Page 1
A THE J. R. LANKA
Vol. 15 No. 1 May 1, 1992 Price Rs. 7.50
PEACE: Fev
U. N: Th
WOMEN: A
INDIA and r
The rise of T
FEDERALS
FREE PRIES
 
 
 

ITERVENTION A
V)
Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka OD/43/NEWS/92
7 Hours to midnight
- Paul Gaspersz
e need for Reform
Horace Perera
An Undeclared War
- Julia Meuberger
:-alignments
- Mervyn de Silva
mil Militarism
D. P. Sivaram
M: H. L. de Silva replies
S: The Battle Lines
-- Izeth Hussalm

Page 2
Why theres sou in this rustic to
There is laught : ari light bariter :Titur3st these LLLLLM LLLLLu gLHHLHO aLL aLLtaCC CLLLa LLLLLL LLLLtltHCL leaf in a barT, It i5 cm3: the Lindeds of Sch
LLLHa KCLCLgg L aa L CL HLLL LLLLL LLHLHLHHLHLHu ir tETTEdite ze virhere the arable: land ramairis
fallow during the of season HET 4E, Vrithi : " : full itur tirii. Ubicce Hryws as a Licrative cash crop. and the green leaves turn tri gold. to the value of Covet R5. 250 milion ČT můrg antially, Jr. perlaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter bacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings errply Tient to The Second highest ur Liber of PEuple. And thEsg
Ferpili: are the trobi: CCC) barri, ryWThors, the traba CCC growers and those who work for the II. In the land Fami in tha: bhFrr15.
For them, the tobacco leaf mears meaningful work, El cortifortable life and El secute future. gxXd Enough reasin for laughter.
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people,

Page 3
TRENDS
SAARC First
President Premada sa told a rimass ra //y af Bulla this inhalla that Sri Lanka had iri the past looked to distant countries for her needs, bUt WOLFI d' her7Ce forff be turning nearer home for imports. SAARC countries would get first choice for essentја/ imports, the President said. Things could поt оп/y be had cheaper from ошг neighbours bшt We Would also be contrfbuting to the well being of the region, he said.
The President also said: "We are for friendly relations. With a II countries. However, We sha OttoIerate any attempt overt or Covert to subjugate us. We will not allow infringaтепt of our sovereignty. We sha we already dem 7 o 7 strated this attitude, regardІess of conseqшепces".
Mahana yakes Will Continue Protest
777 e MMaha na ya kes of the
Chapters, th ra r7 kirng Bu in Sгї Lалќа, to the gove (We tסוזthe r гтаптаgтептеп, tations fo | nies. The have seen the rightς
people in
The MMa. pledged tha tinue their ,
Foreign | Up L;
TF76 S ťa ľa ployment В vate foreig/ agencies fou abroad for 1992. This 77 Cote tsar 7 ,
year.
Ts6 actua ing етр/с COL /a/ ba
пталу 9о о registered a SO 7ā / Corta, of scences
Malwatte and Asgiriya year stood
äÜARDIAN
W II, 15 No. 1 May 1, 1992 COM
PFie R5. 7.50 Published fortnightly by
Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd.
No. 245, Unio Place, .2 - יםbתחםCDI
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephor E 447 584 Printed by Ananda Press B2/5, Sri Ratnajothi Sarawa na muttu MEWE tha, Colombo 13, Тверhoпв 435975
News Backgrou
Tamil Militarism
Jaffna Wisit
U.N.
The Federal Alt
MediB
Wong

two highest dhist prasates have protested ггталt against hand over the of state planrivate COmpaМаһалауаkes aS a threaffo of the Sinhala е һї// сошлtry.
mayakes have f they Will con7
fe SS,
Employment
st Year
|s Foreign Eтшreаш and pгіtל7Brזo/r/ מוזBr 7 Ind 65,000 jobs 5r Lākās ir
is 23.380 jobs in the previous
/ лигтлber fiлdнутагтt abroad ewen /7 sig fier as ut through ungencies алd perCt5. Ta 7 7 fer 1 agencie5 ľasť
237.
TENTS
חך
3.
Brı3’tiye 14
17
24
Briefly . . .
Banks say no
Barks Said """""" rise demand and their employеes staged a опеdaү walk out in protest. There was no serious disruption to banking as to Walk-out Was only at 3 o'clock ona afternoon. Members of the Ceylon Bank Employees Union working in the Colombo branchės of eight private banks joined the Walk Out.
to a paү
Buddhist Council against privatisation
An advisory Council of prelates heading four main Buddigt SE; tS 1 e 5 kg PreSidelt Pfarmādas a to hat I was to privatise the state owned plantations. In addition to the prelates the council (BuddhashasariikiFi Buddha Kata yutu Adhikshana Karya Sadhaka Balamandalaya) has also heads of prominent ay Buddhist
organisations.
They have told the presitlant that about 50.000 htttar ES COf | Tid had JG 3 m tā kg from Sinhala Buddhists by the formar Colonia || FLETS, thus pauperising the Siri hald Buddhist pgasantry. Handing ower this land now to private Companies Would Only Confuse the position further and would поt 1п апү case be a stolu
tion to the problem of mis
management of the plantations, they hawa said,
Drought hits economy
Falling te a prices and the Contin Ling dr Dught DDS Sed H. Severe threat to the economy, fishān Cia | Sources told the media. A drop in revenue and increased expenditura or dro Lught relief and refugees
would push the government
to a cash shortage; and fallling tea prices would compound the crisis, these sourCes Said.
(Carfiriłłeł dr Pape 6)

Page 4
We serve 33 citie
with a smile
Call Air Lanka at 421 | 61,581131
 

sacross24 countries
that never sets.
ARLANKA
It's first lyrills
Pry AT LI II Travel Agent for further information.

Page 5
May Day - a Curtain = raiser?
Mervyn de Silva
though it was some days
after the event - the tenth anniversary of the new Parliamentary complex at Kotte, the ancient Seat of government, which has regained its old паппа Sri Jayewardепаршта — tha Sшпday Island and the Suлдау Times, both privately - owned,
Tadg the correct professional choice of a frontpage pictura, slowed President JR and his successor President Prema dasa впgaged iп ап intimate tete-a TE
The Pohotograph do es justice to a newsworthy event. It does пmore. It captшгвs a попепt which may well reflect a significiat t Lr of events — those political developments which will lead to May Day, and the rival rallies, the UNP and the SLFP dominated démos àld meetings. The new factor is the decision of the SLFP to ECCommodate the D.U.N. F., the breakaway UNP faction led by Messrs Gamini Dissa na yake and Lalith Athulath mudali (The Lise of the term DUN F "leader" by
the press has itself become a controversial issue).
The S.L.F.P. is the party of
the Bam dara laikes, S. W. R. D., its
founder, and on his death, his Widow, Sirima Banda ramaike. Though he was leader of the
House, No. 2 in the UNP heirBrChy, S.W. R. D. ke W that the |ine of sLICCession Would not accommodate him - despite the fact that his own organisation, tha Silha la Mähla Sabhä Hlad agreed before the first Geera elections to sacrifics its own distinctive identity in the interests of the larger "United NATIONAL party'".
It was soon clear to SWRD that D. S., a towering personality who had his own ideas of succession and, What is Thore.
епјoyed the f of the (British) ral, WaSka E1
Dudley Sanana sor. And so,
time, quit the tha SLFP, a
Change that W pāttĚT of Sri In short, a t Or, mora accu| tion 5 Or Cojn: Hld is TlLIGH : SLFF FIf IFE it assorted (M
If the UNP was father-toWES - h LuSE) Widow, Sirim, Dudley was CDLIsin, R. G. Minister ad f but far too il U nsteady to r D. S.'s grandso
party апа со Elections but make thÖ - gra
Completod his picked his Pr Prema da sa to didate to meet the SLFP lead naike whose been restored. of a President Inquiry, the J had stripped Bandaran aike, ful minister, a naika of thair
Sогmewhat prt marly an Ճեsar esting de velop Weeks, evide a major confro election?) is ir May Day will Curta in or th The first such COLIFSB W 35 the D.U.N. F., to jo its allies of M Il D LIIlԸ EmEmili

LJ || est Confidgmcg Governor-Gene. Ճn making young Waka his succesS.W.R.D., in good ! LJNP to auch Crucial systemic as to decide the i Lankan politics. W0 party System. rately, two coaliStellations - UNP Smaller allies, the * Well-organised, arxist) Left.
line of succession Or, the S.L.F.P's (S.W. R. D.) to a Banda råmajka. bacha lor, His Was a Cabinet fontine politicia individualistic and make the grade. 1, formed his own Tit55tad the Iä5t couldn't really de. Whign, J. R. J. second term, he im B Minister R. be the UNP's can: the cha llenge of er, Mrs Bandardcivic rights had (On the report al Commission of RJ administration DOth Felix Dias Mrs. B.'s powerind Mrs. Bandarapolitical rights).
3raturely perhaps "Wer of the interirr Eats ir recent tly believes that in ta tio rl (a generali minent and that Orobably raise thig dit grand drama. development of decision of the ir tha SLFP and lay Day. The ana5 torish B tW
groups: (a) UNP activists, supporters-sympathisers who beliewed that the DUNF's chief air was to have itself accepted by the party's rank-and-file as the legitimate UNP after exposing President Premadasa as usurper or deviationist, (b) the SLFP (parliamentary) group Which had met a feW days eariar, with Chief Whip Richard Pathirana present according to a D.N. report, and flatly rejected the idea of any association with tha DUNF, or May Day.
But lost of all, it must core as a sock to President. JR. Dissidents, deviationists, de fiant rgbals - all this the UNP has seen, in his time. He himself was not always the strict partyliner. But aligning itself with the SLFP? With Mrs. Bandaraaike? To JR, this crosses the border froT deviationism to treachery.
And So, MEN AND MEMORIES, both the book and the well-advertised ceremony to launch a work which few Sri Lankans have yet seen. (Ewidently the Indian publisher WIKAS is dragging its feet). But the main objective of the ехercise has beеп твalised. Helped by his soul-Tate, the loyal Ananda Tissa de Alwis, and by the publication of an вxtтасt by the Sшлday Times JR's ons laught on India, and its "" betra yal" - the failure to fulfil pigdges Tnade in tha IndoSri Lanka PäCC - ACCOTd -- hawe ma de the for Ter Frasidant the most un compromising critic of Delhi, and its Sri Lanka policy. Which position, needless to add, Takes the former UNP President and his chosen successor, soulITTE) te 5 0 1 CB. TOTE).
And 24 hours after the SL - day /s/ard and Sunday Times froпtpage pictшres, we have апоthвr largв раgв 1 pictшгв of
3.
ܠܐ

Page 6
--
Mrs. Bandaranalike in the COT1= pany of Big Sister, and close
friend Indira Gandhi). The rigport with the picture reminds the reader that Mrs. Bandara
naike Was tot Only the World's
first women prime minister, but the author of the Indian Ocean Peace Zone proposal,
introdu Ced at the NON ALIGNED Summit in Lusaka in 1971.
Attitudes to the Big Neighbo Lur iš tri Ea battle-line. Whila Gamini Dissana yake and Ronnie da Mel (his Wife, Mallika is a Vice-President of DUNF) have not only been sta Lunchly proIndian but were the main 'Peace Accord" initiators, Lalith Ath Lula tnm udali, the National Sacurity Minister, was the bitterest opponent of India. In his view, India pre-empted a 'military Victory" in Jaffna which he as National Security Minister, had so zealously sought.
The question is ho W many donor nations that encouraged and supported the Laith-Gamini impeachment move, also give their blessings to the new DUNFSLFP alignment, knowing full well the SLFP's position on the two vital issues - market economics, (the IMF-IBRD strategy)
Ace Radio Cab
Computerised meters ' Can b * No call up charqe with in city II mits "
апd a mвgotial the ethnic Con
The sola sup to add, pursue not always c mounting press
den Cy, Will a Ility of Sri which free
and human real meапіпg. sшperpower ha given a forma | mg TIL to India rank of region It WBS. Ma seventh) 1987 and tha Indiar sion or, Mr. J. │ On him at this just after Sewe dant J R Jaya bers all that пап of spartar ticulous in his Wardene has k he was a sch CaSG, it WBS a to be un forgat Earlier that spoken at a c ha ""Bank Of had moved in Officig. Ha had סG = חס thB חם
ܕ ܡ .
a SummOned to W
WehICE, d(
" Receipts issued on request Company credit aw: Call 501 502 501 503 Օ
A
nother Aitken Spenc
 
