Page 1
o After the Aid Group
2O February 15 1992 pic
The Buddhist Revival and the Left
— Sarath Amun ugama
THE GREAT DEBATE
HOVNV NMUCH
AMITA SHASTR REVIEWS
south Asia
(ASHMIR: Proxy war on
How free is the Sri La
islan in the Soviet C
Why the small farmer
 
 
 
 
 

meeting
- Mervyn de Silva
Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka OD/43/NEWS/92
-3
Does India need a Presidency ?
— /mder Malhotra
AUTONOMY 2
- H. L. de Silva
3 — 6. Suriya kumaran
Ankan Presso
— U. S. Report
non Weath
- Bern Can't pay
— Kumudu Kusum Kumara
PT Bastian piliaj

Page 2
LA KS
For quality
Depicting the Cultural
They are master-pieces
LA K S
Sri Lanka Hal
60, York Stre
Telephone : 292.47, 23513
Fax : 94.

S AL A
handicrafts
Heritage of Sri Lanka
that none could match
S AL A
indicrafts Board
et, Colomb) 1,
Telex : 22773 LAKSA I CE
- 1 -54,582

Page 3
TRENDS
PRICE OF AO
President Premada sa addressing the nation on the 44th Independence anптіVersary on Feb. 4 reninded the people that to fhe exteлt the пайfoп дерелded on exterла/ assisfa/?CB, SC Sha// if be 5 Lib= /ect to exterгта/ pressшre, Also: "Let us not forget tsať to the exter 7ť ťahať We are divided and disu r7 sted, external elements и III Бе able to fглferfeгe fл ошг affairs, Let us not forget Čla ť ľ0 ľ/73 a Xľé/7ť Wa assow the growth of inmorality, We sha I be wictirms of externa / influence".
NGHT AND DAY -|me mu Itf-mfסng SסAm IIоп гирее рrojects s/дпва
by the Greater Colombo Eсололтfс Солтл7ї55fол ѓ5 а
te We Wisj07 Staff Or7 fFiat WWI telecast programs day and night. It Will be a joint ven tLure bet Weer 7 Sur 7po Wwer Systems (Pvt) Ltd and Siлgapore Telecoгт Inter
rmationa I. This wi// be irn
addition 7 to a Maharaja
Organisation TV project.
MORE SECURITY Fo//owing the payго // robbery and killing of an estate superintendent in the tea county by Suspecfed LTTE Infiltrators, the Security Council has decided to step up security arrangements in the Uva.
Briefly
Heart ti
Man is closa at läst Where t:[]Tr:#TT1Ed. Thị of heart tra : Dr Christian Wäs ir Sri La Eh , gj Li est of a fer en CE). Thg 1 Barnard, who the first Lima Centry ago, i: a shortage o hearts). So, Come to I Ook i bility of trans hearts into Closest on-hu TETITS Wäs til he Sid.
Ali Tals had in open hea Tuch rese a T: With the II. TI Other visitor With Dr Barra at the Rotar who strongly tlis. Tät Gandhi, wido' Gandhi's Sol Si the politician mBntalist 5äi. рет сепt of
GitS ET LITT about 10 per c: beings'',
""Аге ү ош 5 experimentation rät1Er Exposé experimentatio
(AR
W. A. N. O.
Pri R
PLIS id f. LE GLETEI PI
No. 245 U
Cl
Editor: Mer
Telephon Prits d by A.
E2/5, Sri Ratnaja Ma. Waith a C.
Тglapho пі

O Heart
it to the pig - the haart is s is the wiew splant pioneer Barnard who nka recently as Rotary ConWorld, said Dr. transplanted heart a quarter З поw faciпg f do nors (of the time had r h to the possi - Blanting animal
LESG. T Tari had T t t at of the pig,
helped a lot rt Surgery as had bgen dong 13 TE WES - to Sri Lanka Tid, also a guest y Conference, objected to Was Mala ka W of Indira T1 ja y. M:1 rieka, tur d ir virr: "About 90 anima experi1 etessa ry. on ly ent help human
against animal P Would you your Child to
shot back, at a media meet
ing. Rather an unkind way of putting it, perhaphs; Mrs Gandhi kept her cool, 'I BIT against animal experiment
ation; I would not sacrifice my child of the aimai ' ', she said.
Christian Bär flard iS flow looking bayond heart transplants. He wants to stop the pro CSS of a geing.
MO COmne CtiOn
WOrk 01 a 13 w WOA Stätio åt | Tada Willa, maar Chi| äw, wi|| pro Caled as plan med despite local protests led by the Catholic church. This
WHS H : 0 til Luation of a agreement with the United States signed way back in
1951, a government Spokesmal told a press briefing. Als 0, thore Was no Conne Ction boot Wee n the WOA project and a proposed tourist resort. It was not a potential threat to indige nous life styles.
Bar ASSOciation, Council asks for probe
The Bar Counci | has passed a resolution supporting Bar Association of Sri Lanka President Ranjit Abeysuriya's request from President Pramadasa to appoint a Commission to probe the disappearance of more than thirty schoolboys from schools in Embilipitiya.
1?" Dr. Barard -
DAN CONTENTS
Llgt tirs
February 15, 1992 Meg WB, Background 한 O Presidential System in India 7 յrtmightly by Kashmir B ublishing Co. Ltd.
F.C. "Si Wiet' Common Wealth 1.
- 2,
LLLLLL LLaaLaaLS LL LLLLLLH S 0 r yn de Silwa E: 4475E4 D. S. (4) 1É;
Inicia Praias Buddhaputra and til ST WILLIL Bhumiputra? (2) 17 : LiltյITl եւ 13,
TF Credit Policy 21

Page 4
The parents of the Tissing children had appealed to the Bar Association to help them tra Ce their abducted Children.
A School principal involved?
Eviden Co has surfaced pointing to the possible involvement of a school principal in the abduction of 32 schoolboys from schools in the Em bilipiti ya district. The chi Idren hawe since disappeared,
Human Rights Task Force Chairma J. F. SOZa told tha Sunday Times that he would place available evidence before the Attorney General and that it was Lup to the AG to décide on iridictiments.
Aid and Human Rights
A Canadian Human Rights group Who visited Sri Lanka O 5 FE for hEilse Wes Basked
th19 Sri La meeting in Pa Conditiona o abuses, "'We ted by the a! ոESS, the abi wiolence that going on in a spokesman f told a news Citta Wā.
Major
in til
The Sri Lar five battalions offensive to OL from tha Eas Northern oper, slowed as a
täry SpokĘSTI E
Meanwhile LTTE Cadres : the Security East, the spok բTESS.
LETTERS
R. A. W. Hand
M. H. F. Jayasuriya's article on "The Shri debate" which appeared in the Lanka Guardian dated 15th December 1991, was most interesting.
for one would not care if they spell the Word Sri as Shri, Siri, Sree Chiri. But why Indianise the name of beautiful Sri Lanka.
It appears that the RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) of the Indian Secret Service has infiltrated Lake House to dictate
and Indianise the word Sri to Shri. The next mowe of tha RAW will be to make thg Sri Lankans change their names to Indiain siasm g5. What strange things are happening in poor little Sri Läkā?.
E. Rajah Laurel Canyon Blvd North Hollywood California, U.S.A.
率 豪
Alative Son
While glad t É rican professo by the Universi ES part of its S3 ir y Cela Era tito15 h3. We EE en lo hawe honoured oC Casion those stood by the times of grawe not Saek grean E
Colombը Ց.
Edmund Sa
The news of sarnajist leader rakkody's death (LG. Jan. 15). he was one of Sinha lese politi commanded res Tails for the on the Ethnic: Cor Cor Ti pro T1 i Sed hi office,
Though you is Victories in and July 1960 Which Enabled

қа Aid Group ris to Take a id
at
were flabbergas. зparепt wi|1іпg
lity to tolerate seems to be that society'.
or the HR group Conferece i
Offensive e East
ika Army threw into a major Ist the “Tigers“ Stern Provica. ations were ot rBELilt, H millin said,
20 'hardcore"
Si Lurraldeared to forces in the :e Small told the
They will quit
A UNP Pradeshiya Sabha member told the (district) Council's monthly meeting
that a II thirteen government party men would quit the sabha if the central government accepted Rural Industries Minister and CWC boss
Sa umya mur ti To daman's proposals to end the ethnic Cof||C.
"Mr Thonda man is overstepping the mark. I object to his proposals. I am sure
the government will not accept ther. If the government does all 13 of us will resign from the UNP", the member, Henry Dominic said.
(Cantiлшаd ол дара 16)
s Meglected
lat the two AT's were honoured ty of Peradeniya for tieth Aniwer5, I thik it WOL I'd "e appropria te to on the same acade TiCS Who ir University in trouble and did 3 r på St LurĘs.
"Old Boy"
yma rakkody
Weteral SardEdmund Sarasaddened me In my opinion, the landful of cal leaders who Dect among the stad he took fict, He e ver 5 principles for
had We menti Orled tha 1952, 1956 general elections him to serve as
a member of parliament, what | consider of more significance are the two loss as he suffered in the 1947 and 1965 general elections. In 1947, ha comtestad against the "father of the nation" D. S. Senama yake in the Mirigama constituency and garrared 10,000 votes against 25,OOO received by the first prime ministar of Ceylon. It was certainly a pyrrhic wictory for D. S. Senanayke and I think that young Sama rakkody's 10,000 Votes scar
ed the "old man' out of his wits. The 1965 election loss of Samarakkody, as a sitting
MP in Bulathsinhala electora te, where he couldn't even sawa his deposit and polled less than 500 votes showed the Tamils, how much Sinhala opinion had hardened on the parity of status for languages question on which he campaigned. After Samarakkody's exit from the parliamont, there hardly any Sinhalese leaders who gained the trust of Tä Tills.
Sachi Sri Kantha
Bl CSC i 2:1 CC 15|titutely, Osaka, Japan.
率 尊 事

Page 5
AD GROUP
ALMS BUT NC VVAR. . . . .
Mervyn de Silva
E. WiLL MOT CEDE AN
INCH OF LAND - So ran the headline on the frontpage of the HINDU on Feb. 10. The lead story was Prima Ministar Narasimha Rao's statement to tha press at Guru wayur. Just before he met the press, he had worshipped at the Sri Krishna Teriple, the HINDU correspondent's despatch said. "We are ready to meet any 6 ventuality aris ing out of the present posture of Pa
kiSitan... . tradition of peaceful co-exstance and had not corted the territory of anyone. Similarly India would not et anyone violate or take a Way any inch of her land'.
The Indian Prime Ministar was speaking as "the long Tarch' planned by the JAMMU KASHMIR LIBERATION FRONT
(JKLF) approach the "line of control" in disputed Kashmir, the bitterest dispute between India and Pakistan and the South Asiam region's generic
conflict. Anybody who tries to cross over to India 'would ba
shot' warned the governor of Kashmir, Girish Saxena, the head of the Research and Analysis wing" (RAW), India's
CIA, under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. (The LTTE cadres were trained and armed during those years).
The Indian thesis that thea LTTE's secessionist war could be concluded if only Colombo conceded 'autonomy" on the Constitutional model adopted in post-Colonial li dia Was the Cornerstone of India-Sri Lanka Peace Accord. High Commissioner Mani Dixit, now Foreign Secretary, has used that argument on many a public occasion.
. . India had a long
Kashrin i'r is i[1 the |rriär f federal system. Without the he army, or parë has "'Tanaged" Sity Conflicts fE FP Lunjab and enough anywa in ASS am last
10Uri Ce e le CE iOr) Feb. 19. 1 K terra I" factor more important,
But the Kas Tot olly a ni ini bet Weer SC Luth Tilitary powers in directly tha ! - the US and the US On Pak MOSCO W Stauri US Corite Was EinfOrcéd
grad to II || Cow E ECOTIT 19 the Ti for America's against the Mosc |Tunist regiT13 complex equatic anymore with COTT LI ThisI'm arid tio of the Sowi
in a dramal most specta CLula region of tha has moved Clos: pended aid to it ally, Pakistan, u sler Amendmant, its old positio the idea of , Ksi. Tg th O LWCO COLI I ti tht: disբLIta that
| f | Pring Mi "not all it: " L Ft Sri KTIS JKLF leader A. WES TO IEGS FE3||

the Weakest link ed era Or quasi
Delhi, with or lp of the dia i-military forces
tha low-inteirly well in the Assar... ... well y to have polls year, and to ап,-
is in Punjab on ashmir, the 'ex(Pakistan) is
hmir issue was er-State conflict Asia's major but in Wolved wo sLIparpowers he Soviet Union, istan"s Side arid chly pro-|ndian.
to Pakist when Islamabad its territory to a in staging-post "proxy war' ow-backed Comin Kabu | That in doesn't exist the collapse of the disintegraBE Stat,
lic Switch, the r in any key World, tha US 3 to India, susis long-standing: I1 der thé Frgsand abandoned of supporting a plebs cite in JS now wants "ias to resolwa mselwES.
İster Rad Said Hfter prayers sit a Temple, the man ullah Khan igious in decla
гіпg his comпnitпmвпt to a “fтев" Kashmir. "I have taker an Cath before the Koran and my con
science, and I will give up my life in the way of Allah for the liberation of Kashmir".
Neither God mor Religion has been invoked by Prabhakaran in his "war" for the "liberation" of Eelam but "mot ai ir 1: Hı" is very much part of the Thindset, to LISE an Amorican expression, of the Sinhala Defence League (SAS) of Mr. Gamani Jaya suriya, formar minister and UMP General Secretary, änd of HELA URAMAYA of tha S.L.F.P. "dissidents" or Hard | ie ""caluCLIs'. For both every inch belongs to every Sri Lankam. The Concept of 'traditional homeland" or "area of historical habitation"
which President JR, shrewdly preferred, is rejected outright and instantly by a resurgent
Sinhala "New Right", vigorously supported by the Buddhist clergy, including the Maha Sangha. The territorial imperative is now the cora issu a in the ne W (or Tenewed) da bate on the Tamil problem. This of course was what the Thondaman controversy Was all about.
If the ethnic identity/tarritory Connection (ho Wewer large) or small the territorial Unit) is rejected, then no talks need be held, since the "Concept" is non-negotiable. And no jaw-jaw only means "war-war". India does not need weapons from any external source to meet the thraat in Kashmir. A || th åt Worrias Delhi i G W Fhether it Wil|| || Gaid to another direct or indirect military Confro tätion With Pakistan, and whether its escalation of th9, "War " wi || aliana teg a larger section of Kashmiri society,
3

