Page 1
O SRI LANKAN SOCIETY;
Sarath A
Newton
Scott
蠶
MANI DIXIT : MAN AT THE TOP -
Privatisation : MBILSING PUB
ALSO; D.S. (Wilson), WORLD F
 

The creeping crack-up
- Mervyn de Silva
\munսgama Gunasingha
Newton
- Aditi Phad his
LIC OPINION — Saman Kellegama
'0 LITICS (Gajameragedera)

Page 2
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laught I arid light banter Tiongst these rural darTsels who ar e Sysating Out tobacca leaf in a barn. It is one of the hut dieds of such
barris spread Out in the Tid afld up (AIrift, imt Ermediate zorg whi: le arabile lard rEmairs fallow during the off season.
Here, with careful Hurturing, lobacco gruws 45 3 lucrativa cash trup :: Tid the gro: loa'. KBS turi til gold, to the value of over Rs. 25. Tilgn or Inure annually, for xrhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRICHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tabacco is the industry rhai boririigis er Tipik by Tient tc) the second highest nurrber of people. And these people are the tobacco barn owners, the tobacco gravers and those whic Work for thÄTT, "Ti the land ad ir rhe: har T1s.
For them, the tobacco leaf means Tearingful Work, a comfortable life and a secure futura. A 3.Od enough reasar for laughter.
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Shariпg алd cагіл9 for our land and her people.

Page 3
LETTER
SELECTION OF VP'S BY LOTTERY
Disagreeing with my propo -
Sas for ā tt Way of choosing our governments, Reggie Siriwardena writes: "Let us occupy Ourselves
with the devising of as many checks and restraits on the exercise of power as We car think of." I rather thought that this was precisely what l hadi dorie iri proposi rig the selection of MPs by lottery and giving them only a single term. As a bonus, my scheme er sures the e di Tiration of a host of other evils including (1) the huge cost of elections (2) the mindless killings of hundreds before and after elections (3) the deplorable roles played by ethnicity, Caste, Creed, wealth, class etc. in elections (4) the career politician who is an expert in expedience (5) the Cyrics of Serie delinque tS etc., etc., while at the same time guaran teeing regular changes of government.
If Reggie Siriwardena can think of a batter method of achiewing these results let him to us.
Piyalı Ganın age Colombo 3.
TRE
Wor, self-emp
The Bank
a forced a to Rs. 4OOO a WWC) Caffio 7 f. Sa/N scale
ar. TS sacror Whsch Saviya recepi
Tre foregå n7) i WWWon ower a/locatiоп) и 9oveгптепt'5 νίaίία η μrogr fectively, a 77a "7 Sa fad.
The Bank intends to di R5. 200 777. Ni for agгїcu/tш. ťio fluided Development program will ťWe Worts, borderingу дїїs
äÜARDIAN
Wol. 14 No. 19 February 1, 1992
Price Rs. 7.50
Published fortnightly by
Laikā GLarcial Publishing Co. Ltd.
N. 2B. LIII. Il Flat, CÖlarını bütü — 2.
Editor: MW. Brw yn ddin Silwch Telephone: AA 584
Primtad by Ananda Press 82յ5, Sri Ratmajothi Safayanamultu Mia Watha, Colomb o 13.
Tephu : 435975
CON
News Background:;
Tհը Pdat:t Aբբըa
Tha Symbolic Role
Ճf tha Sangha
Buddhaputra and Bhumiputra?
Ethnicity
Ma T i Dixit
D. S. (3)
Global Change (3
Privatization (2)

EMWADS
e for bl'OWment
of Cey/ол has п increase ир 77 Wor, in its уг /оалзs fог self-employis a priority covers, Јапа
S.
Se (Rs. 600 the earlier // assist the Do Verty a Mean ore efbank spokes
2f Ceylon also shurse about on this year ral rehabilitaby the Asјал
Bank. This
operate in
East and tricts.
TENTS
3
I (2) 5.
7
8
11
5
19
21
23
Briefly . . .
LTTE infiltrates hill-country
|d Lustrias Ministèr and Leader of the House Rani Wickremasinghe told Pariament during the debate on the extension of the Emergency that police had been probing LTTE infiltration upcountry for sole time; there W35 othing new in that. The LTTE had been trying to recruit cadres and had also been seeking logistical SUPPOrt in thOSB ar Eas, the minister said.
Mr. Witckremasinghe said that LTTE infiltration into the estates was being checked by the polica, and added that a Select Committee of Parliament had been appointed to find a solution (to the ethnic problem). ''Let it find a solution", he said,
Mr. Dixon J. Perera (SLFP - Colombo District) said that the LTTE had spread its claws through Sri Lanka into India, Asia, Europe and the entire world. Not only Ranjan Wijera tne but Gwen people like Rajiv Gandhi had fallen victim to the Tigers; the LTTE had set up its headquarters in London and was spreading destruction from there, the MP said.
Unused gunboats
Sri Lanka bought three 150-million rupee gun boats from China for the SL Navy for its operations in the North. but they hawe been bert hled in Trinco male e unus ad since September last year. A have defects in their engings.
-

Page 4
Chiпеѕв engineers |аггived i Sri Lalka lat 8 thiS 101 th to investigate.
Committee in quandary
The Parliamentary Select Committee chaired by SLFP MP Mangala Moonesinghe is in a quandary about Certain
members publicising proposals before they could be deliberated. Mr. S. Thonda
man, UN P Natiola | List MP and CWC leader has offered Certain proposals for a Solution to the ethnic prob|em; and freely publicised them, creating a nation-wide furore among Sinhala natiorialists in particular.
Chairman Moonesing he has expressed his disapproval but has said that ha is po warless to stop such disclosures WHIC MEP M P Dilesh GuillaWardena questioned the propriety of Mr. Thondaman's action.
Maha Sangha goes
Woot
For the first time, One of the highest ranking Buddhist po relates, the Maha måyak Thera of the MalWatta Chapter of the Siyam Nikaya wisited the Jaffna district at the head of a Buddhist de legation which included tha Diya Wadi na
Nilag of the Sri Dallada Ma ligga Wa. The two-day wisit (January 17-18) was the Maha måyake, the Wenerable Rambuk Welle Sri Wipassi's fir St.
Transport and residential facilities for the visiting
pignitaries were arranged by the army top brass in the North, Major General Dezi Kobbekaduwa and Brigadier Wijaya Wimalaratna, The dglegation participated in Bodhi POпjas at Palay and Karainagar and at the anciert Naga de apa Wihara.
President Warns of sinister attempts
Prasidant Premadasa at a larga rally at
said КаІutага
that sinister a foot to creat country. The was to topple t ment; blind Cr same objective
These critics native to of Wan tad to be C arld MPs, tha Ewell at to F the presidency ways do only "I Will never sures and W room for any plunder ard Premadasa saic
To stop
refug
Informed so LE TE LITTE has ordered t iO Of thig Ea ! toWrìS Linderg trol i F T a ti the return of dia. Tamil fled to India i process of retu organised by t
S.
|creased Ll
the East rest
PEA
Om JEI Justi Ce, Pe; press Confo Solidarity Co. ment addre: FR t. Regʼy. Dr Commission
W. D.
rDITI W. B. םחA
חסti Wel. K.
for E Wer. Pe
REW. F. Rgy. Fr. ANTE Other pl SE LIET CES C WOA trarls IT

attempts wете cha OS in the 5 Ole Objective 1D UNP gQwarliticist had the
he said.
had laterfer and Conly :ome ministers President said. isk of los ing He would alwhat Was just giwg into pr (35 = i || 1 aver allo W body to rob,
steal", Mr .
return of jees? jurces believe
high command e destabilisatst and Northern overnment Con..empt to stop
refugees from refugees who are now in the "ming in batches hé TWC gDWErf
TE activity in IIting in high
security forces casualties has bBen søen as a signal from the Tigers to discourage the return of refugees. Security forces also saw it as an LTTE attempt to tie down forces in the East and keep them away from an assault
on thea Morth.
PMV off to KL Wait
Pring Milität D. B. Wijetunga went to Kuwait for a four da y Visit beginning January 25. Official sources described it as a goodwill wisit during which the Prime Minister will discuss expanGioll of trada äld i Cree35B in Kuwaiti in take of Sri Lankan (TánpOWBT. -
Amendment to inquiry ACT
The Comrnissions of IntuiIV Act is to be a tended to enable the President to appoiпt a пеvv плеппber iп place of another, to change the terms of reference contained in a warrant, and for the commission to obtain required information from public institutions.
CE APPEAL EXPANDS
23, the National ace and Human Development sponosored a
rance at which leading spokesman of the
Catholic Commission for
immittee for Justice, Peace and Human Developised the media. Among those present were . Raymond Pieris, President of the National and promirient represantatives of the Sang W7ā, dampahala Sirisuguna Thero - Chairman, Enwimental Foundation, Kalutara. atapola Nanda Thero - President, Batapola Tadassi Mahariahim Commemoration Founda
iranthidi ya Pragmasekera Thero — Organization 3 hikkus for the protection of National Resources,
| || e Wala Dewark hitta Thiero. Lawrence Ananda - Catechetical Centre, Chilaw.
Earnest Premasiri-Parish Priest, Irania wila, Jakānda Willa.
articipants spoke on the costs and social conif the Tourist industry, the installing of the it ter and the Hotel Complex.

Page 5
MOUNTING TENSIONS
Mervyn de Silva
ounting tensions generated
by a multiplicity of Conflicts project an image of increasing domestic division. So the external scene seems clearear, more Corder|y and rational. As time passes the impact of the external factors on the Sri Lankan situation is likely to cause more discord and raise the level of
So far the trade unions hawa remained reasonably quiet. There is more student and campus un rest than activa labour agitation. Privatisation and 'commercialisation" as the World Bank calls it, in the plantation and banking sectors are bound to activate the now dormant Unionised Working class. The union bosses in fact are alive to the gradual build-up and are already discussing responses and tactical options. Except for the daring heist in Ella by uniformed famil youths who
got away with more thar a million rupees, the plantations have been calm. But what will happan when the SPC and JEDB that own over 300,000 hectares are converted
into 22 management companies? Will labour listen to Mr. Thorndaman? Will his writ still rШп throughout a troubled thottam Or will other, younger and more militant leaders spot an all-too tempting opportunity to
seize the leadership. Fairly |large-scale retrench ment is certa in to follow the 'commerCialisation" operation.
Mr. Thonda man decided to play peace-maker not entirely out of loyalty to the UNP regime nor from his commitment to Lanka's unity and
territorial integrity. He had a very good reason to fear LTTE infiltration and a concerted LTTE drive to recruit youth cadres
tension.
especially in where is CW Strong. The f by Rohan Gu day Island) set tremely wël | b his conclusion Stiltigti Č; i5 mig registration in man's härld-cc The wast majc gistered but follows the leadership. In Oth ET LITiOIl5 tigers' tha di GLIn 3 Sek era Wri
" "M ցHTլի:Fl || g på ra to tad ka o y Tert of Stat dozels of Will
Il Ca tad for private compar government's sation Schern B.
At the sa The to create Codd e Stat 9 Ta Tissi living in line liw aS has runn sition despite t
Automatics
Thû TEG: gert 1 underground arr estate (where i 20 automatics
just before th and reports to youth receiving are seen by cers as th a f tick... tick... c. Waiting to expl fused Soom.
Arrests, disa harra SS Terit of kers began lo paүгоII robberү,
representatives ( Which hawe Som

he Uwa district, is not a II that lowing account masekera (Sшпthe scene exIt on one point from a simple eading. The 23% Cludes Thondare membership. rity are not realmost always WC's vigorous апy case, the are more "paper sciplined unions, te5.
Indian firms preier the manage-owned estates ich hawe been takeover by 22 lies under the proposed privati
time a proposal miniums for the who have been rO OrThs a|| their into stiff oppoTa idea's Therits.
discovery of an ms Cache or a 1 was said that Wera remoWeald a police raid) f estate Tamil arms training Intelligence offiirst faint tick. if a time bomb od if not de -
pearances and plantation worng before the
according to of trade unions he following on
robbery 59 people (including five
the tea estates. Since the
women) almost all Tamils, hawe been detained. One person is reported missing.
The unions protested because they found it hard to continue
membership recruitment under the circumstances. Labourers were scared and reluctant to
organise and attend meetings. Trade union activists have complained of being followed and kept uпder sшrveillапсе.
But they Wera told arrests were being made because of reports of LTTE infiltration of the estates, the significance of which cannot be lost on anyone considering the island's deagree of dependence on tea export earnings.
Warns Dr. Sunil Ratna priya, the coordinator of the Joint Committee of Plantation Sector Associations which held its first meeting on December 9: "This has now Created a terror situation which if not properly handled will ultimately lead to a Jaffna type situation
But the reports of rising tension in the hills were dismissed by a 5énior police officer in the region who explained that the new Security measures like road blocks and searches were introduced as a deterrence.
He glossed over the tramours of subterranean LTTE activity in the hills. LTTE suspects who
wera arrested in Connection with the arms cacho wero still being held while others
taken into custody were released after questioning, he added.
with the plan
According to those some knowledge of
3.

