Page 1
() J.R. and his
Vol. 15 No. 2 May 15, 1992 Pri Ce RS, 7
Delhi’s Danger
Delhi
's Target:
Human
The free press and its
REGION:
BUILDING IN
INDA UNDER |
HONOURING
 
 
 

S MEMORIES' O
— Piyal Gamage
.50 Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka OD/43/NEWS/92
"ous Gamble
– D. P. Sivaram
Prabhakaran Or
Premadasa
- Meryn De Silva
& Development
— Ghamdra lMuzaffar
obligation
— Lошis Bloт-600per
DO-PAK TRUST
- Ar/ind Kala
U.S. PRESSURE
- Mohammed assan

Page 2
t
Why there's so in this rustict
Thora is laughtear and light Haller zum Jigst these LLLk LlLaLL aLLlt aaaEL LCgL 0aaLLL LLLL LLLLLlCCLa
lef in a E.II. It is Ig is the ridgids if such
harms, spra:d : ut in the Irici anci Lipicurity LLLLLLLLuulLLka HkLHLE aaLaLE Lla aLLLaLlL LL LLLLLLLLkLLL fall during the is season.
Herc, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crop and the greer leaves turn to rTS LLLLL LH HLHHLHL LL LHLHLLL Lt S K0a0 MMLL HH HHGGH annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural flk.
 

ENRICHING RURALLIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employiTent to the second highest number of people, And these people are the tobacco harn owners, the tobacco gTowers arid those who work for them, on the land and in the battis.
For ther, the tobacco leaf means meaningful work, a CorTıfırtable life and a scire future. A good Enoh razısı for laughteT.
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people,

Page 3
To probe massacres
President Premadasa has appointed a three пап соппmittee headed by former Appeal Court Judge D. G. Jayalath to investige ta the mass killings of Muslim willagers at Alanchipotana and the reprisal killing of Tamils at Muthugala and Kara pola. A total of 130 people died in these hamlets.
The LTTE is suspected to have begun the killings. The CorThr Thi t. teg W hose other tWo members are Major General Balaratпагаја of the arппy and SSP Abdul Majeed of the Police will also look into a possible lapse on the part of those providing security for the villages.
Islandwide Opposition ппеetings
Following the Government's refusal to permit parliamentary debates on ex-DG Udugampola's revelations and the report of the Elections Commissioner, the joint Opposition has decidad to hold is
ference in people woul SL upp Ort the party even if left the UNP Opposition,
The Presid there was a rankers used to allow st Іашпdering, pil uםם tsחBוחBIB in these rac goverппепt с and that W for the is deis to oust him said.
Make it
Says Touris Mi boss Saumyan
TBT WEIS to make the ha S made official lang He said so Sahitya Fest Was ina ugura1
landwide protest meetings. Prema dasa. The first mea ting will be at ''Tai Капdy oп May 29. am II || SpDE
and MPs can People support UMP by helping t| policies - President to Conduct President Premada Sa told with the Gowe UNP delegates at their con- the Minister
Wol. 15 No. 2 May 15, 1992 CON
Price RS. T.E.O
Published fortnightly by
Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd.
NO 245, UiO PCB Colombo -2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva
The Dhol 3: 447584 Printed by Ananda Press
32/5, Sri Ratnajoth i Sarawa na muuttu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephoпо: 435975
News Backgrou
Human Rights The Region
The Lit Luft Of | Régulation in
TITI I Mi|itari 5
Satyajit Ray
Books

ale that the C0 til Le tO Iolicies of the
all the leaders апd joined the
Int said that Era When tOpthais influente
ggling, money erage etc. These ld not angage kets after his are into power as the reason
Brate attempts fгопроwer, he
operative, Thonda
lister and CWC oort hy Thor dathe government agislation which Tari |
also an age, operative.
at the TaTii Wā "92. Which
ted by President
aking ministers sat the example na Tamil paople their business Brnment in Tamil'.
said.
TENTS
3.
El PE55; Etil 13
(2) 7ך
21
22
India has not asked
dia has not made a formal recuest for the extradition of LTTE leader Welupil
lai Prabhakarnn and his intelligence chief Pottuam man, Foreign Secretary Bernard
Tilleke ratne told a press Conference. The two Tiger leaders are Wanted for the murder of formler Indian PrimE Minister Rajiv Gandhi.
Drug crisis Gowernment hospitals are actually short of drugs. At east 40 essential drugs are not available. They have not
been available for more than
one y Oa T, a C Cording tO E leading physician (who was not named) in a Sunday Times report. The non-available drugs including lifesaving injections and antibiotics, the doctor said. Poor patients were badly affected because they were now forced to buy highly expensive drugs In the market outside.
Selected for rehabilitation
About 1 20 da taimea es in the island hawe been selected for
advanced rehabilitation program. After the program they will be released an official said. About 1800 more BWait rehabilitation.
LTTE Ball
Replying a question raised
in the Rajya Sabha by Dr.
Subrama nian Swamy, Home Minister Chawan said that he had been misquoted. A decision to ban the LTTE, or not to ban it, would be mada by the Cabinet SOon. he said. Tamil Nadu Chief
Minister Jayala litha described this apparent lack of conviction on the part of the central government as “destressing."

Page 4
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Page 5
HOVV TO TR THE TIGER
Mervyn de Silva
fter the massacres at Welli
kande with well ower 100 Muslim and Tamil dead, the war in the north and east has settled down to its usual pace -te to tWelty deaths a Week, Tore "terrorists" than soldiers but ||ittle relief il n'UITIbers Or ethnic identity to the rest of the island. Indian and Tamilnadu politics have caught the eye of the newspaper reader in Sri Lanka all because the LTTE is once more a major issue in India. To ban or not to ban,
Chief Minister Jayalalitha who has awarу теasоп to fear the LTTE and its machinations in Madras, insists that the Central g|Over Ilmen 1 m LIst pro 5 cribe the "Tigers' on the evidence that was accepted by the Tamilnadu court that heard the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, and ordered Prabhakaran and Pottu Amman, his intelligence Chief, to surrgn der to coLu Tt.
lf India bans the Tigers", moral and diplomatic pressure on Sri Lanka, a SAARC member, to do so too may be quite Strong, especially if other SAARC, COMMON WEALTH or donor countries join in that campaign of pressure. So why then does the Сепtre ignore the mouпting pressure from Tamilnadu. Mr. Chavan told the press that a final answar will ba given äfter the matter is discussed with Prime Minis
ter Narasimha Rao. The data mentioned in the Indian press was May 21.
Educated guesswork strongly suggests that the Indian government is unlikely to proscribe the LTTE. One reason given to Western diplomats in Delhi is that such a step may get the government
ëntangled in C that Would di բartly no gՃՃd. ugh learned a challenge the After al II, the registered part Lanka, the LT bed for 2 years
The other qL ti OT, Wil | tt || relying Ճm the ted at the trial, karadı "5 Extra : for ? How do
TE WHO Indian troops, COTE) dos fai Bradmän Weera Advisar on Int r15 Statքd im a lecture 'the t:atching the fէ
: ugh. Yet, it |
the Indian gover ning LTTE and W extraditio of P WealthחסוחוזCor
A decisio such steps mi
by tactical think levels in Delhi
N
he long WESAK
issue of the iTI CILIda this brigf пdiап Нап. As E
asked how to Gatt can in Woke Comic but the physical a Other matter. Signe Ask for Indian h Delhi really Wanıt: Chief Minister Jay ning Scard? A 55a POficies by Right, the minority Congr. hвг.

AP
ourt proceedings the Congress
There are епоWyers in India to proscription order.
LTTE is NOT a y. Ewen i Sri TE Stood proscriJr. less, under J.R.
ÉSition is extradiIndian government awidence presan
ľ00|LIBSt. Prabohalition? Whatever eS 19 extradit
т soпте 60,000 including elite led to catch
KOOn, Presidentia 3 Trational Railatio
recent O. P. A. real probleп is illo 'W'''. Fair emodoesn't preclude "I Tet froT1 Eaог геоuesting the abhakaran, under
agreements.
lot to take any ly be influenced ing at the highost
Only President
News BACKGROUN
Premadasa (and Colombo) would then have a channel of comunication to Prabhakaran, and nobody can be blind enough not to recognise that Prabhakaran remains a major player in the game. The other groups, nearly a II pro-Indian or under direct Delhi influence, openly or not -50 openly, don't count for anything in the guerrilla game. Thay have spokesmen in Colombo and can be deployed at the right tirme either in thea House or in any dialogue On a Settlement. Although Delhi can count on Sinhala parties, political personalities, organisations, NGO's, sections of the media and opinion-making groups and individuals its hand is strategically weak - it has no trumps. Bloodthirsty and tough and intranssigent, the LTTE is the 'ace' in the pack.
AS One Of th9 Commanders of a crack Indian counter-terrorist unit which fought in the IPKF's '''Eelam War"" observed, President Premadasa has the advantage because he reads the mind of the "Tiger best.
lew Development
holiday delayed this F. lt helped us to
CT1Tigrit in ths Trädmdf Weerakroon :h the chap? Delhi in WÊalth ag reamgent ct of arrest is an
Our army to Jaffna? alpr is that what is besides placating allit had now rumled on its economic
Left and Centre, BSS could not ignore
Yet, the LTTE ban may be just what the DMK's Karunanidhi wanted. As Our SpÉCialist Writer om Tamil mova - ments D. P. Siwarar observes he was MARAWAN MADAL, the spokasmen of
Tamil militancy and militarism, the twin of Tamil secessionism. While Delhi's dacision may prove a mistaka, the immediate effect is mounting Sinhala pressure on President Premadasa, Which could be what Delhi had in mild,

Page 6
SOUTHERN FRONT
The forces the opposition has mobilised and fielded, lack coordination. In fact, some of the main anti-Premadasa units агв іп disarray. От have Iost spirit. There are several skirmiyחaוח ס5 חם - n, andס - ingםshes g fronts, (students, marches, demos,
protest campaigns of assorted kinds, etc.) but each skirmish soon peters out. The worst
blow for the anti-Pretadasa campaign was the poor show the D.U.N. F. put up on May Day. Dinesh Gunawardene, simply on his owп, сапne second to the SLFP. Ewell tha Cold War-horses of the LSSP and CP, despite the collapse of the Soviet Union a Tid arti-Left treds the World ower, gawe the Cold faithful a demonstration which lifted their hearts sDITBWhat. The DUMF duo didn't have a happy May Day.
And as days passed, the SLFP projected to their steadfast suppOrteľ5 – and to the WOr|d at
large — an image of chronic
di Sorder.
Whatever Mrs. Bandar an aike,
the party leader, has iп піпd
in the way of internal reform and re-structuring of the heir ar
chy, Mr. Amur has not left an that he accepts or laiko"S de T5h tio , ho hirt5of legitimately his legacy to his o А пеws report red first in the cleverly picked NEWS.
"The leader Will be the C date of the op presidential eli
MTG Siri naike steps do party preside по test the post сап по Іопge by trying to CrE niya" cult, said organiser Anur MP, in Kurune
He was addr 3eTilar at te K Fld||- THE 5LFF" tha Cofidel CB because of its
ise its aspiratic has lost nina 1977 because tu 16 With the and aspirations"
VASA O
207, 2nd C EוחסlסC
Telephoпе:

Bārdārārāk body in doubt ily Mrs. Bandaraip, until such takes What is - S. W. R. D. пly sоп.
which appваISLAND was up by the DALY
of the SLFP Ommon Candiposition at a ection.
illa BandataW frO to y ll Will ClOT1= ... The SLFP г gаіп votes late a "VoiSLFP to а Вапdarапаike ЈаӀа гесепtӀу. в55іпg a paгty штшпegala town could not win of the masses іпability to гваins. The party elections sice it was not in people's hрpes " ha said.
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Page 7
HUMAN RIGHTS DEBATE
judging Freedom
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar
The
UN Development Programme's H.
dom. Index has been soundly denounced by World, and nations that hawe received low
drafted a
resolution in the UNDP govern
to prohibit further work on a new inde year without a clear mandate.
in 1990, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) introduced the concept of human development. In this year's report Ншллаг Development Report 7997, it has attempted to refine that concept. It says clearly, "Men, women aПd children must be the centre of attention - with development woven around people, not people around development.
Using human development as its yardstick, the UNDP report has produced some very useful data on public expenditure 9n human development in both the North and the South. It makes telling points about budgeta TY allocations for education, health care and sanitation compared to money spent on the pLurchaS9 of military hardware in a number of countries.
While there are these positive elements in the report, its major Haw is the attempt to introduce a Human Freedom Index. The index, designad by Charles HuTana, contains '40 distinct criteria for judging freedom".
Most of the criteria used such as the right to peacefully associate and assemble, the right to practise any religion, independent courts, independent radio end television networks, freedom from unlawful detention, freeT from torture or coarcion End so on would be acceptable
Dr. ChiaIryadraI Mrrza,7ar ir I Malay":TfarI cifical referrif I’d presider of the அங் ராஜாரா Arா.
toпost people, sexuality betw adults", which of Contempora Ty would regard personal right, \, Outright as a freedom in World.
But it is lot homosexuality problem with th FrBadorn Index. SiO1 of Cgrta in which weakens has ignored t! hunger, the fre ase, the freedo and other such
uld HawםIt W to exclude thes rd VāS 5 tr
tical freedom по t. The repo that, "Huara" ם חr B thaסוח index, more thi index. It is a index."
HOW can a іпdex igпогв fr the freedort fror are fluidamen Survival of th Shouldn't such ול TBםוח hםLIוח right to travel One of the 4 in the report?
If freedom one of the if China, which of 88 countrie: e il the II

