeTation, exposed the not-so hidden rivalrics between memberstates, the petty Vanities and by antine in trigues of the ruling political establishments of South Asia, and the poorly concealed distrust that typifies their collective behaviour. And yet this is a group that represents a billion people, the proud heirs to a splendid heritage. Justly or unjustly, India, the pre-eminent member by every accepted Imeasure, stod in the dock.
A sense of collective guilt and shame has worked Wonders, From the moment the young king of Bhutan apologised to his fellow heads of state, the mood changed. By any standard, the sixth summit was far more of a success than its organisers had expected. And that, I believe, call not be wholly explained in terms of the fiasco im Nowelber, The South A Sill leaders, and probably their supportive elites, have felt the
sobering shock and the temp: its impact (In hawe wolken up,
Thail breathges' are Sweep international monplace. Thi electrifying sp all the runnin keep in the S. problem in "I glass'. The standing, let : to a crumbli which has yet titute clearer stable. is thic overwhelming
This heat-li is all the IT South Asian Te the Smaller : that should The Indo-Pa. with Kashlilinir generic confli the whole Te Tcgional a Tid involving the at China. T relationships, patterns of contention as anci cooperatic impact on S sillaller and We life needlessly to su TWive in sive environ m
While Hle II fait les 5 host for the policy. IIleans eased. to the 1ew T. those issues fected the Il a particular countries whl N. A. M. enji of conforming viour patterns, down of bip now awaits th

its course
I of global change, St. Lius effects if the region. They Tlıley just had Lo.
-taking 'sea challsing the post-wat system is a coliIngs move at such ci that it takes g you can do to Ellic place-Alice's 7 rough the looking roblem of underLlone e adjusting, Ing “old corder" to yield a subsincl a little more : policy planıcı's
problem, Iniversal challenge Lore exacting foT girmes, particularly states, fra T reasons he plain enough, kistani hostility, Els the region’s ct, soon locked | 11 lIlll. CXLIITglobal conflicts US, the USSR le nature of their lind the ch:linging Both conflict and Well as collusion 11 hold their CIWIl Luth Asia. The Hker natio Ils, their collplicated, had a ll Tliquely oppres:Ilլ,
:W situation seems lc, the problem -Imaker has by no HoW to respond alities? Except on which directly af. tional interest of Il CI Tiller-staic, the gh belonged to yed the comfort L{} group behaWith the breaklarity, N. A. M. : painful task of
friendship
Pere, raskt. Each Ilcıbcı is. Il his Ow 1. FC Tiller II dialı III)cfcmcc Millister M. K. C. Pant in ar interview with India Today presented the problem particularly well. : “The Cold COOTlintes alre suddenly gone and we seem to be groping for direction. We seem to be reacting rather than taking the initiative"".
The Woling pitter in the Tecent UN debatic on repealing thç 1975 TC50 li til Il “Zillis I** is ä striki Ing illustration, While India voted for the US-sponso Tei resolution, little Sri Liika was o Ille of the few 11 ) Il-Isl:Illic States that wated with Cub: NOT th1, Kore: :AL1d WietT1:1T1, Editorials and political columnists in the state-run press appeared to enjoy the irony,
ITh his w cickly column, the editor of the independent Sunday Island took pains to remind his readers that India was st 41 ngry ower Sri Lillkas close Lics with the US, and the decision to open an Israeli interests section in Colombo Lihat both matters were included in the 'Indo-Sri Lanka peace accord".
While Delhi imposed its will con Sri Lanka in the name of and non alignment Wis-a-vis the usc of Trincomalee harbour as well, India the Columnist observed would soon upgrade diplomatic ties with Israel. Delhi would also extend growing Indo-US defence cooperation to joint naval exercises in the Indian Ocean. India had however persuaded Colombo to introduce the "Indian Ocean peace z Ille Te Solutio Il at the UN. Such cxercises in Tegional hegemonism and coercive diplomacy, and the pursuit of Indian self-interest through organisations dedicat cd to regional cooperation should cease.

Page 6
The Soviet Union was the Imain pilla T of Indialin foreign policy in terms of strategic interest. In terms of influence, political a Ind diplomatic, global and regional, the other principal
pillar was NONALIGNMENT. The Soviet Union has dissappered lind Russia has taken itš Place, along With a lose collTillon Wealth of II states, malny of them Moslem.
What the collapse of the
L}SSR Il e:1115 LC Inclia bcc:LIThe bli Indla il tly clear when Moscow for the first tiIThe changed its sta Incc in Kash, IlliT. For l'India, K:1shlTIllir is :1 1 iLIL1ıi S t:st of
stale-to-state Telations with any
the |
country, Ilost certainly Illajor powers and the neighbours. As for NAM, the collapse of bipolarity, hals placed a big question before the novellent.
Things may be a bit clearer
after the Dja karta summit this
yl,
To compensate for these
negative changes indi Incertal iltics, India has found the US loosening its ties with Pakistan. American concern was sharply focussed on Afghanist in since BTezllevos LIIIle. The COIIIIllinist seizure of power in Kabul allowed Washington to engage in a Wietilai mill-Afghanista Il titfoT—tat, the US pouri Ing In Loney and arms to anti-Kabul Afghan guerrilla groups, all stationed and operating out of forwardbases on border or in Afghanistan itself. Pakistan was vitally important
to the U.S. No more, Washing
ton has gently shifted its proPakistani position on Kashmir. Kaushi Ilir, al Critical issule in Indo-Pak relations is even more important now. The insurgency remains a major challenge to Indian security interests at a time when the Punjab crisis has seriously worsened, and Assam is a major security challenge too.
4
the Afghan-Pakistan
Indian Wiew
Hint of
gamesm
P. S. Sury
SE ט "יריrt4 sentially on gamics manship II day businessthe South Asia. Regional Coopę The host,
of Sri Lalkali, Tadas, Washid II it was it "I'll FBut no decisio would change th i T1 tille short Tull Tit it self Wils ally security-r This is of cou success in the STS
TLTe Were sues before t these, the quest ing thic organi contlucting its ness has been I the Forcign St. holl ä - special purpose. The cooperatic Il Il tratle, I11:1Inufau was given lo Summit lelder that they were the ecstablish Tili mitticc TT etc.) as an i Llp Corta I regional study this collectio II
TIl cwelt,
greater signif generally expe. (liticis i Cill w; is T. SullIllllIllit. Il II). last months II, Would be tre: Il tot a forg) Lt the Pakistan F Nawaz Sharif, nes be byցոnc cils f'TICII il llis Take up the ргерaтatory di

f political
manship
ranarayana
3.Tics of Fin ese-sided political marked the Onelike still Tiit of Association for ration (SAARC). Llinc President MT. R. Preppy that the sumSounding Success. In was taken that 1c Tallic of SAARC 1. Y cl, the Sullmot Illarred by clated incident. Tse, al In indicx of present circum
two major isle 5 tillfl'Illit. {}f ion of streamlinisation's Ways of diplomatic busiTherely referred to Cretaries Who Will session for this issue of regional the spheres of ture alltid services Illew Lil Trust. The s merely stated "pleased to note e:TL C3f the Chr11nomic cooperation ll utcome of the already made in .
politics assumed i cance, It was ited, as soon as a Elke I to höld the ecell be T 21, that stpone lent drama ld as a closed if en, chapter. But "Ti Title: MillisticT MIT. did not let bygJs, through the ifficountry did not issue during the scussions that took
place on the eve of the sumIllit,
On the Other handl, according to diplomatic sources in the Indian camp, there was, in fact, no room even for speculation about a set back to the SAARC IIlovementafter the Primc Minister, Mr. P. W. Narasimhil Rio, had already put the record straight weeks before the summit, When the Maldives Foreign Minister Mr. Fathullah Jaimeel, called (bn NMT. R:1) iI TO el ili iTn :4 bid t] set al new date for the su Tl Tmit, the Indian leader explained the cirCLIII 1st:lices of New Delhi’s alction that led to the postponement, in the first place, Mr. Rao removed lingering doubts, if any, about India's continuing commitmetit tg) SAARC.
No legalistic interpretation': The sources said Mr. Rao had told MT, Jameel that India's action LL LLLLL S LLLL S LLmmtLLLLLLL S S tHC S S CC CLLGLLLLL legalistc interpretation of the SAARC charter which laid down a litmus test of lunanimity for decision-making at all levels, Hic also stressed how i Important it was for the SAARC leaders to meet in a relaxed political atmosphere.
After all, SAARC is yet to find its political Thoorings as an established organisation for regional cooperation, Mr. Rao is Inderstog to hawe till MIT. Jameel. Therefore, the absence Of a lead OF Stát Or (včTTment (in this case, Bhutan) would not be conducive to the process of developing personal rapport at the highest level. Such rapport alone would help place SAARC on a sound footing.
TEle SAARC could Thot be placed in the same political league as the European Com

Page 7
munity. The absence of a head of State or Government :lt an EC sum ImiL would not hawe Liht: same adverese impact as in South Asia, the sources said. According to them, Mr. Jameel apparently conveyed Mr. Rao's point of wicw to the other SAARC leaders, thereby enabling the Maldives President Mr. Abdul Gayoom, the then chairman of SAARC, to set a new date for the Colombo summit.
MLT. Sha Tif's asser Live obseTwtion that we necd to avoid... disruptive (summit) postponements in (the) future' has, therefore, led to diplomatic spccu lation heTe - tillat the Pakistan Pri Iule Minister has not giwen up political gamesmanship on the SAARC stage.
When the summit was postponed last month, Mr. Sharif, in particular, had played a political game of 'solidarity', trying to reach out to Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives in thic process. Though he did not openly accuse India of rocking SAARC boat, he left
no one in dol, sion that he subtle way, to
His latest re ruptive postpon rently a move focus as the the SAARC diplomatic sol informal conve remark was ul only becausc II: ing to a sum Bhutanese mo taken in L() acci ties of a small Lanka. Pilkis would have stand even if than India had it did.
This is not that Mr. Sharif political pitch level. At the in Male, hic ha collective pact Asia a nuclear. after the officia try had eschew
VASA O
207, 2nd C Colomէ
Telephone

on that occas seeking, in a solate India.
Tence to a 'disment” was appalo keep India in wer to Watch in Tum. Pakistani ces argued, in ation, that the Exceptionable, if ia, while objectit without the arch, had not 1nt the sensibilicountry like Sri
an, they said, kell the Sam c. countly other
acted the way
the first ti IIle has queered the at Llle su Illimit
previous meeting,
di calci for a to declare South -arms-free Zone, ls from his counved the lucl calT
PTICANS
ross Street, o - 1 1 .
4, 21 631
issue in the summit-eve delibera tions.
Wider implications": On this occasion Loo, Mr. Shalif has renewed the call for a similar pact. But his preference for either a regional or an international or even a bilateral pact has wider political implications. In fact, according to diplomatic observers, his reference to a Esbilateral commitment' on the nuclear question is another sign of his political game to keep India in focus.
MT. Shäris's Teferences to self-deteTrmination'' in the context of the political changes on the World stage today, and his assertion that Pakistan wishes 'to '' + sciek honourable solution" to bilateral disputes through *"mutual accommodation' also fall in the came category,
On his part, Mr. Narasimha Rao (who, according to some Indian diplomats, is in a position to play the role of an elder states Iman of the region)
- Ηίίίίμ