Page 6
tations the possibility of LTTE infiltration of the tea estates is confined mostly to the Uwa areas where the CWC's giant, Thodaman, is said to be W Gåkėst.
In any case the CWC controls only 23 per Cant of the total hill country estate Workforce. The CWC stands so tall
because the other unions are divided."
事 率
TATA teas, BIRLA, CHETTI NAD corporatioп etc ara among the foreign firms interested in running the tea estates. In the highly charged atmosphere today, it is Sinhala opposition to the entry of big Indian companies to the vital plantation sector in the island's heartland that can become serious worry for the gowar Tent. ""Thomda" as the Sinhala Defence League (SAS) of Mr. Gamini Jayasuriya, the DUNF of Galili Dissa la yake and Lalith Athu lath muda li and the (42 MPs) Sinhala-militant caucus in the SLFP prefer to call him, is seen both as Tamil plantation boss as well as the powerful arm of Drawidian India, the personal friend after all of both the DMK Chief Karunanidhi as well as the formar Chief
MiristBT and A, I DMK boOsS, M.G.R.
Thus, all these issues, though
in fact separate, are seеп through the eyes of a resurgent SinhalaBLICChIst T1|||tät TüWBmBnt AS inter Connected problems - pTO = blems that add up to a major threat to Sinhala-Buddhist interests. Briefly, EELAM in thG NORTH AND EAST; the spectre of MALAYNADU in the island's heartland and the sinister "Indian соппесtion” the O.COrı Ömically all-i Tıp Ortamt planation sector. Many may describe such fears as paranoid;... but paranoiа сап influence huппап, and group behaviour, and make a direct impact om politics.
Of a II the Current de Wel Opments, - trends that testify to the fact of internal frag
4
mentation an i political passio significant of a of 42, form: Kar Lunaratme, S, ra, Mythapala, nando and Oti
The adwant (C) ther with the C. within the fa Til a Bidara läikë: f SLFP, (Mrs. B., daughter Chand bied to Create the main Oppos samg broad logi D. U. N. F. to D. mations, the SLf DUN F, shared i of ''Die T1 OCT : CY Rights". Nothir eloquent Comm matura Ճf Sri La
ng World Ba
" "Aid Sri Lä meets On Feb, 86O million U.S jects and the of payments su Sri Lanka receir lars, an all-tim mũfB thi HT1 W{ 5aid a sвпior o
The World B government it budget defic of GNP and three state-OM and rubber pola by two state and JEDB),
Sri La ka Tupo E laws to make ier introduce hi and impose a policy,
The U.S. d Senator Larry Sri Lanka FS Of W to
aid''' a Tid Com T towards "priva market COO
has pledged 5 and 20% of support. HOWE

d heightened TSG - the Tim Ost II is the CaLICLIS ad by Tilak . L. Guna Seke
MeVille Fer1E FS.
f the SAS togeItinuing friction ly and party in amily-dominated son Anura and rika) have comfiss Urs With i iition party. The ic applies to thg Both these forFP and the 'new' a broad platform ''' and "Human ם rם וח B Bט חg Gaו entary on the nkan politics tham
tha natural irresisti bola term potation to grab the more potent Weapоп of Sinhala-Buddhist militancy and drop "Democracy" "Human Rights' 'Parliamentarism' etc. To play the 'saviour" of race and religion is far more attractive a role for the frustrated politician determined to get back on centre stage than 'democracy" or 'fundamental rights".
J. R. Jayewardena did this on many occasions. (See: Record of an opportunist' last issue) and Mrs. Bandaranaiko and the learned LSSP doctors and CP commissars went through the Sang routile is Wat Case to be known as "tha masa sa väidai /fr7e" i.e. Dudley-ga y baday, m735a/waday.
Aid Meeting
Ink hasi asked the nika group" which
7/8 to pledge 5. dollars, for prorest for balance Ipport. Last year W Ed a billion dol|e high. "We got 3 had expected" fficia || .
ank has told the must lirit the it tt8%( מ) ''corercialise" "ned banks, tea ntatiois now rum corporations, (SPC de precia te the a refor Til abour Teatre Chinant Da5gher interest ratas strict er monetary
3 legation led by Pressler spoke of * a fine exaппple Ise development lended the treid tisation and free ligs'. The US 5 million dollars he World Balk wêr, Some ECEC
countries and Canada are critical of the government's failure to nagotiate a political settlement of the fifteen-year old Tamil separatist insurgency in the North and East.
A parliaппепtary delegation from Canada, one of the leading critics of the government's hu. Iman rights record, offered to mediate. The offer was rejected, largely becausa President Premadas a has suddan y Come undar a furious attack from majority Sinhala-groups openly backed by the buddhist clergy, the SAS,
The SAS insists that the 'Tigers' Should be militarily defeated before any Concessions ara made. This cry has been taken up by the new party formed by Mr. Lalith Athulathnudali the former national security ministear and Mr. Gamini Dissa= na yake, the former lands minister,
and another minister in Mr. Premadasa's cabinet, all of whom were sacked when their
plot to impeach Mr. Prema dasa Collapsed.

Page 7
Part
The Peace Appeal
Language, Land, Education and Employment
Tho four key areas of discrimination and dispute hawa been
language, land, education and employment and they stil remail so. There are no instart solutions. Attempts to resolve
problems must be accompanied by serious study and research by both Sİrı hala and Taflı İ| scholars so as to giwa am authoritative lead to public dialogue.
For instance, the whole ques
tion of colonization and the Tami | Fhoma land rouses intense feelings on both sides. A joint
inquiry by scholars and compe
tent perSOITS On both Sides Could maka a real contribution to peace. The same would ap
ply to the subjects of aduca
tion and employment.
Economic Aspects
The economic aspects, in particular the impact of the development models adoptad in Sri Lanka, need to be given serious consideration in working towards Justice and Peaca in the CO LI Intry, The failure of economic policies and development models adopted since Independence has been a major cause of the uprisings in both tha South and the North. Delė pening economic Crisis led to evar-increasing discrimination and, more especially, racial discrimination.
Despite rapid social and economic development there is a deepening crisis in West Brn Society, in the economy as well as in spiritual values. The Third World should beware of blindly imitating Western economic models.
in Sri Lanka, after nearly 15 years of open market policies, gowe ment Sources acknowledge that an average of nearly 50% of children under 5 are undernourished (in Certain argas it is as high as 70%) and responsible researchers say that an awerage of 25% of babies bor are below the minimum weight
(The Peace Appeal has been signed by
of 2.5 kilogri T. Garis li term of the basic
this country h
Lurderstood an CC01 CILI Sios drE The fact is
ed earlier, a Sections i tr COf Thor thTEāt tence and rig of all Working Çia|ly threate Work, Eers that through a long gle hawe been The condition Who hawe lon! neglect has wo The condition children must E. tiЈПЕН. П d|| penings We hawi WOTE a Chi a Tog the Wor ly the worst, ппепtal agony є psychological tr the wito | eart dist break-up of fan Cribable. Yet th a remarkable"spil in thg face Ճl hawe set up sewe for mutual help Help for them high priority in rehabilitatio. ble Emphasised gle for wome wery important of the whole s dar Tental, huma tic rights.
Immediate st taken to bring of living and s D00 rar SectiOT15 suffer most fro if|Etior.
The oреп ес fast-increasing t tion (dubbed Sri kā t increases the p Capital and enc: life style. The increases and t the rich and the
38 yell-kTD links

ms. . What this s of limitations right to life in is to be clearly the necessary W. hat, as mention: OrTnm , Inities and is country face to their exis"h ts. The rights people are esреed. Rights of na Ve bo Ben Won history of strugseriously eroded. If the peasantry suffered from Seed further.
of women and e specially menthe tragic hapa passed through, |dran hawe been st, if not actualaffected. The Hnd anguish and a uma Caused by member ment and milies are indesey have shown it and resilience adversity and *ral organisations and soli darity. should receive any schenes of Further, it must that the strugn's rights is a and integral part truggle for funänd de To Cra
epos should bė down the cost o relia We On thig of society, who m the galloping
:onomy with its rend of priva tisa
peoplisation in mask the reality) ower of foreign ourages an elite 3 national debt ha gap betweап a poor increases.
All this intan sifies injustice and inequality and requires a strong centralized state to keep down discontent and safeguard foreign capital. This militates against devolution of power to sub-national units. -
So there must be evaluation of economic policies and search for alternatives. Research aimed at Working out appropriate policies and technology for Sri Lankan society should be promoteid. AWaren ess of de ep Teforms needed in the rural economy should be created in the country, Broad involvement of political, religio Luis and intelle Ctual groups to indentify and achieve these reforms urgently is needed.
Religion and Culture
By far the most devastating effect of economic policias and development models has been on the spirit of the people. No doubt, they have brought certain benefits to some. But there has been a continuous process of alienation and dehumanisation. The violence brutalizes people, the Worship of money and goods enslaves people and the "rat race' breaks up community and divides and aliena tes people, people are plucked out of their roots and cast adrift. Consumerism subsumes all virtua and value.
So there must be a return to the roots of our indigenous life, a Tene Wall from Withi to Work Out o Lur o W for T1 of development, free of foreign domination. There needs to be a continuing open dialogue on this between various view-points that are strongly held. What Sri Lanka needs is a development mo de that is fir Tilly rooted in the soil of our indigenous Cultures, with participation of the massas of the peoples in Sri Lanka, and also open to genuine, secular, scientific influences from the Wider World beyond. We need to build a national, scientific, mass culture.
Especially necessary will be an understanding by all of the multi-religious, multi-cultural and nulti-ethnic character of our Society,
and several members of the Christian clergy)

Page 8
There is reluctance on the part of some of the majority Community to accept such an understanding. This cannot be put down to racism pure and
simple but is due to complex historical factors. There has to ba patient building of mutual
confidence between majority and minority communities through common actions for justice and peace, action in tackling each Other's problems. It is not simply matter of oppressor and oppressed. There is oppression on both sides. Isolation has to be broken down and the majority has to understand the problems of the minority and the minorities Hawa to Lunderständ the
problems of the majority. HOWever, while recognising that both the Tajority COT= Til Lunity and the il Critis
are subject to various forms of oppression and that there are privileged sections in all Communities, it must be understood that the minorities are oppressed by the added fact of being minorities.
Appeal
There has bвө o a Tla SSive Sca But, hopefully, i all in wain. Th lessons learnt,
did Charactar i the struggles ar tle deep moveme for justice and
are still residual in the Social ar of o Lur people S.
World=Wide Stru; and peace and the progressive in munity. These resources for th of us,
We belong to gitus and rati and include W, professionals an i responsible post life, it electual We appeal to t GO wara 1 t Of : us all together realities of our taka positive co justice and peа!
" Computerised meters
No call up charge within city | ווחןt5
Can bE Sumrt Oned to YOL
" Wehicle CC
'Receipts issued on request " Company credit avail
Ca|| 501 502 50 1503 Dr
ŠệAset .
Another Aitken Spence
 
 

in stark tragedy ile in OUr ITId St. t has Illot b a 3 are hawa bet insights gain Cad formed through ld sacrifices of it of the people
pចace. There | deep traditions ld political life
Th[:rg is the ggle for justicea the solidarity of iterational coare al valuable tasks ahead
different realiall communities rorking patյple, tl those holding itions in public s and clergy. he peoples and Sri Lanka. Let face up to the
situation and זםf חסtiםם חסוחוח
C.
Declare Terms and
Guarantees
So as to em a b B an end tO the ethnic Conflict and move towards peace we call шроп
the Government, the Opposition, the LTTE 3rd Other i Wg|Wg di groups to declare publicly now their re Spective Stands On the issues at Stake.
WIWhat te TTSG Will thig, GOVETIT = mgnt offer? What termis do es thea Opposition, particularly the major Opposition party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, LLLLLLLLS LLL LLLLLLL LL0LL0 L0 LTTE and other in Wolved gro Lipos demand?
We also call for clear statements of what guarantees will ba offered and accepted in terms of mediation and monitoring bodias, processes of judicial appeal etc. regarding effective implementation of promises and arrangments made regarding de familitarization, FBIstoratio Of democratic pro CESSES, including multi-party System and elections, devolution of power .yוחם חםt1 a LILח H
OršE)
ess from selected stands
Ele
501 504
Service