Jman Free
the Third marks hawe ing Council χ for neχι
How gwer, "homoeen Consenting Certain sections ' Western society as aп important would be rejected easure of human HTỉy parts of thÊ
the inclusion of Which is the real E UNDP'g HLImar
It is its excluCrLuciaI frg edoms its authority. It 19 frggdor frOT edom from disem from illiteracy
freedoms.
"e beеп аІІ right a freedoms if the alightforward poliindex. But it is rt boldly asserts s index is thus
political freedom an a human rights 1unan freadOn
hu Thai freedorTn aedoms - such as in hunger - which tal to the wery 1a human being? freedoms be given weight thaп, say, abroad, which is O indicators used
from hunger was dicators wouldn't is placed 84 out s, rank much highdex? HoW would
One Teasure the stupendous achievement of freeing one billion human baings from hungar?
There is an e Wen TO TE SIBTiOUS shortcoming in the UNDP's Human Freedom Index. It appears that it has given very little Weight to the freedom of a people, the freedom of a nation, It is this freedom which millions and millions of people in Asia and Africa struggled for during the long da Cades of Colonial oppression.
If the Index attached some importance to this concept of collective freedom, it would not hawe placed Hong KOng, a British colony, in the 26th slot. well ahead of 62 independent nation-states, including countries like Brazil (No. 35), Boliwia (No. 36), Thailand (No. 41), India (No. 42), Egypt (No. 49) and Malaysia (No. 55). That the people of Hопg Копg епјoү а number of personal liberties does
поt iп any way alter the fact that the state is stil not frag.
Опе сап argue that if the
freedom, the independence of a whole nation, of an entire state, was given the significance it deserve Some attempt Would have been made to measure th9 political freedom, the economic independence, the cultural autoпоппy of natioп—states iп thв post—coloniaІ era. How much rell politica freedom do most StateS today enjoy in the inta Tati Ola | a TBT a?
For the freedom that a state enjoys in the internatioпa! агепа has a direct beariпg шроп the individual citizen's ability to shape the political future of his Society. There is no point in advocating more participatory development if the options a Waiable to a people to develop are severely limited by an international system dominated by a fe W povverful di Ctor5.

Page 8
total neglect of the collective freedom of a people and its relationship to individual human liberties is most apparent in its evaluation of Israel. Israel, in spite of its brutal, barbaric suppression of the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people for freedom and justice, is ranked 34, above a number of other countries with less tarnished records.
Israel's denial of the rights of the Palastinians is a strik ing example of the link between collective freedom and indiwidual liberties which the Index does not seem to be aware of. For Israel's suppression of the co
The index's
lective struggle of the Palestinians for freedom takes the form of the violation of indi
vidual rights such as the right of free speech, of assembly, of association.
The individual Palestinian has no freedom from torture or COercion, from unlawful detention, from arbitary seizure of personal property - all indicators of the level of human freedom in society used by the Index. Worse sti II, the individual Palestinian, especially if he is a freedomfighter, lives in constant fear of deportation, of 'disappearance", of death.
It looks as if the UNDP's Human Freedom Index gawe maximum weightage to Israel's observance of human rights and political liberties vis-a-vis its own Jewish population and ignored or downplayed its gross violation of the basic freedoms of the Palestinians, as individuals and as a community.
When we reflect upon all thBSB flaws in the Human Freedom Index, it suddenly dawns upon us that it contains stark biases.
First, it has a Western Cultural bias as evinced by - it's in - clusion of a practice Such as "homosexuality between consenting adults' which does not have universal acceptability. Indeed, in many non-Western societies, strong religious and cultural traditions would deny any legitimacy to such a practice.
6
SBC Ond, it i: politica and ci though it clai than a political By implication, inst economic such as the rig ter. еппploymeп health.
This bias to W civil liberties i acteristic of mos rights groups. to do with the -18th century hu gles in Europe W in attempts by dle class to o tical and Ciwi the St Ste.
In the non-W the other hand, impoverished in South, it is not Con Ceive of without 8 mphasi ance of freeing from the clutch disease. This di it must be stres tiCal ad Ciwi less important What our situal a truly holistic
human rights a
ties.
Third the
Freedom Index
towards individu personal rights.
influence of the
cal experience i dent. It was and the revolt բowering influer eval church in
16th centшгу gave birth to t Widual conscienc
rights. Defending and persona || fr the structures Community thus dinal concern intelligentsia.
In Asia and A historical chale the intelligentsia the indiwidual f ance of church liberating whol

5 biased towards will liberties even is to be "Tore
freedom index".
it is biased aga3nd socia | rights Iht to food, sha It, education and
ards political and s, in fact, charit Western human It has something
genesis of post man rights strughich Were rooted Bn Emarging midstablish its poli
rights vis-a-vis
gstern World. On рагticшІarly the | 2 tio [5 Of It Hg possible to Gwen רחםfrBad חaוחLJר |Sing the importthe human being зs of huпgаг апd J85 T. Ot ITI ÉH II – Sed - that polirights are any in tha South. tion demands is сопсерtioп of nd responsibili
UNDP's Hur
is also biased a freedoms and Here again, the Westerm historiS Only to o gwiћа гепајвsапсе gainst the owerCë of the slatiliЕшrope from the onwards which e idea of indiand indiwidual individual rights 2edons against 2f religion and
became a carf the Europeaп
frica, the great 1ցe confronting was поl freeing Ճm the dumin
and state but сопnппшпities,
entire Societies from Western colonial rule. As a result, the Collective freedom of people assumed a significance in these continents which has no paralel in the history of Europe. It has remained a vital component of human freedom partly because of the continuing dominance of Western civilisatibn. The Human Freedom Index shows very little appreciation of these widely divergent historical realities.
Apart fгопп these thгөe obvious biases which indicate a Western-centric approach to human freedom, the UNDP index appears to bo slanted to vards certain states - states which, ideologically and politically, are known to be close to dominant Western interests. It must be emphasised that this is not true in every instance. In fact, there are a number of cases which do not support this as sertion. Nonetheless, there are also many examples in the coun. try ranking of the Human Freedom. Index that seem to suggest a certain slant. We shall provide just one example.
Singapore is ranked 46 and placed among the madium freedom-ranking countries. Malaysia is ranked 55 and placed апопg the low freedom-ranking coln tries. For both countries, 1985 data on human rights were used. In all the other cases too, human rights information from 1985 Constituted the basis of analysis.
Even if we confined ourselves
to the 40 indicators in then. dөх, thвre is no Way Singapore can be given a higher ranking than Malaysia.
In 1985, there was less control over newspapers and radio and television in Malaysia compared to Singapore. The courts in Malaysia were less subse. vient to the Executive. The բolitical opposition in Malaysia was Stronger, more vocal and more affectiwg.
In contrast, Singapore in 1985 had an incredibly weak Oppos|- tion which was subjected to Constant ha rassment. Indeed,

Page 9
the opposition was as na gCulated that impotent,
so totally it was almost
Trade unions in Malaysia enjoyed some autonomy and Were openly critical of government policies, in Singapore, the trade union movement is an appendage, of tha State.
In 1985, there was such more scope for peaceful association in Malaysia reflected in the variety of public interest societies, many of which espoused Cause:s that br[]Ught tham int[] Conflict With tha government. In Singapore, on the other hand, thero were hardly any autonomous public inte Test sociaties which dared to differ from the national leadership. It Was perhaps only in matters such as the persoa | right to civil marriage or the personal right to practise any religion that Sin
gapore in 1985 Malaysia.
If by the star Hula Freedom Wäs much freer then why is th higher ranking |s it betaւISE: long while no wocating positic and internatio ma make it a Clo United States?
וrם ,Malaysia
has āt tim BSG tr independent line affairs and has Unitard Stätig:S occasions sincé of the 1980s. ị5 MlālaW5ld Wựh UNDP's Huma r because it hå: Լյf the Wtյrld'; ration?
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Was "freer" than
1dards set by the
Index, Malaysia
than Singapore, ( latter given a han the fofer? Siпgapore for a "w" has been adIns in regional | politics which Se ally of the
the other hand, ied to pursue an 3 in inta TIlationa
even irritated tha Col a number of * the beginning
In other words, | Te it is in the 1 Freed0 TT deix earned the ire s most powerful
The biases and salts in the Index provoke us to ask whether it is worthwhile to Continue with the Human Freedom Index. It is pertinent to raise this question since the UNDP report itself recognises that measuring freedom is still at a wery preliminary stage. The report is aware of the i nada qua cies of the Index.
Instead of constructing an index, it may be more useful to draw up analytical profiles of human freedom in each country. These profiles should be prepared by individuals or groups with a profound knowledge of human freedom in their respective societies. Country profiles produced in this manner will provide US with deep insights into the relationship between human freedon and human development. Such insights will not emerge from an index on human freedom.
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Page 10
THE REGION
INDIA,
SOUTH ASA AND THE TH
The Cabots talk only
Ashok Mitra
mran Khan Was mot Of COLIris 6
indulging in some rhetoric. It was however pleasing rhetoric, Pakistan's, victory in the World Cup, he suggested, is as much India's and Sri Lanka's too; it tured the tables On thg formar imperialists and colonialists from whose the subjugated Asians had Once learnt the craft and grace of cricket.
Imran could in fact hawe gona a bit further. Pakistan's triumph, he could hawe mainta inad, has an even wider significance; it is an assertion of the Superiority of the Third World over haughty Westerners at least in one major area of Sporting activity.
Be united
Perhaps without his quite being aware of it, Imran has made an important point. Whether in sports or other spheres, the Third World nations, even in the present seemingly adverse circumstances, are in a position to create a solidarity front. If only they agree to act as cheerleaders for each other and stick together to meet the chal lenges of the times, the rest of tha World Would hawa to sit up and take notice. The Third World is not to be scoffed at: the scope as well as the scale of the success its constituents are capable of achieving are indeed mind-boggling.
In case thay hava some intramural problems, should they not, therefore, sort these out amongst themselves? A concordat stuck by them, based on Tutual trust and repect, is the best guarantee of protection for the Third World countries against depredations attempted by neo-colonialists strutting about as cocks of the road, now that the once great Soviet Union has disappeared from the global landscape.
8
In the light expressad by I Our Gowerment cebeding to Co issue of sign Non-Proliferati endorsing the form South Asi free zone is pi It is evident dignity to joir suggested by China and the go ower the || pвгceivв them. able to thrash o Pakistan.
Third World Words is not Of taa; the In underdaweloped should sit tog: their internal d and Onsense; ing to fall int Government, Lum reas Orla bl3. Ministe TSG Will T |Ճin tha pror meet, they will Pakistanis, but thari ke e1 r O derlying problar the United Stat
It is a 1 as tou טy prinנlitסf pס of a Governme. other day, ha of leading the the World on United Natio Wa do not tal Wa a TE HOW 3 W to the boss Should the la that signing en SLI real for u S than disadvan reconsider our
Let there E. standing. We most populou: are not going