Page 6
Tg Sr Lākā Sat 5 ir much greater difficulty. Already thé de fer]Ce budget approach 2S 6% of G. N. P., the third highest for the 22 countries in the AsiaPacific region. . . . after Pakistan and Myanmar (Burma). The do nors who hawe just pledged 825 millio US dollars Hawe decided NOT to cut or suspend aid but they have told the gower ment quite firly that it must "keep exploring ways to achieving peace. . . the economic COSt of not doing so is too high..."
Ironically, Canada, the strongE35't Criti: Of the PTü713 da Sa TBgime on "the human rights' issua is the donor who insists most firmly or the government "demonstrating its good faith bү presenting proposals and a Ca är tirilla-table for a COTCrate politica | satt | Tlent to the et hic conflict as soon as possible'. And the sternest Critics of thg regime on human rights, the "rebel" DUNF, regards Canada as their 'ally'. The virulence of the S. A. S., and SLFP caucus "Hela Uramaya" sarved the UNP negotiators qui ta w g | I. if Un Consciously, by projecting an image of prejudice intolerance, and insularity. Gaining a great deal by contrast, the Premadasa regima left the do nors and the World Bank no option.
THE Prema Hasa Lick holds. Despite the spiried Human Rights campaign mounted by the Opposition parties, particularly the "dissident" DUNF and its Vauble Co-learder Mr. La lith At hul athTudali, the World Bark-51DSOr Bd Paris magting of the Sri Lanka Aid consorti LITT), pledged 825 million do|- Iars, 25 smillios. Innise thais i Sir i Lanka had requested.
What does it mean? First, thë principal do nors, Japan, the
government's
US and of coursg the Bank itself, are more than satisfied that the government is imple
menting the economic reforms recommended by the IMF and the World Bank. They may not be wholly impressed with the pace of charge or its thrust but the direction is right, and the political will exists. Not
4
a Tir WC
Taka that Clair
Se Cold Lle r gCOfd is not t tO justify pur Third, the gover lems and pres elected regime Cofroit. Sri Cannot be per thes Tallit lES, While al ElectE: politically bes: fact Was dra ITE peach Tent Crisi these politicia that engineerer the President : the "luck' fac
Third, thera trative il Si personality with gram that can the IMF-IBRD bo dona. And of those two in fact speak In the postWhile To the JS ling tha shots, Im GTI it is pola yi the SiC rul: mada by the " A few foreign such as Wotin Zionism issue. tha | irits of Ai On an isSue oi is of direct Col ton (F. g. the Lankan go werin Won pl'US poir the guvernment ated the Chuir will Hota | Co
of Tore direc" Chi Lir; thir tr mic strategy i tham for gigm Washington's jective - the ir Wr it global ectrl Drill Countries HS ii or powerful re OppQ50 SLICH ir ria Fed Challeri hegemony - th Confrontatio L. eri Carl "Tiev V.
Apärit fro Who have rais

ld recipients can T.
Human Rights hat unsatisfactory itive ппеasшres. nment faces probSures that Tlost םd tווuםנs are b Lanka's backers wersely blind to particularly so di government is aigad, and that itis Ed by the ''ims". In that sense, Iris and parties the crisis, did a favour. Herce לחםT
iS no Wia bola a|- ght; 1 Co party Cor 1 El Coherent proido the job which thirk needs to When One Speaks agencies, Wę arej ing of the U. S. Lf War World, is increasibly calthe UNP governig aC Cording tO : that have bel sole superpower". policy deviations, g in the UN CITI are We|| Within eria trait. substance which cer to WashingW. O. A.) tha Sri Tent's Corti poliam C; E its. (Incidentally, also accommodChi Carth tha IraillaTiplex. an issu t Cicer to the he WOA). EconoS far Tore wital policy in Serving funda Tartal obtegration of Third le. US-dominated . It is only when important as Japan gions like Europe integration - and ge and resist US at friction ald indermine the Am
ord order'.
that the dors d "human rights"
in an attempt to stop or reduce aid to the Premadasa regime are modest contributors to the World Bank "aid package" or face such serious economic probliams at horne, that their capacity to offer substantial project
aid is in any case limited. As a matter of fact, the outrage over human rights' may well
be moralistic gēsture to diwart attention from the truth. They hawe not much money to sparë dy Way. It is nice to be abola to retreat Linder the moralistic Smokescreen of "hurtian rights".
WAR FROWTS
invasion? TTE prepares
""We " sha || resol Wea to defeat the invasion" is a message from Mahattaya, the LTTE's No. 2 to the people of the Jaffna peninsula. It was carried by WID UTHALA I PULIHAL, the LTTE organ, Writes the We|| informmed
SL : LS TA" кeep the doors of peace open but the SL. government beats the drLJTS COf War. Colombo"S Strategy, says Mahattaya, is a ' War of attrition" until the LTTE is Waak, and the a full-sca || 9 in Wasion to force the LTTE to negotiate) from a position of Weakness. . . . We cannot permit an imposed solution, . . so we Will prepare. ... if the Arty Comes, it will be the biggest battles. The paper claims that in the 3 month period Oct. - Dec. the Army has lost 256 nen, While the LTTE as had 86 CESLIBltiOS,
i 罩
Third Front
The army has confired that the LTTE ki || 68 S er wicar TG in the past 4 weeks, notas Rohan Gurlasekera in the samo på per. But what really worries the army is the possibility of a "THIRD FRONT''. The LTTE has founted 14 attacks in this period - two in the UWA, which
borders the "''South Eastern di Stricts of EELAM"".

Page 7
FREE PRESS
U. S. REPORT
he Constitution provides for T:: of speech and expression but permits these rights to be restricted by law in the interest of national Security, The ER has been Used directly
and indirectly to restrict free speech. For example, բerhuns wishing to post bills adverti
sing meetings of any type are required under the ER to secure police approval of the text, al though, pursuant to a Supre
The Court ruling in 1987, the policea must specify a reason for denying permission. There
Were no prosecutions for distribution of 'anti-government" literature in 1991. However, the Government considers possession of JWP literature prima facie evidence of involvement in the organization and reason for detention LInder the ER. Under the amended 1978 Parliamentary Powers and Privileges Act, Par. llament may imposa an unlimited fine or up to 2 years imprison ment on any one who criticizes a member of Parliament, a Clear deterrent to fra adom of expression. The amendment was not applied in 1991.
The Government controls the Country's largest newspaper chain. A variety of independent newspapers and journals provide a range of viewpoints on foreign affairs and most domestic issues, including human rights. Мапу newspapers openly criticize the ruling party and the Government. Many Small-circuation periodicals are also published by орposition political parties and SpaCial interest groups. They hawa claimed that various groups have required them to publish articles the groups have provided, threatening them if their demands were not net. Tamil-language na Wspa pars in particular hawe claimed that militant Tamil groups have required tham to բLblish articles the groups have provided. The media based in the northet in Pērninsula hawa been subjected to particularly tight Control by thig LTTE.
There was no formal political censorship in 1991, but journal
ists assart tHät SLI - Or to -- forces the pi self-Censorship. Government den allaged that | exert S pressure Controlling per port of newspri placement of p Elli ) LII CETI EI S In October seve Edrid State-äffilit directed to chg
r1 arrears that al բaptar rHight h; that such loans according to c The Government printing press o! Weekly without grounds. A fun suit filed with Court on this a pending at year' the Government it would enforce
Domors i
arms sp
Following : Tinisteria I m e:Trı aid do norg based Developm Committee (D, includes OECD Japan, the U COuntries -- haw tice on develo that futuro a development a репd on the effecting cuts expen diture, L. CLIlar" scrutiny : tari and Ildi budgets. Ther LLI" i AHL Lit tes Up in Cina, Thi Korea, Burma a The emphasis specific targets reductions but decling in mili DAC Chairmar Lowe said do no mind to start the new cond diately.

LOVEITIm Bli préshreat of pressure 'ESS D Exercia Although the ilias it, it is widely the Government on the press by 1its for the imnt and through aid government and advertising. fall Städte-0Willed ited banks were :k for any loans Oposition laws aWe, suggesting be called in, "edible sources. also sealed the an independent giving legal damental rights the Supreme Ction was sti|| S end... | | 1990) arounced that the Press COUrl
nk aid to em ding
1 4 December 2etiag, Westin the Parisent Assistance AC) - which rTime Timber 5 I ilke S and EC "e served noJing Countries Li locations of id will de52 COL Intries in military Under parti 1. 'E the Pakisian military e is aso conar"IT15 buildai land, North || nd Sri Lanka. is not on or overnight a progressive tary budgets. i Alexander r’s Were deterimplementing tions imme
一、五品。
cil law, which prohibits unauthorized publication of cabinet discussions and decisions. No charges have been brought under the law, but fear of ist Sanctions further Eric durages self-Censorship. However, during an impeachment challenge that began in August, there were no known cases of Censorship of the print media beyond the seal ing of the printing press men loned above, and the [] fĖSS generally seemed emboldened. English and Sinhala-language newspaper editors say they are now more subject to business pressures than physical threats.
The Government owns the radio and television letWorks, and only news approved by the Government may be broadcast in television. For example, during the impeachment crisis the resignation of dissident բarliam entarians was not reported, or radio or television, Although academic freedom is generally TESPECted, a new ER vis іпnроsed in 1990 banning political or disruptive activities at a schools. The Government has justified this action as nesessary to ES LIET that student political activity, such as that used earlier by the JWP to close down the uni - Versities for 3 years, would not force a new school closure.
J.W.P.'s New Move?
NEFEO has been alerted af. ter Paris police picked up on suspicion Gamini Wasantha Wanderkoon and his brother. Documants Which indicated their JWP Connections were found, the DALY NEWS said. One such "document" was a fetter posted from Italy. Its authoris Soma Wansa Amerasingha, evidently the JVP's No. I today, The letter arguas that the J VP should follow LTTE strategy - infiltration of all other parties and NGO's, especially Human Rights bodies, and setting up pro-JWP networks owersaas. With stepped-up recruitment to armed forces and police, JWP sympathisers will be told to infiltrate to services Loo.

Page 8
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Page 9
Specia/ fo the Д. G
INDIA: Presidential Sy
In der Malhotra
O WWE Over a de Cade MT
B. K. Nehru, One of the few e der StateTel 85) Illi||iso1 | dians can boast of, has been publicly agonising over the country's referit less da SCEt into chaos and political degeneration. As is well known, his perfered remedy for the ills afflicting the body politic is a switch over from the present parliamentary system to an executive presidency. In a le Curg i New Delhi the other day, the former civil servant, diplomat and governor did a lot more than just reiterate his plea With we we and eloquence. He also spelled out his idea 5 in greatEr detail thal before Which should facilitate a liformed and much-needed debate on the subject.
In Mr. Nahru's schBIE Of thirgs, the Presidert Would to Ea elected by a large enough electoral College, on the basis of ргорогtioпаІ representatioп апd a single transferable vote and with the Nigeria-like safeguard that while having a clear majority of votes in the Country as a whole, he or she Tlust also hawe a Certain Tini Turtlı per Centage of votes in all four regions - nor
thern, Southern, eastern and W85 tB TT1,
More importanty, the presi
det Will hawe Only one teriure of Seven years and no fore during which he Could be removed only through impeachment for "moral dalim quam cy" and wi|| appoint ministers only from outside the legislature so that the Curt Gādārg Lus vārds Pārligt and State asseblies cal be stelled.
What Mr Nehru prescribes for the Centre he Wants extended to the States even more urgently. There an elected governor Would be in the sa më position as the President in New Delhi with slight difference that the Single temu TO to Which the goverror Would be for five years.
Sälls
Mr Nehru's p ménts in suppo
ged to Here, ho Wa War, t marised only W. terestingly, his ture is a lamen a proportion of tuals Who g|Lit | iwe i Delhi a Sorbed With the GWEr IT Blt Df fail adequately to is happening in CC) Luntry. Tha la the State gover len is simply Inc those whose ey Raisis la Hil|| '''.
Other pertile by Mr Nehru a the present sy decisions, evel ti'W e il lational be taker becaus Eg COg Our G instability and in vitab|B w19r of a Chief Tiri hordes of " rapa whose hunger and || 0 a Wes ald km OWS (10 bOLI) COStS have beco the Te is "Trilo Way in which t can be raised'; Cumulative res. awal criminals : trS häva bar positions of pos tion has a SS Ur proportions.
Anything whic Tise of mitigat horrendous stal sLIrely Worthy ioL5 consideratic for a change o sidentia | systerT parent attractio examined with וq סח there ar B and the search Can Som til CSS SiC CidSE Of til WOrSa than the

stem - Last Hope?
Hersu asi we argurt of his propoa read in full, hey Can bg SunTary tersely. Inpoint of depart that so large the "intellecie Cur thought Tld Fire 50 abuI doings of the India that they appreciate what the rest of the Wells to which Imments have fa lit understood by as are riveted on
nt points made TE: thät, Lunder stem un popular
whеп impera
| Tit TBSt, Cal Tot e "the wote has od"; that both inefficiency are the political life star depends on cious legislators" for power, pelf
fishes of office |ds; that election me so huge that possible holest at kind of money
and that, as a ilt of all this and history sheecatapulted to wer änd Corrupmed gargantuan
h holds tha proing th 3 po TESEIt of affairs is of the most Ser1. But the Casg wEr to the prefor a II its apn s, rneed to bo i Lute CdTe, For Jick fixes in lifa for a short-cut t t I r rn irn to a : ai Sremedy being disease.
To u nderscore the difficulties that might a rise as a result of a hurried systemic change, one might raise only two of the many tick lish questions that are bound to a rise.
The first of these is as to the Centre's authority in this coultry to place a state under President's rule if elected goverriors rule the states and an executive president controls what Would pra Sumably Con til IĘ to be a federal Centre? Will the president be able to dismiss an elected governor, if necessary? In the Uited States. Such a power does not exist. But how Carl We be sanguine that in our conditions also this power is dispensibl a ? HOW doč s tha Country cope with the kind of problems that ha Wa pola g LIÐ d PLI n = jab, Kashmir and Assam in recent years?
The importance of the second question is heightened by the first. Even under the present system, both indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi were accused of having converted the office of Prime Minister into an "imperial presidency". In Tamil Nadu, the late MGR ruled like an absolute monarch just as his political heir, Ms Jaya la litha, is trying to do now. And in Haryaa Mr O T Prakash Chau tala wery nearly succeeded in making the state his family fiefd to Tı.
Under the SG CirCLTSta 1Ces, the question that arises is whether there can be effective checks and balancas on a head of Stata Who is also tha head of government and thus something akin to an 'imparial' president? Tha expBriance of the United States, far from boging rei SS LITing, is a Source Of Cor Cerri. espBLially in via W of the Sharply different milieus in the two countries,
(Carl finities of Page 9)