Page 9
THE SANGHA: A symbolic
Newton Gunasingha
ne of the complex areas of
political analysis is to evaluats ind åCCDLInt for th a behaviour of apparently non-class forces and social groups which exhibit a degree of ideological coherence and interwene in the political domain where class conflict, Gwen if at timgs , do rmaint, S ng voor absent. The Buddhist Sangha in Sri Lanka is such an apparently non-class gotial foirte which ha5 åttain Ed a degrag of ideological Coharence, Why should one use the term, "apparently non-class"? The Sangha presents itself not as the representative of a single moral community, the moral community of Sinhala Buddhism. The laity of this moral community is ideologically press LU red to per Ceive the monk= hood as a homogeneous entity, as a sacred group which has tak en the fraks få oriented Path and as the guardians of religi
ous truth. But in reality, the monkho od is heter og eneous, divided into sects, not on the
basis of doctrina | differences, but Cori caste arid iri additiori differertiated into hierarchical ewes with in the sects themselves. So one gets an internally differantiated social group, divided both orizontally and Wertically, which The Wert heless maintains ar ideo – logica | Coherence and is able to act Surmounting the fragmentations Earlier referred to. Hance, the apparently in Disn-class tharactar Of tha Okhood.
The overwhelming majority of the Sa mgha ir respective of the caste/sect divisions, Comes from the plebian lower middle layers in rura || Society. The only excepti Cori to this Lu5 ad to be the imCLI rThberts Cof tle histori : landed temples in the Kandyan ат8as who traditionally came from the land holding aristocratic lineages in Kandyan society Hans-Dieter Ewers, for instance,
ஒ fara Jr. பொasinghe taught CCLHHHCHLCeLH aL S S S LMGOLCLOHLLS LLLS Paradвлfүд.
Y Reproduced fror, pas fissue df L.G.
Was able to est transfer of iCLIT ations, froTi T1 nephew in the ple in Uduru WE this lewe || Social significantly chi: last two decad going to less E | å y ETS Cof
lineages, ES me from such backgrounds a T. clished to climh t of success, T. | arge, Emerges peasant - Small of rural Si hal very rarely fro th1e ları dlBSS rLur";
Although in
Buddhis In the S Hä W taken är tiom-orient Fad, d is captured in We diffiitill of EL Sa Iwation ideolo di Cat Tok – i rary SiטטווtBIחס ט Except the sпа IHE for Est-Life are Tot actors i tical field, the Buddhist onkh the te Tiples h r77 ok5/la orienta The average III the robes Tot bo E to be so but b ents persuaded robes ever bef his teens, the ge from which ti drawn happens to tWelve y a: Childre Corlig pro partied plebi in rura || Society ally subjected to ship, becoming cial mobility a portunity to st diplomas and de they are they links with one's monk as Well a A high percen

role
* 音
:ablish awшncшlar bency for generther's brother to La katila k3 tentTTra. But even at composition has Inged during the les, in CUTiben Cy ristocratic Outer the principal the WOLIng privileged social 3 increasingly inHa secular a dder e Sangha, by and frt the middle cultivator layers a society, but the ranks of a Workers.
classical Indian Sangha Seems to intensely sa lwa - irection - which ber's Well-know
did his as the gy of the men - it is not 50 in nial Buddhism. Il Co ITT LI rliities of ling monks who in the sociopolibulk of the
ood resident at a we lost their tion long ago.
Ok has el tered cause he wished a cause his parhiri to e inter the ora he was il eral age cohort le novices arg to be the Sewer ar group. For from thg sina II an backgrounds who are generfinancial harda rowice is sond also an opUdy and obtain grees. Wherewer Thad iri ta in Close Senior teachers their failies. tage of young
monks leave tho order to become aymen, but only after having obtained Some educational qualifications. The Senior monks are well aware of the hazards involved and ensure by en rolling and training a number of young man, that the high dropO Lut rate will mot necessarily eliminate a possible SUCCESSors.
In militant Sinhala Buddhism currently ascendant, the Sangha plays a highly symbolic role. The Sangha is not a grouբ that
as abandoned lay Society in search of salvation at it was the case it classical Buddhism. but is a most vocal group -
the ideologues of Sinhala nationallism. The Sangha is regarded as the 'guardian of the nation" and myths of how the Sangha steed forward whenever the Si Il a la rati Was in dari ger are daily recounted in the po - pular media. The Self-perception of the Sagha is decisively affected by this mass media manipulation even more than the perception of the people at large.
Political Role
How effective is the Saga as a political actor? Will people follow what they preach today, especially in wiew of the fact that a II kinds of traditiona | Luthority structuras area in de Clima and the Sangha surely is one COTS tit LIBIt BETE It Of thig tra ditional authority? Many a po. litical scientist has highlighted the important role played by the Sa gha in tha 1956 political transformation. Although the politica | TC 3 Cof the Toks ir 1956 cannot be underestimated, one should emphasise that monks in 1959 formed merey One elle
ment of a largar social force - the So-called Sangha, veda, guru force (monks, ayurveda
physicians and teachers) - which basically represented the rural petty bourgeoisie who were in rewolt both a gainst tha landlord Strat LI IT ir rLura l argas a roll irn general against urban interests, Today, this social force is fragmented and no longer plays the sale role it did in 1956. Further (as pointed out earlier),
(Сопffлtra on page 9)

Page 10
Buddhaputra and Bhum
Sarath Amunugama
Dilannas of Modern Sinhala Buddh in Ffelafion fo Efh nic and Political
The ethnic and politica conflict in Sri Lanka have created Ethnica dilemmas for Sinha la monks. They have had to react to a Tamil separa tiSt War, an Indian threat to the Country's sovereignty and the extensive use of wiolence by Sinhala rebel gro Lips and the state. ContTa rY tO - Com TimOn belief Sinhala monks do not act as a monolithic body, particularly on political issues. This essay describas the differant organiza - tions within the Sangha, and the Buddhist laity, and their coalition building in order to presant an effectiva response to the above mentioned issues.
It also analyses concepts brought into play, particularly by radical young
monks, to resolve these dietTmas irn ta rrTS of Sinhala B L dd'hist idéology.
On 29 July 1987, India and Sri Lanka entered into an agre 9ment, commonly referred to as the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, aimed at ending Tamil separatist in Sri Lanka. By this agreement the Sri Lankan authorities agreed to effect changes in the country's Constitution and de wolwe substantia power from the centr to the provinces. Eight Prowincial Councils were to be established, one of which - the council of thea a malga mated North and Eastern provinces - would be Tamil dominated. This would in effect, grant a degree of autonomy to the Tamils in what they claimed were their "traditional homelands".
The signing of the Accord, with litt le advance notica or discussion, Sparked off mass opposition in Sinhala-dominated parts of the country. These demonstrations were organized by the Maubima Surakeeme Viyapa raya (MSW) or "The Movement for Safeguarding the Motherland". Founded in July 1986 the MSW
had growп тарid fLI | "umbrella o, mok S, TOT Mar. ) חםsitiסטpס thB JWP through its tions) and imp dhist association The mass opp AC Cord. Which ac ernment by Surp rapid deployment Peacekeeping For North and East, re troops for active A few days later had up to now ke in tho MSW, took Accord struggle. F the killing of its laté 1989, tha J main adversary ment апd the sє the ACCord, thoL ceive warying deg
from their grstw the MSW. Many and lay Budhi
which constitute sympathetic to the ble oppositioп Jaye wardena ani A journa II of oni radical monks, to be "the only j by Sri Lankan Bh When the corr this country is July 1987 w be recorded special signific pects of this Cognized. Om will denote t a land äld gagging and th Brebo'y making nation.
On the Othe 1987 Wi || Epe O which the r Bjecting 5a foreign it peri rafusing to fa | even with the decided to fig foreign power
(Courtesy ICES journal Thatched Parta)
B

liputra?
is Works
Gorf Wisco
ly as a powerrganization of xist parties of SLFP, MEP and
front organ: za -
rtant lay BudS. | 05 iti to the
aught the GowTisa, l9d to the Of the Indian ce (IPKF) in tha :leasing Sinhala luty in the South, I ha i JWP, which pt a low profile Over the anti||n, tiם חHוtfוחםT top ledership in WP EECa mig the of the governWere St Critic of gh they did rerees of support hile partners in ' of the Sangha st associations the MSW were 3 JWP's implaceto President d his policies. a such group of which claimed ournal published likkus' reports: ect history of Written, the 29 ill undoubtedly as a day of an Ce, TWO asday will be retյrla hand it ha betrayal of a people after Chaining tham; | [F1BT 3 Sla V8
r hand 29 July ѕвеп as the daү patriotic people, wery under a a list power and On their feat
threat of death, ht the invading
as Well as the
treacherous, cowardly and power-hungry ruling regime of this country.
That spontaneous uprising of patriotic citizens - who came on to the streets of their towns and villages - has now two years later become aп organized, broad-based national liberation struggle, draw
ing towards it all patriotic
element:5.1
In this paper I shall explore the reaction of radical
Sinhala Buddhist monks, particu
larly those groups within the MSW, to ethnic and political issu es related to the Accord. How did it affect their parce
ptions of the Sangha in relation to rational problems? What were the consequences of their deep involvement in political activity including, in the case of some Toks. a Tmg dire wollt? What Were th3 | 9 | 9 m ents Of Buddhist ideology and Symbolism which were highlighted in this encounter? In sun, how did they manage' the contradiction between Buddhaputra (sons of the Buddha) Bhunr 7 pou fra (sons of the soi I).
Wa Lubina Surakeaeng
Viyaparaya
The Tamil struggle for a
sa parate stato - Ee I am, Was
predicated on the claim that
the Northern and Eastern Prowinces were their "traditional homelands". While the numerical preponderance of Tamils in these two provinces was a demographic reality, the concept of a historical Tani "homeland" Was bitterly comtested by the Sinhalese. The Jayewarda ne regime itself, up to the time of the Accord, treated it as non-negotiable issue. Previous negotiations on the ethnic problem (the JayewardeneParathasarathy talks as well as Thimpu and Bangalore negotiations) had floundered principally on this issue.
Tha MSW also treated this question as the centrepiece of its policy. It insisted that it was a non-negotiable issue, in its wery first policy statement: Sri Lanka is the mother country of us al-Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, gtc. We hawa lived
1 Winwid's 24 July 1989, P. 5.