Page 8
Media Debate
Towards a freer p
In order to promote L. G. campaign for we reproduce extracts from submissions pres constitutional court of Sri Lanka on the Pr Bill presented by the S. L. F. P. Government publish extracts from the submissions forwar H. W. Jayawardena, C), C. on behalf of National Party and an extract from the st S. Nadesan O. C. on behalf of the Civil Rights
We invite readers to participate in this submitting their views on the state of the Lanka today and what they would recommer
sary reforms.
Kindly note that the
and T. W.
Ideally, words. givвп. if so required.
Contributions
t G IIT)
should be The name and address of the write The article could be published under
''Press' in
about
Freedom of speech requires cc
Extracts from subrissions of H. W. Jayewardane QC on behalf of the United National Party.
1.3. It is in Llle freedom of the recipient that public opiIliom las its birth. The Press provides the data by which such
opinions find their fullest expres
sion. Therefore, it is man's
right as the recipient of informa
tion to look to as many sources
of in for Illation as he likes;
and it is equally the duty of the Press which provides the
information to seek it from as
many sources as possible.
If, however, the sources of information become concentrated in one, or restricted to a few bodies, then the formation of ideas is limited. It is in such circumstances only proper that the sources of information available to the public should be clarged rather than restricted; therefore there can be no justification for interference wigh the freed Oil of the Press.
6
¬- ܐܢܬܬܐ=- -- ܒ -- ܒ --- ܗ==
1.4 FTęc dom courage. If a information is tant to give f Illation of restricted. The restrictions on tion of data hither to cont public is a ma the closest tribunal.
iוחIt is sub 1.5 tem of gover LITniversal suffra and recipient express themse ballot. In suc is always a part of thost wish to maint: of power, to cation of da because it migh their tenure,
Therefo Te, it to see thosci themselves in publ טon th

SSS
rear press ited to tha ss Council 1973 We ed by Mr. he United mission of Movement.
debate by ress i Sri as le Ces
udes Radio
750-1 OOO should be Pan-nate
Durage
f speech requires person who gives timid or is relucacts then the forublic opinion is placing of any the communicaland opinion as unicated to the tter which merits ttention of any
ited that in a sysmen L balsed CoIII e both the issuer
of information wes through the
a system there
endency on the in power who in their position control the publia and opinion, ultimately affect
וTטוו1Tחר4טנL = u1סון is power hedging with restrictions :ation of data
which would be the basis for the formation of public opinion.
4.17 Clause 16 (1) absolutely prohibits publication in a newspaper of the whole or part of the proceedings of a Cabinet meeting. Clause 16 (2) prohibits the publication in a newspaper all documents passing between Ministers and the Secretary to the Cabinet and the publication of the whole or part of the Cabinet decision, unless approved for publication by the Secretary of the Cabinct. This provision constitutes a flagrall violation of the freedom of speech and expression of Clauses 18 (1), (g) as it directly prohibits publication. Douglas J. Stated in the Pentagon Papers, casc * * Secrecy in Government is fundamentally anti-democracy, perpetlla ling bu Te:LLICTa. Lic errors. Open debate and discussion of public issues are vital to our national health. On public questions there should be open indi Tobolust de baltic.” The essential aspect of freedom of speech involves the right of free criticism of the bureaucracy and the Gover Ilment,
6.3. It is thus that the involvement of the press in the discussio II of Calbinet Tlatters is but an essential part of the democratic structure in a free Society. Any attempt therefore to Tc mowe from discussion such matters is fundamentally opposed to the freedom of speech and discussion in a democracy.
26.4. A Prime Minister who wishes to test public reaction to a Ministerial proposal must be free to utilise the Press by communicating any proposal be
fore the Gower III ent to the
public so that the public may
express their view.
A Prime Minister can even
gauge public reaction to a Minister and his popularity or otherwise by using the Press to communicate any proposal of the Minister With which the Prime Minister Thay not agree, These co IIIImunications hawe al
ways becIl donc secretly and it

Page 9
is foT this Teilson that ewen in Sri Lanka representatives of the Press hawe becn closely associated with Prime Ministers and MiLnis teTs,
6.5. By far the most important feature of the privilege enjoyed and practised by Cabinet Ministers is the right to alert the
nation if any forward a pro in effect briTn, process 1.
proposal, for extraodinary p ecutive or the depriving McIT ciary or of th
Where news is not free, vi
cannot be free
Extract front subrissions of S. Nadesa QC or behalf of the Civil Rights Movement Cabinet Proceedings and Decisions 49. It is convenienth cre to c. 11sider Clause 16 (1) and (2) together. These prohibit the publication of the proceedings of the Cabinet, the contents of Cabinet documents, or a decision of the Cabinet, unless it has been approved for publication by the Secreta Ty to the Cabinet, 50. It is submitted Lihat this blanket prohibition cannot possibly be justified under any of the permissible restrictions. For the prohibition is against publication of any proceedings, document or decision whether or not it is one the publication of which Would be det Timental to thic interests of national security, national economy, public order etc. 51. The Gower him en L are
functions of modern
concerned only with safeguarding public order and national Security. Today things a Te different. The State deals with a host of social and economic problems. 52. The function of the Cabinet is not merely to make decisions regarding legislation, which will later be placed before the National Assembly, but also to take Inullerous executive decisions. It ranges from making appointments to the public service and deciding on the criteria on which students will be admitted to Universities, lo e Intering into contracts for purchase of goods fron abroad. These are all matters in which the public has a vital interest.
Televant herc. آي There was a time when the State was
53. The colli Ween Illem bers and the publi easily arise. " well consider t certain informa them unpopular and they might from releasing i instance be a
11 : State C. tillic (Calbillet de But the public such info TITnatia se Il till if is to the performance ment it has ele 54. What is in the privilege of journalists, but people to remail in for Ined of th decisions of the ( they have elle Where news is can Illot be free. 55. The provisi formation may the Goverillen safeguard. Apa I Lihat it demies t of choice, it I bered how easily can becolle c( power to censor 56. It should all the Bill does not closure Of Cabine
decisions. It in their publication 57. This will 1
leaks themselves limit the limbe get to know (). the Government ceed blissfully u plans have beck is often through

Minister brings osal which would thic diclocratic
ап end. Any instance, vesting wers in the Ex
ATmecil Forces cor bers of the JudiOpposition of
their liberty must be brought to public attention before it is too late. Any Cabinet Minister who disagrees with any such proposal should be: free to ultilisc thic Press to safeguard the Nation, the Constitution and Democracy before a Cabinct proposal is accepted and put into immediate effect.
WS
it of interest betT the Cabinet can here very he Cabinet may at the release of tion might lake in the country, Lhereføre refraim t. There may for financial scandal rporation which ides to hush up. has a right to Il, which is esadequately judge if the Gowercled to power, Towel here is not newspapers or the right of the 1 fully and freely e activities :Lind OWLTIlment which ited to power. not free, views
on that the inbe published with approval is no t from the fact he people's right ilust bc rememany Government Trupted by the
to be noted that prohibit the disproceedings and erely prohibits 1Il :: Il ewspaper. it prevent the It will only of people who then. Indeed itself Inight proawal re that its me known. It the press that
the Government learns of a breakdown in its own security and is alerted to take remedial action. 58. Influential people, il portant pressure groups or business interests, do mot dicipend on the newspapers to learn of Cabinet decisions and discussions that threaten their interests. They have their own channels of information, and their own methods of quietly and un obtrusively setting about exerting counter pressure. Such leakages of information will in Tho way bc abated by the Press Council bill. 59, Blt if a Cabinet (lecides on El 11 casure that Will hurt the common man, then he can come to know of this only through the Press. The new Bill Will close the common man's chnel rf infontin and he will not be able to start voicing his views and bringing what ever pressure he can on the GovernTiment such as Tesolutions in his trade union or village council, petitions, lobbying his MP etc. 60. The Press is the source of information of the Iman who does not have influential friends or political connection. It is the source of information of the great mass of citizens whose voice has a right to be heard at all times and not just at Such line that the Government finds convenient. 61. Leakages to influential groups are likely to become more, not
less, frequent after the Bill. Once the fear of disclosu Te in the Press is removed, persons
having access to Cabinet secrets will tend to be Timore careless Cor In ore indiscreet than at present. This the circle of those in the know', the influential pressure groups and hangers-on of those in high places, grow larger, while the people as a whole will be kept in the da rk.

Page 10
SHR’ is a
H. L. Seneviratne
pparently two reasons prompt the proposal to use 'Shri rather thin Si". First, it is alleged that "Shii represents correctly the Sinhala and ''Sri' dije 5, 10 t. This - is :: Illistalk:Th idea. When the script of a given alphabet is used to represent su Inds of a different langllage, Lille res11 ||t 15. Il eWET : CCurate, IT) fact * * Sri ' is phönalogically clasert Lillall -- Shi Ti" to what we represent by the Sinhala ''g'' Professor Mendis Rohanadhira is right and Gullaբala Senadheera WTւյ11ց,
The second argument is the superstition that a fout T lette I Word is auspicious and a three lett: ET WTill i5 IOL. This is S) stupid that it deservics Illo rcfulltation except to 5:ly that the fault is 113 in Otlt står5 but Ourselves. We light recall here that abolt ihrce dec:lle5 :igo Llle nationalilthe was Changolfrill Amamelal Saltiniai Talk:JCI1755, Original L S S S LH S S S SLLLSSLLLLS S S SLSL Laiki Matha' in the sale argument. The reader can decide för her Gelf T iii ITSELF LG E3 whether the present is 101 c alls= picious ihin 30 years ago.
Shri has an established usage il Hii idi, which is tille most accepLetl i 11 ET1 glish, In this LiSAgCl: STi Tiileälls -MT, TILLS, ** Shiltri SLSY LSLS S LL LaaLLL La S SLLLSS LSLLLLLLLS This is to clf Lill the colt Intry will its heavyweight chall pill.
This whole col troversy can be լից լու:c:15iւյIl For st. Tile styber reflection. Trivial though it is, it could lead to šопсthing good, provided We act with a modicum of sanity. We would be doing so if we squirely face the fact that to Temal 11 e + + Ceylo III” as **Sri Lanka was a listake which it is mot too late to co Trect. Ma Thy countries, have imal Illes that are used locally while they are known internationally by a different
The writer is proser var ஒ Arthrop ology of the Liversity of Pirginia, L. S. A.
4 letter W
name. For exall call their country the GcTIL 1a113 Del Il di 13 - Bharat ally these are kr Germany and Inc
The mille -- SI coined by the SL partisan and arro Illile the CCLIII parly, which is the patriotic pr: a political party : The LSSP, t) t this when they C Lika. Sa ITia Because the till Country is Lank Lankal". Althill LalIka KCCCLL T3 Ilalions of lyril always called the in SinıT1:1.la1 :h.I1&i Tamil. Usage 1
Il + Fl:LB1 kalimbali even in the tyratiny, 'Lani * :Տրl Ltitll:1' : TT conly uscid. IT bulary of the everyday Speech the name of always been I ESri Lanka", " thleir go"WeTI1m 2 Gwer II1I1 l eilt” li ctյոttյllբt the բ it did their aspii ple -- Sinhala people's childr and French fo The invention : ctյլITitry's nallic in keeping With policies, challuv gerated Selse C
**Ceylon' all short and si