Page 10
A Pakistaff Wie W
ls Kashmir struggle
a proxy var ? Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema
NE Of the large Scale military Operation 15 under tak Eön by the Indian security forces had been abla to Eeith 3r Crush the spirit of the freedom or even minimise the intensity of struggle. Unlike the Soviets who were not willing to incur the necessary human cost in their efforts against the Afghan Mujahideen, the Indians with repeatedly expressed determination to wipe out the Kashmiri fra EddrI 113var 18nt at Whatever Human cost have yet to attain any major success. Despite the con corted military operations, the Kashmiri struggle for freedo Ti continues Laboated. It appears that the resultant creeping frustrations have begun to Overwhelm the Indiais and in consequence they seem to have now opted for a Torg comprehensive strategy than what has been employed so far.
This revised Kashmir strategy consists of varied policy strands, sortle of which are currently subjected to serious considerations whereas others are already being practiced. Five policy strarids, that need to be highlighted, are the sealing the borders with barbed fence consistently a CC using and pressu rising Pakista e wel if Pakist är does not sem exasperated at the situation in any way; undertaking repeated reprisas against freedom fighters' strongholds; initiating talks with pliable local leaders; and finally checking the rising tidig of sympathy for the Kashmiris outside the region,
Among these, perhaps the most Ludicrious is tha act of fem Cing thց atira Indo-Pak border. Not only that the border is around, 1,400 miles long from
LT HOeLLLkS SS SLLLLLLaLLLLHHLCTSCuHkkkLLL Ef fri ferraria FIAT Real ffairs, fil-f- Mziri riversity, Isaraud. ridiari
HLtuHS S OCC S SLEeGMT S CCCS MMMtaL T, fr, մար. 1,
fighters,
this To Tt här äTE way down to the but it al 5o CO15i Ért5, riWEG T5, Tär 5 h i to a newspaper ials hawa spent Ong Crore per k
cing the East
To fel CB Such en tails billions o the existing : EntյոDITly, avan syIT pathetic CC such a project Iudicrous. In ad experience has ( that fancing h: El to SCUTE for which it was alled. A close : fanting motion I a step could end to what is othe shed asidia as a CCusation. FC 1 and continuously t See to Well krittactical of Pakista's
Kashmir issue
easү target iп the outsider, WF UOLS accusati Ol Pakista Il WBrea L strong sympathe tha outsiders, th ing the gintir a bo serious thought: why the Indian Narasia Rao Wisdom to rai іп an all partу objective: to a than the king
liewe that Suci led some cred Consistellt a CCL and arrows of paganda are pt against Pakista experienced in t of Indian policy. of first and
5.E: ET Tutually

+a5 - tO , ä || t Fg i Rann of Kutch, sts, plains, desEas GetC. According Ta port tha Indabout Rupees ilւյT11թtցr tյrl fer1Punjab border. a larg e border
ք rupaas, Given stati of India
tha slightlast
insideration for :ertainly appears di tio, th3 past clearly indicated as rarely been the objectives s originally instscrutiny of the 'elwë als that Such so The credibility r Wi5a often brtumara habitual cing the border f accusing Pakisba part of a Towa. A Ward BSS
interest in the Takes Pakista
the eyes of
i Ig || 1 dia '5 . Cotislewelled against File to il v Oke tic response from Ba o tion of fari - order night elicit 3. Per hapo G that's | For il 3 Milligtig
de grned fit huis sa such points * IIl Beting. Tha реаг поге loүal himself and ba1 : Ily5 yri || ibility to India's sations. Slings well de Wised proin Ledly directed 1. NO et Lp i5 miss second stra rhi Interdependence second strands reinforcing.
The third aspect of Indian strategy is being vigorously practiced. Refusing to recognize tha popular support the Kashmiri freedom fighters enjoy, the Governor and the commander of Indian forCesare relying on shelling the Strongholds as well subjecting Surrounding civilian population to indiscriminate killings. Frequently the major cities endure long CLIrfe W hoLIrs ir1 Wwhich not on I y th) ho LISS are SEJär Chad but almost regularly the looting and raping also taka place. Such tactics are meant to inject terror and isolatƏ the fra a dom fighters. Un doubtedly the price paid by the Civilian population has been extrem ay high. Yet me it har the popularity of the movement has de Creased nor the spirit suppressad. With the imposition of long curfews, the area is to ally shut off and the local population is subjectad to all types of inhuman tre a tre rit. 110 cet Civili a 15 a ra denied all their basic rights and treted lika aimas. No huu Tam rights activists or associations have yet been able to ascerain the exact intensity of human rights wiolations. Whatever little is known about atrocities and h Luman rights wiola tions, is priTarily tha porod LCt of | O Call Kashmiris efforts. During the last two months the intensity of military operations has rapidly multiplied and with then acCO Tp än iad the Ta55 iwe huma rights violations.
The fourth a spect of the cLIrrel t sta tegy is to in itiate talks with flore pliable local |Badears, Although the traditional leaders no longer enjoys support among tha masses, but their experian Ca and long stå y at tha top of Kashmiri political s Cerna equip them with sufficient expartis and knowledg a to be of gra åt a Ssist3 m Ça to thi G Indian govarПmant. With the return of Congress I at the helm of power in India, the traditional Kashmiri politicians are helping the Congress go warm ment to identi fly the liable leaders with whom Some kind of compromise could be worked out. The current Indian government is keen to revive political activities in the

Page 11
valley as soon as possible. Orders have already been Communicated to military commanders to secure the normalcy quickly, enabling the government to hold elections. Even the chief of Indian army also made a quick trip to Kashmir in order to ConVey tha intensity of seriousness and the determination of the Indian government. In an attempt to allewia te the atmosphere, not only the pliable Kashmiri politicians are busy making contacts but the gover ment has also ex
pressed to grant many con CS5 IOS,
The fifth strand of India's
Kashmir policy is to check the rising tide of sympathy for the freedom movement outside South Asia, While it is true that in Comparative termis the Indian global propaganda has been far more effective than that of Pakistan, there is no doubt that the awareness of Indian butalitics inside Kashmir along with extreme violations of human rights is gradully increasing. Må ny reports compiled by either the reporters or the human right activists the human rights association hawg now been published in various parts of the World. Despite the publication of such reports, the major a Ctors of globa || politics ha we not been really disturbed to the extent that warrants if not open condemnations. Such an attitude undoubted ty reflects, the holowness of acclaimed platitudes about human rights and civilised behaviour.
The Indian government is not only attempting to systernatically counter the allegation projected in Warious reports but has also begun to employ а пеw propaganda ploy. It is now engaged som a What faverishly in demonStrating to the world how da eply Pakistan is involved in the current crisis. Almost all independent observers, who wrote about the Ongoing crisis in Kashmir did
tot g i WC too m. Li Chi Credit to Pakistan. On the contrary, the Credit was given only to the
deserving ones; the Kashmiris themselves. In addition, the negativism of Indian policies was highlighted with a wiew to as Certai the Contributions it
made towards the current Cris other hand, is traying Pakista rBSporoisible for | While India charging Pakist proxү vvar iП. К reads to highlig fragmentation o tions and grad L of India from p gional bul I y. M Il dia a great Sec ready to Serve peace and Ofte the Lise of forc his death the de restraints of th Werg cuickly grEdLully Talian Ci of force bCa pratica. SimCE of Nghru, the (ரr
INDIA. . . .
Υζαr ή τιμάει η
During the Fresfdent BLIsh laws and resol Congress no times. One of had sought to to 46 the umb which the grow LIngmployed in t in the World C security What Сопsec]швпCes i dential abdura C' TT1light haựg r:ãn l
Or the Oth Br recent stay in the opportunity TW to iW prolongad heari Walt Congressic for the confirm Tס t3וונEרחtוחiםם Thoma 5 to the and Of Mr R tle director of Was Fa ramark times, a we:Somal. thĖ EdČI: Lab|| ficials and the of a low order behind the sce
Whält Tada T the thought th appointments th Indian supreme of the Intellig

ho eruption of is, India, or the angaged in poras the only factor he current crisis. is vociferously an of waging a ashmir, Pakistan n t the systearma tic f Nehru traditia transfor nation acifism to a relehru envisioned ular state always the cause of in opted against a. A year after liberately applied e use of force withdrawn and 3 upon the use TE E COTTO
the departure use of force is
page )
от даде ... ) last three years. has vetoed the tions passed by få War tha || 22 the Wetoed bills extend from 26 iar of weeks for ving ar Ty of thë 19 rich est country an claim social kind of socia| similar presiy in this country be easily imagined hand, during a A Terica had to Watch on Overage of the ngs by the relea committees ation of the apJudge Clarence
SUre ITE COLft obert Gates as the CIA. This
käl ble — and, at - lessor in both ty of public ofpoliticking, often
', that WEnt On TBS. he shudder was
at some day the e judges of the
court, director ef1 Ce Bu Tea U. Or
-
of the RAW, ambassadors and chiefs of armed services would be subject to hearing tha Confirmation by parliamentarians daprived of all other powers and perquisites including ministerial office, lucrative portfolios, chairmanships of Corporations and so on
Mr Nehru and other Wotaries of the executive presidency Would do well also to ponder another point. After the loss of Bangladesh and the fall of General Yahyah, Pakistan lost по time in discarding the presidential system, introduced by Ayub, and opting for parliamentary democracy. Another military dictator, General Zia-ul-Haq. introduced man y distortioms in the system of which the chief beneficiary is the present civilian president, Mr Ghulam Ishaq
Khan. But there is a great perturbation in Pakistan on this score and growing body of
opinion that the president's disCretionary powers sought to be Curbed before irreparable da mage Can ba done to tha Pakistarihi polity.
Similarly, it is instructive that not long ago When democracy at last returned to Bangaldesh, Begum Khaleda Zia, who won tha electio, as Well as others word quick to bid farewell to the presidential syaten - initiated by her slain husband and inherited by the now disgraced General Ershad - and go in for the parliamentary pat të rin. And now, in spite of the forthcoming presidentia | elections there, tha Philippines, too is thinking of changing over the kind of system now prevailing here.
In his address - delivered in honour of a distinguished civil Service coleague, the la te S. Ranganathan - Mr Nehru did not confine himself to a plea for the presidental system. Ha also spoke out from his heart
on the plight of the civil services which are no longer being "allowed" to discharge
their function of implementing the laws impartially and fairly. Both the subject and what he had to say on it are of the greatest i Ti portance and must therefore be discussed separately in a full-length article.

Page 12
*SOViet"
Commonwealth -
Whither the Muslim R
Bertram Bastiam pillai
hoS9 Who ha W 3 began CäTE
fully Watching recent events in the formar Sowigt Union Will be surprised to know that about 10 years ago a French political scientist had fore told the breakdown of the Soviet Union, HeIеп e Cartere d'Encausse argued in her book translated as the Dac/fле of ал Ептдїre that "the Sowiet people' do not Bxist; Within the USSR5 CdT15tituent republics are some 100 different Etio a Cultura ad etic gгошps, speakiпg more thaп 100 diffarant languages, separa tad by hist roy, religion, racial characteristics, traditions and beliefs. Tha a Ilagiance of theSa heterogangous peoples to one another and to the USSR as a whole it as precarious - and likely to break down under pressure. She has been proved correct now
When the COTTunists seized power in 1917 they promised equality for all the Country's divergent groups but really pora Ctised a new kind of imperialism. The Russian Sowial Federated Socialist Republic with about half the total population became a kind of elder brother to the other republics imposing "Cultura | R Lussification"" om every aspact of their lives. Yet the other half had no desiľa to ba "RUSGified",
Stalin responded in 1943 and 1944 when many peoples in the empire's fringe had shown more sympathy to the invading Germans than to Moscow during the Second World War by depũrting råsidẹThts of thēs E. "traitor" nations to Central Asia. Ha da Clared the that t H3 HB Toi: Russian republic had "learned the right to be recognised as the guiding nation of the USSR". But what happened during the
10
Second World W after showed tha where unwilling
SEIWES - to Russi Headship. This even today. The
publics are mՃt
erate Russian h
In Stali m's W peoples who all rated With Ger T Tatars Of the C| rtē ti Centrā after Stalin's . thay sant delega to Cai T retu T rights and returf |and. In 19B7 aft had been long igr mant grudgin gly Tatars their lagg a people, but is Tetur the Til to in the Cri Taa.
TOT 15 trati05 || CF впсy, voluппе ап the Tatar cause |wing բoint for a sent. A localize assumed Soviet-w
Yet, although Muslims" they di support front grC Muslim solidarity themselves had i to Wil, but this it is faci || 3 to : the MuSiS i til ԱmiDm would sք e'WB now, UT am Ong thern bei [:Ciill|T1DIl religit a IO1 B.
However, the K particularly Watch in its saic population WHS | L :| ,חWBםr Bם וח anti !חםly a rBligiחס Of |ifE. SläT1 W