Page 11
together for over a thousand years on that basis. It should bē 50 in the futura as wig||I. Today We face a secret national and international conspiracy to divide the motherland. By іпрӀеппепtiпg the proposal to divide power on the basis of race, and cutting the country into two out of 'nationalist sectarianism" the whole country Will be destroyed. Let us defeat Turderous Eelamish and international conspiracies to divide the country, Our great hope is that all races will live in friendship, peace, and amity. After all, Wealth is distributed on this basis in Our COLII try. Though President Jayewardene was finally compelled to treat the "strong Centre ws, traditional hom lands" issue as basica|| y a political Find de Tmographic probolem for purposes of obtaining a SettlerTerit, it Was on o which Went to the heart of Sinhala-Buddhist consciousness. The ferocity of Sinhala-Buddhist opposition to the Accord Cal be understood only by examining the deapth of this concern,
AC Cording to Sinhala-Buddhist tradition, fashioned largely by War77Sa literatura, Sri Lanka is the Dharma divipa (the island of faith), consecrated by the Buddha himself as the land in which his teachings would
flourish. The Maha warrisa states that on the very day of the Buddha's death, Wijaya —the founder of the Sinhala race - landed in Sri Lanka, as if to bear witness to the Buddha's prediction.? Furthermore, it was believed that the Buddha had visited the island thrice. One of those Visits was to Naga dipa in the northern most part of the Jaffna peninsula. (Ironically, to establish Concord between two quarrelling kinsmen.)3. The north was th 9 Ieby firmly Gstablishad With -
in the sacred geography of Buddhists. Till the begining of the ethnic war Naga di pa was an important pilgrimage Centre
for Sinhala Buddhists on a par With Mahiya nga na and Kela niya.
2 The Maja War Isa: trais, WilhalI Geiger, Colombo, Gowt, Informatil Departiert. 1950. 3 Misfly, 1. f46.
Certress of BL provided dram: Buddhist claims East. Some of th ed to be Cel worship. Othe
| igendar y Gluka Trico Tlale e, i fore il LO religiosity. Mo: But thay War E perpetLa ted il ciousness throu of Mandard gt, ZaS) KT10 WT1 to
These feeling in Clusio II W ESTE a twentieth CGIt Buddligt af d zations (Sabhas claim histori: S religious adifice hists, the class Alagad rika Dhad TI to reclaim and Buddhist sites larly the Ten Gaya. Following Harisch andra car the eight Sacre ( tsar73 in Aurac Buddhists, coil ՏՃLith and StյսtՒ discovergd that sacred 5it B3 WBr North Central, Eastern parts of the pre-indep Buddhists TE Sita S at thair (for example til Ruwan weli Saya) den CE, and p 1955, thage r0 C. Ludertakan Elit gCIWfar Tmfont Or er ment officials, errn filment. Ageri mobilize the ri state on an in dravy Contributi entrepreneurs. Officia || 5 Wifere (Ni who establish Clit W im A LI rari Way Ti || 9 kera trie tha Sornavat Polo na ruwa Gumadhe era WHL
4 A. C. Alles,
ssingig Hari. Colombo, L nents Ltd.,

tddhist pilgrimage iti C e wide ca of to the North and 9Se sites contin Utre of Bшddhist "S. Such as the Imma Temple in ad been trans: altres of Hildu St W are in ruins. identifiad and Buddhist consgh tha repertory fra (Worship stanlost Buddhists,
gs of religious strengthened by LIry phant memori. Hindu lay Organi) began to reites and rebuild 5. For the BudiiC ax3 mpg Wa5 mapala's at tempt strē 5Crd in India, particut ol g dat Buddha Jhim, Walising he In paigned to 'sawa" | sites of Afar77gshapura.4 Modern entrated il tha West of Sri Lanka, Tost of the iT a located in the Norther and the country. In endence period stored ancient OWr expense e restora titol of I. With indepenarticularly after instructions were het directly by By Senior gowparti CLI lärly GOWts, who could ES LIrCas of the formal basis and is from local (Among Such ssanka Wije ratne Bed ta '5à Cred i hapura, Ridge = Who repairead lie Chaitya in Sompala J Testore (d temples
TE TF'A' Of L'Is5f. F) fra 5 f7', 'CJ' Fiers. Elke House. In West1989,
in Trincomage District). Thus to host Buddhist s t HÊ North and East constituted a part of their patrimony, a land from which they had been driven off by the Tamils as grapically deScribed tha Vasa iteräturg.
(Τα έa Cαπfiημεί)
The Symbolic. . .
(ரொtrd ரீரா ரச )
the younger monks today come from social strata less privileged than the rural petty bourgeoisie proper. The influence of the monkhood on rural Society, owing to this social isolation, is probably less than What it used to be in 1956. But in Tass politics, as manipulated by Tass media, their level of visibility if anything is aven more then it used to be. So Here Ole Comes a CrOSS not the monk Who preaches to his village congre.
gation and patiently converts them to a particular point of wig W, but monks who act as
symbols and appaar to the rimasSes on TV or the popular dailies with statements made by the hig rarchs or the powerful monks. Thus the WaWa is not necessarily initiated or created. by the monks. Making use of the collective in-security felt by th E masses, Certa ir Wested ilterest groups manipula te the mass media in Such a way as to initiate an upsurge or a molECUlãf motion among the na SSas with the monkhood Brldorsed with high visibility riding thịã Wawe as if thay really are initiators and controllers of the
Wawe, which of Course they E TE 10 t.
With accelerated commercia
lisation Withir the previous dåcade or so, traditional Sinhala Society has undergone far-reaching changes not devoid of tgrisiOrls Hild strifa.
The Social Stat LS and the power of the monk, Who essentially used to be a member of the traditional authority hierarchy, was bound to decline with these changes. Ethnic confict
reverses this flow: "the nation is in deriger", "it is the title for the guardians of the nation to step forward". Ideological
discourse brings the monkhood back into an influential position.
9

Page 12
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Page 13
Ethnicity: Identity and
Scott Newton
F: my purposes, I would like to examine two facets of ethnicity- the notion of 'ethnic identity" as an aspect of personal identity and the notion of the "ath nic group" as an aspect of social reality ("us" and 'them"). As a general thème running through this analysis, I would like to suggest that phenomenologically considered, ethnicity at the nost fundamental lewel is a manifestation of the dialectic between Self and Other. Ethnicity is a matter of who one is and who one's fellows are - What is the status of one's humanity; what is the status or that of the others coexisting with one.
Ethnic identity is an aspect of our condition, Each of us finds herself or himself a song a people, with whom we share affinities — relat 9 dness, language, Custom, belief, or history. To be human is always to be generically "a woman" or 'a man" and specifically a certain kind of woman
or man. Our being is thus always dual, at the same time uniwersal and the particulat is
Constitutive of our very human
BSS.
So far however We speak only of nature, not of developTerit. If that Wera the End of the matter, ethnicity would merely be one's fate or endowment - like eye Color or a speech impediment, something beyond liberty and choice. But we aren't just born into Our identity - We also at Some point 'come into" it, that is, assuring responsibility for ourselves. In this sense ethnicity is chosen as much as any other component of one's identity. This Curious Conjunction of endowTemt and Choice Sartre Calls 'situation." A situation determines our possibilities, prescribes bounds to the exercise of our freedorn. It is " th|LIs an existential matrix out of which a self congeas. But a situation
-
A ԱtյոtributiDrl the ICES, Colomb
Bryat Harvard, h in Sri Lanka on S
is at the same appropriated by makes oneself, is.
Ethnicity as
of birth remain gely passive, in i The individual ethnicity, or in Cal term S, COTI: object, bestow before it can o her life. El thought in ord lived. NOW Cle Vidu als are n0t interested in C is a matter of Cern as well, b need only thin tribal initiation portance to th tha individual's BUit even here far a 5 tha id to the Collec only in-so-far his own i hii: Sciousess, tha
Ethnic identit important sens oned from with raw materials, al ready presen Ethnicity is th of identity lika also unlike, for it is a particul Let us imagine aways adrift of oceam, each cl ethnicity. In s Where WB can ers of self ara gressively Strip logical exigency are ultima tely r: Stoma ChS — eth likely to be a layers. One w ethnicity perhi

group
to a seminar al . A scholar for Inhas donc reas Erch
mhala mationalism.
tiТЕ СПОВЕТ Јг that Sp 1 f. One that Which Öre
а пnвre accident S Sor mething lar3rt - an attribute. Tust grasp his phenomenologistitute it as an ,1t חסg upחBaniוון Jlay a role in his :hnicity must be er for it to be Harly we as inditha only ones Hur ethnicity — it colective Cony definition. We k of a rite of to grasp the ime collectivity of ethnic identity. it is only in-soividual consents tiwity's meaning, as he smakes it s sovereign cont it is realized,
Jy is thus in an a chose, fashillin, gwen if the so to speak, are t and external. is an element of any other. But it is clear that arly profound one. a tric of CastT. a raft in Open aiming a distinct Luch am extrinity, imagine that layforcibly and proed a Way by bio- Our Casta Wa WS educed to animate inic identity is cong the last SLCh, will forget one's aps only bafora
|пппівdiate
forgetting the most
family,
personal data - name, personal history.
In spite of this seemingly unsearchable rootedness, this implantation of ethnicity within the very Core of our persons, there non etheless seems to be considerable potential variation in its relative magnitude. Ethnic consciousness can be dim and weak; it can also be fewer-intense. It can play a margiпal role in our self-understanding: it can occupy center stage. It is this quality of the "expansi bility' or 'contractibility" of ethnicity within identity that I want particularly to bring out here. Consiousness, in a phenomenological un dorstanding, has the capacity not only to estab|ish meanings, to constitute objects, but to order them, to fix them in relations of significance with one another. Objects gf consciousness may be subordinated to other such in Very elaborate ways. We can merely acknowledge our ethnic identity, or we can magnify its signi - ficance, in effect "hyper-objec
tivize" it, profess it. We may very well choose to mediate our experience of ourselves
дрredomiлалtly through ethnicity (for whatever psychological or other reasons - the search for reasons is another sort of inquiry, an ampirical one). This represents one extreme of the range of significance within which we can situate our ethnicity. As such it is a standing possibility for any consciousness.
This standing possibility should not be construad in terms of a once-for-all decision. Ethnicity is realized differently not only from individual to individual, and within anyone of us over the course of our development, but even in the Su CCession of thoughts in the day-today or moment-to-moment life of consciousness, Let me attempt to make this clearer by way of example. Whatever our
11

Page 14
ordinary level of ethnic awareri GSS, it is apt to be internisi fidd if We receive a racial slur in the street. The moment before, had We been asked We might not hawa accorded our ethnic identity any great place in our Self-concept. But we immediate|W bring it to the fore. Another example: let us picture SOTEO E as ha da SSE3S i na
tional costume in preparation for his participation in a national festival. As he stands
before the mirror, he is, we may Suppose, swelling with pride in his people his traditions, his history, full of a vision of himself as representative or expoment of a foi ce largar and mora significant than he, extending back Wards in time and outwards in space, of the glory of which ha partakes. At such a moment, a kind of intoxicating self-expansion, het WI ||5 himself into Ethnic Man. I, I am a HerzegoWn i ån, i draw my breath through Herzegowmian mostrils, I look Out at the world through Herzegownian eyes, But at US OW picture this same individual a day later, standing before the same mirror, but dressing to go to work. His thoughts now revolve around his place in the office hierarchy, his political standing, the degree to which he finds favour or disfavour with his superiors etc., etc. Here ethnicity has receded greatly in significance for his consciousness: the disposition of his boss looms much larger than the exploits of his illustrious forbears.
In this last example, | hawe touched on a critical aspect of ethnicity which I have no time to de IWE in to but which Terits extended consideration, that is the connection of othnicity to the symbolic dimension. Ethnic affirmation can serva as a vehicla for self-enlargement, pushing the narrow borders of the personality out to World-encompassing proportions. The leap from the indiwidual to the genus "humanity" is generally too great to manag El; it is rare that the individual derives exaltation from contemplating herself as 'human". Few of us
12
ha W 3 Occasion let, '"What a pi Tā r" ir kg doia, to per an Dignity of Man tÒ tha spacias gШlite readily at link Ourse lves t p2009 much II" WE Call to hur identification, t Oxical way, is Versalizing over li C a Lugmentatio Certhird (31 C2,
Thus far we CLI SS ing ethnic: phenomenon v for L Fig sa | f 3) Lt Within the indiv less Ethnic ide S8elf on to a lar 4 It is a private Se hks to realiza With public anxieties. Let 'public' aspec tity in the phe dern Ethno-na What disti: tiwa ning does the the et Fific: Cor identity in tha modern stätig? | ali i tot raisi ווI ar .חםt]LIBsti modern organize as är political I am asking Опе aspect o Will serve as a the phenomenoli
In as much identity within nationalist is necessarily asse is Comst itLI ted ir claim or a dam Some ore el 5, Ww thing is an act tion or (more ty Sion of OitiCE power. Morg, thi a reclarator. SO TE SE T Se Of C: Wation, it asks long da Server a a Word, it is ag Singular, I hava am Wed. "TH13 gle and grigwam ply Enhance Fin here, they iri for

to say with Hamce of Work is Pico dalla Miran""Orati on tha ." But the leap ''ethnicity'' is hieved. We can Co to Liro nah tion Oro ore easily than markind. Et hii: | en i n l a parada means of LIniselwes, of symbo, of self-trans
hawe bean disidentity as a fith implications ne. But already idual conscioustity projects itger Social stage, concern which itself publicly, aspirations and us examine this t of ethnic iden-טוח fס חם וf 8וחסו tionalist. With | Charge of mea - individua invest mponent of his context of the Note again that ng the genetic not asking how d ethnicity arises Scientist might; What it leans. if this question illustration of Dgical technique.
as the ethnic modern a thnoasser tive, it is rtiva ogsfrist. It the form of a and, it requires Det har that som fasuch as recognipically) conces11 or economic s claim is always it issues from ontinuing deprifor something ind overdue. In | grieved... '''I am ba en de nied | ideas of strug:e , do not simethnic identity 77 it, at not
interested hera in an empirical typology of ethno-nationalisms (such as those of Ralph Premdas or Donald Horowitz). In deed I want to emphasize that the form of reclamation, of griewance, is inherent and independent of any actual history of deprivation, To cite an extreme example, the Germals of a former day did not need ’’Lebensraum" in actuality, nor was thair Cultura | s Lur Wiwa thraate God, Nevertheless the assortive Gerthan ethnicity took the form of grievа псе.
How shall Wa understand this in th9 COrı text of a gerı eral phenomenology of ethnicity? Inso-far as ethnicity represents part of Our baing Which is socially distinct, special - the Specific as opposed to the generi C attributes of our humanness - it is, phenomenologically considered, constituted as a minority phenomenon. To the extent that one identifies with a particular ethnic group, that group is necessarily established within consciousness as that (small) segment of the total human population to which being, which I claim as my own, Whgther One is Tierra del Fuegan or a Chinese, the very notion of distinctiveness requires Torry Status, Whatever its political or historial or dēmographic position, an ethnic group, as far as the individual consciOLISness is concerned, is always existentially a minority. The ideas of precariousness, vulnerability, disadvantage are essentially bound up with 'ethnic group," part and parcel of its meaning. What is singular is insécura by wirtue of its wery singularity. Before they are attached to this or that particular socio-historica context (and the legitimacy of that attach ment is an ampirical que 5tion), the claims of ethno-nationalism are present as universal meaning possibilities within the
individual consciousness of ethnicity.
This leads the now into a
Consideration of the conception of the 'other' within ethnicity. One's ethnic identity is inconcei