 
 

ld resolution of it t? гроwer, needlass its own line, r tairı h oʻW' this [re of the Presifact the StabiLanka, without riket EC 010 m i CS סוhts, have Iם Besides, the sole (?tםt Wסt (nם ח letter of appointConferring the | hegemon.
27th (twenty (Bightỵ Sawan) High CommisN. Dixit had called private residenco ni pJ Im... Presi - Warden O Tem amquite wall. A discipline, me. Ways, Mr. Jayaарt a diary since oolboy. In any day that proved ābi. evening, he had eremony held at Ceylon" which to a na W head dwelt at length ing" Operation
Liberation" in the northern peninsula. The Sri Lankan army which was doing exceptionally Well Was poised to regain control of the north and take Jaffna the capital. It had already succeeded in interdict ing the LTTE's supply lines from Tamil Nadu. Mr. Jayewardene Was aware High Commissioner Dixit had Warned National Security minister Lalith Athulathm LIdali that India would not repeat not permit the Sri Lankan army to recapture Jaffпа.
Mr. Jayewardene also knew that Mr. Dixit was bringing him a message from Prima Minister Rajiv Gandhi, Mr. Dixit had recorded the message (or the gist of it) on the back of an envelope. Mr Dixit's Summar y read as follows: (i) deeply disappointed and
distressed, (ii) thousands of civiliams killed since 1983 (eighty three)
has aroused tremen dous indigmation(iii) your latest offensive in
Jaffna peninsula has altered the entire basis of our unders tanding. (iv) We Cannot accept genocida (v) do not forca us to review
our policies,
ut doorster)
cass fron Tn Selected Stands
| lable
- 501 504
2 SerVICe

Page 7
How India betrayed us
J. R. Jayewardene
Fe Gowere it of Central
India continued to campaign throughout the world against the Government of Sri Lanka. Thë Indian embassies abroad became centres of support for the terrorists and separatist groups. This led to the reluctance on tha part of some of the Western powers to supply arms and other aid to Sri Lanka. They were all 8nxiOUS not to Offend. India,
The government decided to make an attempt to regain Control of the Jaffna peninsula. "Op gration Liberation" which began in April 1987 in the Wadaarachchi division of the
Open debate on Anan
Roshan Peiris
Ormiar UNP Stal Wart Ananda
tissa de Alwis" explosiwe Ta märks last Week about the Indian betrayal of his leader J. R. Jayewardene, has stirred a na W political de bata.
Speaking at a ceremony on April 10 to mark the release of J. R, Jayewardene's autobiography "Men and Memories," Mr. de Alwis said India's destabilisation tactics had tragically hurt the Tan who had Odelled his life and Commitment on Mahatrina Gandhi's principles.
DUNF leader Gamini Dissana yake an influe tiå | membar of the Jayewardena Cabinet, and considered one of the key figures in charting the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord in 1987 said:
"If Ananda tissa was expressiпg aп іппportant aspect of a complex problem, nations often hawe differences with one another, especially when they are neighbours,
North-Eastern pi insula, was di Wenting the hith rert Of TT13 In a I Tail Nadu. B May, Sri LankĘ gained control THE . LTTE, the Tamil separatist füred a SerioUS a region they h long,
At this poin BWFחנן סswiftly t til of the Jaf the Sri Lika fO High Commissi pointed y inform
"The Se diffů accept. What fu Gerred J. R. Ja his Presidency that South idi: сопsвпtiпg, Е harboured wide dian soil. This Ethica | and u
"How could following the fo
Ta Gardi er It is fact 1 W a S volence, i hatma Gandhi's tely he was of violence. tle ideal ΗΠ abstract and th
"Tamil milita cannot be W Sri Lanka and lessons from it
Tamil COngre! POImambalam
'I do not ki de Alwis' stat

art of the penrected at preer to easy moveld laterial from y the end of forces had
of this area. Tost formid Elbo 19
group, had Sufisetback, and in add oriated for
t, India moved 3nt the subjuga - fina peninsula by rces. The Indian og T. J. N., Dixit ad Lalith Athulath
MEWS BACKGROUND
Tudali, Minister of National Security, that India would not permit the Sri Lanka Army to take Jaffna to WI. The same message Was Conveyed to Te.
The deronstration of India's sea and air power achieved a number of objectives. It sa wed HE LITTE from i Tinent destr Luction, stopped any further expansion of the Sri Lanka Army's campaign after Wada marchchi, and reduced the Sri Lanka G Ճvernment to military impotence if India Continued to give mor 3 help to the teгrorist movement, aspecially the LTTE.
(Mert arral Merrarie,5)
das outburst
IECES DIE GET) da Tentally COTIyewardene during was the fact a, with tha Center էncouraged and - חI חם - upsסint gr h9 fëlt WBS UriEacceptablĖ.
thցsB WիD HTE otsteps of Mahat:ourage violепсе? We wer, that there Byen during MA
|ifetil G. Utiaitself a wictim There is always d the real, tha 1e real politik.
псy is real. It is had away and
| dia hawe learnt in different Ways.
Is lander Kunnar
low whether Dr. eant that India
failed J. R. during his rule was justified,
"Mr. Jayewardene felt India was поt plaүiпg fair by Sri Laika. After the U.M.P.
hammered the daylights out of Tamils in July 1983, he need
mot ha We had TeCOUrsa tO - dia. But he did 50 at Bwery јшпсture.
"HB Continued to 5Besk India's good offices till the end of his term and India at times responded handsomely."
|Loganathan Kathe swwaraп, ап EPRLF leader:
"We do not wish to old a brigf for dia il tiS Controwersy. But I do reca || Mr. Jayewardene's statement after the August 1977 anti-Tami riots When het Said if the people Want peace, I will give them peace and if they want War II wi|| giwa them War? This was said at i tim Wher the TE WBS had Tdly any armed résistance from the Tamil people.

Page 8
"Then again im July 1983d uring the anti-Tamil riots, I recall Well the appearance of Mr. Jayewardene and members of his Cabinet on television where none of tham shDWEd any remorsẽ OVer the Tassa Cre.
"If India got involvad in problems of Sri Lanka the responsibility lies squarely with the successive governments of Sri Lanka which did not solve the problem."
Lakshman Ja
Deputy Minis Affairs in the Bi ernment of 197 mais that M. try to get Sup and India in di after its OWI rather than th ոaighbouring C
"The biggesl Jayewатdепе т
Briefly. . .
(Cred for Page )
In addition to falling prices production too was down drastically due to the drought. Sources in the industry expected the drop to be as much as 10 million kilogrammes in the first quarter of this year.
Drought
The monsoon has failed, and the rains when they Come Wi|| mot be Enough to fill the reservoirs and the
tanks. The M expect rain May, and it and weakened ÉIS,
The persisti has not only po W er ånd ta hit the rural The situation failer has bt ugh for the tell foreign |lombo (accor torja | in tha Daily We Wys): provided thes
VASA O
207, 2nd ( COOTE
Telephone

yakody:
ter of Foreign andaran aike gOW). "The fact re
Jayewardene did port from India, bing so, looked national interest, 5 interests of a ountry.
This take Mr. made was not
understanding India's thinking. India quite correctly thought first of its own national interests."
Cheri George, Deputy Indian High Commissioner:
"It is not an official government statement, and it is not our policy to Comment On Ճther people's statements even With regard to India."
let Tem do not ti || the End of will be delayed to soon show
ng dry weather curtailed hydroթ Water եւIt has farligt hardest, of the rural Come badengowes insin Ent to missions in CoHimg to a r edi - government's "If Telief is not e Categories of
farmers and agricultural labourers will face the grawe prospect of mot having ford for their sustenance. If rain does not come in May there will be a real threat of Star
wation. . . ."
дbout 600,000 people in the districts of Badulla, Puttalam, Trin Comalae, Mlon era - gala, Mannar, Wawu niya, Anpara, Kandy, Kilinochchi, HamEn tota ad Matar B are SÉ= werely effected. The government has appealed to donor countries for emergency food relief.
PTICIANS
Cross Street, - 11" - סנ
: 42 1631

Page 9
TAMJL M I LITARISM (1)
Origins and Dispersion
and Sri Lanka
D.P. Siwaram
Intr-OL Citi Orn
ami nationalism in South
India and Sri Lanka can be described in terms of two sets of ideas and beliefs,
The one, the purity and UniqшепеSS of Таппil language and culture; the other, Tamil traditions which exalt military virtues and ideals.
These ideas and beliefs hawa dominated the vocabulary of anti-Hindi and secessionist agitations and propaganda of the Dravidian movement im So Luth da il the 50's ad 60's. Th 9 nationalist of the mow Ellent for Tamil language rights and regional autonomy in Sri Lanka was articulated in tha sa T1B vocabulary after 1956.
The L.T.T. E.'s nationalism is
also expressed in terms of these two sets of ideas and beliefs, But militarism - the a spirit which exalts military virtLes and ideas - has be el the dominant and characterizing component of the L.T.T.E.'s Tamil nationalism from its inception.
The stated aim of the Tigers is to build a modern military structure. The ideology of militarism plays an important ro || 3 il their effort to Creat an efficient and advanced military organization. Therefore, in addi tiom to standard modern methods of discipline, organization and training the L.T.T. E. inculcates the belief among its : Cadres - and propagales the idea among
Tie prirer, I well kr 14'r Jarralis, ரச சராசரி I rly r he F j Tril HildTC)
Tamils - that it
ancient and pC tradition, to de' tain a T.OtiV3 t
fighting force.
The Tiger 5 sidered the manifestation o * 'Prabhakaran h: selecting the national imsig rhi i lam. The Tigër image rooted in ization. It is illustrates the (Weeravara lar LI) upheaval of th natioma | flag is the independent Heelal to ba CT the martial tro E marapuhal) of
How is the thus define it: being rooted civilization" and whereas the S hawe usually Cultural athos made them a voted to educi employment, agriculture? and i te l'IEC:t La claimed that ar058 fr011 à P]] the SC HVETILIE5 ment, The L definition of is possible bei taris is a important fe { culture and study therefor amima. Tamil India and Sri ing to questic
(a) What is
(b) What
and p.