epublics?
War artd the reqt other republics to recocile, them іап primacy ог feeling remains a independent reoinclined to toeadship.
en detta aga inst egedly collabolans all 200,000 rimea were depAsia. Shortly leath in 1953, tions to Moscow of their civic -Hוחטh חtHBI סt ,ו Br their dermands idired the gowernrestored to the | existël CE a 5 till refused to their homeland Silt:E t har d3eased in frequd wiolence and bесапе а та|- nti-Russian disd confrontation ide significance.
the Tä tars are d not gain much ups articulating ". Such grouբs their own Clais illustrates that issume that all ha former Sowiet в eүe to eүe ity is un likely cause of their S affiliation
Ter III in had been full of dissider Cea peoples. Their Jickly increasing 5 läT W d5 10t but also a way as a strong co
lë CitiWE, Constianta of the USSR, that of the Communist party, The Soviet leaders therefore adopted a 1 ambivalence towards lislämiC. pā0ples: thay wantea to suppress all religions and yet haw'E: Closer political coisisi, ettIosis With the nations of the Muslim World, particularly in the Midda East. Hence the Soviet leaders while tightly controlling, Soviet Muslims also allowati tham tokem liberties to pursue their beliefs, Against this experience Islamic peoples and republics Wil | now BIldea Wour to build thGir future.
Perhaps only some of the millions, about 40. in the late scawen ties and now more, are professed beliewers yet however,
almost all of them "practise" in the sease that they participate in the social ritual of Muslim lifa. Some of these
Muslims as in the Caucasus were members of Islamic secret societies even in the days of strict Sowjet Union control. Moreover, many other Muslims are faithful followers of the Councils of Elders and the latters' advice differed from tha Wiews of MosCW.
What is more significant now is the Islamic government in neighbouring Iran and what that Could maan to Islamic ropublics Such as especially Kazakstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kirghiza, the Cen tra l' Asian republics. This is ппоге important becauce lrап сап rami ıd thern ' ' that islamı is a political and social as Wall as a religious ideology...". Azerbaijan is also predominantly Muslim, but lies in the Caucus U.S.
The mainly Muslim republic of Azerbaijan with a population of 7 million has oil in the

Page 13
Baku region, produces Cotto, Carp and sturgeon (for Caviar). Turkmenistan is also mostly Muslim has 3.5 million people.
Most of its area is desert and crops are grown by irrigation. It produces more
Cotton than Azerbaijan, and gas too. Uzbekistan contains 20 million peoples, the third most populated of the formar Unicom, and produces substantial quaritities of Cotton, some gas and fruits. Tajikistan is smaller with a population of 5.1 milliion. Its larg e Nurck Dam prowides hydro-electricity for a | arge aluminium factory and the republic grows S. Ct. Kirghizia or Kirjizstan is smaller With 4.3 mini||ioT; a poor republic; the people were no maids. It produced some Washing machines. Kazakhstan, geographica || y the Second largest republic, was the site of many atomic weapon tests. It produces a fair amount of wheat; some coal and grain. This concise survey indicates that these republics are not so industrialized, and are mot Self sufficient and economically weak. Their viable existence is independent units will depend on economic relationships they could build and on quick development of their economy and infrastructure, Their future while preserving independence and identities along with their cultura | characteristics, on which they are bent, depends to Ed lage ex telt of theair gCOnomic take off, progress towards modernity; in short their viability to remain as non-dependen units. However, these republics have now en hanced thia demography of Muslimis in tha World and can become with others a bloc spread over an area. This is a development which can invite the attention of others,
Froit being in the state of Captured nationalities these republics and the people within are now free after the break-up of the union. Also, in the past six years or so, the era of Mikhail Gorbachow, lika the other republics, these republics too hawe developed a tas te for democracy and more crucially, a feel for politics. It is not possible
to imagine that Čir pushd å Way from adw stag at State. it i 5 triLI e that oro and their peoples
transfor their T1Orderfl, Efficiés IOC racies. The
of transforming filad and tha ri fa || E.Jack al it. Sud other aid attain ecolonic
By August, 1 five Asian repub agreed to form E T10 Il Tlarket, B see they se em tr TOS till y SirTilar art il the ITSeves th a || What WOLI |d their peoples. Will hawe to po it is interesting they would turn republics of Cen a Contro OVErt F resources of the area. Boris Yelts monwealth of Ind will try to stay vith the Četra and the states least currently their relationship,
At the Stre be overlooked th fugal forces that
cently been giv Credit i r the a I Soviet Union rem
The COTIFIC Waa | dent States may nothing Tore t F mierit Contrapatiori
abba I do ried by ir blics after they destroy the Centre the Color wealt a Wehicle of oppo is the first star of Cer tripetal fo light it is wrong to gloat over W, relief that the S. collapsed and will
Such an opinioT раіп of the pвор union and undercapacity to recre

they can ba ckward or kept Earl CETT18 Illt in H At the same time ily the republics tih ETSE WEES CH ni republic:5 into) t industrial digist Wayחuוחוח3O iBSוון סוןם:Eir EtוIf !p LubliCs Wi|| mot They wwii || pirnew paths to independance.
931 itggf tfB ics had already 1 геgiопа! сопLI ES WE CIT be producing ices and withEy do riot hawe be needed by Therefore, they k outward and t 0 | () të Wherë too. The five tr | Asia Hawa e rich Tiera
COrı tral Asian in and the COT1lepondert state5 Con good term5 Asian republics |ave agreed at to recipro Cato
time it can ot 1 t the Cetrihad ewe Te - an inadequate nalyses of tha lain still strong. th of Indepenafter a || bg 1Erl El L:LյTլ" "E = which c:a 1 bisa 1 diwidual rapuhave used it to 2. If, however, 1 is поt merely rtunism than it ce of the rise rices. I this for the West fith LITiVSEarsal Wiet LJ ni hag lot ris 9 agair, | lower || Oaks thig es of former -Eestimates thair a te something
wery close to what they had before if they are left to languish in more misery.
The international community and others, from the West or East, awg to address themselves to the post dissolution position of the Tapi ubi C.S. in Cluding those from Central Asiä, and solusi Just now each republic is independert With Some Linēsily || id to lot FETS äld a tättivựE sort of Confederation. The people have to live on very littlë money, hospitals law. O Tedicia, inflation is rocketting and de Control Of priCes Can hit the people Worse. An attempt is now imperative to resuscitate the Weak BColomic republics, e Specify th B Muslim glIS WiC 1rs SD poorly off in the present plight prevalent all over the former Lii.
In thв Сепtral AsiaП Muslim republi C5 Tore particularly the infrastructure, incentives, expedtations and Habits Of El SOLInd есопоппу аге поt опly missing but are e Verl Lukro Wri. Such a Situatio takes the Islamic republics as much as the others look out for massive economic id. |f Such assistance is not forthcoming abundantly and real
dily, then like other republics, the Islamic ones too will get humiliated. Then they could all
together actually transform abject defeat into an angry reconstituto similar to the for Tier Union. This ominous scenorio can bg averted only by democracy and did from the literational Comunity and those that have. Or els a democracy either in RusSia Or the Cetra | Asii. Musi republics can easily be misplaced.
Another Tore likely scenario is that there can develop a ng W arc of influence across Central Asia. Dewoid of the patronage a funds which had come from MOSCOW the Comunists i 1 a || those republics are now on the defensive looking for new identities to Sustain them in power. Uzbekistan, Tagikistan and Kirghizstan are independent as
Luchi 3 S the others.
11

Page 14
A REVIEW ESSAY. On Monographs h
From Devolution to Fe
Amita Shastri
H. L. de Silva. An Appraisal Of the Federal Alternative for Sri Lanka Dehiwela: Sridewi Printers, July 1991. pp.41.
C. Suri ya kumaran. Devolution in Sri Lanka: Origins and Concepts. Colombo: CRDS. Monograph series, No. 1 April 1991. pp. 29.
The two monographs under review are significant for the current de bate om a political
solution to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. They evaluate the existing provincial Council system and the potential it offers for a more participatory form of governance to resolve the contentious problem of the north-east.
The first monograph has been given considerable publicity recently (see Island, 10 August 1991, and Daily Wews. 11 August 1991). Its author is distinguished lawyer, H. L. de Silva, who was appointed a President's Counsel under President J. R. Jayewardene. The monograph seeks to evaluate the suitability of am 'undi luted fedara I system of government" in Sri Lanka. In doing so, de Silva is responding to the advocacy of federalism as a solution to the Tamil problem by several notable speakers of Tamil origin (both Indians and Sri Lankans) at an academic conference in Madras earlier this year, before the assassination of the former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi. He Cautions against the acceptance of this 'facile idea" and argues that the provincial Council System which was introduced by the Thirteenth Amendment to the 1978 Constitution should be given a fair trial.
As de Silva points out, the Constitutional scheme fashioned through the Thirteenth AmendTent in September 1987 was not something imposed solely
12
by the Sri Lank bUt the Out COmë and CO11SLI |tati OT
of nearly three the government and India and
Tamil parties' (, 1984, the dis Hald With the that any soluti to be Within th work of Sri La the difficulty requirement of the Gwent of & deralism, Except merger, the AT sented tha propi from 4 May De Cerber 1986. it "un necessary to go into the to the breakdo ministration of Provincial Count пmїпatiпg iп a ! ration of Inde former Chief M be clear to a server that the for too short a to assess its cess or failure". the devolutio e not be aband the intransiger elements, I do bithaly ignores of the Sri La in lot followi their promises Volving powers Concils, espec northeast, whi groups Who ha Willing assent had placed the Statial Tisk 1 to the NEPC. to be giver th Tial, är 15 Find their authority Bve Tore da 1пdiaп forces saan as its precisely thost hB Srן וחסוwh

/ H. L. de Siwa and C. Suriyaku maran
deralism
a n goversistient of negotiations s ower a period years, betwn of Sri Lanka "a number of .3). After late CLISSIO IS WETE urinderstanding on Would hawe a unitary frameka because of posed by tha raf greerd LI IT irn change to fefor the interim 1emгіплепt reprвյsals magotiated 1986, to 19 Whi|B hf finds at this point cause that led wn in the adthig North East cil (NEPC) culrilatera de Clapendence by its iristor, it would y objective obNEPC operated time for anyone hances of sucSO he argug:5, xperiment should nad bacause of Ce Of axtremist ing so, de Silva the intransigarl CB nkan government חס ughםזng th and swift Il y dato the provincial ally that of the re tha Tamil d given a mora to the Accord mselves at subrough election Yet, they failed ë police personfunds to establish leaving them pendent on the and increasingly creatures. It is } elements With Lankan govern
ment started talks who today form the in tractable part of the politico-military equation in the
north-east.
Old thesis
De Silva Continues to advance the old thesis regarding the deep-seated fear and apprehensions of the majority Community whose position worsened and deteriorated under Colonial rule, and was threatened by an aggressive minoriiy who had onca enjoyed special privillages and benefits, Regrettably, the boa | iafs of Sinha la Buddhist chauvinists continue to inform the ideas of those who are
the Custodins änd interpret Ers of the law.
Despite the tragic events in
Sri Lanka, and tha no W public
ly admitted biases in the Cons
titutions and laws that have been promulgated In tha postindepend once period, he conti
nues to adwo cata the BBd for a spirit of "higher nationalism and spirit of amity, tolerance and compromise" and holds the view that fédaralism Would ne
cessarily exacerba te in tar- ethnic differences and rivalries and pave the way for secession. His chief argument against federalism is a quotation from Nordlinger citing the fear that a grant of partial autonomy could provide the impetus for demands for greater autonomy. And despite e vidanca and numerous studies to the contrary, de Silva Continues to make a case for a unitary constitution due to Sri Lanka's small size, scarce resources, the efficiency and Speed of Centralized administration, the need for a nation wide uniform organisation of administration, the greater cohesion and unity created, as well as for the tradition of unitary government that exists on the Island.