ord
ple the Japanese ** Nipբon "" and 1tschland" and "". Internation1own as Japan, iia respectively.
i Lanka' was FP in a typically gant attempt to try after their lle Teverse of Lctice of nami Ing after the country. heir credit, did alled their party Samaja Party, I e II: Ti e of CILIT :l” :l'Ind mot ++SII gh the term ~Sri in the procla" ints, the people country Lanka
IIlangai' in ke * * 11.55 WAT’ få" show that Implius idio TL1 of a rather thin Wils Guitę Com| tlic trղle \rticalland, namely the of the people, the country has amikä"" and newco The SLFP call cil it "the people's It treated with *մբle's usages, as altions, foT examOnly' for the en, but English their children, Sri Lanka" as the by the SLFP is their reactionary Inis 1 m a Tid exagself-importance.
di Lanka 1ple,
:lTE Which is
both convenient and pleasing Eithic of these two forms can equally well serve as a sensible name for the country. Ceylon' could be the country's international na Ille While F “La Ilıkal” the indigenous, like Japan and Nippon. But if this is not acceptable, Lanka' is a file 11 attle for both national and international usage. When we use Lanka' we can dispense with the cint Towersy about the auspiciousness or otherwisc of four leiter Words.
Let Luis Temind ou Tsclives that **Sri’’ W:45 i Introduced Lo Tumber plates of vehicles by the reactionalry and feudal SLFP government. NOW WC hawe numeral Thumber plates. In the process of change to *-Sri'' plates innocent people were killical and foundations laid for the polarisation of communities who lived in harmony for centuries, All for a lousy letter. If anything more insane can be imagined, it is the present harebrained fittempt to introduce another letter to the English Tendering of Sri, so that aւtsրiciousness is inaugurated in the for Tim of a full T lette T word.
Controversies like the Sri Shri one det Tact from the real problems of the country which, if it is In eWS TC) almy011e, are economic such as poveTity, un employment and health, and socio-political such as corrruption in high, middle and low places. They are Welcomıc phenomena for politicians who have failed to solve these problems, but wait to remain in power. But it is time to bring some sanity to this land before it is enfeebled beyond salvage.

Page 11
Global Crisis ( )
The Challenge
Birty Gajameragedara (University of Peradeniya)
he World constitutes an or
ganic Whole. The social formation in the modern historical epoch, that is, the development of human history in its social economic, political and cultural aspects from the sixteenth century Oil Wards, his in Wolved mankind in a Single World system. The different parts of the World system are inter related to each other by relaLionships of conflict and cooperation on the one hand, and domination to subordination on the other. Hunan kindl is involved in a common destiny by historical necessity.
In the World today, the major patterns of interaction - socioeconomic, politico-strategic and communications - are globalised. Yet the problem of inter-state relations continues to dominate the study of international relations and foreign policy. This approach is valid to the extent that the nation-state remains the basic unit of human Orgalnisation and the chief decisionTaking unit in the world. But the tendency to regard the world as a juxtoposition of nationstates is analytically misleading and conceptually sterile. It leads to a dead end at best; to catastrophe at worst. The greatest danger in the world today is the possibility of the degeneration of the end of the Cld War into a nationalist rivalry reminiscent of the 1930s.
The theoretical definition of the relationship between the nation-state and the global SYStem is a task yet to be acComplished. The conceptual deIolition of the autonomy of the nation-state and the Wictory of the global perspective is the basic pre-requisite for the judicious handling of the current Crisis. In the contemporary era, the inter-state interaction itself
to The
is globalised. aTid its ideal, aTe caught up globalised relati bll system im almost daily. I lysis, the globa
Jur SCci:11 bei circumstances the geo-politit
the world: Lluc explosive charg crisis pulls th the orbit. Th World today is III a Inifested in th There is no theory to grapp Crisis, The Ici proletariat hawe World bourgeoi. chial in spite logical sophistic has become a production. Yet Walt t reli the nation stats
The changing of forces, viz. strategic config tion and exchai class struggle an and the Tole o! and ideology, a level, takes c. ultimate destin The world hit deter Illines the ball system whil time being the of its change. however great are subject to upon the changi of forces.
Foreign policy be considered a til of Inilitar diplomacy so as Ital objectives country. The air foreign policy ci any given Count ing world balan

ory
The nation-state gues themselves in a network of ionships. The gloEPI Tlgts llp C) IN LIS In the final ailaI setup determines Ilg. The global hawe demolished cal fTontiers of World is drifting; of the currell World towards crisis Of Lille most profoundly e a rena of theory. TL-liily aw:1ilable with the current ers of the global blunde Ted The sic reinaim paroof their technoation. Capitalism World Inode of the hourgeoisie in a prisoner of
World balı Tice the politicouration, produc1g: Telatio I1 ships, d class alliances, communication II at the global III lIllllIld of L.He y of mankind. lilice of forces unity of the gloe åt till: Salmecentral dynamic The great powers, they may be, lInici conditional ng World balance
can no longer 8 IIlere applicay stTilt egy and to a chieve exter
of any given t of conducting oncerns relating ry Lo the changce. Any given
country cannot be brought in line with the changing world balance without its internal policy also brought in line with changing global configurations. This is the most crucial area of the study of inter Inational relations and foreign policy. In the current World context, the internal and external policics of any given country from the two aspects of a single globalised relationship. Relating internal policy to the changing world balance can be regarded as the central dynamic of transforming the current world set up into a global society.
를 疊 As far as the rapidity of change is concerned, this is
the most revolutionary era of human history, Henry Kissinger observed:
This twentieth century has known little repose. Since the turn of the century, international crises have been increasing in both fréquency and Severity, The COFI temporary un rest, i although less apocalyptic than the two world wars which Spawned it, is even more բrւյfոլIndly revolutionary in nature.
The essence of a revolution is that it appears to contemporaries as a series of more: Or less un re
lated upheavals. The temptation is great to treat each issue as an immediate and isolated proble:II
which once surmounted will pcrri lit the funda Tental stability of the international order to reassert itself. But the crises which form the headlines of the day are symptoms of deep seated structural proble Ins. The international system which produced stability for a cently collapsed under the impact of two world Wars. The age of super powers which temporarily replaced it, is nearing to its end. The current international environment is in turmoil because its essential elements are a II in flux simultanenusly,
Global revolution is no longer a theoretical proposition. It is on the agenda of actuality Without a proper theoretical
9

Page 12
proposition. The current discussion of the global change, however, centres on Inultipolarity, that is, the transformation of the bipolar bloc conflict into a a world balance rest cd upon the two super powers, Japan, Europe and China. This characterisation of the global change which fails to define a place for the Third World, Illisses the central issue relating to the international conflict in the contic 11 ora Ty era, na mely, the definition of order in a global society. Kissinger tries to get at the heart of the problem thus:
(the) political multipolarity does not necessarily guarantee stability. Rigidity is diminished but so is manageability. Nationalistill , mEY succeed in curbing the pre-eminence of the super powers; it remains to be scent whether it can supply an integrating CroT Cep L TITI OTCI S LUCCESSfully in this century than in the last. Few countries have the in
LLLLLL LLLLL LLLL S aLLS S0LL0LLS S HaLLLL hawe tillic resources C3 beco Tl irformed about global issues . . . . Equilibrium is difficult to achieve among states widely divergent in values, goals, expectations and previous experience.
The greatest need of the contemporary international system is an agreed concept of order. In its illisenice, the Inwes olle available power i5 Linestra ined by any consensus as to legitiilnicy; ideology and nationalism, in their own Wily's, decpen international schisms. Many of the clements of stability which charact crised the internationall sy'5- tem in the rlineteenth Century cannot be recreated in the modern age, The stable technology, multiplicity of major powers, lified donestic claims and frontics which permitted adjustinents are gone for ever. A new concept of international Order is essential; without it stability Will pro Wie: el Li siwe.
Yet Kissinger refuses to break away from the conventional problem:
Our deepest challenge will be to evoke the creativity of a pluralist world, to bi se order Il political multipolarity even though overwhelining military strength. Will remain with the Super powers. Kissinger identifies problems theoretically to Teject it in application. The social conflict is globalised. The world is in a revolutionary transformation. The proposition that a s stable world order can be established of the basis of an equilibrium on power between the nation
10
states is not On the contrary ment of a dura presupposes th of the inter-Sta. the context of Eurc)-Illis Sile CT1 selled the clill flict bet Ween tlsocial systems, following observ
The crisis of Illust բrtյfuլլndl, military-strategi Wicci the East world with its is rc5tel upO träniscending I | class5 : tr
The CLIG to li
litics CCC:ssr stabic world or cendence of til the EW Opp): The clue in Ceridic lites striking the rig FreedoIIl and ei titules the cei fronting milink handling of certainly ushe Illent Lif a gln! the dange of with prosperity
The World only a gen-p| It is only so bleem Telate:5 til: conflict. The World il re larg mic. They T. iլt:LլIImulati / T1 ( ) and Llle diffet tions in one a bal system. B analysis, the sophical probl the question of finition of ort. society. The crisis in the W. sitates wictory a global scale. turn, necessita right balance and eւլuality. itself, is insigt тelation to eа the 11eali Elg o. day men are othel in a glol
The LII11Լttl : ilimcil the Swiet
bination, ce Inti centre of gravi America is th

a terhalble bile, , the establishble world order e transcendence te Conflict. Il
le 1982-1983 sis, which repre:lix Of Lhe C0IlLe two opposing
We I made tblic ration:
the world today is i na rifestil i Lhe c relationship betand the Wes. The
five billion people in a razor's Cdge, lational antagonisill Eliction.
e circa ir Of CC 31y for peace and El tler iç:5 il till: LTB 15hic conflict between ing social systerils. Lurin, t ) this trans= inlı tılıc problem of ht bilince bçtwccrı quality. This coilstra l challenge cornind. The judicious this challenge will in the cstablishFa I i Irl:r fTee Trtb 11 y Id Ted Col "TD T i|.
5. It litical
pTesCInt problem. partly. That proi the inter-St:lt: problems of thc gely socio-econelate to capital in a world scale Ent social formaInd the same gl 1ut, in the final world is a philom. This raises a conceptual leler in a global solution of the orld today necesof democracy on That victory in tes striking the between freedom Geography, in ificant; Illen ill ch colle T defile f geography. Torelated to each յal seIlse.
States of America
Union, in comnue to be the ty in the World. e g Tealitest CXP CTI
ment in the world capitalist Order. Russia is the greatest experiment in the socialist Te
Woll til. The ចួ of the way in which Mikhail Gorbachey has approached the sweeping reforms in the Soviet Union has already proved to be decisive. The understanding of the nature of his Tefo TIms, therefo Te, is significant. The Oxford historiali Michael Howard WIote :
There seems good reason to suppose what we a Te witnessing in the Sowict Union är eyens no less fundamental and far Teaching than hüsse which DLLured in France in 1789. We are seeing a genuine Tevolution. . .
Another historian, William X. McNeil of the University of Chicago neatly observed :
Human affairs never stand 5 till for log. Innumerablci s Thall, o eweyday ankl almost Linnoticed chilnges have za way of Lundleri niining palitter II:s Lis Hehavig bur all beligf LIIltil F. single individual's actions or a single public event may suddenly trigger rapid and far-r:aching alterations in the public life of millions or, in our day, h Lindreds of Inillions of people. The Oith of the Tennis Court was such an event in 1789; Lenin was such a triggerman in 1917; and now, 200 years after the French Revolution, likhai Gorbachev has initiated changes that may wall turn out to t even חTLaטarably impלן החםc טb though they have not yet provoked much revolutionary violence.
Given the epoch-Ilmaking significance of the October Tcwolution, and given the depth and the multi-faceted dimensions of the Soviet reforms, their revolutionary character is undeniable. The problem relates to their socio-historical cha Tate Tisation. Three leading Westeril States 11:Il Silly
... the Soviet Union's stake in it (the reform programme) is enorInous since it is fundamenta Ily an essort to sustain Super pQ"er solles into the 21st Lentury and äthie" a level of cconomic develop Tient
at east not too distant from those of the United States, the European
Community and Japan. It is TOW obvious that he road to 553 will be long and very difficult.
The ;absolute prerequisile.is -l : Fildical transformation of the Sowjet System that will bring the U.S.S.R. closer to Western concepts of mirkct economics and denocratic institutions. That is the definition of perestroika which the present authors support.