in South India
if I a[1 riartial
GLIS= fiTC)
is part Werf Lu | allop and gd and
ymbol is Corinnost important this tradition. ad a reasoп fот Tiger as the 3 of Tamizh EEinsignia is an Drawidian civila symbol that artial history ad national 1e Tamils. Our the symbol of statea of Tha Tizieated rooted in aditions (Weera
thg Tami |S".
LT.T.E., abla to 5 militarism as i " " Drawidian | Tamil traditions ri Lankam TaTills projected their as one which community deEditio, go w 2 TITET
:I-IIITIE TITE апd
Tamil politicians is have in fact Taii militancy
erceved threat LO of social advanceT.T.E.S Tilitarist Tamiliam identity Cause Tamil miliun examined but 3 turg of Tar 1 hil nationalism. This iteds to expolitics in South Lanka by address- 5חת
Tani militarism?
were thea social litical conditions
of its genesis and diffusiom in To South India and Sri Lanka?
The Drawidian movement has
been studied primarily in terms of tha Brahmin - nonBrāhmin Contradiction, in terms of the pro-British regional politics of non-Brahmin eiteS of South India, Հ the Pure Tamil and Self raspect in OWB
ments, linguistic nationalism and Secessionismo
But the other important component of Tamil nationalism -
its militarism has not figured in studies of the Dravidian movement. 5. This is partly attributable to the influence of
a historiographic tradition _ thal has shaped concepts of Tamil Culture and society in Dravidian studigs, It a rose from a Str 09 political compulsion i the nascent and early phases of the Davidian ideology to portray the Tamil people and their culture as peасеful and un varlike.
Maraimalia Atikal, the father of the Pura Tamil mo Wement wrote in English that 'as We one to the study the life of the ancient Tamils from their most ancient literary Work, mean the Tolkappiyam, the age of which on the best iteral evidence goes back to 1500 B.C., We see them already settled into a highly civilized סםmmunity for the most Part peaceful, it for a few infrequent feuds eteen one Tamil King and another. It is to this continuity of a peaceful and highly G|VIIzad life enjoyed by the Tamils that we owe the existence gf
the Tamil language still in its pristine purity vigou 3 Td glory." 6 Maraimala Atika's
views are representative of the
ל

Page 10
early Dravidian movement. We can see that, the nascent Dravidian school of Tamil studies the concepts and beliefs of Which hawe influenced the study of the Tamil nationalism is Π small measure - is marked by its patent inclination to prESEnt the history of the Tamil pBOpla is the "continuity of a peaceful and highly civilized life.
If this was the view of the founders of the Dravidian mov. пnent, then where can one logate the 'origins' of Tami militarism? Although South India in general and Tamils in partiCular hawa an insignificant place in the modern Indian агппу — the Madras regiment Heing the Only unit of the southern region -- the origins of Tami militar. ism is closely related to the question of military and Society ir Irdia.
The prepondarance of north Indian peoples in the Indian rty has lead to the study Indian militarism mainly as part of the evolution of society and Politi C5 in the morthern parts of the subcontinent. The rise of the martial castes and classes of north India in the de welopnient of the Indian army has been skilfu Hy analysed esewhers. ' That ethnic religio LIS and Caste groups which consider, military service as their heriditary or natura ՃԸtugalitյm make better fighters in a modern army, is an idea that has played an important role in the for mation of the Indiam and Pakistani militaries. This idea - tha rinärtial races theory, which dominated British recruit ment policy toward the latter part of the 19th century, is another Orientalist discourse that has shaped modern perceptions of India's people's the martial north and the non-martial South. Thus in a book published under the officia a LuSpiCe5 of the government of India, counting the martial traditions of the Indian army, 8 there is
not one tradition connected with a South Indian caste or class. 9. The 'martial races" of independent India's military
the sikhs, Rajputs, Jats, Gorkhas,
B
Мага thas, P Garhwalis, Mahi arB all Il Drth | classes. Yet the early histo army South as Tamils and tinguished tha Crucial wars w India to British
There are tw. decling of the Indian army a recruit mant to w races of the r and the orth the subtiontina -- What Steph the Punjabizati military.
In the first ganization of the mutiny of basis of recom by the Peel co, and the Egder 1879 - defined Cruit Terit or E to suit the p et impera. Dr WEra Tada ir i Brahmins and up WETE drÕppad i Active Service limited to their cies. And as major interna is in the Bombay sidencies, they back Watars. Thi by claims tha qualities of the regions had di d'Uctions Were rt made in the Bor 3 TTLİ E35.
In the second threat of the Rt. the north west the Raj in 18 the Burma war Created a has TIBI DO Wēr "La Whose martial qu authenticated. '12 the territoria II b
Ti Ent for divida given Lup and cas mostly from In
where the bulk Was done, were cruited. Special

Injabis, Dogras, arS and KLOTlami 5 Indiam castes and We find that in Jry of the Indian dian groups such
Telugus had dismsg | Was in the hich subjugated
... 1
"O phases in the * Struth in the
Ind the shift sn Yards the "martial north in general
Western parts of 1 t in particular; en Cohen cas in of the Indian
o has a tha rg-orthe army after 1857 on the Thiên da tio 15 mad 3 Thissio il 1859 חi חטnissiחוווסC ו service and raterritorial basis olicy of divide astic reductions the Bengal arпу. pe Castes Hindus large numbers. for Sepoүs was homa Presidanthgre was no iBCurity problems and Madras Prebecame military is Was followed it the fighting classes in these eteriorated. Rea comraded and mbai W and Madras
phase the great Issian empira on Berri frontigor of 5, followed by of 1887 - 1889 siwe nged for ng ing to races a lities were well As a result asis of Tecruitand rula was ites and Classes dia's noth West of the fighting extensively resocial and eco
5. MTālālai Atikā.
7. SiteրHen P.
nomic privileges were extended to these peoples to ensure a reservoir of martial manpower, To preserve thair loyalty, conserve their martial spirit and епhance their prestiga, tha Colonia I state att BT po tad to make time stand still on the 1Orthern plains". 13 Thus began the rise and dominance of the Raյբuts: Sikhs, Jats, Punjabi muslims and Gorkhas in the Indian аггпү. The ideology of this ÕCSS – The martial races Theory - is another orientalist discours with its 19th century scientific DaraPhan alia — that has contributed in no small measure to the evolution of modern բErtaբtions of India's people's and regions. sought to establish why some Indian peoples (those who were being extensively recruited) were martial and while others (those Who had Egg dropped in large numbers) were not.
FOOTNOTES
1. "Viduthalai Puliha" (official
the L.T.T.E.) April May 1991, Editoria I,
2, Widutlhalai Pulihal, Article of the
ger insigni p. 3Feb, March Lg The flag with the Tiger isignia was declared as the national flag of Thil milliam in Great Heroes Dii: - 27.11.9(),
Biker C.J.
1976. The Politics of South India (1920-1937), Wiki: Pelhi. Irshick, Eugene, F. gig Politics and social conflicts in South India, Berkely California.
4. Siva than by K. Politics of a Literdry style. Social Scientist. No. 58 March 1978.
5. It las been reater in Elisiigi
another context. I'. . . ... all actions and activities (of the D. M. K.) Were prgsented as activities of Wärriors preparing for battle. The TDtest against Hindi became a battle
iki Pur:ırmaları Erı bağlı titles. , . . C. S. Lakshirms, "Mother, Mother community and Mother-Politics
in Tamil Nadu. - Economic and Political Weekly October 20-25.
99).
pp.34—35Chintanai Katturaikal. English preface to second edition Kazhakam, 1961.
Cohen. The Indian Arily. Its contribution to the Development of a Nation. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 1990. Revised Indian edition. The first edition appeared in 1971, "In the 18 years since this book was first
(Солтfпшғd ол рудағ шіт)

Page 11
-Jaffna Visfé
An Agenda for Peace
Paul Caspersz
N: have I used the word "agenda" with more regard to What it etymologica II y means: 'things that simply have to be done". The clock in the Jaffna clock tower had stopped ticking at if I remember rightly, sixteen minutes past six. Yet, with the Chelvanayagam Memorial Tower, it. is one of a very few highrise Structure still to stand erect the Fort arga. But the fact that it and the Tower still stand gives hope (against hope?), that there are still a few hours, to midnight.
My two immediately previous Visits to Jaffna had taken place just before the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord (cf. Lanka Guardian, 10:8, 15 August 1987) and seven nonths after it began to break down (cf. Lanka Guardian, 12:1,
1 May 1989). The first article ended:
(On 13 July) ... I returned to Kaпay. More hopeless? Ог more hopeful in our helplessness? The time has come for our common humanity to rise up and say to everyone oп
every side: Enough
and the second:
. . Finally, though it may
take years, dawn will break
again upon the now benighted land.
The cry of hшпmanity has not baen loud enough and so the da Win has romained distant. BetWEET A pori || 1989 and MadCH 1992 the cup of pain of the people of Jaffna had filed to
the brim. Everyday lifa was Very hard. They told the three of us (the others were an
Anglicam priest and a Methodist lady) that the prices of basic food items had decreased considerably from their previous extre mely high levels. But they Wата үet much higher thaп іп חססים The .םbוחםIסr Cם Kandy
as so often, are ing majority a The average bi bies, We Were Sed most alar Outbreak of lo 1990 and is in 2 kgs. Rice and sugar Rs kerosene oil W litre a box of a bottle of O. 30, an egg Rs out day old p transport of Co mashno deep SO BiggS Cd | free range fo when thB y gat cines aire a Vaile only wage tables fresher and C Colombo; for WETE: Tlodräte difficulties of areas of plen scarcity, even i only four or The price of p per bottle or mc par gallon stil
Travel and it ficult and hazi ney from Co costs nearly Rs and takes a m hours; from J. one is lucky as по transpo leaves Jaffna afterloo, an Army is ready lam chackpoi the next in TU O KETOSE tura Of kgrose oil. With a fe f0l f0r the ili tor Cyclists Cé We Would a their shirt poc tic phials with smaller phials suffice for a while the larg

the overwhellld Suffer TOSt. irthwight of batod, has de Crealingly since the 5tilities in JLine ow barely above Was Rs 25-30 28-32 per kilo, was RS 30 per matches Rs 3. range barley Rs i 8.50-10 (withullets and the immercial poultry litter is possible, וחסly frחס B וחם3 wls, for whom, Sick, no medible), We found ; and fish to be hea per than in thesa the por iCeas because of the transport from ty to areas of f the atter Were five miles awaү. et rol at Rs 2400 re than Rs 1 OOOO
hit the sky.
агв difardous. The jourlՃmbՃ to Jaffna і 1000 рег регsoп inium of 15-16 affa to Colombo,
ransport
to do it in 24, rt to the lagoon before 2 in the d tha Sri Laika at the Thandikunt only at 9.30 Ճrning. Wehiclas
na oil, or a mixne and vegetable W drops of pettial ignition, MDIrry the petrol, as
ballpoint pen, in kets in little plaslong nozzles; the
costs Rs 80 and out ten kickoffs, er Ones Cost Rs
150. Electricity has not been available for the past year and a half with adverse effects on education, industry and agricultur E. When pBäCB raturns, ROTE (the Research Organization for Tamil Eelam) will hawa much to tGach the rast Of US about oil-saving, safe and sadly attractive bottle lamps and how to grow large cabbages and beet root in the dry zone with out chemical fertilizer and chelical insecticides: organic farming may be a fashion for the few elsewhere, in the North today it is the only farming possible. Torch batteries and candles are banned items for those travelling North.
"Why do thay hide thase things in their brassigres and underwear?" lamented the kindly Colonel at the entrance to Wawuniya where our Wan had to
stop for the first inspection en
out.
"Surely We are reasonable persons and would allow anyOne to take 2 or 3 batteries for personal use, or 3 or 4 small candles." We hadn't the heart to tell him that we ourSelwes had already been Courteously asked to empty the Single torch W9 had in Olur team, though We were assured that We could collect the two batteries on our return journey.
Most severa of all the hardships - at least for those who had money to satisfy the more basic needs of food - was the acute shortage of medicines, People died every day of "natural Causes", bout the natural Causes should not hawa led to the grawe if the basic drugs were more easily available. That the Tigers would use them as pain-killers or for treating their OWIn Sick or Wounded Cadres was probably the fear, But o Lur information Was that tha Tigers somehow succeed to get
9