Page 15
He evinces surprise that there is enthusiasm with the federal system in India despite the imposition of presidential rule in Walsitius States. He hD Wewer, is 8ems oblivious to the fact that according to numerous observers, the problem in India has too often Heer Corti Gl and interference exercised by the Centre and its leadership which as led to regional reactions, Thore often than a problem of a misuse of powers by state govermats. He looks on the agitation of new ethnic groups for separa ta prowinces in India and the government's recognition of them in a nega tiWa light, rather than as a positive recognition of regional differences and interests. (p.20)
Federal principle
Inte restingly, ho Weyer, de Silva proceeds to argue the federal principle" has already baen incorporated into the political system through the Thirteenth Amendment, awan though formally tha political framework remains a unitary one. De Siwa differs With the view of the majority opinion in tho Supreme Court (Sri Lanka Law Reports 1987 (2) 312-410) and its interpretation of Wheare's definition of a federal Constitution, characterizing it as being unduly narrow and Unsound. Ha a grees with the Tinority opinion in the case: that the restrictions on the habi. tual exercise of legislative power by the Parliament on subjects al located to the provincial Councils amount to the federal principle being in place in Sri Lanka. He feels the exercise of power by the Parliament on prowincial matters 'quite exceptional" and "iT possible" unless the Central government Controls more than six of the eight provinces, Like Wise, unlike in Canada the Governor can refuse assant to provincial statutes only if the SU por ering Court de termings that A StàlLItB is in CISistent With t|E Constitution. Hic wiaws the restrictions on parliamentary power QVEr provincial CD Luncils as being merely matters ralating to the 'manner and form" of legislation. He argues that the provincial
Councils, in affe am ex CILI Siw 3 fi: and that the bow them, i l affa | tute " s Lubordin: tie his view, the pi can legislate of list of Subjects restrictions. Ha the position o Court which Co. governor is at : to act in accort instructions of (pp.34-38)
Disagreeing w Court, he feels tEarth Ameridim constitution to one and that th positioп current Sri La kā 5 r different from t in India. Conse. ny demands fou ture of governm decrease the Ceri add further sub ions to the prowin Iпствasвd autom matters on the LIn Warrarı ted b'y "i in adequacies in regional automo Would Want to ers are being C Conceding add Instead, he argլ fОГ СОПstitutiЈП da velop for ap CT1 trois är E TE This clearly is centrist point of te fi: t t t hawa been prĒC Contralizing ter state, especially
Provincial pc
It is tha is5 L pled with signi po Wers (III)'' || || proʻWes to bB t to accept for this that col Sti the proble i. the fars of Sinhales a majc Eo e Teflected a de Silvas argL ha po 5 why his gi Wel SLCh, W the media, H

Ict, legislate OWer ild of Subjects statutes passed ct, do not constilegislation'. In 'ovincial councils
the Concurrent also with ho al SO - Chall = 1 J 3 S f the SLIբrame tends that the || times required ance with the the President.
ith the Supra me
tilat thg Thirant Ghang Ed the
a quasi-federal e Constitutional ly obtaining in ot substantially he federal system que tly, he fa als ir sa federa | Stir u tart, Which CL || d tra Lizing features, acts and functcial |ist, ог сопfвr Gialחaחfi חy iוווט 2 provinces a re any demonstrable
the comtarլ է Լյf my" (p. 40) and know what po W= e Tarded before i tional powers. Jes for tha nagd al ţi: On WeitiOnEs tO propriate Central gional autonomy. a tautious, pro= Wig W. It ignoras ha post de Cades isely the strong id:lies of tha in the eighties.
W TE
ie of merger COLIficant provincia "ta in subjects that he most difficult
to Siwa. It is t It s t FÈ Crux of and over which sag Tents of the LJa toחtiחחַrity cו ld represented in Imants. It is perwill WS WE) bel rida Cow arage in seems to had
no problem with conceding Control over the two most difficult subjects relating to (1) (ational) land resources, lihei development, usa, alianation and settlement, (2) powers to maintain la W and order in the regi OTS, to the Tamil-majority Northern Province. But he strongly objects to doing so to a merged North-Eastern Province. In his words, the single most in tracttable formidable obstacle" (p.26) to tha federal system in Sri Lanka is tha lings of territorial demarcation for the proposed Tamil state. As he succinctly says, "The solution from the Tamil point of view is itself a problem from the Sinha lesa point of view' according to which "...the federa | dem and i S thought to be a cloak for the exclusive possession and appropriation or a sig ni I i Can t part of
a country's territory" (p.26). ТП В. idea that the whold subject of tdחt. laחBרחקסti davrelווd, laחa|
settlement, land alia nation should be a regional subject solely is considered 'anathoma" to Sinha|est opinion. He feels that since the only areas now available for future expansion and settlement are the Norther Prowin CE (MI P) and Eastern Prowince (EP), it is "Linconscionabla" that tha 74% of Sinhale se population be asked to conced a control of 30% of land and 60% of coastling to 13% of the Tamil population.
Clearly, the latter figure Ormits the significant Muslim and astate Tamil population to be also found in the regio II. MÕ r3 importantly, we have here the familiar argument of a majority community raising questions about tha resources the Thin 0 - rity hawe or want to hold Without taking into account the large areas of national political, eCoromic and social life ovér which the majority community has increasingly established Control. The argument has a familiar ring to it; similar arguments having been made in the past in order to establish disproportionate control by Tajority over seats in Parliament, the official language, recruitment to govern ment services, university admissions, and effectively ower pub
13

Page 16
lic funds and projects. As a counter to the "evident injustice and unfairless of the riority demand, da Silva proposes a The W schiera Which Would BÉ "just and equitable" (p. 28) - and that is to sub-divide the EP for administrative purposes for inhabitation by all three ethnic groups in proportion to their population in the provinc — a solutior Which WaS pro = posed by JR and agreed to by Rajiv Gandhi in the Bangaore meeting in November 1986, but which was rejected by all Tarni political parties who insisted on an a Talgamation of the NP with the EP. How the adlinistration of the three subdi Wided Lullits, With thair nlCo 1 tigg LI oLIS t3:Tritoria S Would ) e Carri ed OLIt is Ot SpG ed OLt.
|rh a particularly interesting argument found in the bank, de Silva raises do Lu Hits about the Walidily of the proclamation made by JR declaring NP and EP to ba one administrative Limit JIIder an energ Ency regulation in contradiction of the provincial Councils Act No. 42 of 1987, Section 37 (1) (b). He bases this argument on a narrow interpretatio of the "law" used in Article 154 A (3) introduced by the Thirteenth Amendmant, which has the effect of excluding the energency regLulation Lunder Which the tenporary merger was effected. As a result, according to him. there is no need for a referendum to delink the two provinces
In short, de Silva points to the paradoxical nature of the
OfOCESS οι. devolution that is underway in Sri Lanka when he concludes that Sri Lankans
art 2 por Hcticing th [= esserce of fadealism even while professing to be "die hard unitarians' and forese es a problem of 'acute Constitutional Schizophrenia" for future judges and lawyers, he has no problems with the existing distribution of powers and functions between the Centre and the provinces, his main cause for concern being the possibility of a merged NEPC claiming Control over the subjects Ostensibly deWolved to the
14
provinces by Amendment.
| Cotrast || ārā tie ti Monograph und Schizoph Tenia is for the future stat. | his III //tia 7 f7 3 r., La ty investigate: WBri LIS provisi. un SädtisfäC to Ty a fictilā for ti harmonio Luis p: de CE Traiz de
Suriya kLImarar1 Lanka's senior Wats who has of diverse conti tional agën cies. with public ad public fila Ice analysis. In a been wisiting p LOrld Oil SCHOO || and Political Si a SO beel COS; SWRDS H5 de WJ Iu tio did kea-Chal Wanāyāgi
Lucid exposit
The monograp piece of clear-ti exposition, The Luri fou de id fears the need for a nority needs an process of 'po teated in a rest ced fashion. In ference of pers monoga poh rewie, serts that devo sharing of gover the provinces the Centre. To powers are ei Constit Lion, als: cial resources f may 1 tot be Wä the Whirls or party. The Cen ineradicable pra ta irn rha t i ornal p: defel Ce externa | . , SiTL |tät volution, it has the periphery to support the latter arid authority, ir Ces, in function

the Thirteenth
or C. SuriyakuԼյr Լյf tիt sց Աtյրti gr Ewig W. this
not a problem but of the preoriograph, DawoRd, he Concro5 and identifics ls which are d, iridgdci dysng attainment of
ricipatory arid
welopment.
i 5 ge of Sri
| 05t Ciwi Ser
wide experience 33:t si and il teräThis experience ministration and iS 5 Videt i hi5 ddition he has rofessor at the of Econotics :ie C. Ha lä5 aly connected to Ճ Il regional the Bandaranai| P:t Bf 1957.
tion
bh is an amazing ħil Ii kiri g al Irid lucid dilemma of the of a majority and :Ceptanca of mi= d intereasts ir ad wer-sharing" are rained and balana Complete difpective from the ed grier it SLition involves a mental power of or regions with uote him: These treiched in the sing, With finantr thêm and thay iad 3 CC ridirig to facies of either tre obvio LI sly has ir Jati VI or Cerilici ES SLC:h as | affairs money, sly, under deobligations to i ho Tour ard to 's areas of Power 1 LJSe of ESOLIT|s iп fiпапсе, іп
development and so on." As he points out, these ideas are not registricted tO a Tiu|ti-ethnic - society but are basic to detocratic governance and development. To Suriya ku Tiran, the forral The Ticlature adopted to describe the division of powers (federal, quasifederal, Union of states, etc. is not material but a genuing) pfl:S5 of die w Colution is important. He a 5starts that ". . . Whilg the politi CS of devolution has been divisive the principles of devolution are in fact highly integrative" (p. 5). When the causes of dissension and discontantment of social and regional groupings are hon Estly remo wad an owerriding national identity has a chance to grow. This is a insight which substantially applies to the approach adopted by the Island's sprawling neighb)C Lir, l'1 dia, but one which analysts like de Silwa un fortunately Con til LJB to TiS5.
It is SLIriyaku Tara T’S wiew that the devolved structures set up in Sri Lanka "reflect many shortcomings, most of which, it WOLId See, are the result of inadequate formulation by the Centre." To adequately recognize the reeds for identity, seCurity and opportunity for its peoples, devolutio inteds to adequately resolwe issues of territory, language, land, police, judiciary, provincial functions ad final Ice. He considers the A CCOrr ald e TFlirt e It Allendment a "radical departure from pora wios patters With some T35Emb|Fin Ce to the BC Pact är -
rangement, but certainly wider than aven the latter in scope and contant. In his view, it
Created a provincial system of offices, powers and functionaries With a poter tial for gel LI il B da volution. The provincial council functions ostE fisibly include all tha Critical functions relating to police, planning, housing, roads, irrigation, and industrial planning, taxation and borrowing. In this his view substantially Cor Curs with de Silva "s.
HC) Wiew Cr, ha identifies , SB wera | shortfalls demonstrated by the mariner in which provincial CounCi S a WG functio ed in politica

Page 17
administrative and financial terms. |n his view, thay emerged as badly ser Wed institutions a longside the Kachcheri and regional office structure. They suffered from inadequate staff, facilities, and funds. The Central goverment chose to in terpret powers in a restrictive franner over a Whole range of subjects which Wera apparantly within the proWir CBS SILICh as la W and Order, public services, education, transport, planning and development and so on. It also interpreted and used tha capping provision ower 'National Policy" on the TBSérwed ist of the CBltrg in generous fashion to effectively COW'er Subjects which were ostensibly provincial ones. Similarly powers in the concurrent list remain ill-defined and were similarly generously construed by the Centre. Important powers relating to land, port and harbours, foreign trade, and foreign finance remained on the reserved list of the Centre. He considers the position of Governor, as presently constituted, possibly a 'serious block to genuing autonomy' but which could be alright if it were rightly interpreted in keeping fully with thea spirit and substance of a geInuine democratic devolution.
Th Us, in Suri ya kumaran's wiew provincial councils were from the beginning not destined to function properly or effectively. They could not undertake mearlingful or progressive developT13 nt and social activities, and the arrangements that have been ma de to da te allow for a deCentralized administrative rather than a devolved power-sharing" type of process. The underlying factor responsible for this situation has been the reluctance of the Centre to divest itself of the Controls it has exercised traditiona II y since colonia | timas .
Muslim minority
Totally neglected by the systerm brought in by the Thirteeth Amendment, however, were proVisions for the Special n geds of the Muslim minority. and, by extension, Concentrations of all minority populations. Also neg
lected were prov tiwa minority pa Structures Of Ce a S e SSE3 tia ir han Ce Tatia | grity
Ha Calls for a tand, accept, an several concept ments if the git try da velopme Satisfaction are As he emphasiz Of de Wolution is tic of sharing Wool the Centre The process is El performance a receipt of fur O1 Elaf Of the prowin CaS. thërĖ is a EE With the current Contro exercise and to fully ower, Certain sut administration tr Councils. He fea relating to plann are inadequate the PCs under ArTerldTä It an. tL Eitler rgiftg restrict i'w gily for to redefile th strength a the Ces. Such provi structured so a: assured and pro SOLIrCeS Of Teg", provinces. The E nOreo War, ba al |y explorg and of external fund the actual nego thorization for is բrartigative Dif t| BffOrt in a circu be for Central wa Ce ad här national ng eds, Consciously' ra: intiatives. (p. 18
In relation to i SSub of the uni and the merger, finds nothing si tha existing n Lr CÊS. TO de a
esa fear of an h9 presents tha 3 de marcation to Create as i fe

isions for effecrticipation in the ntral government redients to en
unity and inte
3 ad to udarsd straighten out S and arrangejals of participarit and Sthlic to be attailed. es, at the heart its Charactarisof powers batand the regio 15. Iot marely about of functions or ldings from and the Centre by Сопsecшепtly ld to do away system of dual d by the Centre devolve powers jects and their the pro Wicia | ls the provisions ing and firmace y provided foT the Thirteenth
there is need rpret them very tha Cerit T3 or апп to clearly for the provinsions should be s to allow for gressively direct enues for the provinces should, lowed to activeTanage Sources ling, even while tiation and a uLuch aid is tha пе Сgn trg. The T1StarCes should powers to adтпonize gөпшіп9 Ot to a Wal 'uli trict provincial 3)
the GOlter tiOLI5 t of dawo | Lution
Sшriyakшппагап id:r05 dict about imber of porowinWith tha Sill häOversiZE NEP, a dwa ntages of Of bou dāries w as four or
five units in all, which are dra Wm out keeping considerations of Watershed areas and ethnic characteristics in mind. Sinhalese majority areas in tha NEP Could be joined to adjoining provinces and a cantonal-type arrangament and sub-Committge WOLIld perhaps, im his view, Serve to protect Muslims rights and entitlements in the Tierged NEP. Such an arrangement would bg appropriate for other minor
ity groups such as the hillCountry Tamils too. He also upholds the need to provida
the Capita | City with an autonomous national status of its own, administered to reflect Ta tio rial out look and features. Such a structure Would reap benefits of the larger, regional scale While also safeguarding smaller minority interests.
In addition, to strongthen the integrative intent of devolution, he prescribes measures that nged to ba taker to e ha ca national and this ority security. Ha a Iso s Luggests measures that need to be undertaken to increase the representatiоп апd incorporation of minority interestis at the Centra... A5 ha says, this is an aspect which has been 'a Tlazingly neglected" in the wholg discussion about the integrative possibilities (or otherwise) of devolution, despite being "so essen tial, and obviOUS. (p. 21)
The Tonograph is tha first of a series to be put out by the newly-established Centre of Regional Development Studias and should constitute essential reading for anyone interested iп public affairs on the island. The Series producers plan to present carefully researched studies by experts in each fiad in a concise, readable form and to advocate solutions. If this and the next Volume put Out in the serias (see C. Suriya ku - Tara II, Fiscal Devolution. Colobo: CRCDS Monograph series, No. 2, April 1991. pp. 45) are апy indication, they promise to more than fulfil their objectives and should ba given serious consideration by policy-makers in Sri Lanka.
15