Page 13
THE REGION
India’s role in the cha
T. N. Kau
the euphoria created by events during the past year the USSR and Eastern Europe, Germany, the end of the Cold War' the success of democracy' and human rights and the failure of dogmatic socialism - one is apt to jump to hasty conclusions, ignoring the long-term perspectives. Hence the necd to take a realistic and pragmatic view of these changes and their effect on the rest of the worldl, especially the countries of the leveloping World such as India, China, South, South-East and West Asia, the Pacific, Africa and North, Central and Southern America, Even in the short range certain trends are emerging that create possibilities of conflicts in some of these regi
15.
The Soviet Union scems to be swinging from one end of pendulum to the other. Undoubtedly Stalinist socialirsm and its methods made a mess of Soviet economy and polity and could not have kept pace with the growing scientific and technological developments and the inherent hu II län urge for cquality, respect for individual liberty, freedom of faith and expression, and for ethnic and cultural iden. tities. However, some of the somersaults that the Soviet poliecies seem to be taking both in national and international relations bode ill both for the USSR and the developing World
Afghan changes
The withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan was neces
sary and a step in the right direction. But the agreen ԷIlt: Just announced between the
Mujahideen and the Soviet Gowernment is a dangerous move. that can boomerang against the union itself, lead to its further break-up take the world back
The Hriser Haif a farrier விர Frசr 3ecretary
to the mediew: ligion as the Tit Could create
and religious Asia, Africa ai World were d
and Cultures h for centuries.
The wawe of tallis III would lligious famatici (Orthodox, Ca tstīt del
indi Buddhist separatism and էl split in th based on sect; Shia, Suni, W; and other hues could not only Cession of the Asian Republic SIIg recti orgia, Armenia, ine and other Soviet Union. it could prod religious wave danger the unii of China (Sinki: Mongolia), Indi Punjab), the Mc Republic, Austr rigin in als) Fiji fic, Indonena, M sia, Sri Lanka itself. This cou gthening separa onist movements Ellgat, Italice II France, Belium ( Britain (Ulster), the U.S. (Puerto "Red 1пdiaпs). to racial and r West Asia (Isra Africa (Nigria a and even spread Southern Americ
This may seen SCCIlirio to thos clined to take Ilil Troy all Sc| Fi: self-interest at p is a growing tren be ignored or by long run. The

nging world
Il doctrine of rebasis of statehood. : ethnic upheavals Wars in pats of nd the Test Of Lhe ifferent religions ave lived together
Islamic fundamenlead to the reSI T1 of Christial tholic and Proinations), Hindu chall winisin, Sikh CW en el Courage e Islmic world arianism of the ahebi, Ahmediya El Ild Shliles. It lead to the seSoviet Central S but produce a in RSFSR, Ge, Moldavia, Ukra. Republics of the What is more, Lice : dogmaticthat would enty and integrity Ilg, Tibet, Lille a (Kashmir and Ingolian People's a tial (the aboand South PacMyanmar, Malay1 and Pakistan ld lead to strentist and secessi based on land/or religion in Walloons), Great Canada (Quebec), Rico and the It could lead eligious wars in el and Arabs), nd South Arica) (3 Central aldi Kl.
1 a far-fetched e who are inEl short term, sil wiew of their resent, but it d that cannot passed in the history of the
past 45 years (Lebanon, Congo, Korea, Wietnam, Iran-Iraq wär, the Gulf war, Grenada, Nicaragua, Panama, Cuba, Chile, the Indian sub-continent) shows that the cold war between the two superpowers had its fall-out in the Third World which was the battleground of wars by proxy between the two power blocs.
Detente
And now, when the two super power blocs seem to have entered a period of detente and of the cold war, the danger of increasing rivalries and cold war, or Cwen hot wars, betweens the developing countries loomeven larger. As the former President of Tanzania, Mr Julius Nyerere said at the CHOGM conference a few years B0 when elephants fight, the grass undern cath gets trampled, but even when they make love, the grass gets todden or Words to that effect.
The USSR is in a difficult situation - politically, economically and ethnically. To get over its present difficultics, it seems to be adopting policies that could endanger not only its own future but that of the rest of the world, especially the leveloping countries. Its recent shift on the Pakista Ini proposal to create a so-called "nuclear free zone" in South Asia is a small but significant shift. Instead of giving ргiority to nuclear disaTIThament by the nuclear-weapon powers, it has jumped on to the bandwagon of the Western world. It is like putting the cart before the horse. The dite need of the world today is to ban the production, testing and use of nuWeapons, and freezing the existing unclear stockpils with a view to destroying then by 2000 a.d (as Mr. Gorbachev had proposed in the UN General Assembly in 1988).
(Coriľ fr. Meď a ri page 2.4)

Page 14
THE REG OM
Po/fffca/ Солтлтелѓary
Outlook on Indo-Pak F
nder Mahotra
f the 20th anniversary of the s War between this coll try and Pakistan brings back Illem)- rics of the lightning liberation of Bangladesh, it is also a reminder that mercifully the two Ineighbours hawe managed to avoid yet another war for full two decades or for much longer than they were able to do so in the preceding years.
To call 1 this i Le Tlul de the longest period of peace in the subcontinent would be to put thing's a shade toch strongly. For, during it, India-Pakistan relations have been plagued by alla Tums and excursions all too often and by tensions bordering on brinkmanship at least twice. More shockingly, Pakistan has been aiding and abelting terrerism and secession in Punjab för more tham a decade and in Kashmir for over two years. Ils nefarious activities in KashImir, conducted brazenly and blatantly, add up to nothing short of a proxy war. For its part Pakistan blames India for ргопnoting separatisпn iп Siпd.
Even so, the two sides hawe succeeded in preventing the situation from degenerating into an all-out clash of arms. ATIT1ageddo1 has been avoided. But the question is: For how long
The sensible answer to this painful poser must be that War has to be shumned. Period. Th Tcc and half wars in the past solved no problem and another one in the future would solve none.
To put the ITlatl the Pakistalni a T position to do in the Indian artilled splendidly, in W East Pakistan, th die it by Ill W. world opinion Wi mingly in its f this opinion W side in 1971, III] Kashmir issue
clinched at the
which hals led to and complete vil solved at the CC war. Lhe result C likely to be as
dom therefore il all acts that Cal of war and incle of war. Bult, al said than dine.
To clail that wants war woul. absurd. Some t) convinced the Ill continuing at Illi militants and Pakistan leaves option but to g BJ Po 5 demand - f training callips Kashmiri terror and Pakistal-3 (POK) amount thing. But wh and done, the : the war cries ) are shriller.
As the Econ 23) has reported talk of 'wheI with India sta I

Relations
ar bluntly, if my was in a Kashmir what forces so did, hat Was then Ley would have provided the is so overwhelavour how as as on India's reverse, if the could not be end of a War o India's swift tory, can it be inclusion of a if which is ulClc.Hr.-Cllt Wisies in abju ring stoke the fires ed even Llle talk so, this is easier
Do come in IIndia. l, of course, be f us have indiccd. Selves tilat the ng of Kashmiri secessionists by this country no to war. The yr boDTıbing the and hideouts of sts in Pakistan cupied Kashmir | Lo thic salimc en all is said alict Temains thalt In the other side
mist (November most Pakistanis the Incxit waT
s', few of the Ill
say 'if'. And the writer in the London journal goes on to add that a very large number of Pakistan is assume that in the event of a new wat with India, the Pakistani armed forces would have strategic depth' or a "'fall-back area’’, provided by Pakistan's Muslim neighbours, in which its forces can retreat, regroup and retaliate'.
''The concept,' says the Economist, strains belief. But it is believed; and not just by Muslim fundamentalists but by some Western Sybarites from Pakistan’s wealthy elite, by serious civil serwants, even by geneTills”.
Another perceptive observer of the South Asian scene, a non-Indian who was in Pakistan recently, came back with the sa Ille ominous impression about the dominant Pakistani thinking. He stated that there were thoughtful Pakistanis who realised that there was no longer ally chance of Wresting Kashmir from India, that a drift towards War would be to try and find a mutually satisfactory solution of the Kashmir problem through an IndiaPakistan dialogue. But, he added, this was clearly a Illinority view. A conspicuous majority in ruling establishment seems to think that in relation to Kashmir, Pakistan is on the right course' and that the Te should be Inc) change in the present policy which is bound to bear fruit' of some sortatisome stage.
Such a state of affairs would

Page 15
have been worrisome at any time. What Ilakes it alarming is that the wat fever is catching C) Til at a Lil The When Pakistani polity is in disa Tay to an exteTit that no onc. scems to known is in charge.
From all accounts, the most powerful man in Pakistan today is President Ghulam lishaq Khan. He is a hawk who frequently talks about completing the agenda of partition regardless of the consequences of such an enterprise. However, he is not the Illaster of all he surveys. He has to share power with the army which remains the final arbiter of Pakistan's fate. Within the army, however, there are different voices. So much so that the infamous ISI - the Inter-Services Intelligence - has o Ince li again belcome a la W LI nto itself. Of late, it has come to light that in Kashmir, parallel operations have been launched by the ISI and thic army's directorate-general of military intelligence (DGMI). The two are not working at Cross-purposes. But the fact that they are Working separately is significant.
If uit te rances of some of the retired generals are any indication, the Pakistani decision makers on Kashmir seem smug in their belief that the tower stretched' Indian army cannot mount
an attack Il P: Pakistani army persist in its pr Lies with implu Ti feel, rightly, L Tlational situatio Lo another outri till:11 WELT.
This, how cwt, powerful clering opinion which dleredil by the ra the PakistäIi Iuli For onc thing, mational silenc: help to tlcrroris r teTrorisr11, is yili, stern criticism. threatening to on the Libya catalogue of . c{3ı dğılımı ged fabr risIll. What the if slac for for sal lil Il Lillis House of CIII ilself.
Pakiställni alt. Thati) [1,&ilise thic äld to iliyoke Lions than E. W. Tlib Tiec ir ricle wall L failed to prod result. All Imaj part a settle II Shimla Agreer dispute with P. 11uclear issue is thall i Ls diffTere
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kistan and the
can therefore owocative actiWiity. They also hall. Lline interIt is a deter'Tilt ght India-Pakis
Wilks ther its ill World ught to be poinsh individuals in Ig establish Illent. Lle Carlier interin Pakista Di Tı, il diced llarc:lding place to The U.S. is place Pakistan
list' or the :յլIIl tries tյ հt: exorting terTCBritish minister eign affairs has subject in the mons speaks for
empts to interKasl Illir. 185ue til U.N., resolhich Illothing is today hawe also llc the desired or countries Suplet under the լ է:Ill- Allerica's lkistlIl Wer 115 für Incre Serius :Ilces with III1 dia
on the same subject.
The U.S. under-secretary of state, Mr Reginald Bortholom CW, Elas ir formed New Delhi golf China's 'categorical commitment' to the U.S. that Chinese M-9 and M-11 missiles would not he supplied to Pakistan.
There is sole criticism of India on the score of alleged violations of human rights in Kashmir. But on thic wider human rights issue Pakistan has no leg stand on. Judged by the U.N. scale of "human frcc.doll, Pakistan ranks 79th - just after Wietnam – in a list of 88 countries
AL1 Lle:Se are: T:WolLuT:1ble tors which Indian diplomacy must build upon. But that by itself would not be enough. It would be irrcsponsible on our part not to realise that Pakistan is able to act the way it is doing because it perceives a window of opportunity in Kashmir. The situation is the Walley is not all dismall as it was a Eyea T ago. But it is faLT
f:1t:-
from being good enough. The “window' the Pakistanis are exploiting will not shut until
the Indian State establishes over the Kashmir situation much greater control than is the case alt present.
"OLI dOOrstep
ccess from selected 5tands
a late
ըr 5D1504