Page 12
the nimedicir ES they need. Th 059 who do not are the non-cobatant Civiliär 15, Who are the OWerwhelming majority.
Ma laria ha 5 bg Come a probFilem in many areas. Yet a course of chloroquin costs. Rs 60W = which the great majority of the population cannot afford, or afford only at the cost of going hungry. The danger of ra bios has also aSSumed SeriOLIS proportions beca use of the shortage of the anti-rabies vaccine. A high government offiCia! Ho Wewer told LIS that thig people tended to use up what little Waccine was available because of founded fears that any dog that growled at them probably had rabies, With the shortage of food and the movement of familias a Way from the danger zones, the number of stray dogs had increased. Numerous persons. With whom we spoke urged us to do all We could to move the authorities "in the South" to attend with the utmost urgency to the medical needs of the people "in the North".
The first signs that we were abошt to епter a very special part of the island CaTng to Lus between Kekira Wa and Media Wachchiya where Wa saw military vehicles with arted soldiers in combat fatigues proceeding northwards. At 11.30 in the Torning (hawing left Kuru nega la at 7), we reached the final army checkpoint at Thandikulam. When we left Thadikular to enter a kilometer of so of No one's Land, it was difficult to avoid a lump in the throat as we read BEYOND THIS AT YOUR OWN RISK. The we cate to the first Tiger checkpilt at Parana taga. Hera for the first tie Wa saw and Smelt Totorbikes running of kerosene oil. I asked the young Tiger sentry in civilian clothes, "'Aren't you a fraid to die?" | new er heard a more Sportaneous
laugh until I returned to Kandy
or the 15th.
"What is your theological
reflection?" I asked my silent
companion. "I was thinking of the Parable of the Sorrowing Father, waiting first for one son,
O
and then for tit Iliad. Ha did "t wепt away first. A,t Omarhthai '', first tim3 what 3t Every iTıp Orta after that, wal photos CorTrnemo Tiger dead. Som ters read, "Thas they hawa only s Tha grain of w into tha ground the new grains T. fOT OTE. bg thE domina death for the C later told of a where the Notic Wisitors at the one is allowed
Fr Prati t Hal it took Luis FrÖTı Piratları
1989 to TOE :ti: to EIBphחם th grg to Jaffria,
Drd C.H. Off TDI th tra CtOrS Dr" O hiriad motorboikg5, adults on the pi ther small parsi the rider, on a
Tetra trä (;k hlä Ck shrub jungle to Uriyan whara | The Western Роопегүп had t נחםW Br:tiוחחB
From Uriyan S North across th sailing boat it millas äld taks teS, How Illuch suffused with dusk was nature With hundreds o' the Water close black-winged Sti fish, pintails and flying in formati Cormorants and With the gentle Water as the O the boat forwar wid. Yet a Cro. at Elephant Pass ay e Could be det posts. Maybe st dier spotted Us culars and wa Teorias of HCOT North a Tiger M monies helped

other" ha rapsay Which Son
We saw for the Was to be séÉin 5 Tot :) To T | posters and rating the young etimes the pos3 ara not dead. Dywed the seed." wEät Tu5t fäll ad di 3 b0f0ff appear, a huпdThis Seeled to nt ideology of ausa. Wa Ware Tigar Cametery B firmy orde red entrance, "N0 to cгy hвгва", nga to ParamäbOLIt 3 h OLIr5. in 1987 and was the usual it Pass, from Now civilians B ga5t in hirBd fס ווסthe pilli SOI na tim BS tWO || Of With is anoon in front of dusty 10-kilo:ed out of the a place called .Is וrםםlagםth TOU EE thrՃացի been closed by
South to Uriya a laցՃՃm in a is about four aEjo Lut - 9 O | Timinuat peace and the beauty of On thà laցDOn F. flamingoes in to the shord, Its looking for
garganey, ducks on in the skies, other birds, ripple of the ars Tar Steered "d against the 55 the la gooi
With the rlaked ected the Army ame weary solWith his bio5 filed with me. At Jriyan Master of Cerais a shore. He
had beder instru Gtad to fra at L5 wвII as we were оп ошг way to Jaffna on a mission of peace and goodwill. Even the Tiger girls who had come shore with us in a not har boat resent Ed a little and relaxed when they Saw that we were expected Wisitors and forced these was to respond to our greetings with reluctant smiles. But, presumably under orders, they did not tary for a chat but jerked their riflas into position and moved away into various huts and thatched sheds. From Uriyan MNo r th ona has i to get to
yakachichi from wher Totorbikas or trucks ta ke people a distance of 30 millas to Jaffn to W.
Jaffna and the North Ower the next fiwa days the Strong Est and most lasting impression. We TECG i Wad , WHS that tha Talli | people want peace, out peace With honour founded up of justi GE. OUT task the i Jaffa ånd else Where during ou T wisit Was to investigate What the agenda for such an honourable pвасe wошld be.
An agenda calls for agents. The first of these agents would be the people in the North and the thousands in the South who actively Want a just peace, In Jaffna itself, we heard two voices: one saying that the alie nia tion Was Complete and the point of no return had beөп reached, the other crying that it was yet possible to rвturn to the time when we lived and prayed and played together. But there was a third voice struggling for articulation and an audien. Ce : thère a re points of return and there are points of no Teturn, but the way to the former inexorably passes through the latter.
What ther are the points of no return First, the Tamil wants to be Considered as the fra and equal Other. The Tamil will no longer settle for the second class. No longer do the Tamis Want to be considered awen as an oppressed people. They want to bв сопsidered as equals. Second, the

Page 13
Tamil problem needs to be recognized as the problem of the Tamil people. The Tamil problem is not the problem of the TiTi militats. Solwa tha "numerous problems' of the Tani people in the areas of land, language, education and employment - admitted to be real problems both by the UNP Mift of til 1977 EECS and in the First Statement of Government Policy in Parliament on 4 August 1977 - and the problem of the Tamil militants will disappear. It is the only Way, but the Way that ba Comas increasingly rugged with each day of delay.
It is the people above everyone else, whether they be SihlagSa lor Tå mis Or MUISTS of Burghers, who have to support all плоves, пatioпа| апd international, hither to made or still to be made towards a peacefшl апон попоцтавle solшtion of the Crisis. Thorg Hag EGT 10 de Tith of 3 Well forma | åtta Tripts at Such a solutiom from the timo of the BandaranaikeChelwanayaga II proposals of 1957 to the Thonda man propoSS Õ Deer 1991.
In 1987 came the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord. Maybe it called for adjustment and modificatio. Yet it provided a basis for a solution of peace with honour to a sides. What wrecked it was a single, monumentally Twopic decision to bring the Tiger leaders caught on the high Seas between India and Sri LB1 ka to tria || in Colombo. J. R. Jayewardena came close - but characteristically not too clos B – To admitting it in his interview with Mervyn de Silwa іп Јшпе 1990 (Lалka Guлагd'ѓаг7. 13:5, 1 July 1990). MdeS: The Accord broke down i OCL ober 1987 — 3 Oth:5 later, after some LTTE me had taken cyanide? R. Yes, but a sure that
Was only an excuse. . . LLLLLLLL0S L LLa S LLHa S SSLLLLL S LLHHLH LCL he had pleaded with you to hawe in terrogation of the Captured "Tigers' in Jaffna and that he would give an Indian air for CG plan 9 to tai ke a II
your investig they were bein! R. I had to is rity officials, , Ar y Way, I til Would hävä f excuse to Er ΠΠΕΠ. . . .
The Second
are the Gover Arad For:e5
They have to imrIlediata bila sLitably monitor both rational : monitors of a C and impartiality.
attack is la un C tha Well-traine Women and
cover, but thous Sands of Ciwi
A steady supp essertial goods should bg
only for hul SOTS , but as
OW in the Sup people. It is s it is illogical leaders to say the right to W sola rulers of ' and in the sail that tha Sri
Felt has the
Lumin e rrupted Si Cannot hawa yo i t. For the Tig reply, When Et shall fulfil Our
then the resp. Sri Lakan (GON
Land COCOTIZE ed. The Simili the Whole of Tamil people Love for that p which history regard as pe not exclusively, Call He Corra So until dialog and 8 CCT15E rgach Od, a | Satt laments ir areas should b
With a Wi:3W Colser sus the the Joint Oper ShOLIld grl COLIFE Official Wisits th וחסups frסgr

Eators to Whara
hEald. . .
te tO TIW SBCL -
hink the Tigers Jurld Some Other aak the Agree
set of
ent and the of Šri Likā. agree oп ап teral ceasefire. ed, probably by Id iterati 05 ceptad authority
If a full-scale led Of Jaffnd, d Tiger young mg | W || || tak3 lands upon thou - lians Wii || (dig... bly line of all
agar115
i; t the Nft
Titādied Tot Talitäria rthe Sur’est Way
port of the Tamil tari IE9 to Say that for the Tiger that they hawa dit to be the the Tamil people he breath to say Lāk Gvinuty to maintain шpply lines: үош Lur Cake and Gat er leader5 Would alam comes, We dLIty, But Lintil on sibility is tha var mart" S.
ition, İS larıd-Tlialese people low G El 9 island. The
hawe particular art of the island
15. Ed Et culiarly, though
th tais own (Res fголт Јаffла.)
1 Ligo - iS reS LT1gd, sua accord is new state-aided
5en Siti wêl E} Ord Gr a suspended.
tO 3 3 'WE3 tLual Gower Term t arid ations Cortland age private and of persoпs and e South to the
North and from the North to th O SO Luth.
The third agents are the lea. ders of the Tamil people. Like the Government of Sri Lanka they too should agree on an immedia te bilateral Ceasefire, help to maintain supply lings, freeze present settlement patterns апd encourage free movement
of people (maybe asking rich Tamils to return home and not escape to foreign lands), free
expression and free discussion jf alterna te models of de wolutiom and ration Flood.
Peace is the agenda of the hour. But peace is not possible without justice. To achieve it what is needed is not knowledge of what is right and just but the moral and political determination to achiave it. The alternativa for the Country Beloved is altogether too terrible
O CO Sider.
Origins. . . .
Corrierred frari page 8
published no other study has appeared which ei her duplical tes Cor. replaces it" introduction to rewissed Iridiam edition xi. 8. Dharm Pal, Traditions of the Indian Army. Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. Goyt of India, 1961. A Second revisel Edition W45 pLit ut i 1970. Nilton Blok Trust, Delhi. Twelve "traditions of Gallantry" in the Indian army are related in part one. The only onc of South India 5 till of the Misi Soldier, AT amorphous term, for the Madras regimicnt is a totally mixed om like the Parachute regiment and recruits any eligible Indian from the South. The other traditions of gallantry which are recounted The Rajput Soldier"; The Sikh soldier etc. refer Lo specific ethnic caste, religious or regional groups of north Indii,
10. Madras Infantry, 1748-1943, Lt. Col. Edward (Gwynne Phythiarm -- Adams Madras Govt. Press 94. History of the Madras Ally, Lieut. Col. W. J. Wilson - Madras Govt. Press 5 Wols. 88-89.
11. Stephen P. Cohen op, cit. Chapter 2.
2. A phrase used in instructions given
to recruiters in the Madras Presi dспсу.
3. David Washbrok. South Asia, The World system, and World
capitalism. Journal of Asian studies 49, No. 3 (August 1990); p. 480.
(To be continued)
11