HIRD WORLD
to God
of tha santiments TTa, the Taller S has been poroWith the twin ing the Nuclear in Treaty and proposal to transa into a nucleararticularly jarring. y bвпваІһ ошг the conference Pakistan, Russia,
United States, to problems as We Nor are we agraеLit discussions With
solidarity, in other ur partit:ular GLIpם
otion that poor.
COL IntrieS ika LS 3 ther to resolve iff iCLul ties i5 bosh
=םDt Ljח WB HTB o, that trap. Our OW) War, is not
Our Officers and ot Cordes Card to
osad five-nation | 10t talk to thië they are поте
di SCUSS thg Unns, bila terally, With as administration,
iding turn-around ipola on tha part It Which ti||tha | the pratensions 300 rar a ti 05G - Of ..he for urns of the ; and elsewhere. K to ti riff-Taff Br dying to talk a tio , the USA. tar COWica US til 3 NPT WU |
пmorв advantages aggs, WE WՃuld
de Cision. 9 - 10 milli Suldera Te the World's democracy, we to append our
signature to a piece of paper The faly becausa Russia, China and America, after soliciting tha Wit WS of both Pakista and us
and down a fatwa. But it is different if it is a question of discussing With the Americams
alone, we defer only to them, none else are deserving of that privilege.
C) Lur attitude is perhaps influe Cad by tina ambitio Turtu rad by mandarins in the South Block to supplant Pakistan as the greater favourite of World's most powerful nation, John Foster Dués tried in the 1950's Ed failad to Take Luis a Wassal State, He did not get a hearing in our country; in his perambulations across and around Ásia, he dared
lot touch our shores.
We are a different breed now; Our Government has acquired a brand ng w mind-Sgt. Wa object to talk to our neighbours of Our neighbourly problems; we object t0 ta || k to RuS5ia 3 mld Chi3 t00. We ha W9 graduated to tha pinna C3 of holity-toity be haviour, the Lodges used to talk only to the Cabots, and the Cabots talked only to God. Wa too are prepared to talk only to the al mig hy United Statea.
Dependent
A fe we not playing orsa lwgs into an impossible corner? We hawe so drastically overhau led OUT GCOnomic policies that Our dependence on the United States administration and the internatİ0 || fill Cid | instituti OS COtrolled by it is complet9, Tha Americansаге поw iп a positioп t:0 twist O Lur arms in Whatever Way they like; as am e Como = micallү dependent territory, ошг government has little choice but to give in to the United States or a II substantiwo Tatters. W faä-Wiss tha US administratīO, OUr

Page 11
current role is that of a supplicant; it will hardly be a one-to —one exchangé between a quals at the negotiating table.
The Odds against the bila terel talks with the Americans resulting in any positive gains to us are therefore great: we might ask for some assurances and guarantees, to which their response is likely to be vague and ambivalent. For the sake of politeness, they might grant us an audience, but on the central issues they are bound to be !!пyielding; the Iпdiап Governiment must sign the NPT; if it has some doubts on which it needs some clarifications, why, the appropriate forum for that is the proposed five-nation conference, India should rush to participate in it.
Ridiculous
Wil | not our position look a thousand times more ridiculous
if we consent to the provisions of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and also agree to attend the Conference originally proposed by Pakistan because the Americans ordered us to do so? Is not the line Tran Khan has Suggested, in the context of Cricket, more protective of our dignity and self-respect, quite apart from the grand prospect it offers of cementing Third World solidarity?
Had we joined the conference of our o Win Woli tio , We could have operated from a position of Some strength, We could have told the Pakistanis in the pola inest terms about our Suspicions and reservations Concerning their nuclear programmes. We Could hawe insistod on the acceptance of mutual rights of inspection of all sites and laboratories where, according to us experiments of a dubious nature were going on. We could also underline the need for foolproof іпternational guагапtees — morв desirably, Third World guaran. tees - so that no hitches arose after the Cowenant to convert South Asia into a nuclear-free zone had been formally signed.
Instead, were Conference Sub being pressuris cans to do so, be conciderably not just in th participants. La has full of mo then Cut no ic treated just as
mi || UTC la TOT be treated.
That We CO th G o Wert Liers other neighbou ourselves the op at the receiwin grateful apprec iwably on acco LI First, in bila With tha Amigri пment perhaps | COC LITT 9 TC9 tO of the Non-Pro סthe pr סand t lear-free zопе with some ass to Kashmir and
Once agaiп, would only be Tent in the In Till as long section of the mir Contin LB t im New Delhi, community, by nues to fe El a national mains suprama might WOLu |d be Of | Wersa the situat ports leak out xiety to retain
Wo border directly sought wention, or at assurance fror that Pakistan
Tited either to does in Punja T3SS Lup) SUfg9 reality would i ewe more ad
We Can als the other ingr an re|UCtance mamely, existe nuclear lobby of power. It of Swadeshї

we to join the Sequent to our ad by the Ameriour stature would ' diminished, and eүes of other guacious speесfa || fer Wour Would a; We Would be апү rшп-of-theis supposed to
пtinue to Spшгп of Pakistan and "s and thus den y portunity of being g end of their iations is сопсеnt of two reasons. teral di SCLISSiOS Carl S, o Lur GO'We TThopes to link our 5חםWisiסrם thB liferation Treaty posal fог а пuc
in South Asia шrances in regard | Punjab,
5uch a 5ta CEJ traү ошr впsпатеBD-Colonial trap, as overwhelming people in Kasho reject the rulers and the Sikh апd large, conti| | iala tad from tha tream, E3 wen tha of the Americals ittle awaii to reiðri. And O'Ce Te - that, in o Lur alControl in thes 9 States, We hawa American interleast sought an Til the Americams Would not be per... abiet the despera
b or assist the in Kashmir, the ir fact be reidered werse for India.
o hardly ignore Bedient in the Indi - to go non-nuclear, nce of a Strong
within the portals consists not just
Colonel Blimps,
défen C3 Contra CitorS, OWETSES armaments manufacturers and
exporters of fissionable materies, but al SO of tha Claque of ISO
ca ||gd atomic: Sciatists and technologists trying desperately to develop an indigenous missile delivery system.
It Would ba ora tri Luthful to describe many of the se in diwiduals 35. On Cee-Lupon-a-tim3 Scientists who hawe long cga sed to be so. They hawe transformed themselves into atomic-and-delVery-system politicians. Day in and day out, they attempt to frighten the daylights out of the Goveгппепt by paintiпg a pictшre of glo Comiest doom that awalits the nation in case the thousands and thousands of Crores of rupa es Currently spent On dölfar C3 TESEarch, defarica contracts and defence imports were curtailed.
Obsession
To the the arrow orbit over which they preside is what matters nothing else does, not the nation's overal economic capability, nor the hostility We hawe inwited for ourse wes from our South Asian neighbours by our boorish and irrational behaviours on the issue of declaring South Asia a nuclear-free Zone.
Few amongst them appreciata- or are willing to appreciate - the simple fact that their Obsession to have priority for a selfreliant defence network only ensures the country's moving further and further away from economic and political self-reliance. Nor are they able to comprehend the point of view that, were We to succeed in hasten ing the pace of economic and political self-reliaCe Self-reliance in defence would епагge as a пatшгаІ byproduct,

Page 12
Looking beyond war
There is only one Way India and Pakista
ther mutua distrust
tIDITS,
of each other's r They should open their nuclear fac
other’s inspection, says ARWIND KALA.
he recent escala ting tension
bet Ween India and Pakistan reminds me of a comment about patriotism that Bertrand Russel made 60 years ago. Russe II Wrota that patriotism distorts our perception of reality. 'The ar med forces of one's own na - tion exist - so each nation asserts - to prevent aggression by other nations," he said. 'But the armed forces of other nations exist to promote aggression. If you say anything against the armed forces of your own country, you are a traitor, wishing to see your fatherland ground under the heel Of a brutal Conqueror. If, on the other hand, you defend a potential enemy State for thinking armed forces necessary to its safety, you malign your own country."
Russel's words Coma to mind when Wo see India's resentment at tha Pakista ni Foreign Minister declaring in Washington that his Country has the capability of making a bomb. We think if Pakistan dogs, India is the only country it may use the bomb against. But lot us ook at the is Sua from Pakistas
wiew. India exploded a nuclear device as far back as 1974, and a S all internatio äl riu Clear
experts agree, We can make a bomb too. So Pakistan is frightened of India's nuclear capability too, India has always proclaimed that is nuclear research is for peaceful purposes. That is exactly what Pakistan says about its own nuclear programThe. The trouble is that neither country believes the other.
There is only one way India and Pakistan can resolve their mutual distrust of each other's nuclear ambitions. They should open their nuclear facilities to each other's inspection. If they
10
саппоt a9гее о they Carn requg body like the Paki Stäm hä5 several times b responded. Th Cold War is st European nation of the erst Whi| cutting down wваропs. The Pakistan can Steps to Owasco of the other's in
Let us not tWO Tations fall putes in the Indus Water Tre It was signed Nehru and Ayut tember 1960, T dispute was on complicated rive in the World. years of negotia Pakistan did s that both have
Our dispute o Kutch Was Tea Sol māli aritāti 01 Geneva. This Both India and tad their claim S missiCo a Wardë miles, or 10 p. Rann of Kutch Both governmar in advance that it decision would
There is a this. If dia
lave reso WEd C past, why Carn in the present
Un fortunately, recent history w foreign offices C trias, During Second term as Zia-ul-Haq had War pact, but

7 Gdr reSO/We Lucer bIli ties to cachi
ril the moda li ties. st an impartial J. N. to do this. suggested this Lit India Flag Ildt e End of the Being the U.S. S, and countries le Soviet Union tiחs aכן סנITr לחם ledŠt India a Ild do is to take TE} their distrust IClear intantis.
forget that olur Wg resolved dislast. Take the aty, for example. by Jawa har la
Khan in Sepha lindus water of the most Ir Watar dispo Li tess Yet after eight tions. India and igп ап accord
stuck to.
WST - tha Rarl of Ved by a threeGCIT1 fThĩ85ỉCF1 fr] ppe 1 ed in 1968. Pakista m ' s LI borini tand the corn. tl 300 stզuara
Cat if it to Pakistan. is had agreed he Cissio's
be binding.
|gar les som in and Pakistan
S[]UlES in thể: it they do so
ld future?
th 9 burde of eighs down the
the two coun1dira Gandhi's Prime Minister Iggested a пoshe turned it
THE REGIO
down. The reason was that as far back as 1968, she had suggested a no War pact to Pakistan, but Ayub Khan had turned it down.
A no-war pact would be forward step, however, because it would signal that the two countries reject force as a way to solve their disputes. The signa I would filter down to both Indian and Pakistan troops on the border and calm itchy fingers resting on triggers.
Let us take a macro-view of tha dispute over Kashmir. Reduced to essentials, it is a There boundary dispute, and torritorial disputes are common all over the world. China has a border disputa with the Soviet Union. Japan claims that the Soviet Union occupied four of its islands in the last days of the Second World War. In Af. rica, there are boundary disputes batween Ethiopia and SomaIlia, Somalia and Kenya, Morocco and Algeria, Ghana and Togoland, Sudan and Egypt.
There are boundary disputes between Argentina and Uruguay in Latin America and between Guyana and Venezuela. There is a boundary dispute between us and China. If countries go to War over avery boundary dispute, the world would go up in flam B5. That is why it is imperative that India and Pakistan sign a no-war pact.
Let us not forgot that both India and Pakistān accept tha status quo on Kashmir. Wa claim that Pakistan is illaga|| y occupying 30,200 square kilomätres of our territory — Azad Kashmir, that is. Similarly, Pakistan says our occupation of our part of Kashmir is illegal. But this is only for tha record. ACtuj al !!y, both sidas accept the status quo, and the status quo
suits us more. Because India has three-fourths of Kashmir, and Pakistan has опе-foшrth,
And it is our part of Kashmir which is a scenic paradise,
(சோர்ாசரி மாதரச் 2)