Page 16
THE REGION
Hindu "march for unity
fresh ethnic clashes?
David Housego
NEW DELHI
H indu militants recently launched a 14,000 km march across India that both the
government and most political parties fear could trigger off fresh Hindu-Moslem riots.
Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi, the president of the Hindu Bharatiya Janata Party (B.JP), set out from Kanyakumari, the southern{ဇ္ဈိst tip of India, at the head 邨]T,丑
large following on a highly publicised journey that will reach its climax with
the raising of the national flag in Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir, on January 11.
Many believe that militants
from the Moslem separatist 1 Tho We I11ę Elts in Kashi Illi T Will prevent his entry to Srinagar
or that the governmnt could be forced to arrest him well before then to avoid violence.
Dr. Joshi calls his journey an ekta yatra - a march for unity. He says that its aim is to champion national unity against
tille "biggest threat" nów facing the country - terrorism and Sett:881յTi".
Prime Minister Narasimha Rao's Congress administration believes that the march will inflame tensions between Hindus and Moslems and make the handling of separatist movements in Kashmir, Punjab and Assam Timbre difficult.
Dr. Joshi, one of the hard line leaders within the BJP, set
Jult On a truck di COTated as a Kashiniri house boat. His journey will take him through
Imany of the states where there have been commlunal and ethnic clashes including Andhra Pradesh Madhya Pradesh, Punjabi, Uttar
14
an di Kıshimir — arrive in the ci. blic Day.
When the BJ party leader, launched a silili y el to Support a Hindu temp it provoked wi bet Weel Hindu: Tl CTg l:tye Tcpor Eccl commil the Tl.
Mr. R;l Call party meeting get the BJP cal
The BJP, ille parly in Ilirth Imärch as : Ce
its campaign Congress as the party. By eq LI Inity with Hin. cxploiting the Senti ots of their fears
disintegrating from separatists
The BJP als) Will exacerbille Congress, which how to respond Hindu nationali halı dile the İ55ues the Punjab.
Thc dla Inger
that its aggre could alienate road opinion th by the BJP's exck for instance, imp thic IuthlessIl css
forces in Kash led to Ilul Ille T: humal rights abu
* My Weapons the Weapons of he says, justifyi of the security Violence they fact

- where he will lpital con Repu
P's parliamentary MT. L. K. Advani, lar campaign last the building of Ile iIn Ayodyha lespread violence and Mysels. ttIl illillմst 400 inal riots since
d a special all ili HIT ETTTTT to |l of T Lille. Thatchl.
ady the doIIliriant II dia Sees the TitTal cleillet i to challenge the : major national Lual ting Inational lu culture, it is lTinti - Mosle:Tl iany Hindus and f the county under pressure
hopes the march splits within is divided wer BJP's sm and how to of Kashmir and
for the BJP is issive campaign
Illiddle-of-the it is frightened csses. Dr. Joshi, licitly condones of the security mir which has illis chärges of SCS against them.
are defined by " IL1 y en ennies’” Ing the 11 ethods forces by the
Throughout the march, BJP will be pressing for the removal of the constitutional article that gives Kashmir special status, * "Il dia is al do IE and indivisibel whole. No part of the territory can be per Initted to secede’.” says Dr Joshi.
He adds that once the governIT ent's authority has been enforced in Kashmir, then separatist militancy will "ocwapCITLIC”.
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Page 17
Barber's Paradigm and D. S. Senanayake
A. J. Wilson Uniwersity of Wew Brunswick
ames David Barbert WTC te J. his The Presidentiall Character: Predicting Performance in the White House (2nd edition, 1977) that prediction of the behaviour of a President (and his paradigm can be applied to prime ministers) is a possiblc if we hawe access to the subject’s character as developed in childhood, his worldview as for illed in adolescence and his style as it emerged in early adulthood. Stephen E. Ambrose, a distinguished revisionist Nixon historian in Nixon: The Education of a Politician, 1913-1962 (1987), without referring to Barber, confirms the latter's vicw that a projection of personality can be profiled if we have knowledge of a future president's early years. Barber's wicws are accepted by the American establish illent. In recent times, he was requested to apply his paradigulatic forimula to produce a portrait of Jimmy Carter.
That the paradigm can be used in predicting prine Ininisterial performance was illustalled by J. H. Grainger in his Character and Style in English Politics
(1969). Grainger had, in a distant way, anticipated Barber but was never anywhere lear the sophisticated paradigm. He st
ressed character all style in the evolution of the Office of the Printime Minister but his was priInarily a study in history.
Barber leveloped his paradigin in four layers: (1) the President's personality shapes his behavior (2) Presidential personality is a package in which his character, worldview and style are compolents of his psycho-dynamism (3) Presidential personality interacts with the power situation he is Confronted With and "the climate of Lxpectations'" that prevails during his term.in office;
this climate discerned by (: Ing the peopl: be all right air delt will take (b) a sense of tion especially desident oughւ to di Tect the 1 or at least be foT his people ing that there the office he to that the be a laster P must also be above politics way to pred character, worl is Lo scc hai w together in the his early life'.
Barber statcd torientation' i wards experiel tablished, Lhat perience lasts subsequent CC adolescence, th tion shist8 tov These Lilles "come togethe I adulthood when from contempli sible action ant
Bärber's defin worldview and to an unders paradigm. Chill III Willich the himself towards coIl prises the Inary, politically particularly his social causality Eld the citral of Lle time", delt’s “ + habitula Illing his thre: which are speech Telallið tills Liitli hC of these, stilt be discelled W.

| Personality:
of expectation is a) reassurance an: : that thinks will ld that the Presicare of his people
progress and acStilt Elle Presito do so Illic thing lation’s CollTSC — in there pitching and (c) the feel
is legitillacy in as been elected President should olitician' yet he considered to be and (4) the best ct a President's dwiewi, all I li d style they were put : first place ... in
that there is in In childhood "to1ւյt:''- ( ) net E5experience of exidespite much Intradiction”. Til c focus of attenvard the future". concluded Barber, ! strongly in early the person Imho Wes ltico Il to TCS). Il| adopts a style'.
itions of character, style are relevant tanding of his racter is '' the Way President orients Life'. Worldview President's “-“prirelevant beliefs,
conception of llllllili Ihallure,
moral conflicts Style is the Presi| way of per Forpolitical Toles making, personal mework. Notle cd Bal Tiber, Call holly in a per
sonality, adding, it is a matter of tendencies'. Traits are to be found in all of us but in different amounts and different .IlsנQIllbinatiט
Barber classified his types into four categories:
(i) the active-positive where “there is a congruence, a conconsistency, between much activity and the enjoyment of it, indicating relatively high self. esticci and relative success in relating to the environment; hic is readily adaptable'
(ii) the active-negative juxtaposes relatively intense effort and relatively low emotional reward for that effort'; such types are entrenched in their opinions and take criticis.In personally
(iii) the passive-positive who is "receptive, compliant, other-directed'' whose life is a search for affection as a rewart for being agreeable and cooperative rather than personally assertive"
(iw) the passive-negative has ** a chil Tacter-Too Led orientLitio Il toWard doing dutiful service in order to compensate for low Self-esteem based on a sen se of usel:55c55".
Bärber's wictw wis that the f'LT
types will react differently to situations once they obtain office. Thus:
active-positives want most to achieve results (S. W. R. D. BandramLike, J. R. Jaye Wardene, R. Premadasa). Active negatives aim to get and keep power (D.S. Senamayake, Mrs. Si rimavo Banda ratnike, Sir John Kotelawala). Passive positives are after love (Dudley Senanayake). Passive negatives ei phasise their civic virtue (Dudley Senanayake).
Солтыға ол дұға 33
15