Page 14
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Page 15
W. W.
Reforming the
L. H. Horace Perera
Mr. B. Wijedoru of Hong Kong has, in his letter appearing in the 15th March issue of the Lanka Guardian (Vol 14, No. 22) raised a question that, inter alia, is today occupying the attention of the organized International Non-Governmental Community (NGOs) Whose Tembers are interla. tional NGOs having consultative relations With the UN ECOnomic and Social Council or With the
Specialized Agencies or with SOT e UN Bodies like UNICEF, UNCATDUNHCR etc., There is
in principle, no disagreement at all in NGO circles of the need for democratization of the whole UN System. This naturally raises, among other things, the constitutіоп, composition апd povvers of Security Council, particularly the question of Permanent Membership with the 'weto" power that goes along with it. The Council, as at present constituted and functions, is a product of the Second World War and is considered not to reflect present realities. For instance Japan and Germany are today economically stronger than four Parmanent Members of the Coulcil. Moreover, the membership of the UN has increased far beyond the expectations of its founders. This development is not reflected in the Council. O na must also take in to Consideration the fact that today there is only one Super Power and that this one power can, if it so desires, exercise its 'muscle" and influence or even control the Council. This is One of the Unfortunat9 realities of today.
Democratization of the entre UN System in no doubt na Cessary. This will require a compolete reform of the UN Charter
A well know Sri Larkar reacher, fhe a ľuľhar flaky Baseď Íri Gerleva, is Hary Presider of the Poor Federaffort of LWIN' Associarlo VI
Charter
which can be a Wote of tw Member State: that pшгроѕв. 109 of the C1: whole process of tha Organis gin With the - G This naturally ra as to Whom di Assembly repre tha fact that
member states authoritarian O tarian rule it arguad that the does not rep peoples of the in WhoSa nama tion is declared realisation of objects of t (sgle Preamble Honce the pr cratization of th should begin ir METb Bf StatB. ti || the II, ca. W calls long owe effected to "r alities".
It Ed har the reform of Ons Chartear , time. Not om Stä tes Ed 'd strong press Lu|| erted O lati by internationi national, publi Tote the dem Organisation.
TEILS TE SO form of the дшite some tiп to be done a ference of the United Nation the purpose ( the te rris of t can be effect
The first should be a ional method Secretary Gеп

ffected only by o-thirds of thO convoked for (Articles 1088 rter). Непce the democratization tion has to beaneral Assembly. ses the question as the General sent. In view of a majority of ag stil under զuasi-authori
can justifiably general Assembly gt "We ti
United Nations' thg deter Tilato strive for a the aims and ne Organisation. of the Charter). ocess of detoa United Nations each and every Then, and not, what Mr. Wijedoru | rug reforms be of|BC;t [:LITFET11 TE =
dy be said that the United natiwill take a long y must all Member Emocratized" Elt "g as to be exormal goWern mB n tS II, ad Tore So by =םחם נLC וfםiחiםם סi cratization of the Ewem if all go wernTinded the reCharter Wil taka le. This Will have I "A Genga COlMembers of the s (convoked) for f reforms within he presant Charter ed.
of these reforms =atח rBםוח וut:fוח for electing the ara I of the United
Nations. The way in which this is done today can result - it is not said that it has - in the election of a monumental mediocrity to what the first Secretary General, Trygve Lie; said is the most impossible job iח the World". Secondly he or she should not be elected for more than one term of say seven years. No one will den y that the prospact of a second te TT can affect the independence e5 sential to the effective performance of the duties of the incumbent The officer should also be given wider responsibility and greater power if he or she is to b0 an effective voice of the international community and to act on itsbehalf, even Without a specific mandate ցt the Sacurity Council, in cases of Sarious threats to peace and global security where the situation demands quick action.
The next change that can be effected, and it appears that the present Secretary General has already begun to do this
is the reorganization of tl1E Secretariat. Prior to his taking office the question was
raised in various fora of the need and the value of there being 25 Under Secretaries - General and 8 Assistant - Secretaries-General "mamy of Whom" theoritically at least, have to report to him. This is an impossible Spa for even a genius to control It is encouraging to note that this matter is being attended to quite firmly. Closely allied to is is the fact that member governments hawe interfered in арpointments, dismissals, trans
fers, promotions etc. of the staff resulting in a kind Of international nepotism. Henge
it is not surprising that in the Secretariat there are a fair number of square pegs in round holes. This has not only reduced
(Салтiгiнғd" ал pagғ 15)
13

Page 16
The Federal Alternativ
H. L. de Silva
his a a brief response to certain comments made by Amita Shastri (L. G. 1572) in a review of my essay on Federal Alternative for Sri Lanka. The reviewer states that I have "blithely ignored the intransigence of the Gowerm ment of Sri Lanka in not following through on their promises and swiftly dewolwing powers to the Provincial Councils, especially to that of the North-East''
This observation proceeds upon misunderstanding of the lega|| effect of the devolution provisions contained in the Thirteenth Allendment under Which those FC Wars WBTE Conferrad. Tiërg W Erea Certa in Specified powers which fell exclusively within the Competence of the Provincial Councils and others which were intended to be concurrently exercised by the Provincial Councils as Wellas the Centra Governmont. In respect of both categorias nothing more was needed to ba done for their exercise by the Provinces. There were no further powers which were "promised" for the remaining powers were all reserved for the Center. Ona cannot therefore understand what is meant by the Government's intransigence in not swiftly deWowing power 'as the Thirteenth Amendment became law in three months and these provisions took effect proprio vigore.
Although || dos" not hold a brief for the Goverriment of Sri Lanka in this TB gard, it must be pointed out that the responsibility for the Ultimate breakdown of the administration in the North and East must also be borne by tha India I Go Wern T1 Et and the L.T.T.E., as Well. At the eart of the probler was the India failure to Carry Out effectively its primary obligation under the Accord which was to disarm the terrorists. Secondly, the L.T.T.E. Was not reConcised to the prospect of entering tha democratic process competing for political power with other
14
- a reply
groups which E represent the averything possil the North-East Further more, the legitimacy as g ti ti 5 bā5 i 15 tan Ges of fra L that vitiated thig which in many Carried out with Of tH1 B I. FP, K.F. i they were Final effect of th3 | able dealings of Goverent wi i thв atter the withdrawal and elimit äta t} that had been for assistance. So Constitutional e. North-East was to any in hereaml dBWOlution Schärf ånd should lot E. that reason.
Indeed had federal system b. u ndër the chaoti prevailed in thi that time unilat of Independence Sumed a differ
Shastri regret SD սght in my tag the views of S chauvinists. Thi fair comment a matic Ճf an u COI sider all är merits without a disрагаgement. tiпg the prospec failure of federa stitutional syste pointed to the significant body o
rightly or wrongly
by proposals for irn their wia w td their just rights fair treatment, SFT e til o draw the insufficient minority wiew חmuוחסם majority independence per

"Se
lso claimed to Tamils and did Eble tio de stabilisg administration. E.P.R.L.F. Häckad lected reprosanof the Lumario Luis Jdu │ent practicos electoral process instances was 1 the Cor Tiwarica whose proteges ly, the Lunsetting lighly questionthe Sri Lanka th t3 L, TT, E.
Iբt Č) ELTE of the IPKF. me illegal T. N. A. med with Indian
the fail Lura of the ҝperiment iп the T10 t at tribLI tab)|B defects in the TE} itself but Other be jettisoned for
a fully-fledged зеп in operation t: CũT1[jitiCT18 thät e North-East at era de Carato | па у ћave as. חםiאIBטוחם3nt G
S that I have say to advance in ha la Buddhist S is hardly a ind is symptonWillingness to its חם tחEוחLIם lding extraneous | hawa in e wa Luaits of success or |lism as a conm in Sri Lanka existence of a f opinion which, ", feels aggrieved
changB which I поt гесоgпise
and claims to I have at the atteltic to
recognition of points by the ity in the postiod, which has
al II but destroyed tha wastiges of a truly national spirit of unity in this country and which must under gird a federal System, if it is to be a viable one. In doing so, from the majority standpoint I Could Well bé a Ccused of over stating the case for the minority, At this rate o Tatial discussion of a COtroversia | issLI9 Would bo 9 possible ewan at am academic lawel,
| Have dra WTI att Brition to tha opposing wiew to underscore the point that federalism of itself cannot help create a sense of mutual trust and unity which is now absent and contemporary history bears ample evidence of the fai || LIITg of federati OS that have been imposed upon people Or Which they hawe been Coerced into acceptance - wide Yugoslawia, and Soviet Union. The quotation from Nordlinger is not my "Chief argumant" but Gonfirms this wiew point,
This is part of my wider thesis that Costitutiolla | Te Chanisms And laga | devicE5 have limited Scope in solving deep seated political problems or in reconciting ethnic differences which пеed pragпmatic solutioпs that tåke a CC out of the diverse interests of all sections of the Cortin unity. This is much Tore difficult than drawing up comstitutional documents based on theoretical assumptions that do Tot i always accord With the empirical evidence.
The Thirteenth Amendment, excluding the merger provisions. appears to strike a viable balance between a purely unitarian system and Ludi Lited federali5Th... Its hybrid character may yet stand the stress of opposing pulls and contrary tendencies if worked with patience and understanding. A realisation of its practical Walue has h0 We Wër not de terred me from examining its soundness from a juristic standpoint so that We may be ware of its weakresses. By a majority of one, through somewhat strained legal reasoning and a measure of judicious real politik, the Court Llphield its constitutionality. ConSide ring the trauma and tribLations that accompanied its birth

Page 17
let us give it a fair chance of prowing its Capacity for su rwiwa 1. The reviewer says that odespite evidence and numerous studies to the contrary" still Continue to make a Casa for a unitary constitution Sh does not disclose the nature of this Cort 2) FW e Wide Ce mot idatify the supporting studies to examine their relevance in our OW IT COI text. I hawe referrad to Cartäin n EJätiv B äSpact5 Qf fédérali Sm and in stām Ces of failure to caution against the false optimism of those who advocate its adoption äis a pa na Cea for our political ills. Where federalism haq Su CCD ed ed it is not necessarily because the theory behind it WBS Wä Iida tad but beCaLu 5:3 it suited the political genius of the people that adopted it. It failed in situations where it was mot a natural growth but artificially impilanted in a hostile soil. Deal ing With "the Crux jif the problem" i. e. the merger of the Northern and Eastern ProWin C95, Shastri de tects" a familiar ring" (presumably, echoes of the WOCl3 of the Maha Wam5ä Croicler) but seems to think that it is confined to "segments of the Sinha lese majority" implying that it is not significant. This is hardly the case if one takes note of the recent Strong Wawe of protest and opposition to the To daman-Trojan horse. The Government hastily dissociated itself from the proposals on sensing the intensity of the opposition. Along with many -סחiוחilוחpathisers 0f the Taוחsy rity, Shastri has шnguastіопingly succumbed to the traditional Tamil Hornelands syndroma. Sho is ewidantly disinclined either to exarmine the rationality of its claim mor consider tha Walidity of the mamy arguments advanced against it.
Not surprisingly the advocates of federalism link the scheme with the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces as a single terriorial unit of the proposed federation. It is made part and parcel of the proposed federal solution. But need this be so? Iп a wвII— reasonad presentatioп Professor C. M. Maddum Bandara has advocated a re-demarcation of provincial administrative
Бошпclaries oп t major river basin in place of the ions that Suite administration. I ignore ethnic CC provides for a j L distribution of r that is erilinent asonabla. If thi to be accepted riment thie 3 1 t ħ LIS is in this cou rate sooner th dew. In an ob justify the uneq Լյf mational rB: minority that consequence of say that I have accout of the national, politică 5) Cia | life 0 W 63r jority has increas control". But a democracy W Co 15 titu tēS SE WEDI If there be imba cal reprasantatic זYסplוחpublic B education or in ըf public life, I provide effectiv
Reforming . . cred fr the efficiency DLIt has advers Tmorale of Tam dedicated in terr vants. Опе сап the present S will continue, favour, the reo ha has already I am sure th knows that Wh the UN System ferring only to th cil. The Gener the Secretariat varios UM bodi UNCTAD) et C, E Specialised Ag |LO, WHO, UN Agenci ES adre pi the entire UM for the overall but in speci: ability to Cor promotion of t which the UN for et facti We their activities in their prograft