Page 13
Indian self-reliance buckles under U.S.
MohaTec Ha55 an
fter a brief flirtation with the
Nehru government in the 1960s there has been a silent Stand-off between India and the United States. Gradually, the Soviet Union became the principal supplier of arTS to dia. It also beca The O 9 of India's most important trading partners via the oil shipments paid for by a rupee escroW account used to purchase Indian goods for вxport to the Soviet Uпіоп.
The US always showed displeasure at this situation. Ma 5 siwe loans from the IDA (the soft loan affiliate of the World Bank) were substantially reduced and India Was Tada to borro 'W' or tha ilitar national market al commercial rates of interest. The Greg Rewolution' which was funded primarily by IDA funding had now to be sustained by expensive borroWing, as mounting fertiliser, seed and pesticide import costs were incurred to maintain yields.
In additio 1, lIndia"S b] LI rge O ning nuclear programme also came Under US Criticism. This fUrter reduced the Country's access to aid and other concessionary flows from the US. The financial tiebomb thus sa t ticking Was bound to explode sooner or later.
As long as India continued to protect its internal market and control its foreign exchange borrowings, the situation was Tanageable. But with the advant of Rajiv Gandhi's "liberalisation" Teas Urgs, tha flood of imported consumer goods into the market swamped the economy. The foreign debt burder multiplied Tanyfold. The political paralysis which followed Rajiv's da feat at the elections by W P Singh's
LLLLLLLLLS LLTLLLLLLL MH SSLLLLLCCLCLL and joinarrialisir based in Lorrador.
SS
India
Way pions proce репdє been
Janta Dal-led CC pounded by Chal duck govern mer we the Hind Bharatiya Janta ught down the
AS a result, election which Im Lrder of Rajiv try was effec |Indeed during time as prime M had already b shape of thing Iraqi invasion o statised the fla' ra lationship Wit|| An increasingl. UiO WES LIT the rupee/oil Lataly, the Sowit ping Iraqi oil to for massiwe SOV, to Iraq. Indeed, Iraqi oil ships arrangement CO
O
Theternati (IMF) W World already started trips to New DE in a departure allowed US E raf U all ir I ridia Persia 1 GL|f. W as leader of C upon this as : subsequent aw: that the deal already strucl was merely ор

s near bankruptcy has opened the for the New World Order cham
to move in for the
Iki II. In the
iss the country's whole post-indeance global stance and vision has
subverted.
|alitio Was Comdrash Bakar's la TT3 It Which follo Wed Lu funda Tentalist party (BJP) broCoalition.
In tha gwe of thig saw the tragic Gandhi, the countively bankrupt, Chandrashekar's l'inister, the Scene een Set for the gs to Come The f Kuwait had cry. W in India's shaky 1 the Soviet Union, hard up Soviet lable to support xchange scheme. It Union was shipIndia as payment iet arms supplies With the at is ments, this cos y uld not work any
ha | Monetary Fund Bank boys had to make frequent |hii. Chandrasekar, from precedent, -52 bombers to Brl OLIt 8 to L8 hile Rajiv Gandhi Ingress(I), seized publicity issue, its Were to show With the US was Chandrashekar ning the bidding.
Earlier, Rajiv Gandhi had already upgraded relations with Israel, and the Israeli Consulate in Bombay was functioning more or less like an Embas Sy.
After the elections, the Congress (; government of P V Narashima Rao moved with lightning speed to fail into the lap of the IMF/World Bank duo, agreeing to a humilia ting set of Conditions to keep the economy afloat and Service the USS50 billion foreign debt. Further, "liberalisation" of the economy on the pattern of Rajiv Gandhi was set to increase the need for foreign currency borrowing even further. Manmohan Singh, India's Finance Minister, became the ideal partner for the IMF and the World Bank, to deal with.
The economic price to pay for this salvage operation will be - Come evident in years to come, but the political price is already becoming gilar ingly obvious. India's stance as a champion of the Third World in the on-going Uruguary Round of tra de in B gotiations has become much Thore feeble. India's formidable expertise iп сопmplex General Agreеment on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations has been horned in and fundamental objections to multinational hegemony of global resources, watered down. As a result the USTR (United States Trade Representative) has shelved proposals to Instit
11

Page 14
le retaliatory measures against Indian imports into the US inder the latter's notorious Super 30
CELISB,
The next target was India's foreign policy. Hints were dropped by the US that the Country should normalise relations with Israel. As a start, president Bush "persuaded' Prime Minister Rao to wote for the UN resolution setting asida the earlier UN resolution equating zionism with racism. Then, India was "prevailed" Upon to esta təlish diplom
Btic links with Israel. This was mere window dressing, Several months prior to that Israeli El Girl tS բosing S tourists had been captured by Kashmiri freedom fighters. The "rewards' were tangible.
The US stopped calling for India to respect UN resolutions on Kashmir. The US and UK began to make excuses for the brutal behaviour of Indian forces in Kashmir.
As the Guardian reported on 5 January 1992 after a visi by the British Home Secretary, "Most of the Delhi rl BWSpapers have approvingly quoted 'M' Baker's condemnation of terrorism, and his apparant endorsement of Indian police and army tactics in the bloodsoaked states of Pun jab and Kashmir, where at least 6,000 people were killed last year alone by separatist extremists and the security forces.
"In fact, according to the best available official sources, not a single member of any branch of Security forces has been punished for any offence Comitted in the ugly anti-terrorist campaigns in Punjab or Kashmir, A handful of soldiers and police have been Suspended or transferred, but in numerable official inquiries have never resulted in any court action.
While pressure began to mount on Pakistan over its nuclear plans resulting a cut-off of US aid, the Indian programme was mora or less exonerated. After a January 1992 visit by Senator Larry Pressler, who is the author of the amendment barring US aid
12 །
O PakiSta EE of a nuclear we 0 India ha sai think that th ПШclear wваро
This at the Norwegians hav clusive evidenc the recipient d tOn ne Shipmen [O II Romania i Water, or de used to produce in turn is use POS and a to
For officia | U Ever, India nov Weaբons progr:
India, on its Ost interest in movement, and With the US demand to ex Libyans al laged Out the Locker|
The sudden co Union and India tion has enable to be presented Country's long This has also serious criticism try, The only pi from the larga and this prima blishment of dip with Israel.
The US, havin desperate Cong Thert, has a new ageпdа. While t M Manohar Jos his Akta Yatra acroSS the co, attan tiom from H lity to deal with Mosque/Mandiri BJP parliamental Was IDuring the
As India Today Advani's) 10 day Could hawe bee any blue chip M yist. For there high flying doy: right wing, ho State Departmer Assistant Secrete Schaffer, palaver members of the

CaUSB of evidenca "Bропs programпе, d that he did not 3 Country had a 15 programma!
time when the "e obtained con. d that India was f a diverted 12.5. I of heavy water In 1985. Heavy terium oxide, is a plutonium which і іп пшclear weа
bombs.
Spurposes, howW has no nuclear 1+tוחות:
part, has now the non-aligned StāT ESCd to Wot issues lika the tradite the two to ha we carrigd ple bombing.
BP55 of the Sowjet 's exposed posild these U-turns as wital to the term interests. elped deflect any
inside the coun. CESI haS COTE
Muslim minority Irily on re-esta. lomatic relations
g: C0Wedi do. Wrth i ! ΓθSS (Ι) gανεris more silister he BJP President his was leading (Unity March)
try O div is party's inabi1 the Ayodhaya SSU 9, the Serior rian, L K Advani,
U.S.
reported, (LK
American yara the envy of Washington lobb
he was, this arl of the Indian bnobbing with it officials like hry of State T ing With board
pOWerful Con
servative Heritagg Foundation, rubbing shoulders with top load ers of the American Jewish com. Այunity, attending banquats in Chicago, Boston Rouge, and Los Angeles, and holding forth on the party's ideology at a packed meeting at the Washington FrëSS Club.
"DLI ring his American peregriпаtions, Adwani played down the Ayodhya issue while a Lul0gisir g secularism in which all religions would flourish. But here was the bite that left tha BJP's indalible teethmark on the American: it was Adwani's TGSSage-mostly directly delivered-that his party, which has now emerged as a formidable force in India, is ong with which the United States can do business. It has a history of anti-communism, being soft on Israel, worshipping private enterPrise, opposing Nehruvian soci. alism and staunchly resisting fundamentalist Islamic groupings. This was a welcome diversion to American ears in ured to being lectured by wis iting Indian statasmen on the moral superiority of socialist Third Worldism, and especially during a time when images of a new Islamic bloc. armad with a nuke, ara exercising the minds of policy planners in Washington."
Developments in India itself lead to an even more Worrying scenario for Muslims. There is talk of a Congress(I)WBJP alliance to preserve the upper caste Hindu hegemony of the country's power structure. Indeed, the RSS - a key mass movement instrumental in mobilising the Hindu vote for the BJP - has already begun to gravitate away from the BJP and towards Congress (). If this happens, India's minorities would ba effectively disen franchisad.
A heavily indebted Hindu fundamentalist India in tow of tha US could wraak ha woc on the region in the New World Order. The fact that the Indian polity would also suffer a mortal blow in the process needs to be gra8= pod rapidly by Indians if catastrophe is to be avoided.
- Third Porld Nelark Feature

Page 15
L. G. CAMPAIGN FOR A FREER PRES
Freedom and responsib The future of press regulation
Louis Blom-Cooper
le retuIIII e.nd the esta- for a statLItory blishmепt of a пеvv апd Press Freedom independent agency to ap- bility and a praise and report annually cognised tort upon the performance of the privacy. press... such a body (should) be independent of govern. Press Counci ment and of the press."
On 21 July Hutchins Commission Frgedom Council of th øf the Press (US, 7947) simply, the P
met for the first sponsored by industry. Its p 'safeguard the press; tio en COLI of the sense ponsibility and amongst all e profession...; ar efficiancy of th tha Wal-baling practise it." The was not mandate way answarable
elt, a cd To written guar
Britain has a long tradition of press freedom, accompanied by an equally long-standing unwillingness to protect this freedo il the foi Till of a CI1stitutionally guaranteed right. Within the past se wara I yaars the problems associated with the rather ebulous right in relations to limitations of the freadom, and with its Continu - ing witality, hawe boen highlighted. With the decline, discrediting and then disbandment of the ProSS Council, follo Wad immad lately by the inauguration of the Press Complaints Co- Rooh GRC пmissioп a үвar ago, опв свпtга! ad tāk t9 question is posed; what does a dLIS t r y. foLur ye a responsible soclety, Which pro- E TE COTTI claims freedom of expression, Royal Commissi as 'endorsed by Article 10 of (Ross Commiss the European Convention on thar it WaS irn Human Rights, dBsire by Way of legislation.) of a press control mechenism? Waluable le SsOns may ba dari wad The Consel Su from a consideration of the formation of th long history of the British Press recognised that Council and the very Brief neithar ba sub record of the Press Complaints control nor left Commisslon. The lessons, in free-market forc turn, inform my dual proposals spread endorsen - Co. Until isitlicÉ LLL LLLL L LLLLLGLLCCCSLCLCCS C S STTTCCMGS S LL LS LLamLLL S a Counse since 7970, has had a priate balance. long association with the media. of safeguarding He was the Megē/ Correspo 7 den press and of IE In The Guardian and The plaints raised : Observer from 1958-1964, and were long wiew uL uL SS LCLaCCCC SS C SS S LCCCTTTCLLLS S CCGGTCCC SS S aLLLLLS CC CL on legal affairs in The Financial became a sepa Times since 7962. In 1989 he object of the
LCLLLCCLHC LGLLCLLHCCC a S SLT S L LCCL0L S aLLLLLLLaaaH Council in the last two years of only as a corc Л5 exѓ5Галce. TET.

in Brittang
CoTi Tission on and Responsilegislatively reof in Wasion of
| 953 to Gg Gall a Press - later. ress Counciltime in Londo, the newspaper LI "DOSE WES O fra Bdorn of the rage the growth, of Dublic res| public service ոgagad in tha d to further the e profession and of tOSE WHO Press Cao Luci -d Eby, mor in any t), 1 h 3 gÖWETTuntry that had "a tag of press tiWBכוחa DTE-B i C: meä Sura. (It newspaper inrs to respond to dat iOnS of the on of tha Press іоп) апd even uced by threats
S that Igd : tÓ Ehig 9 press CounCil the press should jected to state to unregulated es. Early widement of th O PTeSS ited confidance uck the approIts twin functions freedom of the addressing Comagainst the press Ved as Corsom å "t; tter role, Which rate and distinct
Pr955 Counci 1963, was viewed lary of the for
While the und arlying purposé of the Press Council - preserwatio of the press freedom - remained constant over the years, the focus of its attention, and its primary work-load, shifted in the 19705 to the complaints adjudication process. And, as its work-load, emphasis and scopa changed, so did its public profile and the public perception of it. Both tha public and the press became increasingly dis: Catad With the CD Lucil. the formar wlewing it as ineffective, dilatory and subject to institutional largesse, the later treating it with growing distes
pect for its supposedly illinformedi judgements and its general - חם ementsם חuסוfטrק
is suas of journalistic Ethics.
When, 37 years after its inCaption, the Calcult Committati on Privacy and Related Matters (see /пdex 7/1990 р 2) recomrended the disbandent of the Press Council, faw cըuld havB boea en taken Compo la tay by SU riprise, Its continuation da pended on its responsibility, and that became increasingly doubtful throughout the 1980s. What did surprise some, however, was the Calcutt Committee's discomfort with the long-standing combin
ation of functions carried out by Council safeguarding press freador, while a ISO Operating
as a com pola ints body. Where åIS previous Royal Commissions оп the Press had implied that they found these to be complementary functions, the Calcutt Committea disagreed, observing what
it Characta Tised a an inhgrgn Conflict Eat Weel its roles as a defender of, and lobbyist for,
press freedom and as an im partial adjudicator in disputes."
The Press Council's focus on its com pola its function during the "70s and early "80s, accoппpanied by its comparative inability to function pro-actively
13