Page 18
D. S. (concluded)
Restorer of great tank
By A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
S. was very much like D. Tunku Abdul Rahman and
his Alliance Party at Malaya's independence. It was not for D. S. Semana yake to be a Nehru or a Jirimah. ThLIS O B a Tiber's paradigmatic scale, D. S. would be an active-negative prime
linister.
D. S. Sena na yake more than
satisfied the "climate of expectations" of, in the main, the Conservative Ceylon 959 bourgeoisie, its bastions, especially the CorTip radore elements Of Cornmerce апd plaпting апd its entrenched institutions such as the Church and their schools as well as the other component Comprising the traditional coun
tryside which was contendad
With the State's Welfare system and as a whole the agricultural policies that were in placa. ''People" had confidence that the Pri The Minister Was al ablg leader and they would be safe with him at the em.
Could we have predicted D. S. Semana yake's prime ministerial performance using Barber's paradigm? Much of the answer lies in what has already been stated though this has to be accompanied with many an explanation given tha Colonial Context. As well, D. S.'s characfer, Wor/afwisg W, s fyWE and Clima ta of expectations were discernible in the man's lone apprenticeship for the Office.
A more difficult question is whether this earlier discernment Could hawe fores had o Wlad tha future events. The am SW er is in the affirmative, After tha de mise of F. R. Senama yake (1925), D. S. Senanayake inherited the mantle. He had the Cool Daration of the Tost influe - tial press baron, D. R. Wijewardeno. The boudoirs of Colombo readily accepted him including its haute elements. The only
16
obstacle to a lis Was the ailing : Jaya tilāka. But ke krew that awaited him. moved "Upstairs" no longer able
|t Was War tir na ya ka Thade f. opportunity to country's loyalty, genial personalito backing he com rasi for Hill, F mid-tlh irties, esp Reforms Despatc Caldo COL t il 1 no do Luboting tha yake would be Prime Minister pria të moment.
D. S. Sena na ya passed his peak Le Cane Prime M because he was singly smitten ting diabetic con phase was the years. As Minis ture and Lands, sioned and imp tion Schem es in a successful e. restorā ticorn of f civilization of t halese kings, and only leader tain willingly tr and he was ad ting that transfe lity surely imp as Well as Cth him, Sir Henry Moore, Governo first GovernorM. D. de Silva, lawyer, Sir Frec ber of the Soul ärld Sir Ivor Je rest, D. S. Seľ1 E trated or winni EוחwBטוח f theם

civilisation
zkrieg operation Tid aging Baron D. S Seпап ауаtime and tida Jaya tilaka was when he was O Cope.
le. D. S. Sea| use of the i artionStra të his His warm and ' and the social Tarded did the 0 Ti ar Could the acially after the of Sir Andrew 38, there was t D. S. Sena malSUT IT O Cd as at the appro
|kea had how gwer at the time ha linister primarily
; being increaby his debilitadition. His best
preceding , tên iter of Agriculhe had enw i - lemented irriga = the dry zona, Kercise in the he great tank le al cient Sine W H 5 tha om
to whom Briansferred power врt in паgotiar, His personaessed Whiteha II 3rs Who kręW
Mock Mason and later the erlerH| Mr. L.
he distinguished rick Rees, memury Commission nings. For the maүakе сопсепg the leadership it for constitu
tional reform, not an easy task given the complexities of communal politics. Surprisingly, D. S. Sana na yake was not influen - ced by the nationalist struggle of Gandhi, the Mahathma, in India, not even as much as expressing any sympathy. An indirigct criticism of Semana yake's leadership by Sri Lanka's scho|ars and politicians is that the failure to enlist the masses in an independence struggle is one reason for the postcolorial fissiparousness. But this is a matter open to debate,
Briefly. . . . .
'Continued from page 2
Opposed to sanctions оп Libya A gathering of educationists, professionals, political party leaders, on Fabr Llar y 2 deplored US threats to impose economic sanctions and launch military attacks on Libya. The meeting Was convened by tha Sri Lanka Association for Ethnic Relations.
The meeting condemned the LIS, UK and FrancG for
'a busing their membership of the UN" and urged the Security Counci notto per
mit itself to be corne a party to Cont9n tio Luis issues b9tWee Terber states.
De Beers moves in
DC Beers, the internationally famed dia mond marchants who control the industry, has moved in to promote Sri Lanka's Blue Diamond Jewellery Worldwide Limited and its products in over 30 countries. De Beers will foot the promotion bill amounting to a million US dollars.

Page 19
Part (2)
Buddhaputra and Bhun
Sarath Amunugama
Jayewardene had a raputation as a hard linar o the ethnic issue. A Studiant of archa Čology, passionately in wolwed in Buddhist historical research, and a formar Office bärar of the Anagarika Dharmapala Trust, ha Was Very sympathetic to tha Buddhist view, But he was fäst running Out of options. As a cl8 WG2r Politi Cam, h3, had coma to tha Tiga ization that the athi | IT passe COLIld In Ct be Ower Cong without a concession on the "homa lands" issu 9.
The MSW was formed at this junction with a variety of manifest and latent objectives. Buddhist leaders feared that there would be a 'still out" by way of a negotiated settlement, which gawe recognition to the Tamil "homeland' concept. They had by now, come ta dislika and distrust Jayewardene. In particular they felt that he was not hard enough in prosecuting tha war against Tamil se på ratists. In thair Estimaticorn ha Was mot a person who would ultimately give Way to the Buddhist leaders. The MSW was also aware that Marxist parties and their alliesthe LSSP, CP, NLSSP, and SLMP. Would support the President in reducing the power of the Centre and de Wollwing powers to Prowincial councils. At the all-party Conference convened by the President in 1986, devolution of power had been discussed and endorsed by the Left. Buddhists falt that the nggd of the Ho Lur was a coalition Which would be powerful enough to influence political events. Up to now they had acted independent y, with litt la effect on government policy. The MSW was therefore primarily designed to be "the voice of" of the unified Buddhists. It
5 Peter Schalk, for Unity" and *''SiO w Ereignity". Kay CCICEpt5 of militan B Liddhist organization in the present conflict in Sri Lanka", Жетело8, 1989, рр. 55-82. Schalk, 989. pp. 1634-71.
Was to be a Which no powe COLld ignore. Ti opposition (SLF Suing its own provided an opp ding a Broad a the UN P. T Syste, for bot and Parliament, a single party SLFP which F the only credib the UNFP, riga | iz reach out to party bänk. Trad listic", it sa w gre bilities in this ng Iп maпy vvат backers of the
Politica / organ i; 1. Sri Lanka Frat
2. Mahajana Eks 3. Si Hala Bala i 4. Sinhala Jana 5. Sri Lanka Des
Sā77ợ s'ha a 55oCiär 1. Desha premi T 2. Manawa Hitav 3. Samas tha Lan
Bhikshu Perar
Lāy-ELydd Whisť asis 1. Loka Sama , M; 2. Sri Lanka Eks
Maha Sime 3. Sinha la Sainwa
4. Ek sath Tri Si 5. Dudley Sena
Sапgamaya
6. Sinha la Tarun 7. Sinhala Janat 8. Bauddha Saba 9. Kelапіршга Ва 10. Anagarika Dh 11. Sri Lanka Bau
Sammelana ya
12. Buddhist The 13. Sinhala Kath

miputra ?
ргеSSшта group ir in the country the no-Marxist P and MEP) puraganda, the SMW bort Limity of bui|- Coalition against 3 mę W BBCtórą | h the Presidency did not favour approach. The iad emerged as le alternative to Brd that it had to oters beyond its it iOna|| y, natiomaat electoral possiW. Configuration,
S the strongest MSW Were a
Za ťfor 5.
adom Party (SLFP)
ath Peramuna (MEP)
Mandalaya (SBM) a Peramuna
ha premi Peramuna
ία, 14:
a una Bhikshu Sапwidaпaya
di Bhikshu Samwidamaya
ka Pragatisili TT LJITH
CCfaro 5 aha Sammelanaya
Eith Baudda 리rlaya
rdana Sanvidanaya
group of Sinhala-Buddhist politicians and professionals who could not be accommodated in the old hierarchy bound parties of both the Left. They could see in this new Coalition a leadership role for themselves based on possession of modern skills (e.g. Dinesh Gula Wardena, Gämini riyago||a, Nath Amarakone, Gamini Wijesekara and Rupa Sa paramadu). For instance, though Dinesh Gula Wardena is a charismatic: politician, the new electoral system appeared to ported the demise of his small party. The SMW appeared to him to be a good platform to gather a widor Constituen Cy. leading Ia ter perhaps to an electoral arrangeTent with the SLFP.
What were the constituent Blef Erits of MSW and how Was it organized? We could classify those constituting the SMW under three heads: Political organizations, Sangha associations and Buddhist lay associations".
Represented by Siri Tawo Badar a laik Laksman Jayakody Dimesh Gula wat dere Nath Amarakong
(JWP oriented)
(JWP oriented) (JWP oriented)
(MEP oriented)
(SLFP oriented)
Business Ten's orga - nization (Sana na ya ka UNP oriented)
ha la Wimukti San Widana ya ayake Gunanusmarana
a Pera T1ul
(Se Eartha yake UNP oriented) (SLFP oriented)
a Watu Kamikaru Sапgaпaya
Sammelana ya
uddha Bala Mandalaya
Tha Palla Taruna Samitiya
ddha Samiti Niyojita
Sophical Society
Peram Una
(Gamini Iriyagolla)
(Mrs. Indrani riyagola)
17

Page 20
Though the MSW proposed an elaborate organization on paper, reflecting perporiderace of Sin
hala Buddd hist professionalis Who acted as "back room boys - la Wyers, Civil servants, ёпgiпевrs апсі businessmen,
in präctics (Jāch Of the Constituent parts continued to maintain their identity though, they did CIOrdinato information and publicity, With well attended mGetings, preSS Statements, pamphots and links with mainStream Sinhala new papers, they Vera a bolo to pričSent the ITSelyes as the Voice of Buddhist opinion. The W. Were also successful in
getting the endorsement of Sang ha chiefs (MM a F7F7F7F7 yā kes). Palipoane Chari dalam da Mahanayake of Asgiriya chapter
emerged as the strongest clerical supporter of the MSW. His preeminent role in the movement was recognized by the International media which dubbed him, "Sri Lanka's Buddhist Khomgini".
The stated objectives of the MSW Were an en Capos Llation of the demands of organized Sinhala groups on the ethnic issue. THE VI пл. Ida magazine lists 29 points as a draft of a common programme amplifying the following core objectives:
Prevention of Sri La ka EEComing a colony of the Indian Empire; the establishment of national unity in the basis of independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty of the people, democracy, freedom and basic human rights.
Let us analyse how those “COde Words' Crate di elmas for the Sinhala Tonks and examine the ways in which they See k tQ iras Q | wg thern Wit F1 iri tio realm of Buddhist ideology and symbolism, The rolle Of India
The traditionä| wiew is that Siri hala-Buddhist ideology is de eply per Theated with anti-Indian feeling. We need How Gwer to examine counter wailing beliefs within the same ideology. India is the |Bild of the Buddha President Jaye Ward Elea's oft stated prono Lucement, I am a lower of India
6 Schalk, 1939, pp. 6471
18
Td a follo WÉT
son" represents straid of Sihali. king India is Ar}
of the A. Ty än 5 W Sinha lese claimed excluding "the Tartii 15, EW,01 m it was from Ind of Buddha Dih: precious of gifts by the Thera Mah times Anaga rika woted the best to rekindling the reStoring sa Cred : a pilgrim ag EJ to th1 g . BL.Jddhi5 t touchstone of a S .tחEוחitוחוווס ס
Dharmapala als םt DחiTIGHרוםa si irldL Շting yՃւIng for missionary a Several SLIch Tır in Bengal, We: Të volutionary polit vince and the Str іпdepaпdence. V wena, a major CE learning, establi: With || 1 dia.
The Centenary WILLI rThe of Widy T a fers to the SE3 li Strengthen ed dL of its third por inic Dharma handa.
It is impossil His contributi missionar y ac The World wi value only in large number |actuals Carthe BLI did His T. M "ETE: EL} [[]. T doctrile that
Tolkhood. T engaged in B ary activity in Buddhist is: in dia has there was loi laiting Dhas Tia languages, till | TEH this field. ter part of th been translat All this was students.
With the agt
department of

of her greatest an important -Buddhist thinrä warfa, the land with will Til tha kinship, thereby ther" Dra widian resignificantly, ia that the gift
arra the most I, Was brought ida, li Oderl
Dharmapala dewears of his life 3 famig i 1 dia, sites and making
Buddha Gaya — Jerusalem - tho Sillal Buddhist
חםtiם וח חBit i & נc# litical trend by
Si hala BhikkLIS ctivity in India. k5, Whs WEr E fascinated by reics in the pro"uggle for Indian 'idya lankara Piri – 3 trg Of Buddhist shed strong links
Comilar oräti 1 lanka r a l PiriWe ha nks, which were ring the time ipad | LLI LI pok LI rea
]le tO dé5cribe on to Buddhist tiwit w ir Irdia. II recognize its the future. A of India iteto him to study Many of the
winced by the hy Entered the oday they are Ludd hi5t This 5 inIndia. Though sionary activity a long history Il trest i träd 15texts into local his Stude its enteToday the batel Tripitaka las gd int Hirdi. done by his
ablish. It of a Päli StudiLS in
the University of Calcutta, again thanks to Anagarika Dharmapala, Se ve a Sinhala Scholar monk5 Came to l m dia to teach (RaribLukWelle Siddharta, Walpo la Rahu lä). Som others Çam, t) study Sanskrit. They were asSociated with the Widyala.kara Pirivena and were the driving force behind the path breaking Widyaları kara declaration of 1945, which justified the active social interwention of the Bhikku.(Among these monks wera Walpo la RaLI la, Nara wild Dariri ara ta rne, Kota hene Parla kitti, and Baribaran de Siri Siwali.) This declaration is taken as a charter by radical monks today, 7
Thus to "progressiva' monks' India was assentially a friendly country Counterbalancing the alleged "pro-Western' bias of UNP ragirnes. For these monks th1e3 |mdia of Subhä s Ch andTa Bose and Nehru, With its - socia - ist objectivas and traditional cultural symbols, was an attractive model. They first supported the dominant socialist party of the For tips, the LSSP. Later they threw their support to S. W. R. D. Bandaran aike, whose SLFP claimed a close affinity with the policies of the Indian Сопогеss.
With th3 35 Cala tion Of éth miiC Conflict H. We wear Siri hala opinio T1 — encouraged by both government and private media - took a dis
tinctly anti-Indian turn. Each of the Indian moves in this area were perceived as anti
Si ha lese. Let us ? xaTi in e the chronology of events. The growing estrangement between the two comunities was intensified by
the alti-Tamil riots of July|- August 1983.B. The immediate provocation for this commutha
violence was the death of 13 SinhalEse 5oldiers, blown Lip by a land nine in Jaffna. These claymore mines and other Sophisticated weapons were supplied by India as a Way of es Calating the civil War. The 1983 riots
7 Wimiwida 14 Juni 1988, pp. 2—ĒS
B S. J. Tambia, Sri LSrika. Ekst = nic Frig tri cicle and The Dis FTF7; էիng to r Democracy, Chitaցը, Աni warsity of Chicago Press, 1986. -28-33 , קלן