Page 15
wa ble apart from the ethnic status of absolutely everyone in one's Social world. Fixing One's ethnic status conceptually requiTGS fixing thig status of all oth Gars" relative to it. As a road map for discussing tha pheno manology of ethnicity on the social plane, I will use the scheme developed by Alfred Schutz in his Phenomenology of the SoCia World. I will offer a brief and hop e comprehensible sumПhaГү.
Our knowledge of the social World, as of the world in general, is built Lupo necassarily from OUr exporier). Ce. Thëre is hOWever a privileged epistemological foundation to alI OLIr knowledge of other people - that is the intersubjective relationship, the "we-relationship," paradigmatically when we faca o no another in Communication. It is On y in the cours g of this relaship that each consciousness comes to constitute the other
as another consciousness. This object - the other as thinking Subject - has a unique status
among all other nhja:ts of GDmsciousness. It is an object which is at the same time a subject,
and the very subjectivity of which is its chief feature as object.
In tha we-relationship, each Conciousness, which ordinarily lives within its own inner timedimension, the stream of primordial experience, joins its stream With that of another consciousness, What results is simulta neity and Co-existance, You апd I sһагв experienca, we keар pace with one another's lovement of consciousness, we grow old tog other. When We Communicate, We Can Compare the mea - nings each of our consciousnesses is separately and in deapendently constituting; we can wérify them. Schutz Calls this 'an interloking of glance, this thousand-fold mirroring of each other." It is in this way that We Corne to expérience, and to know, another person. It is the definitive knowledge of another, tha arbiter of all our knowledge of others in general.
Na vērthalass of people is those with wi direct commun of whom we experiепce. Ti haven't known W3 Cän only What charactar tanding of th then, is know IE var ying dggrea: Schutz disting mains of oth off into one at of directly ex reality, the real raries, the rea So rs, and the r SOTS
The three do Social knowledg ries, predecess are a II derivativ realm of direct is The process by from the first others is one and extrapola Schutz Calls 1 ideal types. C Constitu tard the "other subject," as a meaning and We can Lis up OLIT sid imaginatively v know of other conjunctive and plexёs of пnвап plexes can be ("a policewoma ("the Ethiopia Ігапspersoпа1 f big en sian hereso
Each of us operate With a Social World-pi System of soc which other p duals and as organised and to our interest Each of Lus Eoghi tutored social s hawe an elabora social World, E. and explanatory, articulated to a WB Fire reflectivé if We aro". : then, is really ji tion of the in he

ouf knowledge Tot Confiad to | om we are in cation or those have had direct OSE Whom Wya and Can't Ingat, know indirectly. zes OUT LunderS3 socia | World, dge of others in of in directness. lishes four dors which shade other the realm arianced social m of contempom of predecesGalm of succes
Tā ir S f ilirect 19 (сопtempora - }rs, SLICCesSors) fe of thea primary ocial experience, which We move rear into the of abstraction tiOn, Cor What he for nation of ce. We have pe Culiar object WB hawa it at Our disposa B it in building World. We can 'ary What we S t0 aSSerT1bJ|Ea hierarchical Coming. Such com
Other individuals ") or aggregates hsʻ) or even
orces ("the Al').
thus comes to highly complex ture, a grand a reference in 3 oplo as indiviаggregates ага Ordered ra la tiwa s. In this 5 anse WES S 3 LI Tcietist. We all -e theory of the oth descriptive which may be high degree if է: Ճr mot at all Social science, st a formaliza"ent and regular
objectifying Operations of consciousness. Where social science. ho Waver, rests on a high degrea of Collective verification and Consistency, our untu to red per - sional social science does not.
TF13 rea|r T1 ()f the S0 Ccia| World most important for ethicity is that of Con temporaries (although predecessors and sucCG55 Cors also bulk larga). How do we knoW those who live at the Samg time Wado – how do Wg Constitute thern 35 'others"? As an example, what do wa mean by 'a policewoman"? We cal || Lup a '''subject" from our storehouse of meaning, imagine it a certain remove fron ours alwes, and endow it with certain stock charact gristics. The3Se char: : teristiCs a T3 however typically determined by our pragmatic interests, 'A policewoman" only figures for us in-so-far as she serves a disCrete social function, peacekeeping. We constituto har by har role; we are only interested in har in so far a S. She Writës tickets or arrests criminals. However, if she happens to be our
cousin's friend, even if we have
never met her, sha takes on a more rounded meaning, greater distinctiveness, greater approxiT1 ati On to a fu ||-blovy ConSciousness.
This process can be extended further and further from Ourselves so that we can imagine aggregates of people as having Soma sort of social existen CB
to us, som a participation in our common world. Who are ""the Ethiopians" who hawa
ba en the object of global ConCarn recently? We may hawa new er met an Ethiopian. We or etheless constitutg thern as people like those wa have met.
Our interest in them, however, is largely limited to their cirCurT15 tances of farthina. That is,
we constitute 'the Ethiopian" as "a group of other people located in Ethiopia who are starving.''
Now let us apply these processes of the constitution of the social World to ethnicity and specifically to the notion of 'ethnic group." It immedi
13

Page 16
a tely becomes clear that once we hawe objectified "ethnicity" and i 1ygsted it with Whatever meaning and intensity of meaning we have chosen to, w 9 Can extra pola te it and emplo y it in building our particular understanding of the social World. We can, if We wish, even organize our understanding of the Social World around ethnicity, that is, make it centra, So that the Teaming Others hold for us - such as "a policewoman" or 'the Ethiopians" - will be primarily an ethnic mEaming.
In its outward bearing, at hinicity describes a bond, a tia, EthniCity is something which l, a Tungus, recognize that I share with you, a Tungus, and not with her, a Buryat. It is a bond which joins LIS and Sets US a part from others. By imaginatively extrapola ting this bond, which takes its meaning from my relationship with you, I can Constitute the objectivities of people have në Ver met and place myse | f i relation With them. Much as "a policewoman" was Someone We Constituted by har function, her role, so Our 'felOW. Tungus" is someone We Constitute by his et hic relatio to Lus (his participation with us in a common tradition, etc.). We define Him i advance fix his significance, We can proCeed further and Constitute the ethnic group, "Tungus people"
as the aggregate of all such "fellow Tungus."
In the same way, we can constitute those who are of another ethnicity as precisely 'other ethnic." The primary
feature of their subjectivity for US is then their belonging to another ethnic group. We can then constitute the (particular) 'other ethnic group" as a new objè Ct, and im West it with meaning irn a cCordamc:e With our interests. "The Ethiopians," whom We considered above in connection with their plight as famine Wictims, Can als D be Constituted as aggregato politi
A.
cal enemy, ol
regbels," if WF
pective and th
i ta TESS.
| WOLIld liki
rough sketch o' ם gyםlםחmBטון dra Wing out
of this brief ""ethnic group. the proteaп
T1Baning–Bridow a profound SÊ oth Our ÕWr those of our ( יחEaוח ar B סוWh ting their ow ours as Well, a ther. It is th process of obj permits this cric
"Objectificatic our da y a Ce it C0| Totes "b humanity." But phenomenologic portantly distin in its popular Objectification Thenological LI n founding opera — the Way COTI
off the surgin perience so th sa en in clarit
Objectification if We ar to and a peopled
edge. It is in per se which i its this compreh
For objectifi tured back a experiences fro it arose. The experiental wat a damming of of ethnicity, that the object must clai Ti Whi has ultimately

"'tıE Eritr BET ! shift Our persIe rat Urg of OLIr
3 to close this f a possible phef ethnicity by tha implications exploration of My theme is ature of Our ing Capacities. In SE WE CF Batë ethnicity and - ntemporariesם: лwhile busy cгеаethnicities and Is it figures for he nature of the actification which lative freedom.
Π carries in rtain opprobrium; il iridess'' or irthe word in its al Sense is im– it from the word —HILI Trist SES 3. is for a phenoderstanding, thé tion of mearn ing sciousness pools g waters of exhat they māy bei and stillness. is in dispensable havo a World, World, for ko Wot obja Ctification is damnable, but 315 i D1,
cation can be gainst the living within which
pooling off of gFS Carl bëCOfThe f. || tt | ::text WE Hä WÉ 5 ET
''ethnic group" a tewar Walidity it
from the inter
subjective relationship, the 'worelationship." 'Ethnic group," like every other indirect social object - "policawoman,' for exampla — always runs the risk of taking on a life of its own, like a Frankenstein's monster, and defying the very experience which engender gd it. In closing | remind you of the 'oblivion" of meaning to which phonamenology opposes itself in its wery activity of analysis, by way of suggesting the potentia | Value and importance of that analysis as applied to the phenomenon of contemporary ethnicity,
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Page 17
Mani Dixit : The Troub
Aditi Phadnis
66 ixit will fix it," screamed the Colombo newspapers, tired but mocking, as the Indian Peace-Keeping Force (IPKF) marched into Trincomalee port keeping time to "Saare ja han sa ach cha Hindustan hamara", one morning in 1987. As it began became clear that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had no intention of letting 'Hindustan" be 'saare fahanse achcha" and what is more, appeared to be readying themselves to give the mighty Indian Army a run for its money, the Sinhala newspapers were seized by a Curious Sense of schizophrenia: they couldn't decide whom they hated more
- the Tamil Tigers who had beеп resропsible iп thв past for disturbing the peace of Colombo 7, where the elite liwe, or J. N. "Mani" Dixit, India's High commission er to
Sri Lanka, the man who brought Tamils in to the ambit of the nationalist Sinhala consciousness.
A classic Colombo 7. Con Versation in la te 1987, when tha Tamil Tigers were hammering the Indian Army, went thus: "I say, don't you know, our boys after all, no?"
But since when did the Tamil Tigers become your boys?" an incredulous questioner asked
'Ah, but we are talking about the time in history which predates India locating its viceroys in Colombo," was the sly resропSв.
The newly-appointed foreign
secretary of India, Jyotindra Nath Dixit's reputation as a wice regal fixer of things was
not entirely undeserved. During his high commissionership in Colombo, not only did he manage to persuade Sri Lanka that military interwention by India was the only way out of the impasse that Sinhala-Tamil
relations had s also, when thing Wrong and Inc. here begär Ed CC exceeding his known through s remarks to a India had final the Tamil Tigers so that NEW De Dixit was in Ot trified with.
"Апd aпүwaү. this da Tin" fool humanistic with one of Dixit's fic: at South Block a former foreign irritably. "Mani tal | these (neig tries) people wi Hg Could gat it
Wardene) bath Gould te || Gami for ther minister
aПd Prema dasa Minister, now P Lanka), to , sh u ha S POWêr, pe C gnise it. If a Çam te || the Pak stay away from
icy, why should out to Sri Lank: how they should үa bfл ргії (There can be
is no fear: Tuls
Telling people off is Mari's
service colleagl. during hostile |st told HEr he Dixit. She fobi tact fully as she was busy at th reporter then lying to block Dixit. O ffeded ernd repeated w had said.
Dixit Heard hi drawing himself five feet Six mustard-colourer