Page 16
in relation to questionable press practices, accentuated by greater commercial competitivaness in the newspaper industry, and exacerbated by the degeneration
in the respect which its adjudications commanded, had offended both the press and the public. The public Con
sidered the Press Council to be a partisan creature of the new Spaper industry, largely incapable of rendering an objective opinion - and issuing оріпіоп5 without authority when fit did.
O 1 the other hand, the newspapers were faced with a gro Wing Lun Systematised and undigested body of precedent or various issues, as more and more adjudications were mada by the Council. Only in early 1990 did the Council filally bow to its critics' repeated calls for a code of practice, perhaps finally admitting that discerning principles from the adjudications
was often a matter of guessWork, Sirice its Cursor y pronouncemen ts frequently lent tEmseygs to no E. Han Gr B interpretation, Many editors pushed their Lick on various
ethical issues when the principle
was ambiguous or arguable. The press had come to count on the exclusively re-active role
of the Press Couci in SSponding to complaints, while ignoring its pro-active role of
Initiation of more general investigations, and its role as guardian of press freedom. Occasionally disregarding their obligation to publish critical adjudications involving them and,
when publishing these, often obscuring them in Some littleread corner of the publication,
many editors circumvented the effectiveness of the Council's Only Sanction: public CenSU re.
CW er the years, thi a Pre SS Council had som tim ES | b) BET responsive to suggestions made by the Warious Royal Commissions on the Press: providing for an independent chair-person and public members in 1963, sensitising itself to privacy issues in 1976; and issuing declarations of principle on such matters as che que-book journa
14
ism and the dut journalists. Ho W of long-standin cluding the 197
Tission's desir Council should of practice - ref addressed Lord M man of the 197 Tission ård 10" the Press Corp itյ ri) said in a debate in July Tost of its 30 Councill's respons more than a tC , self-righteousnes
Il the la ter 1 Counci || 5E ETMEL EDECOTE TO TE
|goverппnent and The iconig
dia tally initiated fEWiew the L15 B the Press COL irl Dgt;ցmber 1 է tempted to refo arid rega il CTE. ing special ir media handling — the Strang', of April 1990 Pristin Gata, I Stadium traged) Lockerbie di T publication of . of the Claphart also began to
gd and for th
1989, reas one gd it straal lif ed its procedu
with inaccuracy 13 Marc || 19 COLICil BVBil of practice, in would keep it Constant Evie W. amending it frt
However, Whe Commission iss June 1990, it refrain, 'too lit fresh start - a - was called
TE CICLUtt
the Pross C{}| specific Counts that the Coll Intil Häd *lot takan to promote its encouraged u conciliation :

lies of financial BW Er. a numbër g issues - in-וחסyal CסR ?
that the Press
frame a Gode mained long un1cGregor (chair7 Royal ComW chairman of laints Commis SHouse of Lords 1983 that during years the Press ie has "Contaimed Ich of petulanc B, is and arrogance".
980s the Press , belatedly, to rės porsiw 9 to public criticisms, cha irrman immea Committee to and function of cil; it reported 989. It also atrm its procedures dibility by inițiatWestigations on of WarioLIS issu 35 ways Prison Riot , Press at the the Hillsborough of 1989, the disaster, and y not 05, of Wictims, | rai || Crass. It iSSLIE IT ore detaila first tima in d adjudications, Ved and expeditres for dealing complaints. On 90, the Press dopted a code dicating that it la Cod Linder with an eye to Im tillg to tirllg, the CH | Citt Lued its report in muttered the old tle, too late." A last opportunity for.
Report blasted sicil on several Calcutt opined - was litt la known,
sufficient steps if and had not lisation of its nd adjudication
procedures by aggrieved parties. Further, when complaints were accepted, and the prolonged and tedious process of adjudication was begun, complainants were often put off by cumbersome and dilatory procedures, sometimes dropping their complaints before a decision was reach cd. Tha Calcutt Committleg also criticised the absence of firm principles to be used in deciding cases, reiterating previous calls for a coherent body of case-law. More specifically, Calcutt noted the lack of a separate invasión of privacy category into which appropriate complaints might fall, and under which principles they could be analysed, Calcutt concurred with the third Royal Commission on the Press, which in 1977 had suggested that the Council reconsider its practice of demanding in Writing a complain
ant's waiver to legal action before it would pursue a complaint. The industry had
obstinately resisted any attempt to do a Way with tha Waiver although it relented when the Pre SS COI pola ints Commissio Care on the scene. The Press Council's review had recommelded the retention of the waiver, against three dissidents (including the chairman). The issue of principle, but of little ргасtical significance, made newspaper proprietors (and some aditors) more tha a little irritated with the chairman and his two lay member Colleagues
Finally, the Calcutt Report focused on the deficiency of effective sanctions available to the Council, characterising its powers as only those to "encourage, exhort of censure." At the same time, Calcutt paradoxically applauded much of the movement for reform, in parti
cular is regarded as innovative and imaginative tha idea of a help-line to head off invasions
of privacy, an idea that finds T10 EChữ im tha Work Cf tha Press Complaints Commission.
What the Calcutt Cormitted saw as lacking in the Press Council, it sought to incorporate in the specifications for the

Page 17
replacement body it proposad:
the Press Complaints Commission. That organisation has now been
operating for a full year. It has seen sufficient activity, and generated an ada quate in Lumbar
of adjudications, so that patterns, practices and principles are discernible, and one may fairly draw certain conclusions about both its efficiency and its competence, even if it is too early yet to judge its efficacy and impact on the standards of journalist and the behaviour of Пewspapers.
Press Complaints Commission
Within that publication of
Toths of tha Calcutt Raport, the newspaper industry, in a self-protective mood and by commendable swift action, not unlike that which had has tenod the establishment of the Pross Council almost 40 years earlier, decided to found a Press Conplaints Commission from the beginning of 1991. To finance tha Cormission, a Prass Stadards Board of Finance was put in place to raise the appropriate lewy upon na wspapers and periodicals. Further, a committee I of editors produced a code of practice which the Commission was charged to interpret, apply and uphold, adding cryptically the requirement of compliance with the 'spirit" as well as the letter of the code - a piece of grim gibbar nonsense, to use Jeremy Bentham's fa Wourita, phrase for describing learned gibberish, The editors watered down the code proposed by the Calcutt Committee, rendering to its articles a high degree of Editorial discration, The Commission's composition did not follOW Calcutt’s ra Commenciation as to the method of appointment, although in principie it did include independent lay people who could not plausibly be accused of deference to the Press. alongside a majority of prestigious national, regional and periodical editors. It took over the staff of the Press Council. despite Calcutt's broad hint that there should be a clean sweep
of tha Co Lunc Ken Morgan Cof as director, at 1 חם um Gadםח
that the Was Stad T post will not be mai 15 S a Con
| id-1992 Ionths from no Or failure of th plaints Commiss reviewed by the Commission to hawe Thade gress to Ward regulation of th threat of Statut will loom large thlg TlOf E2 SO Labou r g OW3r1 T next election.
The criteria Lisad to e Walli efficacy are un Will dist C assessments of ception of the promptness wit plaints a ra ha judications issue pect which has to those adjudic
papers and p should also inc to which the
consistant l'y int dustry's OWm C and further cla principles to W journalists shou
The futura of plaints Commis look particularly וBaוח סח is by though the CO to be handling lumber of C promptly, what in speed it h; in thoroughnes and considerati opinions, short legal analysis desired in th critical need t regarding preci are, and wh: not, journalisti
Looking at plaints proce detail, one re
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

i“5 diräftsrätü. 1 tinued to sgriwa հOLIgh ha an
Jan Lary 1992 lding down. His fi || 3rd; ha rgSLI til t.
- just a few W - the SLCCSS e Press Com
ion is due to be government. If is de grt 18d 1Ot
sufficient proEffactiwa 534f3 industry, this
ory interwention on the horizon, if tFiera i 3 a at for til
Which Will be
Hte the PCC's : lear, but they ertainy include
the public per
Commission, tho - וחסם וך הזך ורו ה | 3r i äldId, and tha rigs
E COTE ationS by new Sa riodicals. They the extent Cottission has erpreted the inode of practice *ified tha Ghica | Hich Editors and
Id adhara.
the Prass Co. SiOI) do 3 S not promising and is assured. Al
appBars וrסissוחוך the significant or plaints fairly it has gained S. arguably lost s of investigation ofi. Its Cursory on factual and EdWE TLIG to Hes * light of tha educate editors ely What practices t practices are cally acceptable,
the PCC's codure in mOrg dily observes a
sharp contrast between it and the multi-part, fact-finding process of the old Press Council. The PCC complaints officer compiles a relatively brief dossier on any given case. That dossier apparently includes as a matter of course summaries of the com plaint, the press responsa to the Complaint, Statements of appropriate Witnesses, the complainant's and tha na Wspapar's I as pմո538 to Each tith tյr's staէgments, copies of the offending article and finally the compola its officer's recommanded adjudication. Summaries of statemants dra giveri, rathar than complete texts of complaints and responses. The lack of attention to details and com
prehensive assessment of the complaints and responses Conribo Litas - to the lika i ho od that
a mistake will ba made in deciding an individua casa. Morg tro Lubo ESO TÈ Still ar a tha actual
Dublished adjudications. Short on facts, rules and analysis applying the latter to the
formar, these frequently Cryptic prono un cements fa il to inform either the press or the public. The adjudication, like those of Press Council, are intelligible enough to Complainant and respondent newspaper, but for any Outsider the pithy few paragraphs, un relatad to earlier decisions, reveal no discernible development of a case law for journalism.
It is ironic that Lord McGregor, chairman of the 1977 Royal Commission, has said that its function 'naads to be about persuasion, bacausa the press releases of adjudications seldom Ser V8 to persuada either tha press of the public that a sound decision has been reached on consideration of the Complaint at issue. Lord McGregor has also commented that he "wants(s) no argumants about adjudication 5 im public", but that FB i 5 quite prepared to discuss them in private. During the yaar ha appars to hawa ra treated 50 gwhat from his privata stance.) His cominents were most likely motivated by a desire to avoid the intensa media Criticism that,
15

Page 18
doubtless, contributed to the Press Council's eventual fall from grace. The downside to such tight-lipped handling of complaints and their censored and cursory adjudication is lack of public enlighten ment regarding the finer points related to Various free speech and press issues; and perhaps more important as a practical matter now - while the press is under close scrutiny and great pressure to achieve effective self-regulation — the public may remain un convinced of the Soundness of the PCC's decisions, and conclude that its process and jurisprudence are as flawed as they came to consider the Press Council's to be scrutiny of the initial year of operation of the Press Complaints Commission seems to provide little encouragement that progress has been made or that many of the problems associated with the old Press Council has been alleviated. Specifically, the Press Complaints Commission looks, and acts like the newspaper industry's protector that may occasionally bark at its creator's misdemeanors, and one Tay fairly conclude that we are back to square one, with our initial query: what is that optimum press control mechanism organisation for a society such
as Britain's which has long walued and protected press freedom and which remains
committed to the principles set forth in Article 10?
The diminished reputation suffered by the Press Council in the later '70s and most of
the '80s resulted not only in the eventua formation of the Calcutt Commission, but also in parliamentary activity
which stood to curtail the rights of the British press. In the 1989-90 session alona, tWo private members' bills seeking to address the most contentious issues - protection of privacy and right of reply - made it to report stage in the House Cf Commons" committees. No previous bill - of which there had been many since 1965 - had got as far as a second reading. This legislative activity high
16
lighted two med had provoked the com Carn and dis behaviour.
Inaccuracy/rig
The issue of was brought ! attention by a bi || II i trodu Cad ington MP. Tէ provision was t right of reply factual illa CCLII appear in the edition of the cal, with simil: the offering arti
THEI debat B h bү tha vагіошs the term. In Si has been Sugge of reply should Counter biased reporting so th; BV en grQUPS, W criticised, shoul set out their pl Tora limited a pretation restric the correction racies, which i provided.
Yat a Wen her blems i defini tain facts Tlay either true Or in a пвwspapeІ so stark. Fact analysis or Cor be true in the ser tard im a m the complaint to the facts in tũ thCGG Whi CritEd. The argument DVET inaccuracy mus justify a right There would b in providing a d for Corrections takes When th the thrust of . тврот15.
| additio t problems, there of principle a any right of TE| ment upon thE any matter at апоthвг partү