ha basis of the s in the country existing d|wis|d tha Colorid || t does not whքlly insiderations but st and equitable atura reso. Cg5 y fair and reis proposal were by the Gower niasm for federaIntry will ewa po - ап the morning Wious alternpt to ua | appropriation sources for the Would be tho Tierger, Shastri failed to take ""farge a reas of ic andוחטחססB ,11 WhiCh the Talingly established S this un fair in hern the majority inty four percent? lances in politiin Parliament, mant, unlversity апу оIhor sphere ; he remedy is to "G. Constitutional
remedies against unfair discrimination and if need be provide for the safeguarding of group rights, The rem gdy ts not the creation of a territorial enclave for the enjoyment of exclusive rights for a single minority.
No sol Lltion to the national problem of Sri Lanka is ever likely to succead unloss the Contending parties recognise the in Controvertible trLith that the solution adopted must ba o na which accords with truth, justica and eqшіӀу. No amount of That Ori C expended on the subject
of past injustices and oppres
sisons or the inalienable right to self-determination can obscure this fact, if a N 5 ollution is LO be achieved by paaceful педоliation. As the Minister of justice observed at the recent Convocation of tha Bar Association, in a democracy no group in Community, Whathar it bog tha mаjогity or a mіnority, caп seek to hold another to ram som by unCon Scionable demands, That is why it is futile to plead for Peace without at the same time insisting on Justice for all.
F. page 3 if the Secretariat aly affected the competent and Iational civil Serom ly hope that acretary General without fear or ganization which
beguл.
at Mr. Wijedoru епопе, speaks of orh 3 iS not rg - в Security CошпAssembly and but also to 35 | ike UNICEF na to the great ancies like the SCO etc. These гt апd parcel of System, working aims Of the UN fields, Their ribute to the a purposes for Was Created Cas O-ordination of ind co-operation rries. Unfortun
ately the Secretary Géneral of the United Nations is only 'primus inter pares" in his relaions with their respective heads. Ha should be given the authority to ensure effective Co-ordination and co-operation among them lest these Agencies develop into quasi-feudal systems with the temptation for their heads to act as mediaeval barons in their respective domains. Incidentally, democratization of governments can lead to the democratization of these Agencles that they could respond effectively to need of the peoples whom they are expected to serve.
In conclusion one can say that unless and until all members of the United Nations and the Specialised Agencies have truly democratic forms of government with freely elected legislatures, executives accountable - in the final analys is to their peoples completely independent judiciaries and unfettered media (press radio radio and TV) it is futi le to speak of democratizing the entire UNSystem with all its component parts.
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Page 19
MEDIA
The Free Press, the PC
and Democracy
zeth Hussain
in an earlier L.G. article (Jan.
15), I referred to the importance given by Robert Dahl, the foremost contemporary theorist of democracy, to freedom of expression without which there cannot be even an imperfect democracy. I thereafter posed the question whether there can be really free and fair elections without a free press, which is crucially important for freedom of expression.
| haWë SII Cg COffing a Cross the following from the book The Politics of Development by another Well-known political Scientist, Robert A. Scala pino: 'Democracy requires only that the citizenry be given the widest choica in selacting its representatives, and hence its government, frøm - among Warious alternatiwEs. Second the fullest range of political freedoms must exist to ensure the citizenry access to information is making that choice. Within these perimeters, a variety of democratic Systems is possible, and is to be found in our times."
According to Scala pino's formulation, the widest choice in electing the government requires access to tha information re Cassa ry for Tilaking that choice. Obvio Lisly the Who la pro CaSS of electoral choice is witiated should the public's access to information be limited, which certainly happen S When th16 press is no t really free. A free press should therefore be regarded not as Some sort of accessory to deTo cracy but äis integral to da
mocracy, and integral to the democratic electoral process itself, Elections held while press
freedom is suppressed are not really free and fair.
Sri Lanka ha 5 had o press freed OT after 1970. Therefore interms of the con temporary
Western Underst democracy maar in the Writings entists like Dahl Sri Lanka has Considering the tance of a free ппocracy, we ha rity over everyth ging about a fr Fr Ed to E5St TE - t functioning dem had in the "fifti
In Struggling Wa hawe to tak Certain ThiSCOTCE denty prawail a of the governme what appears in controlled newsp conception is til freв ргвss bвсан freedom of exp opposition politi present Sri Lank tgim is not da is not a dict It is quasi-dem it has Sgwerial da T notably indeper parties, gen Lin: and not token some dictatorshi Government all to flourish Wi curb the throu tiC froicis lika : he adquarters, Se and depriving M. of her civic rig thing that happ last government a lowed to the is certainly in the figrcë into any kind of op: te TriStic: of Hit tion is raportis en 1 in greater stre b for B b CaLSE oma | represo Tintat cal criticize freely, awailing privilege when th

oliticians,
anding of what is, as reflected of political sci| and Scalаріпо, no democracy. cardinal imporpress for dewe to give priohing elsea to brinE a prBSS if we he kind of fully ocracy that we
S.
for a free press. a into account !ptions that ewimQng the rank5 int, judging from tha Gowe TT1 e fita pers. One mishat wa have a Ise there is full ression for the cal parties. The a political sysIDtratic, but it a torship either. ocrati c: b3 Ca Use nocratic features, Ident Opposition bly independent OBS as under 5. The present WS such parties hout trying to gh anti-democraiaaling tha SLFP aling its press, IrS Banda Tanaike hts, the kind of a led under the
The latitude pposition parties consistent With EräCe to Wārd 5 position characors. The opposied il Pariament gth than ever of the proportion system, and he Government of Parliamentary ough t necessar y.
There are constraints on the extent to which the President Cabo criticised in Parliament, but it has to be noted that the DUN F Which functions outside Parliament engages in no-holdsbarred criticism of the President. And all the criticism against the Government and the President gets reported in the non-governmen tal press, What more, the Government can ask, is required for a free press?
The counter-argument is prertised on a distinction between the representatives of the people and the people. Freedom of expression for the representatives of the people is not the same thing as freedom of expression for the people. The distinction beat Ween representative and people is a valid one ever in the most denocratic Societies, but it has a peculiar force in Sri Lanka as Carl be se en from the following extract from a US Government report, "Under the amended 1978 Parliamentary Powers and Privileges Act, Parliament may impose an L In llimited fine or up to two years imprisonment on anyone who criticizes a member of Parliament, a clear deterent to freedom of expression, The amendment was not applied in 1991." (L.G. 15 Feb. 1992). It is quite clear from this that in Sri Lanka the politicians in Parliament, whether of the Government or of the opposition, are ment to be regarded as above the people, sacrosanct and be yond the reach of the people's criticism. The freedot of Criticism allowed by the present Government is for the politicians, not for the people, which is just the kind of thing that has to be expected in terms of the dominant political culture of Sri Lanka which found expression in the 1976 and at referred to ab Owe.
17

Page 20
The practical implications of the distinction made here become wery clear when We look at the problem of corruptio. After 1977 there has been serious public concern about corruption which became hectic, an understandable phe nomen om because Consequent to economic liberalization väster funds than Ewer beföré became available for diversion into priWate pockets. The magnitude of corruption in a society is a function of its cash flow. The President himself has been complaining that the opposition to him has been provoked, among other things, by his putting a stop to corruption. Some ties he is specific on the subject as when he said that appointments, promotions and transfers in Government Service, used to be arranged while boozing at resthouses. Among members of the public, we recently had Baku Mahadeva, a distinguished former Terber of the Civil Ser WiCea who presently holds the reponsible position of Chairman of the National Development Bank, point ing out at a samin är that no Minister or Ministry Secretary has served a term in prison for bribery or corruption in Sri Lanka, as can happen in countries like the US, Japan, or Singapore. He Wyent On to State, according lo the Island of 1 March, that bribery and corruption had got Worse since Independence, especially in the past faw years, in
Which con nacion he referred to information supplied t him by business circles.
myself hawe heard a UNP llawyer saying some years ago that While engaged in official duties he had come across documentary evidence, which would stand up in any court of law, to prove Corruption on the part of a wellknown UNP politician. It is a reasonable guess that very appreciable numbers of officials, ex officials and other members of the public can provide information on corruption. However, after 1977 the opposition in Parliament has failed to avail of parliamentary privilege to bring up a single case pointing to bribery and corruption in high places. The Bofors scandal, much
18.
publicised in S elsewhere whic factor in bring
Rajiv Gandhi go to por Co wide inspir Lankan oppositio is freedom of e representatives C d|5 t|TLCt früFT) tilk
Sri Lanka hä: receiving end Opprobium Over violations, Thore dis appBaran Ces , fernember inwow |ifa itself. West foreign organizati ty International, rights groups li Front, and just
Othië. Of LF1G | Soysa, hawe don Sri Lankan Col 5 rights than the Pa ia The It A I human rights të Šri Lākā 50rī Expressed Surpri: of a privata co the number of pleaded that the giff Citi W. El to St rights wiolations that in the as effective action by the Sri Larik Tot by the UN. ttյ բdirlէ ՃLit thք an opposition in
There arВ Пла Who Ebelieve tha juncture nothing tilt for Sri Lil oration of a fri fully functioni But hardly any believe that this through the poli anyone believes tion politicians tate for de To Cri WES E03 dgTCrā COT e to power, DUNF gadiers d making democrac
and it is argua they are subject tha point becau Tatters is the OE which Wi || maki democratically,
is public cynic
democratic prett

ri Lanka drid h Wa5 a Crucia Jing down thB vernment, failed 'ation to the Sri I. Of What use xpression for the if the people as 3 people?
; . E}{3!} in at the
If iterati
human rights particulary over which W. List "ệ tha right to arT1 governments, i JS like Arles|og:ä hLIIIläri ke til 3. Mother 5 thidt og braya te Richard de Ë TO TE I TOLISË ;ie Cie or 1 Lu Tarn Օքըositiւյrl fr Tamber of a UN HT WF) ich viŠi ľeci е попths ago Se, if the Course Twersation, over Bople who had UN do something
Opo the FIL I Tarn Հ. He thought it resort really
has to bjë taken ä5 thĒTSE3 IWes, and proceeded it Sri Lika has | Pä T||äIIII.
y Sri Lankas t åt the present is more imporkā tham tha Tes3 Ea press and a ng democracy. ") II. E. S. E. B. III: TÚj ; Cam ba dola ticians. Hardy that the opposiWho toda W a gia cy. Withersetic should the W Actually the BSerWe Credit for y a central issшв,
i ble that WHFt lively is beside se What really
oject iwe Situation a the behave
However, there ism i a b o Lut the ansions of the
opposition parties. What after all, it might bÊ asked, is the opposition doing to promote a free press, apart from adverting to the subject occasionally in the course of their ceaseless jabber? Somethings is being done by the miniscule groups represented at the All Party Conference, but not by the major opposition parties. In terms of wide-spread Sri Lankan perceptions, it would appear that a free press and democracy hawe to be promoted by and on bbhalf of the people against the representatives of the people. The freedom of expression a lowed to the representatives is not going to help. It has been ineffective in relation to problems of corruption, human rights, the free press, and democracy. The list çan b g extended, but the re:Hdar Wil | probaba ly think it superfluous.
| light See that 5i Lā kā is Lunique in allowing fread om of expression for the representatives of the people, but mot for the people. In fact the sama situation seems to ha We Forew ailed in Europe at one time, according to SomE Exträt5 | häw8 SBBr from Marx's Eighteenth Brunaire of Lo Luis Bonaparte : "If the parliamentary regime lives by discussion, how can it forbid discussion?.... The struggle of the parliam Entä ry orators Calls forth tha Struggle of the scribEllers of the press; the pärliāTiëntary d'abating Club is ne CBS5arily Supplemented by de bating C||LI EO5 i t ha sa lors and the a leh itu SaS." A further Extract reads, "The par liarentaf y regie leaves everything to the decisions of majorities, why then should the great majority outside parliament mot Wä It to näke the decisions?" Marx, who was great in his anger, aga inst in justicea and oppression, was protesting against freedom of expression for the representatives of the people, but not for the people, the great unwashed majority outside parliament.
A point reeds to be clarified before we proceed further. It Would be mistaken to suppose that the West had democracy