bleshooter
Link into, but is bagan going lian politicians :using Dixit of prief, made it ome "indiscreet journalist that
ced a part of ' exploits, just | Hii Would kl.0 W
a rima 1 to be
what is all | talk of being the neighbours.'' primer Colleagues who is now secretary said kaw how to յhbouring CounTere to get Off. to JR's (Jaye"ool, and he ni (Dissana yake, for irrigation) (formerly Prima 'residant of Sri t up, if India ple must recoRobert Oakley sistani Army to its foreign podn't Mami point or Bangladesh bahawa? "Efarā g5āfr. no love if ther a idas)."
WhƏra t0 get forte. A foreign a recalls how, imes, a journa= wanted to see og him off äS Cold as Dixit at Tent. The accused har of his access to She Called Dixit hat the TB po Orter
Յr Ճut, and than up to the full Iché5 of his safari-suited
self, spoke to the reporter on the phone, "It has been brought
BVEוLI fסE that yנtitםח וחםt insulted my este emed lady colleague," he said icily. 'She
is on my staff and she was absolutely right in telling you that I was busy. After I put down this telephone, I wat you to call me back on this number, ask for her and apologise. If you don't do that, will never talk to you again."
The apology came in five Iminutes, and though abroad it only served to underscore his aggressivaly nationalist imago, his junior Colleague Was quite Over Whe Thed.
醒 彗
But it has taken many years for this incarnation of Mani Dixit to EWO W E9. The years ha We rubbeld Off a lot Of th9 War mith and generosity that his colleagues and friends talk about. Today, Dixit has trawelled a long way from the Zakir Hussain College (Delhi University), where he studied for a BA degree in political science, economics and philosophy in the fiftias.
Dixit's first postings were in Latin America - Mexico and Chile. This was followed by a stint at the desk - he was the desk officer for Japan, China and Pakista fro 1960 to 1963. His first politically crucial posting came in 1972, we he was appointed the Indian deputy high cottissioner in Dhaka, Soon after the liberation of Bangladesh. Dixit remaid there till 1975, the year Mujibur Rehman Was a 5 sa 55 i lähted.
Mujib's foreign policy suited India, for it recognised and acknowledged the two major preoccupations of Indian foreign policy: to be known as a regional housekeeper and keep
15

Page 18
-
its backyard free from Super
OWer prese rise.
But a deputy was needed in Dhaka who could pick up information to cater to the Spe
Cia i ned 5 of the IlderCover agencies, and also offer sage political counsel of the events ir Bangladesh. Māni vās e
trusted With all the "ora kā "77". which the others in the high Commission would not do. Mrs Gandhi (for VV Hom, incida tally, Mani Dixit häls tremandous res = pect Evar today) a 5 kgd lim to keep the papers and study the Situation from a political angle.
By 1975 it seemed clear that the artifically-fostered 'Long live India-Bangladesh friendship' Would not läst. THE I BYW spä pars gawa abundant indication that 0 S LLSLLa aaLLLLLLL LLLLL LLHHL
to be witnessed. The writing was, quitë literally, on the wall. Graffitti in Dhaka said:
*"Wg Sha || not a|10W Sikkirth to be repeated in Bangladesh"
The storm broke with the assassinatio of Mujibur Rehma n. Bengali ma tionalism was
replaced by Bagladeshi nationa lism. Wlujib had to pa'y with
his life so thät Bari gladesh COuld take this step towards
That il-5 tät E100 d.
壟 率
Ma ni had to return. He Wäs set to Washington as minister (commerce) in the Indian embassy. When he returned to Delhi in 1978, the government had changed and was continuing to change. There was, in this interim period, no slot for Dixit. He served as secretary with the dial Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) ti LLLL S LLLL S LaS 0L00S LLLLaLL L S LLLL Gandhi was returned to power in 1980, Dixit was made spokesman for the government i the ministry of External affairs.
His first ambassadorial signment saw him in (Afghanistan), in 1982. It was a difficult time. The Swiets Were On the Tun in Afghanistan and the USSR was undergoing
ES = Kä, EL
16
traumatic inter at thig sa The tim of power in changing and D Surts that Ind Afghanistan Wi without necess the Soviet Uni геплаіпеd loya! Unior Uniti i the rolled away, an began over the Rajiv Gandhi Delhi 3rıd Eski to Sri Länka.
Colombo W crowning glory lomatic career. Sri Lailka had by the Lankan Who vera pr Wadā Tara Chihi, before Jaffna. . LurldBT HT1 g[[}| and President J. was unwilling 1 responsibility of of his country Of its On mili
Painful and atlons betWeën and ColorTibo, meeting spons had Come t{} du riflg Dixit's t tary transport ai ower the prowi lief Supplies f populace of J Ilied by a poss fighter aircraft. a kind of flag in the Sri Länk
Jaya Wardena i1e"Wi table. Afta away by the Chilia ad Päik to || 1 dia, Tha | T. a CCCard — a d brains like G. P Romash B Hadrid Working 01 ft Colcluded withi Dixit's talurg i
塞
Wildt about
WW 395 || Dixit "5
Sri Lanka was Wt Wil 1 dista c8 i T1581

nä | CÓWulsiors ne. The balar 1 CE thB World Was
ix it had to 31ia's stakes in ere recognised arily en dors ing 'S views. Il dia
to the Soviet
last tanks lad Id as the debatë heirs in Käbul, Ook charge in ed Dixit to go
a5 5urally the of Dixit's dipNorth and east been laid Waste Security forces, ised to the last outpost Jaffna itself was nomic blockade . R. Ja ya Wardene .O U ndër take the Subjugating part with the helpo tary forces.
Ixtended negotithe Tamil groups sort of the Dred by India, rought. It was STUFE til Eat Ti|i- rCraft were flown IC Carrying reor the starving affra, accompaa of Mirage 2000 The twent was march by India
i ski ES.
bowed to the r being turned UTited States, istan, he came lo-Lankan peace } : LITT GIt which Fartha Sarat hy and lari had been
or y 3 EDITS — WIS fם 3וfזחסוח 24 ח | Sri Lamk.
蠱
10 St të Tarkable performanca in s the dexterity e Thanaged to from the pro
Strika
boles i had and thus Taitained a proper perspactivE. This was true, for instance, of his attitude towards the peacekeeping force. While at the human level he was affable, fria Tidly and sympathetic, he TadЕ ПО SECTEat of his cОПtempt for the use of physical force in gatting things dona.
The Sri Lankan papers re
ported man y rLimours — that before the presidential election, Dixit, fääring the possibility of Prenadas a coming to po OVW Fer had encouraged the formation of a rainbow Coalition of the anti-LTTE Tamil groups and the Muslims to ensure the election Uf SirimävQ BäldFiräfläike-, Pr Emadasa's closest riwal. Bandarana i ke lost by a mere four për : falt of the wote, And as fär a5 |Пglia's involverment in Sri Lällika Was CCC efrihed, it Wa5 Curtai S.
After a period spent out of 19 lews, Dixit WäS 35kad to go to Islamabad in 1989 as India's a bassador. His tenure here was uncharacteristically sedate and after his flatboyance in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, this quietitude is a tribute to his professionalism. He managed to keep Indo-Pak relations on an even keel, dèspita the loud noises being ma de about Kash Tir ard the change of governments in both countries.
But the days of the SFI and the Sowiet UiO are gone. The TË gic of the market has gripped everyone and Dixit has not forgotter his training - that
his principal task is to serve the Tational interest – this ting as foreign secretary. And, as one of his predecessors predicteld: "Dixit and The PrirThe Minister hawe worked together. HB's a go-ahead Inan, lf ped
polg get i his Way, ha and the PM will marginalise the rest of the establishment.
(Ai prarr;ising Iridia! ja rrali i rhe HHHHLLLLLL L LL LaGGGGGCLS TTS LTSLLLLLL Proof". I'r geiri II Philadr, is the fiwr cerrig ar 5 ri LE தேசcial: ; பிரார் 4 : Γες γιαr rσηrri ήταr τα Ιήρ' Γ., ...)

Page 19
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Page 21
D. s. (3)
The down-to-earth le
A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
m o Lur Wie W, the bases Were
Britain's in articulated premise for the gran ting of independBC. At the til The Tri COma le 3 and KatUna Wake Were necessa TW for SecLIring Britain's Sea lanes to the ports of Southeast Asia and Australia. The bases became ir relewart after Nasser's natioalization of the Suez Canal in 1956. Britain therefore readily consented to withdraw when S. W. R. D. Baldāra laiko Tada Fis request.
D. S. did not see any "coträdiction" in is offer. In fäCt he was shrewd enough to anticipate Britain's need and to take the offer himself Way back in 1945. Thus India as an aggressor was merely a SITokescreen. And D. S. Once again duped his political oppo
neits i to biglia wing that the agreement was needed lest India ''did a Hyderabad or a Kashmir". The Anglo-Ceylon defence agreement was th LIS weighted heavily in favour of Britain.
There are two questions that a rose. Firstly there Was un CCTtaiinty as to S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's reaction. D. S. had asked Oliver Goone tilleke to be the ploy man to persuade Bandaranaike, Bandaranaike Was taken in by Oliver Goonetilloke's subterfuge. At the meeting of the cabinet which confired the agreement, Bandaranai ke Stated: "'We D. S., what Ily good friend, Oliver claims is that he has persuaded the J. K. to grant us a constitution which wi|| ėriable Lig to do 3 w Erythig possible in Ceylon immediately after the Cornstitution is por O - mulgated. Within a day. We could turn out the British from Trim Comåle and Ka tua yake”'' Bandaranaike's interpretation was not the sa The as that of Sir Charles Jeffries.
Secondly it had D. S. Se defeated on t Thāliks af te t Speցch, the C Would haw a g dissolutio. If 0. It ha defecta E! hawe batan sig been defeated prime minister accept the ter T ment, Ceylo 1 obtained in de pe
Th Luis Ceylon ol status, D. S. E legate a and th with its groups entrusted to statesmanship. of Piedmont (C the day. On th So wiet"s S TEË TE stå ta hood. D). S rested himself Colon Weath in Wolving h im SE пог1—aligпеd плі tha i te Tati O13||
Ir domeStiC refused to C. growing deman ( Ha did not War THE Ilter ESTS L. Church in the ownership of St. tad legislation dial Tamis a unions. His cor a unity" W a G. G. PoIT ämbtjä Ճf its THITii | from the wery the general el and to wärd5 t with the resig R. D. Bäl där 3 TE
t Of D. Talaid a Cor of LInstabla poli
D. S. therefol lightened or an wiew Being wel to earth polit

ader
is certain that папаyaka been he Address of Fle first throle Gower or-General rated D. S., a
S. Uvas returnead,
9геепепt would ed. If he had Fälld if the Te W
had refused to
15 of the ag rE 8would not have Idence,
otained sovereign came Britain's e entire island in conflict were D. S.'s care and Ceylon's Count avour) had Won a debit side, the d at Ceylon's however inte
TE ES Statesmar than If in the great WEITE OF OI
stage.
affairs, DS, Juntë mancë the for SWabasha. ht to joop a r dize If the Catholic mäter of the :Filolo||5. Ha enā Cagainst the Ind Eft5t trädg cept of '''natiog t Wr DVL T an and sections Congress. Yet begir lig after ection of 1947 Fe ||atter po has 3 lation of S. W. iike, the governS. Safara ya ka ligent Coalition tica | ten de Cies.
re hadd 1) eTi - bitious Worldy much a down ician. He Was
mot Cartain of whore ha Was going nar was ha really Conscious of the long term effects his policies could hawe on the new state on especially such
wital themes as economic dawa
lopment and planning, winning the cooperation of the Ceylon Tamils instead of Coop ting som e of their leaders as showpieces (Suntharalingham, Sittampalam, Porinambalam), a I iera ting the | diari Tamils Without ConsidĖ -
ring alternatives for their par
liar mentary representation as Wia multi-member constituencies or an all-island a lactorate, and
antagonising the splintered but
influential leftwing forces through
harsh legislation including the
first of the emergency laws.
His character was thus selfevident. Certainly he lackad sophistication in domestic and international politics. In political
strategy, he was not even made of the material of the Florentine (Machiavelli) in that
he did not use his resources to promote the consolidation of a new state. Craft and diplomacy he had in abundance, characteristics which enabled him to impress on the British his reliability. He was indeed like Count Cavour of Piedmont.
D. S. "5 Worldwie W and Character were formed on the billows of a rural life of graphite and coconuts. The education at Saint Thomas did not have any great impact. He had superb manipulative skills which were invaluable for po - |itics. In a new statë however there was need for Committent to modernization goals and a need for Creative, Skill ful, re SOlute and farsighted capabilities. The role of what Bertrand da Jouvenel in Sovereignty: A Inquiry into the Political Good called dux (leader) rather than rex (king or manager) as
19