lia issue9S Which greatest public fress ower media
ht of reply
right of reply to the public's riwa te member's by Tony Worth1e bill's main hat a Stat LutOT W to damaging ra Cie:S should next possible baper or periodiI r prominence to Cle.
as been confused interpretations of omne quarters it sted that a right
be available to
or un ba la CGd Et indiwiduals, Or hose actions are d be entitled to Dit of Wig W. A ld Sensible interts the right to of factual inaccu5 Wat the bi
e there are protion. While Cerbe demonstrably false, the choice report is seldom
Thay mB'Igg into nment; facts may mselves, but presleading wäy, or
пmaү relate поt the story but Chi have been
e is also room for OW serious an t be in order to of CorrectiՃn, e little purpose a tailed machinery of triwia | miSse - did not a ltGr therwise accurate
յ the definitional
is an argument gainst providing ily. Any require
press to publish the instance of estricts its free
dom and Open the door to ab Use. A statu tory right of reply could be invoked to compel an editor to publish material that he did not believe to be true, or even knew to be false, and the impression might be given that the editor accepted that the original story had been incorrect. This could lead to readers being mislead into believing that the complainant had been given a clean bill of health though the editor Considered this LInjustified By Contrast, in defamation actions, even if a Case againstale WSpaper is proved, the court canmot force an editor to acknoWledge his error in print.
For these reasons, 1977 Royal Commission on the Press recommended against creating a mechanism for ensuring a right of reply. Its stated grounds were that "the press should not be subjected to a special regime of law, and that it should "neither have special privileges nor labour under special disadvantages Compared with the ordinary citizen," Newartheless, it emphasised that newspapers should voluntarily provide space to those whom they had criticised inaccurately, and recommelded that the Press Council should actively involve itself in obtaining publication as soon as possible. The reply should take the form of counter-statements on bahalf of those Who had been criticised unfairly on inaccurate information, using equal pгопminence and sрасв, and limiting an editors' right of refusal to legal grounds such as contempt of court or de
famation.
The process of adjudication under the Press Council was
however, far too dilatory. Issues were often dead by the time they were resolved, and its fast-track" procedure, introduced in the early 1980s, was too little relied upon.
(Сол тілшғd ол рағғ 18)

Page 19
TA MIL MILITARISMI (2)
Tamil Military Castes
D. P. SiWara TIT
us towards the atter part
of the 19th century, thara were large, disgruntled groups with a military past in the Benga, Bombay and Madras Presidancies. They felt that the Wast field of opportunities opened by the expanding Indian army Was being unfairly de nied to them. This grievance was further exacerbated by views of the British military leadership Which rele - gated thern to a non-martial status as races that were not fit to bear arms; in whom fighting qualities had declined.
The reaction of these groups was marked by a compulsion
to emphasise the martial credentials of their cultures. OppoSiti OT to British TUI IO which
emerged among classes affected by the shift in recruitment towards the "martial races of North
WEStGr II dia took shapa ito an ideology that asserted a national spirit which exalted
military virtues and ideals as the cure for the ail5 = of ln diam Socisty under the British yoke. Bal Gangadhar Tilak who emerged as a sookesla for the disfranchised military groups became the ideologue of this nationalist India Tilitarism. Stephen Cohen has attempted to define Indian militarism in terms of Indian attitudes towards the BritishIndian military structure and recruit Tert.
" "There arg two funda Teta|| y different sets of Indian attitudes towards the British-lndian military structure, both of which may legitimately be labelled Indian militaris II: Todern militärism and traditional militarism. Modern militarism. . . . Émerged in Bengal and western India and spread to other regions. Modern militaris stressed the Walue of the military as a national universal solwent; as an expression of the national Will and demandad equalitarian recruitment. ''Tradi
tiOla | ThilitarisiT regional traditio cruiting practică WE WS; C:o 7 fir 7fed and casses W. L3e J f arri 73 75 алd гighг алс distrifuted throu
At the t LITT thera Were LWO Tamil region W dedly militarist out look.
(a) tha adherE Indian mili гот85 - ап .Brs|לוח
(b) the disfranc military CaS
The dispersio dia militārism" that the revival age" and its W ald wä|LIES Wä! national emanci the heroic past ture of the di tional Tari | mi a nationalist : CO gence. Mod taris - thĒ that military ideals "rooted til traditions' national resurgt pation - was specific conjunc of TiTi| reliai by Pandithurai T belonging to th of the dominal military caste -
TaTi | militari effect of inter ald traditional former as natio ideology, the culture,
Triti T T the Tami || regi ir ridia WIS CI of Castes which use of arms a and right", Tl

r
" resulted from ns and the reis of the British. 'O, ffy 0.5ed Cad.5ft35 exercised the
affer of Elfriff W Mwa 5 u r7g werr/y gyfhau'r India . . ."14
of the Century groups in the hich had a deci
and anti-British
ITS Of Old TI tari Sim -- tha tēTd their sympat
ised LES,
traditional
of Thode rri Ir3 b H5iԵ tEmBէ - of dia's "heroic rarlike traditions s nвсвssaгy for lation - in wested and martial Gulsfranchized tradili tary Caste S With
significance and grri Tamil milipolitical idea wirtLIEs and in Tami | mar
is essential for 3T1CE and BThan Cilunciated at this turgi tha ShO) SSance established пеуат — а повle e Sethupathy clan t traditional Tamil - the Mara war.
5m than, is tha related moder components: the ldlist [ElaissassicÉi ätter a5 - C3St.
a Thil militarism in un as, el Sewhere onfined to a group Considered "the s Thatter af birth те пагачат мете,
according to the Madras Presi dency census report for 1891 "a fierce and turbulent race famous for their military pro Wess""" and were "chiefly found in Madura and Tin nevely where they occupy the tracts bordering in the coast from Cape Como
in to the northern limits of the Ramnad Zemindari." The Dutch found them to be the
traditional soldier caste of Jaffna and availed themselves of their caste services as such' (one of the earliest instances of a colonial power making use Cf a specific military casts in South Asia.)
Cohen notas two Categories of traditional Indian military castes with different grievances at the turn of the 19th century.
(a) 'members of classes which were no longer recruited or recruited in small numbers'
(b) "those classes which Cons
tituted the army but sought even greater status as Com missioned officerS.'7
The Marawar and their grier vances, howewer belong to B third category. They ware a people whom the British attempted to totally demilitarize by depriving them of their tradit
ional status in Tamil society through social, economic and penal measures. This was in
direct contrast to the social and economic privileging of such castes and classes in the north during the same period. They were not only disfranchised but were turned into and classified as a delinquant mass - the subject of a deciplinary and penal discourse - relegated to the fringes of the new social pact which was being established in the Tamil South of the Madras Presidency. The obliteration of their traditions and ПВmОгу was considered essential to corn. plete the process of demilitarization and pacification of the Tamil region. The martial races Theory of recruitment, and tha subsequent martialization of the
17

Page 20
10rth fUrther era 52d their marti H | legacy and that of the Tami | south from the military ethnography of the subcontinent,
David Washbrook argues that "the subvention and protection LL LLLLLa S LHHLLL SLLLLLLS LLLLLLaLLLL Caste Communities, and the martialization of their culture, were but two of the many ways in which South Asia paid the price of liberal Britain's prosperity and progress". El
On the other hand the Stra tegy of Tasculating and destroying the hegemony of Tamil military caste Comunities and the deTārtialization of Tari | Culture WBTE two important Ways in which the Tamil south paid the ргice of Iпdia's development as a Ilation,
The legacy of these strategies il the orti äid St Luth of the sub-continent, embodied in the structLIrg of ths Toder Indian
army, is central to the emër
gence of modern Tamil mili
tarism.
The gains of this demartializ
ation were consolidated by favouring and en Couraging nonmilitary castes in Tamil society Which "Contrasted favourably With tha Mfawr". 19
The more important of these Were the Wella las, Nadars and Adi Dravidas. The cultura and values of "tha peace lowing" (Madras Cer15 US 1871) Wella la Sir Who had "no other calling than the cultiwation of the soil" eminently suited the aims of demartialization and suppression of the traditional military castes. In this the British were following local precedents which had been based on the principle that the best way to ensure control and Security Was to "" hawe orig there but cultivators' 21 Thus, under active British patronage the Wellala Caste established its
dominance, and its culture became
representative апd hвgeппапіс ir TB T1 il Society. The Nadars and Adi Drawiidas Were comsidered an enable to conversion. A large section of them
had be come Anglicans. The TECruit Tight basa Of the Indian
18
army in the ME WäG COStittad 5 of these groups ideolgy emerged and acadamic ba: British politics, le a risen Well alla edit DräViciārl Tf1-gr underpinned by British administr Can Tissionari. solidating the s and religio Lis gai a tion, This is Wh dian school of T. historigraphy ha tical compulsion Cor Pola y down t
Of the Titi | 1. TäTiil Histo ärd to SST t t zati OT WES WE (Maraima lai Atik proponent of tl in the early
twentieth cent tarittinding Π Taiatioid logy and caste anti-British military castes a åld i CaSt3 CLUlt British апd"peа elite-claiming a Of the Tafilia sent. The one "p Urg Tails" T1 e ote C Ta Thill 5 Were M the Tami natit uished by its heritage. Ho W militaris whic Telated to a po milieu that was Dravidia TOWE dominant featu and sixties to strongly impact סוח alistחםBtiוr Lanka's north a
It W5S relat : Ghangas that t Dra Widian moy charges that Ma Tawar — Iridi gress relations
| th B DTV, the change mainly with -
(a) the reject Briti Eiti the Justice

dras Presidency trongly in favour The Dravidian as the cultural 5 is for their prod by the newly E TI GCEIt ment Was Clearly tha Co Cers of
ators and Anglig5 °. Il CLIocial, e conomic
5 of dem är tia lizy the early Drawia mil studies and d a strong polito rejact, igTitre dial role | militar y caste:S ry and culture, hat Tail civiliHä la Civilization. :a , Was the chief nis wiew), Thus de cadas of the ry we find two la Trative 5 °3 Entity— the ideoculture of the ու "turbլյlent" ld the ideology Ure of the proEe lowing" Wallala uthentic readings п past and preclaiming that the Worg Wellalas. aiming that a KI Mara War and that bn Was distingancient martial the did Tai h originally was litical and social opposed to the Tant bgco T1 e i tS rg in the fiftie 5 the lewe | of ing on the Tamil verment in Sri
dga Sto
ld politically to ook place in the eneit and the tւյՃk plata in in rational Con
Efter the 305.
di TOWElet Vā5 tĒd
ion of the proist leadership of Party in 1944.
(b) the radical change in the attitude towards British rule and imperialism in 1947-48 Which gave rise to Sharp differancas Within the moyeTE
Räätis Eat WWE at Ha India National Congress and the Mara war began to dateriorate WW2 ta Odra te B TalrTir leadership of the Madras Presidency Congess preferred not to oppose the harsh measures of the British against the Tamil militar y castes. The Contradiction became sharp when Pasumpon Muthura malinga Thewar the po Werfull änd influentia | Mara wa leader, joined the Indian National Army under Subash Chandra Bose ad bagi organizing the Foward Bloc against the Congress in the Tamil region, 24 The antagonism climaxed in a violent
caste conflict in 1957. The congress government arrested Muthura T linga The War in Con
lectio With the rijt. The D. M. K. which had very little influence in the souther districts of Ta Til Nad Lu at that tirne mada a strategic intervention at this juncture in Mara var affairs, M. Karunanidhi, tha only D. M. K. CaTClidate to ba talettatil iT1 thÊỉ southern parts at that time, Was chiefly responsible for co-opting the Marawar into the D.M.K. and for making the culture of the Tamil military castes a dominant and essential componant of Tamilian national identity,
For many years, until ha bе: Came Chief Timistèr, Kar Luanidhi
Wrote under the pen-name Marawal. (His Weekly letter to party cadres was known as
Marava Mada 25 – the Mara
wan's epistle) Tamil militārism thus became integral to the Drā vidi vērīērīt. The Seces
sionist militancy of tha D.M.K. in the fifties and Gary sixties Was dominated by the vocabulary of Tarihi| militarism, This Was the nadir - of the Drawidian movement's impact on Sri Lankan Tamils. D. M.K. branches were organized in many parts of the north east and the hill Country. It was during this period that a young student named Kathamuthu Siwadi from Aririthakazhi, a