Page 18
NEW FR
Sri Lanka: Touvards a mult Report of a fact-finding mission
What are the roots of the conflict in Sri L evolution of the conflict? What hopes are democratic society and how can the internat
These are some of the questions which sioned by PRIO, sponsored by the Norweg NOW 1 B and Written by Neville Jaya weera, Civil Servant in Sri Lanka, it will be of in ministries, researchers and all those Worki
lt contains a review of the history and ca of political parties, ethnic and religious g groups and non-governmental organisation peace. It also looks at the impact of Pre lengthy interview in which he not only e outlines his understanding of multi-ethnic
The report makes recommendations for are already being considered by the gover
ISBN 82-7288-148-9
Published by the International Peace Resea 0260 Oslo 2, Norway.
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SOM PRO!
-ethnic democratic society? o Sri Lanka by Neville Jaya weera
Inka? How has the ethnic issue influenced the
there for the emergence of a multi-ethnic onal community assist the process of peace?
this report attempts to answer. Commisian government, Diakonisches Werk-EKD and
development consultant and former senior erest to international donor agencies, foreign ig in development in Sri Lanka. uses of the conflict and examines the role oups, the military, Vigilante and guerrilla s in the conflict and in the pursuit of sident Prema dasa" s presidency and contains a xplains his past and present policies but ty and his vision for the future of Sri Lanka. chieving peace and multi-ethnicity which
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Page 19
Plantations (5)
The estate people withi
Paul Caspersz
oes socio-economic integral
tion always and necessarily outlaw politicized ethnicity'? Or is political organization along ethnic lines an inevitable development of representative democracy? Livergent answers to these questions may be canvassed. Conceptually of course it is possible to envisage politicized ethnicity in coexistence with Socio-ecCT1mic integration of diverse ethnic groups in a single nation-state, In practice, politicized ethnicity would seem gravely to imperil 5ցcio-economic itltegriltit:11,
Politicized Ethnicity
Yet when the option for representative govern Tielt is taken in an ethnically plural Society: the clifferent etlı Hic groups ofլen claim, and obtain, 5Շpirate political recognition. When the first Legislative Coil incil Was" bisī ir Sri Lika in 1833, Governor Robert Willilot HOT toll had the tastic of norminating six unofficials of which clc-half could be latives. The GaWCTIOT nominited One Sinhal CSe, One Tamil and one Burgher. In 1889, Governor Arthur GTlon alideal conte Kızılı dlyün Silahlığı, İesse; and one Moor. When the principle of election was accepted in the Legislative Council of 1910, Tour ineTmbers Wer"c tC) be elected: two Europeals, OThe educated Ceylonese'. It is to the credit of the Ceylon National Congress that at its inception it eschewed division along ethnic lines. But it did not tai ke 1 mare than a few II in this for ethnic fissures to appear in the Congress and in the early 1920s the Congress divided along ethnic Lines. The Don Coluigh T11 : Te C3 JT1missioners set their face against communal representation which, in a famous phrase, they called + "a canket in the body politic”, but finally the Donough Inore Constitution allowed the. Gover
or to Ino Illin at cight pe Tsons tī0 presented intere: of only 58 me illee Officers the Sըսlbury Cծ duced Scctitirl 2, minoritics from ing by thČ IT kıyılır. Froll il the present day Tre been al 5, LCE of ethnicity whic enlightencil and cal thinkirs : halwe fou T1 dl imp The politicizati is perhaps the of represental Lliw pluri-ethnic Soc
Solild the E:
their sub-identi state? Tin a li haps - totally . picce* JaԱuth S gued against : CF EL- et Elimi
TITI TEIlling 3. ber of yr Eis, ig, hl: Esti: Will le : Il guy Eica 1 force Litt) 1}ון נוLH ניוטון ניחוח ח[ Effectiilig File:C pri, li til: I lllii I1 | kלשחשiTu חו חייזום illis. . . tյInբըtition f restiլIrut:.5, thit: greater profile
My Tgument
Eitif y 13 Tr) i'r en 1 irl Lilit: lill til II Hy lessitileil i Stck րtilitical
На II151 ПЕТ ГЕНТ recisely this
halt, Colulu, 1 l: 113 tititl milligen1t ethnic conflict
- . My ArgւIT Wrkable "eth I Detyre: I thi:
the hill coul
* Jagath Sena r; ship to thic i of the Fufrele:

in the nation
e no less then represent unre: its in a Council mbers and the of State. That institution intro9 to protect the political Swamp. 1jority is Well 833 therefore to the T: las till:TCi dy politicization :h cựeĩ1 thẹ: TT1 15ĩ uTubiased politiind practitioners possible to avoid. som of ethnicity necessiry price a demotricy in a ຂຶty,
state Talmis also politicization of ty in the nationEile-noticel (DCTInnotigel) shift t|laratղմ հ:13, 1Ihe politicization c identity:
I:LTgl: El Tegal III: LILIITT1= Լlic trimmlimit! I th:1է TLIIlils) jä: a WhLOl' Ludi significia Ti [ p] [3 liContent with it. Will titirliլլ բոliticil "sբtire”, էgral rրբrts entitirl Il, :::::::::: II || 3:33, il TT185"
rapilar politica Ili [1]: City text of or scarce political iTillications of this are (1 Tirit. Lis. . . .
is that... the ri ile Illic th Thiç çatı Flict Ery''','','"ill le EE i All Tigin ilF | H- F : L'H. Le THTT115 expression thпишgh Tm II.arties; thilt it is Trini : l'11 ge ble till: C) tai TTT-it : n t if this particulair
en isä hii i for A. בישrם וווש נict" LLם ווזנit:3 ttו conte Illing groups in try, it is necessary
atne, "After CitizenEstatc Tamils", kare , No. 25, June 1986.
that the Estate Tamils shed their ethnic group-specific mode of טיןlitical representalticoll. . . Does a this imply that the Est Tanils must lose their "ethnic iden; tity"? On the contra Ty, yli: t Wuld like to suggest is that I'll gious, linguistill: aldi cultural factors RNS the “Ethnic Party" comple be combined to form this "ethnic ilgility".
Jagath Senaratne is in effect advising in the cծ Ilte*ւ his plea for an “ethnic compact against the wisdom of the political wing of the Ceylon Workers, Congress. The Congress took its origins froTo the Ceylon Indian Congress, formed more th: TEty years ago in May 1939 and the Caylon Indian Congress Laիրար մոion which was forni&մ in May of the following, yet;
950 at the Tenth Anilill Congress of the Ceyl Indian Congress held in Matile it
changed its name to the Cצylוזה Workers Congress, M. S. Thծովdոգո was elected President. Thծ politicill wing of լիլg Cյուլլու: Հ5 as re-activated in the mid 70s and in 1977 was recognized als an indeրendent politicul party by the Collinissio Iller for Elections.
Yet the politicization of the Congress is not a development of the 1970; but merely the continuation of the politietzstil of the plantation workers Wիiclլ began with the setting uք tյF tiլ: Ceylon Indian Congress in 1939. The CC fielled sevel candidatics at the 1947 elections: six of the ill Won their seats. Alting the Will" ners was S. Thondaman who, as President of the Ceylon Indian Congress, won the Nul War Eliya seat. The denial of citizenship and voting rights to the planlation workers in 1948 and 1949 forced the Ceylon Workers' CTgress — which succeeded bith the Ceylon Indian Cingress Llbyl T Union to concentrate on trade union activities in the 505 and 60s but it never completely abdi
17

Page 20
sited its political tasks. Finally, Mr. S. Thondaman and Mr. S. Sellasamy were nominated by the Ceylon Workers Сопчress (Political Wing) for the General Election of July 1977. Mr. Thondaman was elécted 3rd member for Nuwara Eliya, while Mr. Sella Sally came fourth in the 3-member seat of Colombo Central. Writing in the first half of 1986, Jagath Senaratine holds up to the Estate Tamils the example of the Muslims.
It is precisely to facilitate develop ment Cf. In ultiethnic parties that suggested that the Estate Tamils conduct themselves in the "national" political arena in a manner analogust CP Lihat which the Muslims hae adopted to the present day, Unfortunate Jagath Senaratnel Since he wrote the Muslims have taken what seems like un retraceable steps towards politicization of their separate ethnicity. The estate Tamils may therefore answer Jagath Senaratne that it iş not they Who have o follow the Muslims but the Muslims who are now following them. What indeed seems to be the litterT of the future is not the I llll Il Liethnicity of the main political parties but the separate politicization of separate ethnic HTCllբ5.
The way to avoid the latter is to ensure the former. Jagath Senaratne sees this:
Whil tever arguments to The contrary,
ill the mainstream Pritical part is
from the entire political spectrum
should realize that is in their lang
term interest to woo the Estate
Tanis into their party constituencies.
The mainstream political Ties which could theoretically ACCEPpt to be multi-ethnic are the United National Party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the pia T Lies Of the Marxist left. The reality, however, is that all these parties. including, most Tagically, the traditional Marxist Parties since 1963: have capitulated majority ethnic pressures which today have been canonized by the ethnic 99ta System. To work or in gration through political integration of many ethnic groups in multi-ethnic parties that in theory claim to be inter-ethnic and only secondariy by the Illi Ilority ethnic groups themselves; the task of the leaders will be renderedi less
18.
El Tiduous to the El Te able to con eTs of the barı: CTS if the ind in order L Casier, the aven economic integ CXplored.
Socio-Econom Inter-relations
The integrati Tar Tlill communi Society has assi բմrtance becaus Collected fact tutional Indepe Repatriation A a Tid 1974, the of the estate 1975, all the of 1986 and , Sri Lanka was and the estates
Ty the Briti to Illaintain the nature of planta does not meant interaction betw Willage but the never guided by of integration, 1948 saw the bi perative.
Yet the immed the constitution: Government was sal to see it and El titempt to excl Tamils from nati El tempt Crystallizi ship Acts of 19,
* The Indian Go
the 1964 estinia Government that statele85 persons By the Repatrial 1964, Trillia aligr citizenship to 52. kii is own to բԱ5tբting the d: residence of 15, was taken by 1974. Indi anti each grant citiz Of the 600,000) tE Intia, tinly 5(15, for Indian citizen her 1981, or closed the is Lanka in 1985 a. citizenship to the thus increasing 375,000 te 4f9,OCK mens would alsg to the iaitu Tal i Wh(!). Ça IInc., under decided upon by of 1964, 1974 and

extent that they ince their followides of the leadmer. Meanwhile, make that task 1cs of social and ation have to be
ic hips I of the Estatic y into national led special ilof four interT3;: LHC (CCbIsti1dence of 1948, greements of 1964 Tha Lionalization in 1972 and Citizenship Acts 88. As long as a Crown Colony were private proh. We Tc ble Lo basically enclave ion society. This hal Lihcre was 10 'e'e 11 cState and interaction was the imperative Independence in rth of this ill
liate Tesponse of 1 lly independent by Way of refuthe consequent Lld the Estate inal society. The ed il the Citizen48 and 1949. *
Vernment accepted : of the Sri Lankan there were 975,000 in the country, ion Agreement of "eed to gränt its 5,000 and Sri Lan300,000, and to ecision about thic XO). This decision he Agreement of Sri Lanka. Would enship to 75,000. 1lis earinirked for COO had applicid ship by 31 Octowhich date India f applicants. Sri greed to grant its remaining 94,000, its quota fron ). Both GW crlgrant citizenship increase of those their quotas as the Agreements
8.
The nationalization of the estates by the laws of 1972 and 1975 heightened the imperative of the integration of the Esta le Tamils into the socio-economic and administrative structures of the country. The bulk of thic Estate Tamils were no longer to be the employees of foreign o T local privatic plantation proprietors but were now the direct employees of the State. It was therefore necessary to grant Sri Lankan citizenship to those entitled to it under the Agreements and to ensure that India would grant its citizenship to those el titled undcT the sa Ille Agreements. Yet there was delay, duc to a numiber of complex circumstances,
Citizenship Act No. 39 of 1988
was the most recent attempt to finally and definitively end the problem of the stateless.
It stipulated that anyone who did not come within the 506,000 plus the natural increase was ipso facto a citizen of Sri Lanka. That is the legal situation, but does not see I11 to hawe 50 far had plain sailing into actual and effective implementation. At the time of writing imple11 entation, to say the least, is not being aided by the fleeing
of refugees in the North and East to South India,
Integration of the Estate
Tamils into national society has to be pursued both internally, or within the estates, and cxter
Inally, or between the estate and the rest of the national economy. Within the estates,
programmes are being launchedto overcoille the secular disadvantage of the Estate popu, lation in education, housing, ownership of land, employment andi mobility of employment, health, income. These have to be pursued with determination but also with prudence so as not to heighten the suspicions and jealousies of the neighbcuring village communities.
If all the published figures so far testify to the greater relative disadvantage of the estate in relation to the Tural and urban sectors, it must also be borne