Page 22
in a stable and predictable consolidated state was noticeably absent. The Florentina"S obserwa tio is relg Want hore: "there is nothing more difficult to carry out nor more dangerous to handle than to initiate a new order of things" (Machiavelli in The Prince). Unfortunately, D. S. Seria na yake with a II his perspicacity in dealing with political men did not possess the requirements of a dux.
As for style, D. S. had conSidgräblé Self-Confider 1 CE 55 t0 be straightforward in public speaking without the need for di SSir LF. Li O. A fe: Wy Of Fi5 speeches were written by Sir |Vor Jennings bLIt their SubstETICE WES ir i E. With Flig political thinking. Many of his statements in public ànd in the legislature were off the cuff often prefaced by the phrase 'actually as a matter of fact". He did not have to Ca refully po repare what ha stated because he did not hawe to or Want to Con CDal anything.
Iп pвrsona | Was clever ir servants and pc the only pe him too well (Carolis) to wh the pro Werbia | the hero (J.L. Prime Minist Ciwill SĒrwalts to tha exterit ! 5 år y. At Last that he was 1. While others וth חtaiוןaiוח סt against politi from MPs a Évidence indi ChijirTa djf th Commissior d appointments Minister and tr Say as Well British lotion and independa a board Corned aft \va5 CUIlfarred i D. S. utilised terii l powers ir as a U. S. Pre un like the pri,
VASA OF
20, 2d C טרחסlםC
Telephone :
2O

relations, D. S. handling civil iticians, Perhaps on who knew was his wallet lm, quite unlike saying, he was
Fermando, Thrae rs 1963). Higher were used only they were neces
one complained told everything were encouraged iir imdependen CO a | interfaren C9 finisters. The ates that the 3. PLublic Serwice
scussed Senior with the Prime B atter had his
is his way. The
of an impartial nt body was 2 independence In February 1948, his prime ministhe sama way sident and quite Tius inter paras
type of British prime ministers who un til the mid-i Etean Sawan ties tended to consult with their colleaguas and cabinets and operate the system in a collegiate manner, even when they adopted a presidential style.
The prime minister did not trust his colleagues fully and perhaps for good reason. His madus operandi in dealing with strong personalities was to use handymen as proxies. O. E. Gooneti leke and E. A. P. Wijeyeratne were examples of Men Fridays. They were ploymen and when it came to delivering, the Pri Thea Minister Could of Course state that he did not himself personally make any promises that he was bound to keep. He was summary is ridding himself of incubusen such as C. Suntha raingam, R. S. S. Gunawardene and George E. de Silva or elevating E. F. N. Gratiaen to the Supreme Court bench when the latter
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Page 23
Global Change (3)
Towards a Global Soci
Birty Gajameragedara
he Yale historial Paul
Кеппес!y says
ilı at thi : L. JS i mılıy, TLInı 4 tıcı riski 542 familiar to historia ins of the rise and fall of previous Great Powers of what night roughly be called "imperial overstretch'; that is to say decision makers in Washington must face the awkward and endulring fact that the total of thic United States' global interests and obligations is nwilclays für lager thain the country's power tu defend them till simultan:Jusly.
Professor Robert Gilpin of the Princeton University Writes in a Similar wEin:
... The Regin years have mlasked thic profound developments that have occurred and challenges they have posed. The United States has been living on borrowed time - and borrowed III i orney - for T1 Luch of the last decade; this his cabled the United States to postpone: the inevitable and painful adjustments to the new realities in global dipltiTintitit, etքոtimiu, and slTittigiu: relatit) Ilships. The proposition that the ends of a policy should be related to t5 mean 5 i5 a tILIism. The view that America has underg0nB) a Telativo dė Cline i r5 - pect of world power is uncha llegea Elg, What follo W5 from this is clear: America's Exterial Comitats hi vựg to be adjusted according to the changing world balance of forces. This is a task which has to be accomplished in a ex't remely difficult domestic context. Ex tara | policy, if the final analysis, reflects internal polity, Without a sund domestic background there cannot be a Sound foreign policy. To repeat, the art of conducting foreign policy concerns relating a Country to the Changing World balance, a country cannot be a brought in line with the changing world balance unless TS interna policy i s also brought in ling with the changing world balance. This is the heart of the problem of foreign policy decision making
in America toda problems of Am mulating debt, trada and budge W3ting racial 19 frastructure, ho drugs, educatio ment, ha WP agg alarminglewels. Fulbright, a f Of the State tions Commit të E
I EL TILL ''IT'S Wict in that the future of {} LIT d i Ilterial. We: al II t. 3 L dell'O printing money, flation, and di: rico II hic Lind p{3 home, that W External ilggress Our değir’e ayı Out do them it pcndiures is | b) Li t ii t lnis We' Our LCTIl{jIlly. III: '',':')1; 1Ti wastly to ext: Liye ELS VỰC T
5uFer 5 erious serious deterior
1[Imy
Stanley Hoffr a qually instructi
If U.S. SELLIT the domestic worry tilt բct]] EAE; I Ce Cf | Eldrift, America world Tiffairs, pi fLI T t hh er, :1, T1 c tik | or rocł có yw'r ffig - Sgu 'ff', חטיבייה H . , לה#, Eddresses its in Tesources, it wil Ticht be availat posts. Arilerica the product of Lawn шптеyulate | ali ting, CCOO iii if its lectri political syste: III, The way in W of Agrica is With this grawe Ween the inter polici 85 Will
global ramificä reforms are b the basis of fFE lity, the World

ety
y. The internal Berica Wiz., ECCu = ow sawings, the deficits, aggraisions, bad inTE ESSESS, the п, апd enviroпgravated to truly
Sanator Williar
orie Chairman Foreign Rela3, Wrote:
IT-58, 1 le LII
rei dalinger LC) the terria Cratic sy'5ECT1 is " . Imre likely cratic system through
radical deficits, inilor Lion of OLI riccolitical life hiere at - are through any in by the Russians, d determination to
these military cxExterill in a sense,
graw effetti: L3, LIL IT
() ur subsidies and und the: World är: insive, often ineffe:- illם 3Iוhjit's l defeats, and in the “Lilion (f. (I LET ECII
man of Harvard
Wti:
em do not addres3 i33 Lilies that itleeply
LIE. Lhat in the adci ship, leave it .'s ability to affect isitively will decline ré Hill sfrrif I fir tes'S "riparelle fu far ciri * Urialını işı rığı 147 - 5 kil edif the United States lerin: puble Ins, the || T | El Ti; yii | llc for external purfaces a heavy bill. thic 'y','Jek T1:33 Cf its ili ELnd ofte! In LInicialC LI - ç system 5. of those liel lid by El Lille El Till of the Cool WT.
nich the leadership going to gra pբle incongruity bet
all är di Exteri |
ha we profound tions. If those rought about on
Edom and e quasituation Will be
transformed overnight. Freedom and aduality are not alien to Western political culture.
At the Core of the struggle for the world during the postwar period has been an interaction bet Ween separately identifiable, but organically inter-relatied three Social SysterTS, ETT Ély. advanced capitalism in the north, capitalist under-development in the South ad socialis in tha East, determined by One and the same historical process - un even and Combined development of Capitalism. The Third World is paripheral to tha world system only geographically; socio-economically and geo-politically it has been right at tha heart of the struggle for the World in tha post-War period, Since 1945, the northern half of the World has been essentially an arena of adjustment and readjustment of existing relations among the graa! powers. Peace, in the Sensa OT ab serica of War, has baan Cornfined only to the North. The Third World, however, has remained the actual battleground of the struggle for the world, from Korea to the Gulf. The Third World in this way absorbs the explosive charge of the contemporary world crisis. By
being so it precipitates the global revolution.
The Third World is an inter
nal problem of world Capitalism. Issues such as the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Indo-Pakistani Conflict, Iran-Iraq war and the recent war in the Gulf show the continuing importance of the geo-politics in the Linder-de Wesoped world. But what defines precisely the place of the Third World in the world system is its historically determined underdevelopment which Willy Brandt identified as the "biggest social challenge" of the world today.
Development at the Capitalist centre" and the under-devel lopment in capitalist 'periphery
constituto the two aspects of a single problem, namely, the capital accumulation on the
world scale which is in favour of the latter at the cost of the former. Today, this is the
21

Page 24
Single Thost important issue in
the North-South relationship. Recently, a Canadian scholar concluded:
The North-South relationship is a diverse and confusing web. To Laderstand, to respond effectively a Eikl i C) ensur: El Constructivic outCome is als demanding not only in ter|1:15 of substance, but also beca LISof attitudes well entrenched in both North and South. It is moreover the most important task, since it subsumes - or inevitably will subsume - all others. We in the North II ay be inost in cril (as those i Tı much of the South have long been) because the monentum of events impacting upon us is in excess of our Willingness [o respond, if we :L [ c [not willing to beccamı : Ely ware; ; Local change OLIr unsustainable attitude of superiority, GLLLLLLL S CS LuLLLCL SaLLLLL LLLL S S LLLLLL dramatically in the South the broad incidence of absolutic powerIy, then cycin our own economic Welfare, Our own social tranquility and our own political stability Will it silly be it risk-incretasingly they will be in jeopardy. The export-led development Strat. Egy has galin Ed Wide Curr Erh Cy in tho Tacent past. This development strategy, which gained ground in the Far East ir globa | CO r1 text of wastly expanding capitalist growth in America, Japan and Europe in the sixties, cannot be applied as a general Strategy to OwerCOT10 under-development irrespective of timo and place, The Current récession and protectionism in the world economy militate against the general application the export-led deveopment strategy. Former World Bank President, Robert S. MacNH ma rā has said:
LLLTCLLaHHHLLaSCLkLLLaLLLLL S L aa LLLLLLL of the past twenty five years, has faile til ta çlicos: the gap in per capita incomes between the develuped id develi countries. ... The proposition is LC. But LLLLLL aLLLLLLLa L HtH LLL S LLLLL LHH L S LLLLLLaHL it is not that develop II ent efforts hay: fallied, bLI I Tahcr that “Closing the gap" was never El realistic bjective in the first placc. It was simply not it feasible goal. Nir is it one today. E: if : - oping countries are to double their CCLLS LmaCLL S TaLGGHLLLaS LLLLL HOHOaL aH LaLLLLL LLL LLLK LLLLLLaLLC LL LLLLLaLLLL cal growth it will take Ille Hitly al ::"IntLUTy to clase the absolute inco Tille gap between her. Among thic fastest growing developing countrics Conly stwem will b c a ble to close the gap within a hundred years LLL L S LLLaS L S SaaLLLL S S S HLLLS S HHHLLaL tlh: L15 and years.
22
The debt pro the current tr development... Pli sening of terms cularly since the the LIII der-de Wël in tha çOUršE O to depend on e irgs, pārticular cial balks, to a degree to bring now being cale sis which was . monstrated by M To make the cri уваг 5іпce 1983 ing world has to North more filla than it receive no longer a r or an economic political crisi5. Nations Secretar in a speech dal 1989:
Politicil stabili World) is direct Struggle for a living has now Many deaths ha kleveloping courn To crisis in TOT 'y is not socio-economic, Socio-3 Coronimic global Scala wo We to the Curr World economy. ווז סווח y is Bוחםח TEt of Cold De linking the T the World eco feasible proposi de Sirable. Eľad high degree of plшs expropriatic diction betwee Under de WG |Opme national antago tainly result in ment of a perfe World Economy, challege is to development W ECOTOIThy.
를
The world is challenge. The equilibriu T1 Cof tha nation-statĘ of a stable wol Ett i a Eo|E. Th Of a 13 W Wor|| poses the trans ir1 ter-5 ta' t9 - Corlifli