Page 21
led to a new phase of Indian intervention in Sri Lankan affairs. A estiTatsi 130 000 Tamils fled to India, particularly to Tamil Nadu. This strengthagri di S 131 a 5 F E TOkro i t gt li: CO friOrta ti ... FrO I 1983 India engaged in a series of acts which showed up the inability of the Sinhalese to control awants, Tamil guerilla groups wera traina d and equ I ipped by India. Tamil leaders were received in Idia and acCorded 'State guest status is New Delhi, hu män rights i SS LIES Wg Tg raised in International forä, the Sri Lankan military offensives were halted, food parcels Werg dropped from India plaas to counter a economi C; E) locka do of the north, Sri Lankar air space was violated and a threat of Tilitary invasion Was made public. This intervantion Culmina - ted in the Indo-Sri Lanka acCord of 1987 and the arriwal of Indian troops.
The majority of Sinhala se looked of these Indian activities as a infringement of the sovereignty of Sri Lanka. Within the UNP itself, a group ed by the Prime Minister R. Fore 13 a 5a a CCUS ed India Of meddling in Local a ffairs and denounced the ACCOrd.
Lot us now examine how the moks associated With the MSW looked at this dilemma from a rgligious perspective, as distin Ct from the political perspective, which they generally shared with tha Sinha || e.se.
For Sirhala Tonk5 the Tigra Mahinda, beliewed by them to
be the sor of Emperor ASoka and Friistorically the four der of the Sasana in Sri Lanka, is
second in significance only to the Buddha himself. He is called a rubudhu (like the Buddha) ad Tolks Clair ecclesi a 5tica descent from him. How is Mahinda Thara represearnited in this time of trouble? The Founding Father from India is Contrasted strongly With Rajiv Gandhi, som of the Empress of India' -- dira Gandhi.
9 WE W York7/73, 77 March 7990
The Vorsys: C the festival mar ar riwal, makas a siom. It Highli Words to Dawa T Sinhala King:
O great King followers of is with lowing | Cor TB from
The WWF7 w War Siti
These friendly great son Cf | Mainda Stil
|t is à Stät Brf COEXISTE C3 | of ridia treat island with rid
tion. This w had withi o strength to
mobila religion in || || dia. PCI it Emissaries of no desire to They made u thair (religio for thë bene This sacred
honoured (by [WC th[]USämt Waars. During riod India has Sri Laikā re
Mahinda's com tra St Ed With tht jiv Gandhi.
Though we island, due t the Dill är with respect Another highb
as Sui ed relationship b' ly; by breakir international b ping dirt on force.
This saig C fest in a featu zie entitled MWard's were caused by Inc Ili d e W E3 1 3 monks who do test against Su "reporte d' to the ''Madulu Wawe S
1 o winiwida 14, 11 Winiwida 24,

elebrating Psor, king Mahintia's
direct comparights Mahinda's 1amplyatissa, th a
, вша| are the Dharmaraja. It
J. Saltimert that
amb Ludwipa.
tĘS,
Words of that India the Arahat rimg im Our ears, ent of peaceful In the past sons 2d this beautiful spect and af facals because we ur Country the Safeguard that which saw birth ical and religious that tillë had | subjugata us. s the heirs to us) inheritance
fit of Talkind. trust has been " Lus) for over in five hundred I this long paramained India. Ind Sri Lak.
Jassion is Con3 aC tids Of Ra
inhabi Sa
he possession of We are treated
by the World. or som of India this (age old) y acting foolish1g all ethics of E havio Lur by drop) - this Country by
i trast i S Talire in the magaeffers do W Wiera
in the problems lian interwention fa LIts Of Se ior
mot Openly proch injLustice, are founding fath ar 11 Sobhita a leading
Junt 1988, p. 1 July 1989, pp. 9, 10.
ideologue of the MSW, on the Ճthar hand emphasizes tՒ1E 'Simhalaness" of the Sangha by turning the spotlight on the Bhikku Maha Aritta - the first Sinhala Tonk. We see how skil I fully hg makes Maha Aritta important for the present time.
Th 9 Sri Länka ni Bhikshu Sasana began When Arahat Mahinda arrived in the island and ordained, as a Bhikku, the Sinhala yo Luth Maha Aritta. In the thousands of y går 5 si Ça this (o Want) the Bhikshu Sasa na has been the independĖet,
dri wilg force of our lati 0,12
What is nota worthy in this debata is the effort of the Sangha to Separate the issue
of the Indian origins of Buddhism from the ongoing political Crisis with dia. What is at issue hare is the legitimacy of the Sinhala Sangha itself. Any doubt cast on the value of e CC lesiastical Succession origina ting with Mahinda Would strika at the very roots of the Sangha organization. The history of each of the three main sects (Wikayas) of the Sangha begins with the Walidation of this succession. Will tha Mahāvihāra, SUCCESsion died out in the country, Sinha ese Kings facilitated its resumption by getting down monks from Siasm with legitiTma te succession to giwe higher ordination to locals. The later sects sought this legitimacy in BLITIma. ThịG Ar#7ārāpựra want to Awa while the Raman na wa ra first give higher ordination at Pegu in 1861.
The Tapa sa Wikaya which Created a furore in the lätta 1950s did not believe in SLIch
ecclesiastica SLICCeSSion.13 tS leader Tapasa Hrr claimed the right to corda ir Tonks BW 3 though he himself had not received 'Legitiate ordination. Nor had he received higher ordination. This was one of main arguments used by other
sects against the Tapasa monks.
12 Wira f'wide 13, May 1988, p. 14
13 Michia B| Carrithers, The Forestr Murks of Sri Laurki. Delhi, 0.x- ford University, 1983.
19

Page 22
The Gth TiC - WaT W85 a Cruçia | period for the Sangha. They were mot not only leading
Sinhala opinion, they Weare also reacting to strong laW Sentiment. Any dissonance could call into question their closely guarded Clairils tO tradition à| Chärisma. DL a to the Sihl 3 la Tonks "identifying themselves strongly with Sinhala anti-lmrliam and anti-Tamil political sentiment they pre-empted any move to question the grounds of their legitimacy. The need to 'indigenize' the Sang ha did not arise.
The monk as a political activist
The Changing role of the monk is a i gver present phg nomenom in Buddhist Society, Though Max Weber, emphasizing the Canonical Wiew, defined tha Sang ha ås a 'COTT TIL unity of
fero um COIS they have play d an important social fala from the very inception. While the
Salvation Seeker (in Contemporar y terms the meditative for est monk) is held in high esta Em äs a r ( le model, – BLuddhist Socities have always accommodated willage mõnks (grama Wasi) who hawa Provided relligious and social services to the laity. The | ality in turri provided SL Istanance (alms) to these monks in exchange for "merit" (punya). The village monks had to be larger in number as a "merit" needs of the laity Could not be accommodated by "meditation" monks, whose objectives in any
CFS did TCL Tiesh with thig needs of the laity.
Thus in Buddhist societies
We see two distinct, though interacting cultures. Опе is the Carl Comica | Culture With thig Ab a'i f'War 77 777 a S its apex. The other is the tLIIt use of Bright - sa f7, AHoffa ya? — tha Sanghas interwEntion in 50 Ciêty which is CEäT fr th Vol Kää äd - Iael Buddhist I it Carat u Te,
A key stage in the Sinhala Sangha's social interwentionist Culture was reached with the Widyalam kara Declaration of 1946 referred to earlier. This declarätiQn CBärly änd dir ECtly racognized the changed Status of the monk:
O
Today econ politica con ret from t BLI FT S that the | ifE day is diff Of Bikkus til E.
The ther by and larg
Nirwa i
moks, pos: for a later themselves
Social reali;
The Tork his own sa Watic has for LIsid tissie irati O1. Sil Ce has meant eithe With social W. de Welopment Sp C atiya na Dhamma rnanks) or polit
The Widyalan Tã tĩCT1alized thị Wolvement in th of that time, de: opposition of tht blish Thent, How with the fou di by S. W. R. D. E thë radical mori Which Wälds COS cept of politics themselves into tiоп сапрaign a responsible for SLFP's identity Buddhist" party. Balda and ike's til I H5 til 5 fiI5
ald || 5 || Of Offic show.) The EİE was introduced
terris by Tonk5 chief speakers
forms, as a "M, fight against ewi
With their 5 El Citi C), tha i 1956 period ma of Eikki HL || F Country. Hi ha new Bändära nā like ma his cat it to S: Newly designated Out from Ken
14 Vidya /an kara Wg FF78, CO | Press, 1975.

omic, social, and ditions are diffehe title of the I, We must acCapt of Bikkus toerent from that of the Buddha's
monks' objective, 3, Wäs to Chiewe that birth. Later ; tponing Nirwa na time, involved in Eoth self and
til,14
who postpones in, it is argued, for social anTe - the 1940s this pre-occupation ork (0.g, rLI ral nsored by Heema loka: Sar Woda ya ics.
&ara da claration at Ekklis illhe left politics spite the strong Buddhist estalewer, it was only ng of the SLFP 3aldaraaike that ks found a party to their coi. They threw til 1956 || 5:- ind were largely creating the a 5 l a "Sir1Fa la -= (This was not original сопсерSLFP iif EST
:E EHFErs Wi| յt: titյm Լյf 1955 П Buddhist
Who Were tha on SLFP platrg Yud'I'g'. a
Luccess at the mmediate postIrks tha Izith | Lucen c:a in tha | Prima Minister dF Changes in tisfy the mor ks.
ministers started iya temple for
Рїгѓуела Селѓала гу Tito, Government
Ра. Б1.
their oath taking. A new department of cultural affairs was set up to look after the interests of monks. Bandara naike made Sinhala the sole national lang uage with their approval. An agreement reached between Bandaranaike and Chelwanayagam, the Tamil leader, for the resolution of the ethnic problem
Was "torm up" un i la terally ir da fara C to the Wishes of the
monks. The TE COTT Endatio of
a leading monk that all Vehicles
Sould carry 3, Sin hälla Syribol, a direct affront to the Tamils, Was implemeted. Widyalan kara and Widyodaya Piriwena Were
given university status.
The Ludo Lubited Success of the Toks i 1956 |ed to thig institutionalizing of their political role. Every Sri Lankan party With a Siri hala base Lusad monks in their election campaign. They also set Lup) "front" Corganization of monks sympathetic to their party position. The UNP, er la ting the SLFP, proclaim god that they would treate 'Dhiasamista" (Righteous) society, a phrase resonant with Buddhist hopos, Bhikku Organizations were established by the UNP i every Sinhala electorate, thereby neutralizing the SLFP's advantage.
win
Though the UNP, after
the 1977 el Ction's Co
піпg
tinued to court the Tonks particularly the Seniors in the sangha hierarchy, they could
not Take the Sam 'Connection" that the SLFP est å blished with their monks. Buddhist monks were never comfortable with J. R. Jayewardene who had his own vision of Buddhism drawn fra T1 a tax tål i tar portation of the Ca Titan. Ha EmphasiZËd Caonical concepts and downgraded the ritual and Social role of Toks. His Was är in tallectual BLIddhism (darsvgd from t8 writing of wastBrn scholars lika Rhys Davids and Edwin Arnold, as will be discerned in is Buddhist essays (later published as Golden Threads (Colombo, 1986).
Carl Fried or page 23