Page 21
in Ilind that conditions in sinc
villages and in some urban slul Ilms are worse thalı bil some estates. The estates were Ilt
part of an enclosure movement as in Southern England, though Inuch wasteland was transformed into plantations. The Enclosu te MoweInne Intı ilı Elığla Thid directly dispossessed the peasant and pamperized them but only until they got jobs in industry. The plantations im Sri Lamka indi Tectly had the same effects, but the effects persisted. The enclosure movement in England probably caused more suffering that the plantations did to the Sinhala peasamt ry. Bult there were far fewer compensatory Effects in Sri LlIlka th:11 in England. Here there was lo indillist Tyto alıbsorb pleasant la:-- bour, especially wheIl populaLion increasci. There was no developillent of capitalist agriculture. There was little deployment of profits for the development of the country.
When both estate workers and local peasants suffered, it is Illuch less important to decide who is more or less disadvanl:1ged than to take Tesiglille 5 Leps Lo end the admitted disadvantage of both. The problems of the peasantry tire only the obyerse side of the problemı 5 of the plantation workers. In the ultimate analysis the problems of both estilte workets a Ti di willlage peasants are the same: marginalization by the groups holding power: low a I d precarious incoilles; lack of outlets for initiative and self-reliant developmleIn L; 1ack of opportunity fit either the extensive or illtensive growth of all th:1t C0115– LiLLILes culture; subservience t{) the city, chiefly the capital city, Colomb).
G. W. S. de Silva in his Song Fere! Tugo E") r : Developmen um equivocally challenged the colntry to reverse the exploitative relationship betwe cm willage and city L Tid Imake it a Telationship that would fawout the formcr. (Only i In that way, be argued, could the energies of the majority who reside in the village ble Teleased
creatively for th nal developme ther: could be
Udawa until th tionship was re
de Silva's argi should be exter tionship betwe
scctor and the At present it is by the taxes at subsidizes the El prisite feedi If this subsidy Tcd11cccl, if no Illowed, estate significantly in a multiplier pr SpTc:łd fra II til e and from bith ԱյլIntry,
Historically, i. times, next to done im a com: creatively integi
Cosn
This p Histočki YFM e di Gerizi s
ČOf rai AI.5,
Enlight
As is
Fe fyri Traig
凸、芷
Fe'i lyfr, Agα της II IP
H5 O) Y Z
Ve Me, Sri Loki. Misli ri BIሆ Wit He is
(2) Ir TV li 冈站芷岛

1e tasks of natioit. In his view In gen L1 ile Galim e existing relaversed. Similarly, Lot Clm ald
ded to the relaLIl the Estât5 Llrban economy. the estate which ld duties it pays ity. The city is Tig 11 the estate, is substantially L altogethlet reWages can be creased, starting "3 CCSS thall cal Il State it Willage t) le eie
1 Intil very recent nothing has been cious millIlIlIeT Lo Tidte The estate
with the village. scious manner, however, whenever the village existed in the Wicinity of the estate, there has often been mutually beneficial contact between estate and Wilage, Left to themselves, without the interference of selfinterested trouble-makers, estate WTker 11i villager have Eccl quick to see in each other an ally and a complementary force, and by no IIleans a natural foje.
In an uncon
it is clear that no social change if any magnitude, certainly no humanistic social change, can take place in the country until estate Workers and villagers unitic with cach other in the plantation areas, and then with workers and peasants elsewhere in the country. That unity by its own dynamics will promote the unity of the whole nation.
netik fur das Kapitalism
hilosopher, El 71 o sociologist
g from drearn
rearnt he was a butterfly)
Trotsky prera flirting 777 7 ble Tr? 'e light from a distart Galaxy.
η Ρίτε, αν θείπg DopplεriΞει
Red end of the spectruri, being "ered til af Race, crea tre cca 71 pulsive
Is i'r story
Yitago y Fisir 77 foi fshe C erpillar
J Mke
"h SpaceTinie urid (I woke i last detaile to a realization fad, of his Iiri prote "Ice f the potency of fla ring Nationalisrns
er Phsch sie lg scribel 2 of Advanced Capital is 77s.
I ve li irri
пg his hookah on a Stock Market Toadstoo! LLHGCD TTTTL LTTTLLLLLLL LLLHH LLTLLL LLLLLLLlLLLLLLLS a still worders whether
da i Čaterpillar dres ir īrg Wie is ea Butterfly
ice-versa, in a Slum p
the computer says is a Hur F.
U. Karunafilalie
19

Page 22
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Page 23
Part (2)
Goviya's Looking Glass
Manik Sandrasagara
MEMORY
We have survived as clails becalls. We call remember what We were. Now, we can read all the signs around us by remelilbering the past. Nothing is new. “Suba Sh: Yasa”, Miliida. Prash Ta’, “ Um magga Jataka”.... tour folk stories - all this makes us wise. Nobody really fools us... we just pretend to be stupid. This is very safe in a society ruled by a dominant mentality. The boy who thinks, usually ends up on tyres.
INSECURITY
Fear and Paranoia results from feeling threatened. AII ailt called the Binkulla' teaches us this important lesson. It dances when threatened. We therefore respect the right of every living being to seek happiness. Our culture does not nake us compete; we co-operate instead for common ends. The water, the land, the Elir..... the elements we do irn' L owm. We therefore collectively plan all activity that affects one another. The only goal we aspire to is balance - this brings the rail in tille, When this ball 11ge is
lost, olur darket side m:Lnifests, The Dewa-asuna War is in Our thoughts and o Lur actions externalises this War. Fear and Paranoia is a disease that affects all those Who hold 11 to anything. In a culture where nothing is owned, there is Thothing Eo fear.
Fools have now arisen who react to the illusions around th CTm. The demons and fears are in their own Illinds. Their urge to destroy themselves with their inSecurity Inakes them take others With thcIll. A shared wision of desire. The desire to Tule, to dominate, to control, to make a lasting impression, to create Histo Ty.
we become de-natured and
BIG TANKS
lumu-t1חla-HוKX Nathaga ille Patt Karawita (sea). TI ga TT las a 11 il “W. Oya. This was GåTILällis, Tulcal Was Pandul kabila: stroyed the {{Link kling thic mighty tanks require a hl big tanks well power extended. talk Country Cu World Til the in IT Dew:l W. and King.
Kingship, als : Ը:1Illt a projct:88 expand their water. Finally, Irrigation and R Willage and we everything. Wer went right throլ
RAJAKARIYA
Sri Lanka’s
walls, I1a) Li bastical
patterns that ex This in Lerpretati us by our forlei L0riāls, sociolog cians. Our cult Raj: kariya Inot f derstäпоl how tl ILLIS first kilow kama - duty. ' tribution in kecp Our duty was in but to principle ple that tuled I
In keeping I We knew whlt Lies weTe. Tiles we colside ; is duty was looked to the Cix III l'utilit bureaucracy to everybody colle to functions th ited for. Agri best example -

וון s TTGווyal Tu ili Dewal to "here were several :w:als” al Tng this at a time when çouT *gaTı:15'. It ya who first clicsystem by builPanclawewa. Big Irelucracy. Were the Kingdom's In the small Willage was our spirit that dwelt fals both Our God
III institution bewhereby Kings control Llı rollgh with democracy, ils cīle Lille Öst CúTitTOl ÖVer | ste11 tille Toad 1gh our tank.
agrariaLin CLlLLIT: *յIl tէlւ Fց լItial isted in Europe. in was given to gn trained hisgists andl politiI Te was balsel on euclialism. "To 1.1 Inhis worked, one what is "yuthuTlli 3 W18, Yul TCIbing the bala Ilce. t t 11:1- It was princilot individuals.
at LL Te’s balal Tice, our responsibilie responsibilities acred duty. This upon as a service y. There was no orcler a nylo me - utively ey were best SulCultu Tc was the where all - parti
attelded
ciated together for the commongood. This was common-sense. Social Scien Lists cannot u Indlerstand this - Mahasam mata” (comillmon consensus). They call it feudal based oil the European experience that they have been taught.
CASTE
The book-trained rarely understand caste. For centuries, [ဇ္ဇပ္P!့် hawe livel certain listësityes. This is genetic information cor + + Buddha Bhoga”. People: a Tē best doing what they like and understand. Every village had a distinct cultural pattern inside it. No two villages are alike. In my mother’s “pa Tamparawa’ tlh circ is a 'Denapidemi' custom, coming they say from Kuveni. In my father's "paramparawa', there is something else. But my father and mother have the saime go' name, arc from the sa Time castic and come from adjoining villages As much as a tree is indigenous, to its environment, people are also indigenous to different CIlvironments. Willage na TheSlrl0ste from * Rastio — Laste: and , " Gu Dhal" - quality My village is Thimbiri: ya wewa, na TT1 ed after a Thimbiri ""ree link! :) Wery. This tree Cill live in and out of water. It is also a tasty wild fruit around which children gather. Similarly, every caste had its own secrets in maintaining the quality or “guna" of the trible. It is this knowledge that made thern distinct. This guna dharma ruled each group. At though this clharma' is now considered old fashioned primoridial urges don't change. They sul Tface in other WLyS.
WILLAGE RELIGION
The sun was our God King - called “Soorya divyarajah';. The Mon was our God Kingcalled “Chandradivya rajah; the Earth was our Wirgin Mother
21

Page 24
called Polo T1:1hik:LDıthawa'. "This was our religion. When the Sun ald MOT lited, we called it *Palawiya"... the Inight when the Te is 110 m00 m. We lcan Cd th:1
ut of darkness life begins in Ordet to die. Life contained ilfinite possibilities with the cycle Tepeating itself endlessly with no beginning and no end. This is "Samsara'. The life cycle was understood by all with the Sun and the Mición 315 Our Leachers. Because the Te was Llothing to Worry, all were happy. It Wils into such a society that the city introduced Roads, Education, Churches, Business and Politics. SCbIn ou T si Tiple · Galtına Pola (Willlage Fair) had to compete with a Mahapola (Great Fair) and them with a "Jathika Pola” (National Fair). Naturally, our
“Galınma Pola” los L ou L in this
galle,
POWERTY:
Who defines poverty? Con
teT ETTlC211 L Call be fuld i Il a l'ull hut and Illisery in the palacc. The family is the first unit. This is where our culture begins. For centuries. We protected our children. Now those who came
froTT broken homes, who had seen nothing but discontent, cane L. LIs as (LL' SaviCLITs....
these agents of change were the real terrorists in our midst. PoWerty follows roads and new settlements. In traditional villages we consider ourselves rich, in fact we call the city Geri Wala - the pit in which cattle are slaughtered. In the village we revere cour cattle as ou t t cachers, l't was they who taught us about clay and mud. Every village lost its identity and individuality with its unique cultural pattern and beca Time part of a nation when trade, commerce and money becalme the Thew Gods, Fertili7 eT. insecticide, tractors, miracle secds; all this was a part of what the city called "Rural DevelopIllent. A speed oriented urban Tentality fast replaced our tánquil way of life. The si Implicity of needs was replaced by unending acquisition and desire. what then is power ty? 町
22
KINGSHIP
We only knew W:18, Thẹ IIndi) With Kingship w Lice. The st: Illess of a regi ined by the rain bringing prospe Wiլ է:Tl Լh trլ: vision and drol by Ellie wedi that th: fall. A T11 the King was li an archy was the tc) survive, the wa Tids L divisio: Illind and he froll it. These Corded in histo live off the scribe is patia: Hle becomics a opposes the Ki jail. It is the st We come Lo kl wher they are Ashoka is the this syndro Ille.
)HAMRMAM MMAM,
In 1988 a il Kalta. Tagalma CW Cry Secret This is what's Hora (deceit), * Malayan" (illusi posed. We are “Dhl: I ma' War'. ew erything is u body is exemp best er; for Sri
Tl in fact, W. where begin te cha Inge comes || St:18Լյ11. Till t:1t hand of natur happening a to Will attribute peoplc. How diwid ul-L 15"? It i system and tir all this to ha that happens, E
HISTORY
All WiLLeil if (coilfil alı appears in all Weer1 la Ing p Peace is hardly L{ )Iy.