Page 21
small village near the Batticaloa
B I:::Il HII:Ill
town who was studying in torian to show
its of liff Tamil Nadu took part in the
militant agitations of the D.M.K., Karunanidhi described him as 'the appropriate weapon for Tamil upheaval."25 The student Who Was later knoWI as Kasi Anandan wrote for a fortnightly
to the Seth Lupi: CES LE HIC ES I 11.rtlich i TWS ii Ma a LTA dichi
orth Miral War.
K. MILLI IKLI TIL Chun na karin, Jaf
Called Dhee Mu Ka (DMK), 27 17. Cohen op. cit; When ha came back to Sri Lanka. 18. David Washbrot In it appeared his poem "The Maravar Clan (Marakkulam) is 19. A phrasa Lused describe castes "The Tamil army is a Maravar suitable the Army. 20, Edgar Thurston the enraged Tamils are a Tiger 3.() "". Army (Pulip padai)..." 21. Thgo . Portugesc principal: to e5 These lines of the poem are iI Jal Tili, Tikir now part of the history and Jäflfl und Er the myths of the Tamil Tigers р, 24. g3 19:5IS. 고고, father of
ogy, Robert ( FOOTNOTES Tinvey. 14. Stephen P. Cohen op. cit; p. 58. p () Fir. 15. Edgar Thurstan. K. Ranga chari.
Castes and Tribes of South India 23. For th idea vol. W. 1909 Govt. Press: Madras ratives" in the f pp. 22-23. idèntity in ano - the Ayodhya 15. The Marava's connections with Stoller Miller,
Jaffna will be examined elsewhere JLITIläıl dhf A.sia: in this study especially in view of (Now-1991).
Helmut & Butsh
(industrialist's lament
The Fuherer allowed us yachts, MOUntå in Challets. Some indiscretions into polygamy Aryan typÉS of Corsa, Ha didn't Wer boten, ewen men The wirus was only stirring then.
Now Cole, Das Kapitalism uber all, Translates Free Market Theory into Leben. Banking legions blitzkraig eastwards (Steel horsemen from the Ruhr Reversing the Atillan migrations) King Cole, good Aryan soul, okays the y: The hunting lodge, a castle or two. But says that twenty five percent to From each bank roll is not for pocket battleships, tanks 8 fig Such supersonic glamour isn't all That necessary. Just scatter unemployment E The introd LCe the do IE.
U. Karunati;

pt by a Jaffna histhat the early col'' MILIT WELT ET of Jaffna belonged Ilthy clan it if that :litir Tilt: I thitilt Watlan former days Wada – thic do Ilain of Yazhi kudi ayttan, raswarmippillai. 1982 fa.
.55 - ר
Jk. Op Cit p. 481.
by the British to which were found Tley Tider.
,359 .p-cit; ppס ו
had applicd this ablish their control i Abryasinghe 1986: * Portugesc, Colombo
the Dawidian coCaldwel was Bishop the seat of Mariya
if "contending narormation of national her IПHiап спп text
crisis, see Barbara Presidential Address, in Studies, 50. No 4
shraum,
achts,
IhtBrs
as twards
Bake
24. The Forward Bloc was found by Subash. I am grateful to Subash Chandra Bosc The War -- chief Subeditor of the “Wirrakesari'' - a MaraWar himself - for drawing my attention to this phase of Marawar hi5 Ory a. Ili di for the Wallu Eble pliments and material on the subject, when I begun this study in 1990,
25. This was also the name of a main D. M. K. party paper, in the 60's.
26. Uyir Thinig hukkL,
Fatiha. p. 2.
27. TWO other papers called D. M. K. were published in Sri Lanka during [his pri Od...
28. D. M. K.
Kasianandan. Press Battical Oa. Preface. 3rd edition, year not given.
(Fortnightly) 10.7.1952.
Colombo. Editor and Publisher Wasantha Appa thurai, Note: I am greatly indebted to Prof.
K. Siwa tha imby for his waluable comments on Tamil History and Culture and for drawing my attention two years ago to the role of the southern districts of Tal IT mill Natul in Tali Ricin is
(To be continued)
Freedom . . . .
(Солriпшғd fromт радте 15)
The Press Complaints Commission has speeded up the process of adjudication by dealing with everything on paper апсd getting rid of the process of claim, defence and reply. Article of its code of practice is not entirely sa tisfactory; it says newspapers 'should take саrе поt to publish Inaccurate, misleading or distorted material". What it has gained in speed, it has lost in thoroughness. Its brief, uninformative adjudications give editors little guidance on how they should act in future, similar cases. I would profer יחסligatiםם tםGחliם Bז סוח hםuוח B "It is the duty of newspapers not to publish inaccurate statements, or statements designed or tending to mislead, and to correct promptly and with due prominence significant inaccuracies or misleading statements, and to make an appropriate a pology." But there is no polaca in the regulation of a fraë press for any statutory right to an undefined space to correct even 日 strictly factual Inaccuracy,
(To be continued)
19

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Page 23
Satyajit Ray
Last interview to the v
"I wish to be remembered as
a bridge between Bengal नTILH the rest of the world" and as 'a pioneer,' Satyajit Ray had ssid in an inter wie W.
"I worked in Begal which was mot known as a film-making center at all before that. So I as in a way, a sort of pioneer and that's how I would like to Se remembered. As One who put Bengal on the world film map. Without my being aware Fit hawa done quite a fa W important things and in a Way created a bridge between Ben gal and the rest of the World. That's how I wish to be remenbergd."
The film director, who died on April 23 had spoken in his last full television interview to Eyewitness, HTV's national video
Imagazine.
Films must last
"I have a fairly impressive body of work and I have won quite a number of prizes. And hope my films don't date very
much. I have been watching, some of the earlier films on television. Fortunately, I have
found that they haven't dated to that extent. I would like my Films to last," Mr. Ray told a Ctress Sharmila Tagore, the Eyewitness' presenter.
Asked if he could identify a theme or message that characterises his work, Mr. Ray said, Not one message or a theme because I have been making Filпs fог З0 увагs, leатпіп9. maturing or getting ideas, getting more aware of my surroundings an interested in what's happening around me.
Speaking for the first time in detail about his last film, which he was not able to finish. Mr. Ray said it would be about a doctor. "Thematically, perhaps, one could say it deals with two extraordinary situations. The
Britis fil Crited Mr. сiпепа.
Sir Richar ke khailari," Writte E
The Wg W Satyajit Ray
Tig obitu tiՃms as h ha had had
DEscribing film-Tek BT, films startin in 1991 a "'Pater Pa Work - PT
tremendous adv knowledge and diseases which Gac Of Ordia the contradictio as it advanta5, lifa and the air population. HON cile the two? there of the 5
Plan to mak
Asked if ther that he wantg | had not, Mr. seriously, consi Mahabha rat... ' Mahabharat, bl. it. I was thin Ճf the dite-gar altյոE t Duld hք It is so dramati
Mr. Ray saic he Was Young and wanted an Էյսt could not mous budget t haW8 entailed. Mifuna playir Cherkasow pola' and that sort пеует happeпe Sed Mahabhar

world
Among the giants
m director, Sir Richard Attenborough, de SRay as one of the very few geniuses of World
'd, who had acted in Mr. Ray's "Shatranj said that when the history of movies was would unquestionably be among the giants.
York Times devoted almost an entire page to
describing him as a 'cinematic poet".
ary save highlights of his struggle and tribula - e followed his drea In
him as 'the versatile and prolific' Indian the paper gave a list g with Pather Pancha li nd published two photographs, a thiB ըthar
Chali" ad
E UN I
ance in medical the treatment of is beyond the y people. Again that medicine" prolongs human n is to cut down W do you reconSo this is tha itory."
e Mahabharat
e was any filt E tՃ makB but Ray said he onca dered making the "Nըt tha Britira It a segment of king particularly Tē. I think that we made a film. c, so interesting."
I that at the ti TE g and ambitious international cast, afford the Orhe project would
"I thought of l DuryՃՃdhaո, ying Yudhishthir, of thing, but it dbecause I reallat is known to
and the taste of success
of two dozen of his in 1955 to "Agantuk" וחסsti|| fr showing Mr. Ray at
every Indian. Every Indian knows who Arjun is, who Bheem is, but a foreign audience will get completely lost in the relationships, unless you makta a ire-- hour play, like Peter Brooks has done, which, of course, was not possible in my case."
He said language had restrained him from making non-Ben gali films. If he had made a non-Bengali film he would have had to write the screenplay in English and then rely on a translator, as happened with Shatranj ke khilari. "I think dialogue of a film is so iTportant, maybe thеге ign't tDD ch of it but what little there is has to be absolutely right. Right for the situation, right for the character, right for the moment and if I were to de репd on a translatот could never be sure of that."
Mr. Ray said he had made his films with "a very special kind of ideal audience in mind. * I think there is a pretty Іагge number of people who now appreciate or who would care for serious cinema."
21

Page 24
os
J.R.'s MEN & MEMORI
Piyalı Gamage
his is not an autobiography.
It is a congeries of historical events in which J. R. figured which he would like to leave on record for posterity, Omitting the many not-so-savoury еріsodes in his political career which he would prefer people to for ցET,
Predictably, prominence is
given to the San Francisco Peaee
Conference - beyond doubt the high-Water mark in J.R.'s career. Numerous quotes from press reportS are reprodu Cd in thig book: "A darkly handsome diр15pmat" (San Francisco Examine), with a razor-like tongue" (Time), a clear Cambridge accent (Newsweek), "eloquent, melancholy and Strong with the it of an Oxford accent" (New York Times) and much more such stuff. The author would have done well to spare us these shy-making quotes.
Americans and Britons who remembered the atrocities committed by the Japanese military so recently (physical torture, forced labour on starvation diat, teenage girls anslaved as sexual partners for the troopsetc.)
were in no mood to be forgiving. If these peoples' mood Was matched by that of their
rulers J. R's pious exhortation to them to follow the COT DESisionate Buddha's preaching would have been a damp squib. BLIt, to the contrary, Truman and John Foster Dulles were on a different tack altogether. They were out to flummox Russia Which was determined to como down heavily on Japan. And So J.R.'s "Hatred ceases not by hatred" was very much the stuff that suited the U.S. leaders.
It has been J.R.'s life-long habit to advise others to follow Ahimsa in their daily lives. As recently as about a year Ego when someone accused him
22
поt haviпg practi
9 Wa5 presid to the Sunday that it was nic head of governi Ahimsa in tha his dLities. A f addressing a ga Thor Wealth head in London J. R. to practise Air formance of the WES TEeported il and Caused mu So it was very acter for J. R. Japan should Sins and it cost do so. Serendi this was the Truman and D. COUnter Russia. San Francisco E J. R. that "He Wrecking Crew
J. R. Writes: "T Act was passed fare and the car rialism began to body politic of Ce from J. R. this is He omits to m growth of this ely due to his Culmina ting in
Carndy (which ei gOdal) to tear LI The time has J. R. 'for the
eSe race whici for 2500 years je g Larding their religion to fight ing quarter t their birth right." Dassy Wews, 13 is not in J.R.'s of the canker |ST“
J. R. claims the success in keepin together and rew the 1956 defeat that "Democracy Lanka today." Th

|ES
Sed Ahimsa when 3t. J. R. W Tota Times explaiпіпg Bt feasible for a тепt to practisв performance of eW weaks later, the ring of Coms of government called upon them Til sa in the perir duties (This the local press ch amusement). much in chart0 preach that be forgiven her him nothing to Bitously for him WBry stuff Hät Illes needad to And so, tha xaminer said of tora Russia's o pieces."
the Sinhala Only With Tuch fanIker of commu0 Eat it thig tylon." Coming S indeed bitter. ention that the anker Was TargCOWTI activit fes, the march to ħdead at Imbuthe B. C. Pact. COIle" sajc Whole Sinhahas existed !alously safeIап guage aп d Without giUO Safeguard ' (See Ceylon une 1957). It mouth to talk of communa
it it was his
g thց Ա. N. P,
'iwing it after
that ensured
lives in Sri
is is of course
}
t
a perfect non-sequitur- and Com ing from a man who, more than any other single person, grievously damaged democracy in our country it is hard to sWallow. A few instances of J. RS assauts on Democracy: 1. The sacking of 8 Supreme Court Judges and the demotion of 4 more. 2. The Jaffna D.D.C. election in which 150 presiding officers appointed by the Com missioner of Elections were sack
ed and replaced by nominees of the ruling party. 3. The Sacking of 40,000 public ser
wants for striking on a wage demand necessitated by J. R.'s in flationary economic policias. 4. The insulting of sitting Supreme Court judges and the pro
motions given to law-breaking police officers faulted by the Supreme Court. 5, The abusa
of the referendum ппаспfпвгу tо postpone parliamentary elections by Six years in a гоvvdү роII in which intimidation, thuggary
and impersonation were rife. Et C., etc.
Referring to the referendum
machinery to extend the life of parliament J. R. Writes: "I think no democratic nation in the World (he obviously means "no other democratic nation", but let it pass) has this unique power given to the people by its legislature. (Clearly this great democrat believes that it is the legislature that gives 'power" to the sovereign people and not wice warsa, but lot it DESS). It was with this DOWër that the people extended the period of office of the parlia
ment elected in 1977 by six years."
J. R. has repeatedly claimed
that "the people' extended the life of parliament by six үваг5. Recently in an interview giver 1
to the B. B. C. he Specifical sy denied it was his idea and insisted that it was the people that Wanted to extend the life of parliament! No doubt he thinks that if this is repeated often enough it would come t be accepted as the truth. The Report of the Commissioпет от