Page 21
at one time on the basis. of limited freedom of expression, and we too in Sri Lanka ha'We democracy at present on the same basis. During Marx's time HG West had liberalism, lot democracy or liberal democracy, a requisite for which is universal adult franchise, which cama to prevail in the West only after the first World War. In Sri Lanka, of course, We hawe universal adult franchise but its exercise has been of rather dubious quality after 1983, according to the revelations of the Elections Commissioner. WE seem to hawe reached something like the liberal dispensation of Western Europe of the nineteenth century, with our dubious franchise the equivalent of limited franchise, and the same kind of limited freedom of expression. Western liberalism evolved into fu ||fledged democracy, So that the prospect for democracy, in Sri Lanka does not seem hopeleSS. We may atta ir it after a Century.
| hawe so far assumed that Sri Lanka has no freedom of expression for the people, and to really free press. The point requires no demonstration at length beca use few have illusions about it, Newspapers and other publications are said to be proliferating, and the press dogs Soem to be |ess Lur fra e than at апy time between 1970 and 1988, the result of what | ocks lika a prČCess of democratigation for which the President has to be given credit. But the press is still far from being really free, it is not so much a question of overt Censorship a5 of und Eclared limits which journalists and other members of the public believe they can transgress only at their peril. Writing on the late Richard de Zoysa in the Sunday Island of 23 February 1992, journalist Shalidra Farado had this to say, "Despita pledges by political and security forces leaderships to protect the press from a b USGS, throgatS and in timida tion citi. For Šri Lākā press the working conditions are alarming. A hostile environment prevails around most journalists."
The questiоп о press is really fr detried il toT defined criteria. has to be a pag Whether or lot it between What th about the gover leader and what the press. The Laka iS ET OTTOL Siol of the Sri with that cof the tries or of India clearly that the rates undér SEWE and a self-impo which is regarde for survival. Sri frea press as th stood in Countri a fully functioni The press shows of expression fo tatives is TOt fre sitյm for the pet
Further Tisco Out Of the W. comings of the particularly of t tiоп пеw5papёгS which have bes and exhaustively West. There are BB Tl3 dB HbOut
against the pres
that they are a THE SE COTH İS
absolutely irrelë', for tha free pre
I will firstly m wations on the newspapers, wh ficantly differen the mini-press. culation newspa big money behi which by itself traints upon thi to Warily respel and prejudices who provide a of tha fulds t. papers goiпg. o wlers, WhoSD are high, caпп to be over-ze: the limits of fri giпg the powe1 Tent or the or Society. They CE papers to purs det tas, to pLush

F whether the ee cannot be is of precisely The test, which Jmatic one, is here is a hiatus ne people say et and its og i fids ir Ւliatus in Sirl s. A compariLankan pTBSS WWesterri CO L I 1 - shows quite press here opere Corstri int S. Sigd Cel15 Tship) d as essential Lanka as 10 e term is underES Which ha WB ing democraCY. that freedom the represenedom of exprésple,
inceptions arise |- kl CNW SFÖrt} pre-SS, more
he mass-circulashort-comings in scrupulo Lusly analysed in the םints tםם מtww : the strictures 5. Tha first is bsolutely right. that they are Värt to the CĒSĒ SS.
a kid some obserTla SS-CiCLI lation ose role is sigiit for that of The ITESS-Cirpers hawe to la W3 ind them, a fact imposes Conserm. They hawa ct the principleas of thi 3 a dwa ftisers significant part keep the newsThe newspaper filla Cial Stakės ot be expected lous in testing Beedom by cha llenof the governthodoxies of the | Use their le W Gшe personal ven1 partisап есопо
mic, political and other interests. No one in his right mind goes to the newspapers for the truth, nothing but the truth, and the whole truth. All the news that's fit to print does not get printed.
The major limitation of the mass-circulation newspapers is that they have to respect the shibbolets of the tribe, the "tyranny of the majority," which has been an obsession with some of the best minds which hawa pondered on DemocraCy, notably de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill. The truth is that a societies, awe the Thost liberal and democratic ones, hawe their dominant belief Systems and norms, constituting an Orthodoxy, which forbids or marginalizes radically dissentiant wiews. Wirginia Woolf Writing im one of the most liberal Societi 35 of | | tira, Brita in of this Gent Lury, complained that whenever she took up her pen there were twenty censors crowding around her. She was probably thinking of her role as a feminist.
The tribulations of Bertra nd Russe II at the time of the Sir 10Indian border conflict of three decades ago are very revealing about the extemt to Which ewe the most liberal democratic societies can silence dissent, A fanatical hater of Communism gwer since hą Went to the Sowiet Union in 1920, he assured with the rest of Britain that China Was the aggressor against India. But after he spent some time studying the border problem, he changed his mind and thought he should Write än article enlightening the public that it was not just a case of back and white. To his wast surprise, - one of the da ilies vould touch it. Orle of the two |leading high brow Sunday papërs contacted Russell and offered publication, but thereafter changed its mind. The other promised to publish the article, if at all, is ful and without any cuts, but West back on its promise and publish Ed à Censo rad varSiOr). Bertrand RLISSe|| internationally a minent and the leading po Lublic philosopher of his time, could not properly Com
19

Page 22
munica te with the wast British public because tha preva iling orthodoxy of the time would not allow it,
A devastating critique can be made of thea short-Comings of the пnas5—cігculatioп пеwspapers, with the arguments given above as well as others, to suggest that freedom of expression for that category of the media is a matter of no great consequence. That would be elaborately miss the point, which is that the mass-circulation newspapers prowide a means to the people to influence and control the govern
ment. In the fu || y functioning damocracies of the West the people turn not just to the
opposition parties, active though
thay may be om behalf of the people, but also to interest groups and other autonomous
associations to influence and check governmental power, and in addition they have the fully fra B mass–Circulation newspapers. In Sri Lanka the Opposition рагties have been lпасtive, or largely inactive, for a long time over matters of the greatest national concern such as Corruption, human rights, the peess, and the issue of democracy, as argued earlier in this article. There is not just the usual distiпctioп betweеп the people and their representatives, but What looks lika a dichotomy between the people on the one side and the politicians, both Cf thịB GDựer Timant and Cf thẽ opposition, on the other. And Considering what has been happening to the mass of the people in this para disa island, it will be readily agreed that just as war is too serious a business to be left to the Generals' Sri Lanka politics is too serious a business to be left to the politicians. It is in this context that the people, Who are suppossd to be Sovereign, should be allowed freedom of expression through the masscirculation newspapers.
The strictures against the masscirculation newspapers do not apply to the mini-press, that is to the serious publications, which have a potential for challenging
2O
the Orthodoxies Carnot be dorie, to a marginal the mass-circui This is very im what has happE саппоt be explai of the risde ed Democracy Colla without a shot with so | tt | e o usly because it interests, in my
ests of class, Tula dominati that brought S
sorry a pass in ContinuB to Ope ciety, hawa to | the mini-press, paperS.
It is a misCon mini-press hardly it is read by a
un like the na W are read by st Sārds. Ho W. Ta
ea u and hi5 fa | the European E. those days befo and the Tass-ci papers? Yet the yed the ancient the Whole of aris and has contribol formation of th since. A convin the potential of Was provided Herzen's maga? Banned in Russi im Genewa, it b or six years bef Revolution the instruInT gent for ft. public opinion. everyone of aп within Russia. It ten Lupo as the mi phenomenon in Russian, and pe journalism. At circulation was
The widence that it is not political writers or the great p lists like Herzen, the world of po Heine Warred PaTiS - Tot to un power of that q who spends Inc

of society which or if at a II only Extent, through tion niewspapers. portant ba Cause ir Eid i Sri Lanka rhed just ir terris s of politicians. Sed in Sri Lärka being fired, and pposition, obvio: Served certain wie W the intercaste and ComD1. The factors ri Lanka to so 1988, and which Hrate : in Our 50be analysed in not the news
ception that the Tatters because fel W thousands, 'Spapers Whigh Cores of thouT W råad Rousslow writers of nlighton ment in re mass literacy rCula tion nevrwsirideas destroregime, shook itocratic Europe, ited to a transP World awar cing example of the mini-press by Alexander line The Bell, - and published ecame for five ore the Russian m0SL important irming Russian It was read by Consequence has been writOst astonishing the history of haps of world, tS height its 2,500,
f history shows Ust the great like Rousseau,
blitical journa
Who transfor itics. The poet
is friends in ler-estimate thig iet little fellow St Of hi iS tie
confined to his study, the phi- -
losopher. Hg forecas that the German Idealist philosophers of the nineteenth. CBT t Lur y Would eventually shake the whole of Europe. They certainly did. because they shaped the minds of the German power-elite who pushed their Country to war in 1914, and subsequently the mad mentality of Hitler, who very nearly changed the course of human history. Tha power of ideas has always been understood by power-mongers and their minions, who from the dawn of history to the present day have hated the human mind. A soldier brained Archimedes, and Shakespeare, who had a very exceptional grasp of the dynamics of power, made his Julius Caesar say, 'He thinks too much: such men are dangETÕUS."
It has been said that nothing is so powerful as an idea whose time has come. One would like to think that the time has come to introduce the idea of democracy into the practical politics of Sri Lanka. For this purpose, apart from removing misconcep tions about the press, we have to establish the rationale for the free press both in generalized terms and in specific application to the situation prevailing in Sri Läka,
The rationale has to be related to the perennial problem of power, the problem of giving sufficient power to the govern. ment to en a bol E3 it to Work effectively for the good of the people as a whole and at the same time controlling its power. Nothing Can be of more momentous Consequence for a peopl6 than Controlling governmental power, which otherwise sooner Or later turns out to be leathally destructive. It is not just that pQWer Corrupt5 and absolutB power Corrupts absolutely, but that power tends to drive the power-holders mad and absolute power driwas them absoutely mad. The evidence of history, Very Clear and conclusive, shows that two things can be expected to happen when power сопtinшes for some tlппа