blam Crystālises isis of underelorea WOof trade, parti3 Tid-fifties ad oped countries f the Seventies xternal borro Wfrom commerIn un precedented its trail what d t ha da bot Ciriramatically deexico in 1982. SISGWO TSE) every "the develop"ad 5 ferred to tha incial resources s". It is low Tere 'fiaia" Crisis; it is a
The United y General stated ivered in April,
ty in the Third ly threatened. The lët të standard of moved into SETects, we occurred in the ICS,
the World ecomonetary; it is Adjustment of relations on a Luld be the arisErit Crisis in the The world ecoUrriental, a Chi B'ựBErr civilization. ird World from normy is not a tirion; 21 Or is it ication of the Work place Sur31, the Contrain development :rn t, and the risms will Certhe establishCity fic: tion ing OLur greatest ÖVer Comé underit in the World
疊
a philosophi Ca | Creation of an power Between 35 as the basis |d o Tdar is LunEl establishment d order presшрcendence of the Ct. In the natio
malistic predicament of the World today, there is one Way Out: globi lisation. The resolution of The COn tradiction het Weer labOLIr är Cid Capital and bet W99 i Sociolism and capitalism is predicated upon Striking the right balance between freedom and equality, If a World Order can be established on the basis of freedom and aduality, then there will be a trug global Society. The magnitude of the problems of the World today characterises th o Gra in Which we lliwe; this is the era of total liberation of hLHT 3 kirildi,
The down-to...
Y Car, ffr7.Jeg fra r77 pagg, 20)
became an irritant as an Appointed Member of Parliament. Philip Gunawardene received short shrift as did Dr. S. A. Wickremasing he who tried and failed to obtain a free pardon So as to Contest a së at in the 1947 Parliament. He gave to S. W. R. D. Bandara naike enough горе to haпg himself and 1п the meanwhile promoted a feud bety to atter ad Si JDhn Kotela Wala Over thB SLCCession, nBWer itanding to bequeath the prize to either. He thus had considerable acumen as a political strategist. But he did not think out the possible consequences of his actions
through and through. To that extent he was a failure, Wining in the short run but
Wisiting his Country With Cala= mily over the long haшl.
D. S. Senama yake did his home work thoroughly. But the Work was limited because ha did not, like for example Jawa harlāl Nehru, hawe a vision for Ceylon. The stef | fra The Work of an administration was left behind by the British as was their social Welfare systerT. Since D. S. Semana yake had no concept of building institutions, of scientific planning or involvement in divising an
effective foreign policy, his function became that of a manager who had to run his cabinet, the administration and
his pernickety political alliance, tha UNP gffectively which ho titl. (To be concludod)

Page 25
Part (2)
Privatization in Sri Lar
Saman Kelegama
he se cond problem basetting ,
the privatisation exercise is the nead to prevent a public monopoly becoming a private monopoly that would in turn engage in Consurner exploitation. Сеylоп Охүgen, fог example, retains its monopoly power in producing Oxygen and Nitrogen even after privatization. It has been argued that dismantling the legal monopoly powers and impOrt libérälization Jér SS wi|| be adequate to prewent privata monopolies emerging from the privatization process. The reality however is a different story, The Sri Lanka market is small and there are no economies of scale for an entrepreneur to undersell, for instance, Oxygg, in an environment where it is produced by a Tapu table company. Consequently, a company such as Ceylon Oxygen has de, facto monopoly power in producing thB item.
Ceylon Oxygen is not the only case of a monopoly situation. The Fair Trading Commission is now investigating a petition alleging that a priva te Tonopoly is being created in the live stock industry as a result of selling the Oils and Fats Corparation to Prima Ltd which already controlled a large portion of the live-stock market. In Cases such as these, although the state has ta kom some Thea
'sures to elimina to the legal monopoly power of the enterprises, the fact remains that a
pri va te bu yer WOLIld always prefer to buy an en terprise which Can give him som a mārket poWer. For Example, the terdêr condition may require that a corporation should be bought as an o going Con Cearn, while the buyer's intention may be to Curta il production in tha corporation in order Io gain monopoly power in the market in which the bu yer has already
e stablished Sorin
The de factor of certain public the greatiւյm tյf E tion by the buy that will featre
zation program again. As the 5io report sta E
to avoid a por пау Пауе beeП a public enterpr in the first pl It is worth aski qLI EBS tioms wera sed by the au embarking O n programma in S is not to say t| porations de fac, War should no But that such pril be accompanied regulatory bodies for British Teleco trol the abuse o
The third pro E: privatization pro Countered many the labour markt ties do not appi CLussed tha imp privatization pro ÉTıployees. For tary retrenchm: place under dif Wiz, under tha " mula (revised)'' Cc rporation F. again restrencht pola CE in a tota | in the Building ration. A t Corfusion äld F Iad to a growth trust of privati. a mong the work to ha forming a tit LIEncy against Cases in mind : plated privatizati State Comicia railway system : qLI2m t rever Sâ| S.

ka: An
command.
honopoly pOW BT enterprises and monopoly situar are problems in the privati
me time and South Contiss: "...the need
wate monopoly the reason why is a Was 5 et up aca" (p. 127). ng whether such roperly addresthorities before tha privatization ri Lanka. (This hat public Cor- סly pםpטון סוח טf t be privatized. wat ization should
With setting Up such as OFTEL m in J. K. to Conf märket power.)
blem is that th9 gramme has enconstraints from it. The authorieår to hawe dislications of the Sāls With the example, volun2 it has taken ferent packages; "B Lullum Lulla Forand the 'LCather Tula". TE erit has ta ker ly different style Matarials Corpo - is has created has consequently of intensa dislation proposals ers, who appear powerful consthe programme. Ire the Contamor of the two barks and the ind their subsg
Overview
Some have questioned tha usefulnees of the concept of offering 5-10 per cent of share
ownership to employees as a motivating force and also for them to hawe a stake in tha enterprise. In fact, most amplo
yees tend to sel their shares, thus raducing tha anticipated employee commitment (Ceylon Daily News, 19. 10, 1991). Moreower, the mangements of the newly privatized ventures have found that the labour laws in Sri Lanka are a serious impadiment to the smooth functioning of the Drivatized enterprises. In particular, persistent compilalints are made about the Termination of Employment Act and the Maternity Act as creating unnacassary rigidities and imposing heavy costs. Complaints are also heard about the large number of public holidays which retards efficient progress.
Fourthly, an important question that has been posed by tha Sri Lankan policymakers is whather the domestic capital market will be able to absorb the contemplated privatization programme. The development of the capital market and privatizä tion is similar to tha "'Chickan and egg" situation; i.e., which comes first is difficult to surmisa. Sri Lanka's capital mar - ket has de Weloped substantially over the past two years. The annual turno w Er of the Colombo Stock Exchange (CSE) increased from 0.2 billiori in 1989 to Rs. 1.5 billion in 1990. In the first half of 1991, the tota | turnower was in excess of Rs. 1.6 Lilliol of Whit: RS. 1.2 billion constit Lu tad foreign inwestment in listed shares.
Even though capital markets have developed substantially the market capitalization is low in Sri Lanka Compared with the neighbouring Countries MoreOver, the par issue maximum is
23

Page 26
a roLIntd Rs. 1OO TiIIio 3rd a total Of 300 Thilli Orl OWgr tW0 yÉ a TS. Against this Capa City privatization programme in the next 3-4 years is going to exert a pressure in the region Of Rs. 2.5 billion, Besides, there will be regular private sector issues. Realizing these facts, the government has taken steps to develop the capital Tarket, in particular, to establish wature capital funds and unit trusts - The National Assets Midnagement Ltd. (CNAMAL) was established in December 1991 and this will be followed by CK M Funcil Marnager Tier li t ii r Jlanuary 1992. How effective these efforts will be in experding the capital market remain to be seen. It is worth noting however that despite all efforts, only one private sector project has Come up So far Lsing equity Capital.
Fifthly, taxation policy in regard to thë privatization programme is another area where concerns have been expressed, Tax policies should be geared to Bnthusa pé ple to invest in SG är 35 t H1 i EikS, a Cotro - W ETS'y s till lingers i 1 regår i to the Capitäl (Gå i 15 tax. This tax has been imposed for shares sold within a year in order to prevent the CSE becoming a 'quick buck" enterprise on wery large in Westments, Given tha undeveloped nature of the Sri Lankan capital market, the CSE should be an institution to raise long-term capital, not an enterprise for quick gains from la rge sums of capital. On thesë grounds such taxation is justifiabla, Ho Wawer, the Capital Gälins ta X has had some negative effects; i. e. it has deterred som foreign in Westment coming in and has thereby reduced the b) Luo ya C y of the CSE. More CoWET. the LILO rities Ilave fu it difficult to collect this tax.
Sixth ly, a stable macroecondmic environ T1 ent is ESSentia for private sector development in general and privatization in
particular. High level of 'budgetary expenditure, however, appears to have exerted heavy
24
pressure on p pérsistent two Such inflation Conducive for p. and the future privatization pro
there are reas that the Tä Cr: tion Strategy
privatization stre |evel policy iпр tim ing of broad: tiv es such as ! tion, legislation, mpetםf Cס tחeוח not in harmony har Tony the eff tation of the pr ramme has bei Compounding fai Of institutional
handle the pri fEITIS, TG C Division of the Public west me Board. and the аге аІІ іпvolved zation process
Luthority.
Problems that the priwa tization D Ort SLCtor änd sector also rear the c5 Se of bu: National Transp Will hawe to a ho W to a CCOT tick gt holders, un economica discipline and far operate strictly
etc. These are at present that WEd. Inte Case
although some t as the Democrati gress (D WC) ha ported the propo of management, are against it, p. privātization impol rTiarnagement, th LI: Wer of thé unior the interest 5 South India to managցITIETlt tյf
zed plantation SË

rices, leading to -digit inflation. is generally not riwata investment progress of the gramme. Further, Ons to be | iewe -level privatizaand icro-level tegy and Ticrolementation (e, g, ler policy initiataxation, regulaand th0 de wel opition policy) are
WWitho LI t S LI: active inplere - ivatization prog* Il reducad. A ctor is the lack leadership to watization progOmercialization 2 Treasury, the rt Management ling Thiris tries in the pori wa tiwith on guiding
are specific to of the bus transthe plantations attention. In 5 transport, tha Cort Commission dress itself on moda ta Season TLIn LISBS Dr outes, maintain 1Sure that Euses O a time table, major problems hawe to be so I - } of plantations, lig unions such C Workers CoWe openly supsed privatization 5חםiחther uם robably because igs de Centralized S Weakering poS. Furth 3T TO TE, O Wn by som Impanies in the the decentraliictor has caused
SOT e Concer ragarding tha possible socio-political changes that could take place in the te a e states as a result.
To conclude the privatization
programme in Sri Lanka appears to be a gradual One, this is
prudent strategy, for "shock therapy" can lead to various problems as has happened in Poland. Even though this is the case and there are positive achievements of the privatization programme, yet the Sri Lankar privatization exarcise is not frge from rimajor problems and un fullfilled expectations. In fact, as shown, the privatization programa häiS raised S0 TT3 sarious problems.
What has to be realized in this context is that for SLICCOSSful privatization, public opinion has to be familiarized with the notion of privatization and a || its adwuntages and then support has to be gained. Popular support is essential particularly for a privatiza tion program The that calls itself "peoplization". Such support cannot be gained withOLIl transparon Cy. Lack of transparency leads to unfounded rumours even in regard to enterprises that are privatized inpartially, and thus harms the image of the entire privatization prograle. When this is to case, there can big sudden rewersals of decisions to privatize certain sectors of the ECrյոքmy which can Consequently have adversa implications for foreign aid negotiations. There arg reasons to believe that many of the problems of the privatization programma can be owerCome if there is more openness and debate on what is happening. It is only them that the support of the general public can be gained for the effective implementation of the programme.

Page 27
The Pivotal Por
Ideally located region's tranship the world’s mai
lhe best turn-around time
* A streamlined fully-compu
A Net work of Contajner
' A consolidated Rates Stru
率
Attractive rebates for tran
Safe handling by skilled p
SRI LANKA PO
19, Church Street, P. O. Box sage 42 | 23 I 421201 Telex: 2
 

t of South Asia
to cater to the
ment trade and
ritime industry.
s in the Region for al traffic.
terised operation.
Depots & Freight Stations.
ture.
shipment.
Prsonnel.
RTS AUTHORITY
| 595, Colombo 1 , Sri Lanka.
1805 POT 15 (CE Fax: 54065 |

Page 28
Loans for Jamasaviya Receip
Loans for self-employment
Loans for WYSCO Members
Loans for fishermen -
all aimed at th majority of th
hitherto neglec
BANK O
BANKERS TO

samts
he re-generation of the e nation who were
ted
F CEYLON HE
NATION