Page 23
CREDT POLICY
Why the small farmer
Kumudu Kusum Kumara
griculture in general is vulne
rable to the waga ries of cliTate and Weather. Past attacks affect productivity of crops, significa mty at timas, A5 production is seasonal there are no quick returns to tha investments, änd à regular application of labour is difficult. Land fragmentation or a spatial diffusion of production increa.ses operational cost and affects managerial efficiency. The distance of many farmers from marketing outlets causes other difficulties. There are also problems of storage and processing Which pla CÉ: Sma || producers generally at a disadvantage.
Paddy production in Sri Lanka is also beset with many other problems which affact its long run stability. There is a preponderance of small farms worked mainly by family labour, Hmong whom tenancy is widespread particularly in the wet zone areas. While the surplus produce of each farm is marketed, the commercialisation of agriculture has been of a limited extent. The Tarket for land and the märket for labour remain relatively underdeveloped. To some ex tant, factor payments Such as rent and interest and the repayment of loans are made in kind and not in cash. The level of Capitalisation of these small farms is also lo W. Most Cultiwa ting operations have a high labour intersiveness and the level of labour
productivity is consequently low. ,
Furthermore, unequal trada batween the rural and the urban sectors, undeveloped input and out put marketing and transport system affect the profitability of paddy agriculture.
While all these factors contribute to make paddy cultivation in Sri Lanka generally a vulne
The author is Research and Training Officer, Agrarian Rasa arch and Train. ing Instituta. The views expor CSSÉd in this paper ar mot ng Cassarily thoso
OF til AR-T.
rable production tive stability of pends on tha C nation of thos affecting it in : Therefore, the to Horrow fra 111 i CBS for paddy герау Беа5оп а a mids or the LI rlir abole Combinatio factors affecting paddy cultivati have Suppleme" in Come. Howey Sources of ico repay loans in Considerable cri time limits spet titutiona | source to b) 5 H Wailable Small farmers fact that they situations forag of future low-ir
The data or affecting the st production in : that the Dry Z. the Country are relatively FH Wour: pared to West GT2ät variāti 153 fluctuating weat ting agricultur וחם וךן וחנן TB ril Dה part of the is: of Census and us Reports). TF butory factors ir are the railfa large variations given area decit 5) 1 ä ll morgoj, 1 iii highly erratic r, dro Lights and file entire crops, url dry seasons can th 8 yicald Ie Wels
Thia a dwar se fa || lewels and t tions are regula of supplementary ties and water Dry Zane, whe Iowals are loW

defaults
system, the relaproduction deifferen liä I combi} major factors given situation, ability of farmers Institutional sourproduction and ter season depterrupted favourn of those major the stability of n, unless they tary sources of ar, supplementary The sufficient to the event of a p failure within ified by the insis, do not seem to II105t Of the judging by the default in such o ing the benefits 1 tėra St Ioans.
I raior factors ability of paddy Sri Lanka sh0 W one districts in generally in a i ble position com Z ble district S. in the frequently her patterns affec(3 in general feature in any ind (Department Statistics, Cens19 main contrithis Collection |a Wels and the in rainfall in a ěd by the seaC rails. While ains can bring od 5, which ruil timely rainy or soverely affect
affects of railheir large variated by provision
irrigation faciliContr) |. I tha ir a tha rain fa || in gem arall and
in the Yala season in particular, the development of major irrigation works has relatively stabilized the paddy cultivation, minimizing the effect of drought the major Wrather hazard in the Dry Zond both in terms of area affected and frequency. However, a considerable paddy area in the Dry Zone is still dependent on minor irrigation and rain, relatively more exposed to the wa garies of Weather. Furthermore, even those Dry Zona areas With supplementary irrigation for both the seasons are not entirely spared of the adverse effects of Weather. Thase a reas also Can be se W E3rely affected by weather changas resulting in droughts. Crop danages due to occasional floods ärē āliso not un Common in the Dry Zone a reas,
In the Wet Zone where there is ample rainfall in both the seasons, the probleT, is one of recurrent floods caused by lack of proper drainage facilities for excess Water while the adverse effects of drought are also not insignificant in the region. Lack of drainagas causes other proble This s Luch as water og ging and boggy soils which are more frequently found in the Wet Zone and problems of salinity which are Common in both the 호) S.
The average paddy holding in Sri Lanka is very small. Paddy holdings in many Dry Zona districts are relativeal y la rger, while the number of holdings of large size classes are considerably higher in many Dry Zone districts (Census of Agriculture, 1982). While the awerage use of family abour in paddy cultivation in Sri Lanka is considerably high, a reas under major irrigation in many Dry Zone districts record higher use of Wagg labour in contrast to most of the Wat Zone districts (Cost of Production of
21

Page 24
Paddy, Department of Agriculture). Share tenancy is found to be higher in the Wet Zone districts. Whereas some of the Dry Zone districts report very low levels of share-tenancy (Census of Agriculture, 1982). The use of modern cultural practices as a package is at a higher level in most of the Dry Zone districts (Statistical Abstracts, Department of Census and Statistics; Cost of Production of Paddy, ibid). Capitalisation of paddy agriculture, measured in terms of the use of agricultural machinery and imple Tents, and ownership of the same by operators, is greater in the Dry Zone districts (Census of Agriculture, il 1982).
The data also show that with. in tho Dry Zoe areas therGewes Some districts are mora fawo Lur Fäboly positiolled than thig oth GTS in ters of the abowa poro position. Ever1 Within such districts and under major irrigation thos farmers who cultiwate on smaller holdings are more | ia ble to be affected in the event of a considerable crop failure and in the absence of sufficient supplementary incomes than those Cu!tiwa ting larger holdings under otherwise simi|Hr. Conditions.
Therefore, it is argued here that the paddy farmers who are ab 3 to benefit on a Continued basis, from low-interest credit facilities provided by institutional lending sources are those who are in an economically better position, due to the higher stability of production system with relatively favourable combination of major factors affecting its stability coupled with sufficient Supplementary sources of in come. It is only on the basis of such Categories of farmars that institutional lerding for päddy can become a success in the long ruh. The fact that the wo|urle of lending for paddy production has been in the increase in recent past inspite of the significant reduction in the number of borrowers may mean that While SI all farmers Who become ineligible for imistitu tiora I la miding due to previous defaulting,
22
gradually drop Scheries, ridd
Tiers hawa bB a Wailing the IT1Se| zed credit.
While the fors may provide sco| der Stand the fa tional | en dirig| 5 the mass of SI rimers On a Corti are others fact tribute to the CC dence of these Ters Or non-in Ces to finance
Firstly, the ci in general, how th[ạy try to bä, the Credit pro privata money of his/her flexibi and the pers lender/dabtor re lenders generally in kind mostly floor itself, and сtiоп5 iГ kind tible With those s Who Seek to transactions. M presence in the her personal r debtor facilität Ioans. Ewen i Crop dan negs (u crop failure) assured of his/ West as loa priority because in the village a hing field is the farmer car Ewe il the 5 W a significant c money lender i to end to the recover the de persoal relatior mers and hishi seisitE fit the necessary, the T-38; Tt to TECF taking over th land for a gi Sea 5.015 COT1 per 1: CT i Ti Extra over the owners exercising an it Supervision i rl 1 Costs incurred
ender is maint Ta | IC "Well I d 1

out of credit and rich faren increasingly Iwes of subsidi
going discussion me CiU es to u l|i|ure of instit LuCharles to Sarwa ma|| paddy får - Tuod basis, thera Cors i Which Cointinuous deptom
Sama Silla || firStitution a | SOLIrtheir production.
Dercial banks WEver irriovative Cd 11 Ot Si Late cedures of the | ender inclusive lity of operations nal nature of a lations. Money accept payment at the threshing making transaci 5 quite Co Ti pHubsister it farthers avoid monetary Money ender's village and his ela tias to the e recovery of the case of | BSS i to tota | noney lender is er Share of Harlayment as first his/her presence d i r the thresa factor which lot ower Cook. Brit of total Dr rop failure tha s in a position artners again and it due to his Wher is with the fara physical prewillage. Where mony lender can län i Sims su Chi Eds a cultivation of we Liber of 5a te for thë lodis, E :S ti tāk hip of land. In inten siwe | Ewer of oan recovery the by the money died it i TiriIHE It för East rat ES
arE 5 աth that it comparisates for the risks and costs.
Sa Condly, SuperVision of the loan us and recovery has bee one aspect which the banking institutions have been attempting to imporowe alla long by deWising Warious new Credit 5C Higmes (such as the Loan Schen which is the focus of this study), However, increased supervision by the banking institutions have
invariably increased the operational costs as evident. Even With in Cre ESAd SUper vision at
increased costs, high defaulting rates due to crop failure have caused the banking institutions to SCék guarantees and refinance fCiti f th Crt Bāk fr T2: SCh Ed Lulling of Ioans and all the 50 mechanisms further irl CreaSe the operational Costs of Such lending, to the government. In the past, more often than not the loans of those who have, defaulted due to crop failures hawa bean Written off by the government and even today the 3 d to : Writa Off SLIC Ioii 13 tar3 StraSSOd in tills of distras5.
Thirdly, the Agricultural Insur
än CF. Scheme, which was introduced with the objective of compensating farmers in crop
failures, has been tied to bank loans provided to the farmers. It was expected to help farmers not to default and continue their Cultivation activities and to bor
row from the commercial banks for their cultivation purposes. HOWEwr, the Schama s mot
been abla to remedy tha situation fully. The Agricultural In5 LI TETICE SCHEIT E läs Et) 3 3 COsidered by most farmers to be unfair by the IT in deciding on compensation procedures, and Ta tas of Compensation. Some of the TF:ä SOTS for SLC: H a Cogideration are as follows: The per acre indemnity paid is low; Compensation is not paid for warious types of partial crop dama
ge; method of assessing crop damage is not realistic. It is also alleged that thera is corruption, favouritism and ineffi
ciency is reporting and assessing crop där Tage. This situation has e Suited in Only a magre ex tent

Page 25
of paddy cultivation being insured. Therefore, the heavy government subsidy on crop insura - nce, which helps the Agricultural Insurance Board to pay large sums of money as indemnity ower the premia collected in fact becomes a part of the operational costs in maintaining the existing agricultural credit schemes. Thus, inspite of all tha attempts by the government to er sure non-defaulting by farmers, defaulting has continued.
As such the ultimate success in continuously disbursing and recovering institutional credit to small farmers in the paddy sector is related to the sphere of production than that of credit delivery and recovery mechanisms per Sa . The causes for largg scale defaulting by small paddy farmer borrowers are embedded
in the production syster and the scale of individual farming Which determine the producer's financial strength, Attempts to sustain small paddy farT9TS through Subsidis god credit amounts to perpetuating
the present production system in paddy of agriculture in situation where paddy cultivation is done under Lunfavourablea agroclimatic condition. A strategy aimed at purely improving credit de livery and recovery mechnisms alone as a prOX 'y vould neither eliminate farming nor create a type of farmer who Would be able to combat these
risks. It is acknowledged that the present subsidized credit schem as are in so the Way at
tempting to imrove the standard of farming and incomes of small farmers, while the need for sustaining the small farmer in tha Current Context is acknoWedged it becomes clear that the agricultural Credit schemes hawe failed in their proposad goal of saving the small paddy farmars from ra course to noninstitutional sources of credit and the alleged consequences, while promoting domestic agricultural development.
Theta fore, our contention is that the two issues i.e. 1) promoting domestic agricultural
development; an small paddy farm themselvas sho separately. Cred Wided to those worthy and it is who can produ ing Credit, whor Wided with Cred is they who c significantly to t of agriculture. not a Wai || this facilities due to their individual granted subsidie alternatives.
NOtES
1. It is observed
har E is O’Calli. үеааг апd a g: опса іп fошг ув; (Abay ratre, 1987
References
AbĖ yra tin E, SE na ka Sus in the STF Sri Lanka. Papa NLI tritional Soci July 17, 1987, Central Bank of
Department of F Compreensive F Columbia, Department of A Cultura Economi of Profi'r Wicifryn y 1973. Departman't CF C3 tiCS, 1982, Ceir5 Colombo, Departlant of C. tīs. 1382. S. Colorbo. Ministry of
Na Lilla | Planir Čraďfť: Trerld's E fora | A17 ricư trự, frition Stråfegy, CL)|DIT1bC).
Fırılır
Buddhaputra.
(Continued frc
What was in or the monks how Consequences of market econd Ily 5td t 3 SB2C tor C) tle dominant co, economy, the UN liberalise the ma trada Sector 5 lea flux of foreign creation of wealt Tent. This also an increase in i distribution of i

d 2) helping tha ng rS to maintain uld be treated it should be proWho are creditI thosa farmors :O - a SLI r polL Is L Ism should be proIf t facilities. It 0 Luld contributea he development Those who can2 was of Credit
factors beyond Control may ba S pending other
that in the Island ed dro Lught Every an eralized drought drs on the averaga
').
1987 kgy ISEl Farm Sector in presignited to La Fly Of Sri LankH, Colombo (mimeo).
Ceylom, 1935. Liral Credit, Way Лra / Cгеd'ft Sсѓувле,
griculture, AgriGSS i Wii Siri. As Passes, Sariss from
15L 3 E Sttigis sage.
135 rd Stag offs sica Als frägt,
Ճ and Planning,
Division, Furg
гтćї Рrusдвсѓ5, ""а- (?, Food arid W. Sдвсѓа! Rадогг 4,
In page 23) I significast for WEIf Were tha the UNF's fred Though the itinued to ba Orient of the F managed to | LI fact LI ring and ding to an inJoods and the and employmarit, how war equality in the COTĖ. Tradi.
tional positions wera downgraded Whild the "Iudalali" (trader) ethos was on the as Cadet, It also meant that Õnks. - tellectuals, artists, etc. who 白$ Custodians of traditional culture depended on state բatrOnagE, Would be cha llenged by Creators of new, more market oriented Cultural products. Consumerism was a challenge to the 'modest life style" (al pecca) that Buddhism poreScribed.
(To be Continued)
is Kashmiris. . .
(Confίημαα Frorη μage 9)
viewed by almost all sucessors of Nehru not only as necessary but an extremely desirable tool to achieve coveted objectives. In addition, India is is slowly moving away from its secular image. Whilo the Constitution still contains clauses that promote the secular ideals in India, the rapid rise in popular ity of fanatic religious parties indicate the trends, pulling to
Wards the opposite directions. A Hindu India is viewed by many Indians as a desirable
identity as compared to Nehru's secularism. Currently undertaken Ekta Yatra which is supposed to end on 26th in Srinagar is not merely meant to strengthen the unity but also to demonstrats the power and appeal of Hinduism.
The current statagy of diplomatic isolation by excessively projecting deep Pakista ni involvement in the existing messed up and complex situation in the valley and consistently accusing Pakistan of waging a proxy war accomponied by intensified military operations involving roughly around half a milion security forces is Un likely to Satisfy tha
Kashmiris. But then it not meant to satisfy the Kashmiris. It is, in fact, part of India's interna
tional propaganda Campaign aimed to influence those powerful global actors whose pursuit of double standards are too well known. To accept the Kashmiris freedom stuggle as
Pakistan's proxy war would amout to total da mial of Kashmiri's right of self determination.
23

Page 26
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