w what Kingship idual associated 7:15, of Illo c Ilseibility and goodте у аз deteriilcoming in season rity and peace. is conflict, diight, the people le King was at on followed since In acceptable, and : rcsillt. Il Tider
King looks ton in the public tries L. benefit
altieIt1p tS H. T.: Tery by scribes who systeil. If the il to the King, herkö äl if he Ting, lle is selt to ime story always. ow of Kings only I Tallisis 11 IT'de TETs. best example of
R
poster appeared It said that Will be Te Wellel. happeli Ing Ilow. “Boru' (Ilies) and on) will all be exin the Imiddle of
Everybody and nder Scrutiny, Not. This is Lhe
La Inka — a goldern len people everyLI Iliders tal-Imdi , how by itself with the y people see the te i 11 all what's LIIll d the Irnı, they blame ta various all We blåne ims conditions, the thu' (season) for ppen. Everything Laբրelis right.
history is a story
d War. Clflict cultures ill betciols of peace.
recorded il llis
It is always a story of Wars, of Kings and of the building of monuments. This is what is taught to our children - conflict. Even today what we Tead in the Tills 8 media is the story of Con
flict where slander is the main Weapon. Sustainability of cultures - is based on practice,
not on Words. Without practice, theory is uscless. Culture is forgotten and conflict emphasised and this nuTured and Cultivated in the city. Unable to understand the LTuth we arc being further taken into further chaos and division by both karayals''.
Barber's . . .
(Cori fined frarr; page 15)
And he added the problem is to LIIlderst. 11 – and to state uldlerstandably – what in the personal past foreshadows the future behaviour of a president, and in Cill T Calse, what in their pe Tsonal past explained the behaviour of a prime minister.
The four categories that Barber classified do Illt exist in Water tight seclusion. There is always a Th 3 Wetlalp. BLI L when we make Ճur assessment, the int1Imbent will be assessed in the round for to do otherwise will amount to Writing a complete biography. And for the purpose of our analysis, we are interested in those do Thil nan El tralits which led the of Ticeholder to act as he did.
D. S. Senanayake (1947-52), the first priInile minister arriwed at his position by accident, the death of a brother (F. R.). D. S. however had had a long apprenticeship. The question we Il cel t3 alsk - is whethlet D). S’s early life and later experience had any influence on his career Els Pri IIle Millister.
The evidence of D. S's career up to the early nineteen thiities indicates that he was not the emerging choice though he began laying the groundwork after 1931, the year of the inauguraLion of the Donoughmore Constitution, to make himself the incwitable senior statesman whorl the British colonial authorities could Telly con als al safc b c E.

Page 25
Kosambi: Using Marxis
Pranava K. Chaudhary
he latic Prof. Da II13 da T 10h1: T
папап da KosaПmbi was a distinguished thinker and writer who II laide outstanding contribuitions in warious fields. In particular, he extended and enriched the concepts of scientific methodology by applying it to the problems of archaeology, history and culture, making original and far reaching contributions in these disciplines.
(Olle of the 1st emirleithis:- toria, 1 s oʻT Im cli:l, Pr3f R. S. ShlarIma, who was a close associate of Prof Kosambi, spoke about the Ilulitifaceted aspects of Prof Kasal II bis col tribu Lich II. tc) the social sciences, particularly history:
Q. How would css, Kosa Imbi 5. Il histori:LIl'?
you :155Mai Txist
A. Although Kosambi adopted the Marxist appro ch to history, he did not accept the conclusions of Marx himself, not to speak of the views of the official Marxisis in the Soviet Union. Though, the Soviet Indologists spoke of the slave Inoic of production in ancient India, Kosa mbi did not accept this thesis. He, however, cautiously considered the Ha repper civilisation close to a Slave type of society.
Again Kosambi totally rejected Marx's application of the conccpt of Asiatic Inode of produc
tion to Indian Society and strongly criticised Wittfogel's theory of Oriental despotis,
Kosambi did not adopt Marx's "modes of production' of their
SčLIČT1 C fr for in India there
modles of pro given time. In tried to use Mi
approach for a expla, Inatory Ilino being realised Marxists thems
Q. Could you the significant sambi on early
A Kosillibi f oilt the Wilk a lççe: it al Ilcient In his view pc. dinated more id Tillilitarily. Sin did not look as a Tit Lalistic | Con purity and considered cas class, and as a social control. wiew oII castle { be Worked out. lipon a part of age and the pe Ici is and Mughal idea of feudalis Ηπει να μιαίίςνη Ι been thought original by Pro The first indicate levying tributes (). tributary princes, Significs the de class of landow peasants and Ll willages, The di feudalism is st
Q: What’s Ko to present day Ti crisies
A. What Kosal Tegarding the ti

m Creatively
. He led that could be several duction at any
short, Kosilibi : Tx's method and
creative Marxist del. This is now
by the Soviet lys.
Still: solle CF views of KoIndian society?
orcefully pointed pp. Talls of vioIndian society. iple were suboreologically, than ilarly, Kosambi Lipon the case Techanism based pollution. He ...ĉ i : s fossilised mechanism of However, his still remains to Kosambi looked the pre–Muslim Tid of the Sul5 a 5 feudal. His im froTil above Tom below has to be highly F. A. L. Basham. is powerful kings In Sul brdinates o
and tէլt settյTitl :velopment of a CTs between the litt sti:lite il the bate on Indian ill ontinuingc,
Simbos Televice
eligious controv
bi Write II 1956 CInstruction of
traditional history has great Tclevance to the controversy that is raging about the historicity of Ayodhya. Till the 1950s historians Thainly relied on thc genealogical tables given in the Puranas
But Kosambi rejected the rigmarole of history based only on Pura Pic lists and accounts.
In reconstructing the history of ancient times Kosambi went a step ahead of Dr H. C. Raychaudhari, who considered events and personalities to be historical only if they found mention in both the Piratic and Vedic traditions. Kosambi, on the other hand, judged their historicity in relation to the history of human settlement, which was linked with natural Tesource u sic and in clealTing the dense jungles in the Tainy alluvial soils of the Ganga and the black cotton soil area of the Deccan. It is evident that unless settlements were founded in the middle Gangetic plains states and the empires could not have been formed on any scale. In this context he underlined the significance of the role of iron tools.
(Prof Sharina also pointed out that going by Kosambi's Imethod and approach it can be deduced, Ayodhya could not have been settled in any scale until the 8th century BC, and that this is also attested archaeologically.)
Q. What kind of influence has been cxercised by Kosambi after his death
A. Kisambi Ilale the first serious attempt to apply the theory
(Cord ரா நவரச 24)
23

Page 26
India's . . .
(Carrir Her fra F1 page III)
Creating nuclear-free zones may produce the illusion that nuclaer proliferation will behalted, but we know what is happening
in Pakistan, Israel and South Africa to Ila IIc only a few countries. India, in spite of
having exploded a nuclaer device in 1974, unilaterally declared it would use nuclear technology exclusively for peaceful purposes. Having prowed its nuclear Capar bility, India deliberately refraimed froIII1 carrying (ut a Ily more nuclear explosions, in order to help the movement towards nu
clear disarmament. Instead of appreciating this and following India’s example, the nucl cal T
Weaբոn ט אייטיןTS էլT է: Iլ է ինն է: 111Լ:ET1= trating on the NPT which i Illposes controls and safeguards on the non-nuclear Wcapón power even for peaceful uses, but not on the nuclear weapon powers. What meaning do Tuclear-free zones have as long als the muclear weapon powers, especially the US, the USSR, China, UK and France have their nuclear arsenals? This is mot * * equal’’ security but unequal and inquitous insecurity' for the nonnuclear-weapon powers.
Some Indian experts say India should sign the NPT as a "“nuclear power - but this is selfdelusion. By being accepted as a 'nuclear' power, Indian pride may be satisfied but its scCllrily will not be safeguard cd.
Some other experts plead that Silce Chila ald FTLİlçe ile Willing to sign the NPT, India has no reason to refrain from doing so. But what does it really mean? By signing the NPT
24
FTanıcc zid C; agree not to t clear technolog Weapon powers (or climinate til
arsenals. Both “Illu clear-fTcc ? gilim Illicks to :
nuclear-weapon Will only della COf Thucllci T lisi In List have the
that happens til Il cel TOT NPT 7"Iles, ToT; the w the ble Tree || Thucllca T holocalI
It is It t that is propag: gerous trends Perhaps it is from its Iley
jump on to, t But, even the
other countries world are play. agi Ing this dang pressuring the pon States to is a shortsighte not succeed it and TThay eve I greater and In proliferation. Il tot hälye tille. Il Imay sign on t but those who tant to do so: the USSR all terTi Inations. The
CCICCIl trait. In is to:
(a) reduce arseInals of all th powers (includit and the U.K.) b. cent immediatel
(b) agree imn the testing, pro of existing nucl

Lina Will inerely Tal Imsfer thei I Imlly to non Ouclear El Inc. Icht Teduce leir Gwn Iluclear
La NPT ET QIn es' are miere LeluIde the InoInStates. They the realisation 34. T.Tı HTıcıL which first priority. If CTC will be no or Inucle: IT-free hole World Wild of dial Inger of : St.
le USSR alone lting these la I.
and doctrinesunder pressure Full friccisi Lor
their bandwagon. U. S. and the
of the Wester ing a 11 di encourgerous galime and
mon-TucleaT-Weafollow sluit. It
policy that will
the long Tun itually lead to Ot les S. Il Licle:LT
These who cic uclear capability he dotted lines. it will be relicWhat the U.S., the other Wesel to stTess and at this juncture
the Illu II libert of : Inuclear-weapon
ng China, France y at least 50 per
W.
lediately to ban duction and use ear weapons and
those that are in the process of testing and development.
(c) agree to destroy all nuclear by 2000 1. kl. Under international safeguards and control Tachinery in which the non-nuclear weapon powers must be represented Ilamely the Geneva. Disa Tmament COITimittee.
India has played a positive, Constructive and leading role in the field of nuclear disaTIIla IIl:Ill in the past. Nehru was the first World statesman to plead fir this in 1954. It would be sad if, because of its present ccc", Tığı Tiflic a Tinde other difficulties, India gawe up its time-tested policy in this field and weakened its stand. It would not only jeopardise its own security but that of the While World. It is hoped India will not follow the
example of the USSR or other Coultries in this mater.
- Hird,
Kosambi . . .
(Continued froni page 23) of Imode of production to the study of social, economic and Other processes in ancient Indian history. -
The ideas and insights generated by him are still being purSued by a host of researchers not only in India but also in other countries. Although, historians worki Ing in universities did not take Kosambi seriously in his lifetime, it is a measure of his intellectual impact that three cinemoration volumes were issued within ten years of his death. There is no doubt that the pioTneering and perceptive contribution of Kosambi to early Indian history has stood the test of time and continues to inspire historians.

Page 27
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