Page 25
Elections makes it quite clear that the Referendum Was Wor by abuse of state power by the ruling party. Why did J.R.'s government not publish this official document? At the wery beginning of his book J. R. Once Tore repeats the that his father E. W. Jayawardena Was a Justice of the Supreme Court.
Though E. W. J. acted on the SLu preme Court ha Was Tawer appointed a Justica, Chief Jus
tice Arthur Wijewardena acted B5 GOWBTO) ri-Ger Bra I b) Lt O Orlo claims hij Was One Of Our GOVe TTOTS-GENE TE || ||
"The Independence of the Judiciary" writes J. R. using Capitāls "is wital." On ora me
TO rab lè occasion, all the judgas of the Suprame Court and of the Appeal Court were deered to hawa wa Cated their posts Over a minor misunderstanding about the judges taking their Oaths under the Sixth Alledment. The Courts were allocked up and armed guards posted
outside them to from entering. E having vacated USuay a fato 9ovвгппепtреоп ёmploүвg who : from Work with To traat the hig the laid in the vāS rmīt Wo Luld hawe the perpetrate. Afte during, which t bereft of an Ap a Supreme Cour י entוחintטf appט the armad gLI Surely this incid TOrl Stratee. What of the Judiciary,
J. R. Writes: Si Cere vWh9 render as SG ista (United Front) What the S TE the ting hig Walk Out Of t
1i5 fOIDWBrs i Bandara naike"S
LLLL LL LLLLLLLL0 S KLG GL LLSL TLLLLL
essential
unity of all
religions -
Fernando. Sri Lanka Institute of Traditior P. O. Box 1204, Colombo, 1991. Clothbound
his handsoma book, produ
ced in England, commemorates the Work of Ananda Coolaaswamy (1878-1947) by bringing together sixteen internationally Eminant a LuthorS Whose Contributions illustrate their scholarship End learning over several decades in what is termed The Pererra Philosopo Way of which Colom araswe my himself was so great an Sepanent. Their essays focus on metaphysics, religion and Eligious doctrine, and on traditional societies with their sciences, Ert and symbolism in a single olume of enormous range. No Erief appreciation, such as this is intended to be, can convey Te impact of its textual ConEnt and magnificent illustrations,
NEVE I the IBSS, it is
tha Outset to da file the ET, "Tradition" as it is used these pages. In our casual,
necessary
eweryday parları custom, habit, titude or belief,
ma ting in th B rie recent past, att "tradition". But, lä has point Bd i is Tore specific discriminate usa
The Celebrated tionalist, the at Condensed the concept thus (i. the Mountain, he Wrote, "the W be given its which is also i
lotation With being made, ho down to a pi |חס Bpts, ifםחםם tion, being form
persoпа| іп its exact definition human spBEch

prevant judges Being treated as one's post is that befalls a or other in or absents itself ) Lt perTnissio. hest judges in Sa Te fashi0 y only a J.R." hardihood to r some days, 19 Country Was |p9 al Cort and t, fresh letters Were iSSLI ed and
FardS removed. 8nt a T1 poly dej: J. R. thought
'I Was quite Wanted to III Ce tO thg сотетппепt." ferring to is proposed to he U.N. P. With and join Mrs. gOWEer'nınmont.
ays on the - Ed. Ranjit 1al Studies, iRS 3.500|-
ce, almost any BX porOSSion, atWhat hör origia mote or farily 3Ct ti Vrd as Elemir B Zollошt, its плвапіпg til SLIČF - ge impliвs.
Buddhist tradie Marco Pa II is, ппеапіпg of the п The Way апа!
1961): "Here", "ord will always transcendental,
tS r1 0 TT13 I, COr - It any attempt Wewer, to pin it Titic Lula T sēt Of y because tradiтless and sшргаessence, escapes | in terms of
and thought,
BOOKS
'If the prime minister invites the U.N.P. to join the governInent and her proposal is rejected by the U.M.P.. I may have to join the government together with those U.N. P. пеппbers who support my view." (Weekend 16 January 1972). "It may be that some of the do not wish their privileged position to be changed
and are opposed to the new Society which the government seeks to usher in... It had to be
granted that Sirima Bandaranai Ice UShared in Iin Ore Socialist reforms during the seven years She WW 2a S prime minister than anyone else or all the Other SG hati dOna o fora her.'" (Sunday Observer 23 January 1972). He said these things when he was quarrelling with his party leader Dudley Sananayake. WFEI however, he achieved powar it was this sama Mrs. Bandaranaike whom J. R. deprived of her civic rights for seven years and evicted her from parliament.
All that can usefully be said of it is that wherever a complete tradition exists, this will entail the presence of four things, namely: a source of inspiration or, to usa a more conCrete term, Revelation; a current of influence or Grace issuing forth from that source and transmitted without interruption throug a variety of channels; a way of "verification" which, when faith
fully followed, will lead the human subject to successive positions where he is able to
’actualise" the truths the Rewelation communicates: finally there is the formal embodiment of tradition in the doctrine, arts. sciences and other elements that together go to determine
the character of a normal civillisation."
It was the abandonment of Tradition in the West and its profanation by imperialist powers in the East that provoked the writings of Rene Guenon and Ananda Coomaraswamy in the early part of this century, followed, over the years, by the
23

Page 26
Work of these authors whose Writings adorn this book. It is the now imminent and universal death of Tradition and, therefore, of Religion itself with all the terrible consequences that this implies which makes the appearance of this book so timely, However, so far as the nonWestern world is concerned, it is not of death but of murder that we read, and this is some thing of which the so-called "developing" countries should take urgent note. To those of Luis who believe that colonia - lism is a thing of the past, Philip Sherrard points out (in a "footnote that could easily be missed) that we are now in fact Witnessing a western imperialism of a far more vicious and totalitarian nature than We ever experiended earlier because it is infinitely more subtle and аІІ-pervading, апd operating,
Thoreover, with our consent."
The galaxy of authors in this volume dwell on such uncommon themes as American Indian Experiепce, Taoism, Judaism, Mysticism, the traditional 5ciences and arts, while the major religions - Hinduism, Christianity and Islam - are referred to throughout. In Parts 38 4, the authorS take head-On the Wes
tern idoologies
O'r five Centurie tion of traditi delusions of gra led consumerist the names of rati
and, that most tive, developT nothing startli
the writings of which hawa b Some consideral the Contribution mado to this ' fi of the tradition almost everythi Whic Takes R carefully orgar a i Lu Tinatig
current thought.
It would be
to suppose tha are merely of a On the contra point is to show forms (of socie everything else One SG that a TB
and, as such, "t are particularly
times. But the What a Te WEB ! Whig a II the f пism aге гапg restoration of th Eaton answers:
slips away, or
Looking. . .
(Continued from page IO)
Who has ever heard of rich Americans and Europeans visiting spots in "occupied" Kashmir for a holiday?
One unhappy aspect of IndiaPakista relations is that both sides say they fought 'wars" in 1965 and 1971. "War" is a misnomer in this context. By modern-day standards, the 1965 ad 1971 Conflicts Were OL wars, they were skirmishes, Orlly 2307 Indian Soldiers died in 1965, and 2307 were killed in 1971. In contrast, oW er 100, OOO. Iraqi soldiers are estimated to have been killed in the recent Gulf War, an estimated one million Iraqis and Iranians died in the eight-year Iran-Iraq war, and over a million people died in the Wietnam War.
24
By describir conflicts as W. ower—reacting The TUth is th fought for 20 the minute y C Soldiers Con el border trouble time. The D. SharHd Fawar, last Now e Tiber 1 of 'exchange betwee India. troops from S wember 20, 199
One is rein account given captain who w Siachin glacier, On Siach in is ing just four : pant. If the gets So cold out of one's

if the last four and the rejecna values in deur (now cal) ostensibly in inality, progress, recent imperaint. There is gly new about these authors len around for Ив time. It is that each has st broad Survey, alist position of g that matters, anjit Fernando's is ad collection contribution to
a great mistake t these studies Cademi C inter BSt. ry, thair whole w that traditional ty as much as } are the only normal for Tarn -aditional studies, Teg Walt tO CUT
question arises: to do about it oroes of modered against any
this woman - the minority of one – can Stand firm". He goes on to say, "It is of course an absurdity to suggest that the average persoп should do so, setting himself up in proud and solitary opposition to the mutitude and patting has judgement
against theirs; but then", he argues, "it is quite impossible to tell who is "awerage" and Who is not until the chips are down. Only dire necessity separates the men from the boys." But Eaton concedes that,
"Ewen so, the humble man Will ask: what fits me to make SO momentous a decision?" The ànswEr is obvious, 'Therg is no one els E3 to do it, Only y O LI."
And so, as far our immediate situation is concerned, The Urалілтош5 Tradїїfол is поt directed at social refort for, as Whital Perry aud Martin Lings tell us, no traditional restoration is possible at this la te stage of the Ka Yuga without the in intervation of one whom the India traditions call a Chakrawar; the book is directed at indiwidual ad it tells them hOW and why they should resist the false assumptions of the modern
ese norms Gai World and choose their own When al el se destiny." The rest is up to each ly this man or One of us. M. W.
India-Pakistan visibility is never more than a as we end up few yards. The high altitude to each other. kills the appetito and the soat We hawa Olt ditars" high-caloria foods lika cholong years. Yet colates, almonds and cashew - bu hawe armed in Luts remain ungaten. iter side of a As if nature is not enemy can erupt. Y enough, Siachin sees the madnes efence Minister, of this modern
for instance, Said that 535 incidents of fire"" OCC u Tred and Pakistani aptember to NO1.
dad Of a chilling by a young army as posted on the He said the air 50 thin that taksteps makes one wind blows, it DT1B Carlot Stép fibre-glass but
World. India and Pakistani soldiers cannot see опе апоIher. They are soгпе miles apart.
Neither side knows when it sco
Tes a hit because the Shells explode so far away. The shells are special. They explode 50 feet above the ground and shoWer. Letha | Shrapnel all' around. ''Delhi or Islamabad may think anything," the captain said. "BLIt Out at Sia Chin, a border battle can be triggered by a few bored solders. Who is there to check?'"

Page 27
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Call Air Lanka at 421161,581131 or
 

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ጌ'ዚ 111I

Page 28
STILL LEADING Mr. William Thompson ob and established the first J
in this island on 01st June 1841.
He called it “ Bank of Ceylon That was 150 years ago, but that was not we. We opened our doors in 1939 only to capture our rightful place in Banking and are proud to say that
LEAD
Over the years banking profession shared our expertise and BANK OF CEYLON became Sri Lanka’s SANDHURST TO BANK
Bank
Bankers 1
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ASASqSSMSASASALALALMLMALALALALALALALSAASLLALAMqqMLSSSqqSqSqSqSqSASAASqLSALAMSqLSLLMqLAMALASLLALALASLLALALALSLASLMASLLLSALSLALSLSALLMSLLLLLLLL LLLLLLLLMAeAeLMALLSSMSAALSLAMALSLSALSASMALLSLMSALSLMASASASASASS f ح~~سےحصحیح حیححیح~۔سبری حصي~~~~~بر
tained a Royal Charter oint Stock Commerical Bank
)
t we still
ERS.
of Ceylon
to Nation