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জ্ব
vol. 15 No. 11 October 1, 1992 Price Rs. 10.00
THE
| J. R., MATHEW A
| TAMIL MIDDLE-C
| THEORIES AND (
TRADE UNIONS:
ETHNO-POLITICS
U. N. : A North-Soul
THE T
THE RISE OF TA
THE ASSASINAT
| STATE AND PEASANT
| THE NEW FRONTIERSN
THE BISHOPS APPEA
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD143/News/92
J. R. YEARS ND PREMIADASA
A. Jaya raf nam MVilson
CLASS MILITANCY
- Siri Gamage
NFLICT
CASE-STUDIES
– John M. Richardson
The next front ?
- Meirw yn adeg, Sirwasg
: A challenge to the Opposition
- Izeth Hussain
|th battle-front
-- Thafif DeGen
ير
AMIL ISSUE
VMIL MILTARISM
- D. P. Sivaran DN OF RAJIV GANDHI
- the charge-sheef
AGRICULTURE
— Китиdи Киsит Китara EN - U. Karunatitake

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B. \ng
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Page 3
ー
Briefly. . . I TRE
PETITION costs Militar
A military The SLFP has launched by Brigadier a special fund to raise the he агfngs fл а money that will be needed | Edozen sold: O pay the Costs of the charga i Presidential election
peti- dri77 855 â'r gof tion filed by SLFP leậder, | i "fia and presidential Candidate | June. Тте гла
Mrs. B. A report said that "Tiger 1. the costs will exceed one Wera Severá/ { million rupees. But a a- τra ναΜήης, eport which quoted a lit NP source suggested tha | there also a the costs may be near in which in
four million. Tea and P.
Two fu// page SLIPPI MIG OUT Pace 簇 It looks as if the 盟°|*方new、 SLSpect in te GCE Exam. பEled sig; Paper leak (GCEA, Іeve| 90 Ver7/78nt circ. physics Paper 2 months Part of Sorme si, ago) has hīf the DUGAM-7. Сагтдаigугт POLA TRA
Ог. is ft sponsос
ago, But the CD is stis Солттагоса / : Զn his trail ... tight here collisi, иwї/h pro in Sri Lanka. Students wil 75ations P ορει Ce a Jew exam. paper Eris. Show (/rda in late Oct. |-Pluckers a `,
BFS The
ー Awaiting the Fronti
| o3Y (having ta|kgd of plunder) To intonate SWEE COmpromisa To mobilize Plausibi fity
Riverse the old arguments And arrive at a Post-Doctor
Thesis on Globality.
Gabalism is Glassy
Doesn't throw Sinister shadows Cloak and dagger om the Cracked wal. Whatlawer PrSPIECivs wiewed Globalism dazzles doesn't show Tha Clock turning slowly backwards TՃ thց inTipoE rial Hour. Turning on th o Smooth JSWa Coined in the Twentias for th
When I Globalism heralded Chi Resolved now Бап вап
of scholar's jargon ё Washingtoп Conferen Пd's Starт.
the Graal Hea Wang. No joy of course FOF
those who defend th a glՃԷal էի Watch ing over their sh
Oulder the Сапtшгу
ELIT To whats left of Asia and the Pacifi
Awaiting the FrOrtigrismen
Tпа soldier-scholars
Jaw5 Set to the Recessing Ninetia
With no Gill odge on tha Dollar.
U KarLumat ー
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