Page 23
to be un controlled in a T1 W WYOne is that the power-holder's grasp of reality is Waake ed, ữnti al I sense of reality is los altogether, and the other iig tH t the moral sense starts getting eroded quickly un til there is no longer the normal human äįlity to distinguish between right and wrong. A grasp of reality is obviously required for human survival and it may be, for rea sons that cannot be explored here that the moral sense is also part of the human atյuipment for survival. In am Y Cd5 the historica evidence is Conclusive beyond any doubt that шпcontrolled power can be expected after somBa tirma to b0come lethally destructive.
Right through the ages mankind has shown a sound understanding of the dangers 5םקBri by uncontrolled power. This is shown by the fact that normative systems of power, whether in the West or in the East, hawe always controlled po War in one way or another. The Eurocentric stereotype of "Oriental despotism", which has been Swallowed whole by many AfroAsiams, is tosh. Under normative Afro-Asian systems of gowernment powar So far from being absolute and arbitrary Was constrained by the norms of tradition and custon, and more importantly, Contro ed by tile sacred order represented by the clergy, in the case of Islamic societies by a quasi-clergy. Chuite often there was a dispersion of power through semifeudal and local government institutions, as in the case of Sri Lanka. The system Tlay hawe brokan do Win at times, perhaps frequently during periods of decadance, but it remmäined normative all the 5 arme.
Those are generalizations which now hawe to be related to the situation we hawa been facing in Sri Lanka. What happened in Sri Lanka and several other Third World countries was that the traditional polity broke down under the impact of colonialism, and so did the democratic systems left behind by the colonial powers. Thereafter there were
neither the tradi del CratiC COIST: 5 T e CaSOS generated into Vil rule, and the con: been very terrible
In Sri Lankā dB down after 1970, Mrs Banda H na iki to check at use
her Ministars an SO her SUCC853) F. to boliť V3 with A ha should never i affairs of his Mi would make him all thair short Cos dggd5. Th3 re43 LJ bly identical with ed in Hitler's wigs, bloated wi of office and kasipu of power, als never blafoff: um controlled as tha history of Lanka.
Tna 1977 Go des an antire 1Y monstration of that uncontrolle to a weakened a starious 3r OSiC sense, and SOD disaster. Tha TG planation for a g. began in 1977 go but up, and
in this litt la is!
one but two F ions, that of t of the LTTE,
IPKF here a th sowéreignity CV tarritory and coast in B, Presi managed to get but if tha Rajiv, ment had COI the IPKF mig ad Sri Länk3 stuck in a CW. a de facto divis try, The JWP re with horrendo the people, again. The LT ing and gettiin are nowhere i r the ethnic pro World govетп! there hawe bei

r theםח alחסti ints om power, JV8rn monts detual gangsterՀaզաanEas have for the people.
stocracy broke but at least Was prapared of pJ"Wer by d Othgr5. NOt who anpeared dolf Hit|5T that inter Were if the list3 F G F G til at responsible for -gs anti misחmi It was redica| What I'll äppenGermany. BigEh the insolence drik Of the abused power as power Was mgw er befora i Independent Sri
Wernment prowi-Ging Ele חוvוז סס the argument {d power leads grasp of reality, | raם וח 3ו20f th חו 1Bar or la tBr to is nD tյլՒ1ET Exvernment which With nowhere to Wחזחleft thB GQu 15aster in 1933. and We Had I10t | Potis: FE. JWP and that and With tha 'eatened loss of a third of the lmost half the dit Pfalada 5 rid of the IPKF, Gandhi Gowernued in office t sti | | be3 he re ՇՃւյld have gՃ է Lis situation with iom of the Gun| 3 || io ni Wa S anded s suffering for Ut could a Tuot "El go as on kil || - killed, and we סt חסlutiםar a S ETT. FWI Third ets, if indeed | апy, could have
bвgшп with so ппапү афvапtages and left a country in so gory a 7 meSS. It is timo to Tecognize that there is a differance between the responsible exercise of power, which always requires Control of power of som B sort, and käsiip Lu power.
The prospacts for Sri Lanka may not be hopeless because there seems to be a dawning recognition that we must learn from the awful warning provided by the 1977 Government. This may ba tha explanation for the curious fact that the two leaders of the D UNF, Ath Lu|ath Tudi li and Gamini Dissa na yake, who were prominent actors in the most anti-democratic government We have had since 1948 arc today our two leading agitators for democracy. According to Sri Lankan CollWant iomā Wisdom. the issue of democracy cannot be expected to pu|| in many votes, But the democratic duo who are known to be skilful politicians must understand how to manipulate people in the mass, and they are about in making democracy a central issua. They déserve credit fOr il arly Wa Y.
On the other hand, President Prema da Sa da ser Wes Crad it for engaging in Soma measures of democratizatio. Consider the problem of damocratic elections in Sri Lanka. It was thought that his predecessor had rolled up the Sri Lankan electoral map forever in instituting a thousand year Reich. His Government's attitude to the franchise was shown vhan fifty years af universal adult franchise in Sri Lanka was spectacularly celebrated by the blatant rigging of the Jaffna DDC polls. But last year, president Premadasa allowed spectacularly un rigged island-wide local government elections, more Cor less mini-general election 5, the legitimacy of which has not been questioned even by the opposition parties. Consider also the issue of freedom of expression. In Sri Lanka, where a servile Tentality has come to preVail, the personage of a leader has been regarded for a long
21

Page 24
timg asmore Or la SS SacroSanct and beyond the reach of public criticism. But the President now allows his antagonists to indulge in Ou trageously outspoken criticism of the President, which gets reported in the newspapers.
The present situation might
even look rather encouraging for democracy and the free press, since there are at least
two opposition politicians who Seem to hawe COTE Tould to the conviction that Sri Lanka has to save itself by turning to democracy, and, more importantly, the President himself has moved from de Tocratic rhetoric to actually engaging in some Teasures of democratization. Ha Tay Wet prove himself a reWolutionary leader of extraordinary stature by allowing a free press and restoring democracy in Sri Lanka. But the opposition to him can be expected
to be fierce, th B. fũft:E5 ựựhi mocracy in the CastO and COTIT) TB ma ir a Citiwa Sri Lanka, H2 dem O Craizē ali deпостасу. Но, his performance himself forced him a non-der which could spa' Government and TSS
possibly in a lo indepепdепce, t the country, a сопniпg to powe
THE Sri Lak gon a through : that politics is boLISi1ea SS to be liticiāls, Tha 5: should assert h0 W On thig i cracy and the
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Շonsidering that Wrecked dem te rasts of class, unal domination, and powerful in may therefore d stop short of Wewer excellent a, he may find O leawg Eie Hild mocratic Syster wn Brother 1977 ап even gorier 1988, resulting 5 of Lākā5 ha break-up of nd Pol Potists
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left to the poioVereign people themselves some SSU 35 0f demo
free press. It
will help to have a wide-spread rectյgrlitiՃn Of the fact that thE Case for the free press is related to the Case for controlling power. The historical evidence has bee ower whelming that шпсопtrolled power can be expectad to lead to disa ster. Sri Lanka itse f providing absolutely Conwincing evidence through the di Saster it faced i 1988. Damocracy is only one of the ways in which power can be controled, but in Sri Lanka it is the prevailing political Ideology and the GowerTent itsell as Well as ewery political party Con Celiwe of democracy as providing the only legitimation for government. Сопsequently the only meaningful option for controlling power in Sri Lanka is through democracy and we have to proceed from today's quasi-democracy, or caricature of democracy, to democracy. That requires a free press. For the idea of denocracy without a free press is TOS ESE.
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WMWOMMEMW
A change in climate
hen the nuclear bomb) testers were waiting for the resu || L. Of the Thission to bomb Hiroshima, they expected a codiad message. If the mission was successful, the mes
sage would read: "It's a boy". But if the bomb was a dud, it would read: "It's a girl." In that code lies a clue to the desire of families all over the world to produce boys not girls, to selective abortion of girls, to infanticide of female children, and to gradual starvation of Women in areas of the Third World, where her get first share of the food,
Both Marilyn French and Susan Fa | Ludi Write (of the War aga inst Women. For Marilyn French femimisrri was the first philosophy to cha | lenge patriarchy per se. The ange of "men-as-a-caste' at this Challenge partly Explains the War they are now Waging. She cites many examples of this: domestic Violence; he abandolment of women and children by men who fail to support them; attitudes to work and food in Tuch of the Third World employment law and practices; the denial of abortion rights; and the growth of fundamentalisti.
Her text is passionately argued and largely convincing. But it Someti Tes läcks a CCLII Tad Cy, redering it less compelling than Susan Falludi's melticulously researched Backlash, Tire after time Faludi taks a Piece of well-reported research, and re-ex armine it. While Marilyn Freich recit es a li tany of Wrongs d'Orlea to women, and argues, somewhat loosely, that women are fighting back, Faludi records cases of discrimination and the reporting of them, while interviewing the people involved, showing that things are mot as they seemed,
For instance, Marilyn French reports that Women and their families are on a w Erage 73 per Cent Worse of after di Worce in the US. The backlashers, who
24
BACKLASH: THE
WAR AGAINS
By Susan Wi i הוחש חThatr)
THE WAR AN GÅ By Marilyn Farffs Hārs 7
want to taughE laws, use that evi the their ar gJ LITT shows that the quoted, publish Weitzman in 198 certainly in a CCurg rtists, Hoffman found that that divorce statistic such smaller de 30 per cent. A ted the a Wer 3ge standard, five ye. was actually slig Wher She WäS
When they pub ings, there was item on them, Street Journal' demography colu figures still ten because they st groups: those W up men for a families, and thi say that divorce most disa strOLIS economic circuit lies, and should difficut. This " the Eart of the that WW Theadlı ad F-2 tg Cted" (la e
Faludi's most ments Corte fro of women tryir discrimination IE better working and pro Tmotion cases of femal Sears Roebuck WiSiO. W 10 attB | legislation to i make depressing, ing. And the f. the biggest Crit

m.
UNDECLARED
WOMEN
Fall Ludi
frr:F, ES, SS
INST WOMEN
Fre: ES
the di worC de ce to Streng
Elt. B Lt Falu di figures usually by Lenore
5. Were almost ito. TWO Econoand DUCHI, their Work of s suggested a Cline, of about 1d, they s Lugg ESWOman's living TS after divorce, htly higher than marrièd.
i5idt1 girfidonly one brief in the WW || s inside-page m1. Weitzri’har"S d to be quoted it two discrete to Wish to beat bandoning their pse who wish to is having the offg' [:15 OT 1 12 Stand:25 of fanmi= bB mäcE TLr B evidence, is at 3 back lash linie: batter off "proual.
telling arguIn het accounts g to Lise antiagislation to get conditions, pay prospects. The e employees at ād ABC Tēlē mpted to use the Improve their lot infLIriating readact that one of ics of the ABC
tactics, Rita Flynn, a former seasoned CBS reporter, first found her career on the skids and then found herself Lun employable when she moved west suggests that in the US, as in the UK, it does not always work to one's benefit to take issue with the Company discriminating against One.
Susan Faludi has Written a cogent, compelling account of the change in Climate for feminist in the US, The UK is different in many respects; the English additions to the origina|| US edition do not Work because some of the arguments need modification for the UK and European scene. But Falludi's nota of optimism at the end, With hear asser tion that "therg really is no good reason why the 1990s can't be their (Women's) decade", is one we would do well to echo. There is indeed no good reason, but what is needed, propounded by neither Faludinor French perhaps because of their American world-view is a different attitude to children. They need to be recognised as a public COT CBTI) and the slations future поt a private (womeп's) пnatter, With properly funded childcare and child protection - alongside generous maternity rights and
enefits.
The UK is poor on these issues in comparison with the rest of Europe, and has resisted protection of part-time employees (bloking the EC directive on part-time Work), 86 per Cent of who are female. These are matters that should come to the fore in the last week of the election campaign. The women voters could use their political power to vote for the party that promises the most for Women and children. No party has pledged enough.
Julia Neuberger
rew Wr S a rabbi. Hr Fook, W/Sawar'5 Harré fss L LL Women?, was published last year.

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