MWEDS
/ CDLIFi
Colorf féodés
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The Sалтеwаеќ. "F7 LI TE ambush
Soldiers died.
"0 Paganca o 3 diwart isments “гfси/affлg Bг. recently are fr7 fra de ang 但s。A 芮忘引 7ister anti Sri OUnited by lisations ab Štern WGO is? 'd by Sri Lar"Олдefffогs fл Eelam 0ரர். 'y fr/page in Tamily tea LFF. Т/ng/г
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lake
--—
CONTENTS
Маws Background 한 Latters Barat hy and the Logitimation
of Militarism G Ethno-Politics (3) 9. Agrarian Change (3) 11 J. R. 12 The Tamil Middle Class
Radicaised 15 U.N. 19 Conflict (2) 2O L.T.T.E. Trial 2.
ЛЛуѓлg С0/7d'їfолs ara destrfசேர அடு 'சர்சா 35 ஒ 岛bouvr, F/алѓatfor, fridustries
eேcretary Mr. F. S. Jayョrarna ரி33 பார8 Ηίγή செmmissi); Sepa/ Aftygaer gwestigate the mator 5efore fa Μίλης σουη. fel yr 7235 res. -
Whip Removed
Chief Оддpsft/o Whip Fich3rd Fatihirana *35 ramaya" froлт, где chamber ИVfigл /a Ignored the Speaker's orders а г70 солtїплеay *芷卢卢芯 *д85г/. MW. Pathiran do the Ste. ker and the Fouse tha ஒ together with ήής COMeaguas, had decideig' T70 fo restric their speeches to a stipu /grey The decision W55 faker fo protes 引gasmss む方e
Targgrcy Гёд7UMariрлis on талгелапса оi ЕХрогts". Tha Ге97U/affол иуд AAS.5.
PA for 7 rewe
PPosition argues tħat it takes o "VāW fra de trio rights.
GÜ
Wol, 15 No. 11 October 1, 1Bg2 PriGO - Rs. 1o.oo
Published fortnightly by
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Editor: Marw yn de Silwr Telephone 447584
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ー

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WTA THE BES
ELEPHANT HOUS
OUALITY AT AR
NO. 1 JUSTICE
COLC

COMPLAMENTS
SE SUPERMARKET
FORDABLE PRICES
AKBAR MAWATHA
MBO-2.

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non-alignment, as opposed to the pro-West UNP's foreign policy, and of course democratic parliamentarism. It was a late-developing, post-rather than pre-independence anti-colonial pheno. menom, The onational guestion" (Tamil) was admitted to the agenda much låteT, SO S. W. R. D. was able to make the best of both worlds. Today, the "National question" is item No. 1. The SWRD formula cannot be repeated or re-written.
Mrs. B. has taken the broad front option, though she Tema
ins suspicious cept for sho Lowes. Amdi fo DUNF's proble but its present madasa. D'UNE Meanwhile it the UNP electo mäte UNP. III the fact that most interesting secking throug to S. W. R. D.-
The DUNF is to undermine, o ple the Presid
Political Roundup
No confidence motion defeated
A joint opposition motion against the Government was defeated in parliament 129 to 65. Four SLMC MPs, one TULF MP and an independent group member voted with the Government. The motion read: “Whereas this government has caused over one thousand citizens who were supporters of political partics opposed to the government to be murdered by killer squads and supplicid arms, amunition, cement, military and other equip. ment and funds to the terrorist organisation known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam which had murdered thousands of civilian men, women and children e of a 1 | com Tillunities who
thinking and h bribery of publ ThĩWed: #1[1{l - CCITIC Sjöll of CTilneS abduction and political oppone Iment, robbery іпnрегsoпation, polling booths, fing of ballot election offence tioThs to subver process, this H. fidence in this calls upon it to
Retaliation
Os
Those who also be prepare receiving end Ossie Abeyguna. leader of the W Council at a marking the op
are opposed to their way of Premada sa of a
tcsting hara S5T11 :
Press F reedom The Island's ass Cabinet spokesman Ranil Samaranayaket Wickremasinghe said that the crowd that “th
Government condemned the attack on journalists and will take every possible step to bring to book those responsible'. He said that a suspect had been arrested ånd released om bail-in connection with the attack on Aththa' cartoonist Jiffry Yunoos.
Thugs stormed Yunoos, house one night and poked a pistol in his mouth; he was
stabbed in the face at his gate on the following day.
Journalists demonstrate
Hundreds of journalists demon
strated at the busy Colombo Town
Hall junction om August 19 pro
on the press proI journalists to t and confront t pulated thugs to
The picketin organised joint Media MowelcI king Journalists Lanka Foreign Association at Journalist of Sri
Free expres:
Speakers at Colombo organi: foT Liberal Dem legislative reforn ter freedom of

of the DUNF, exrt-term tactical ir obvious reasons. m is not the UNP leader, Mr. PreF bides its time. resents itself to rate as the legitithis, it neglects Premadasa, by a ironic quirk, is h his populism, ise the UNP.
doing its utmost r better still, topent, and return
as condoned the ic officers, conLioned the Commissuch as murder, intimidation of Ints of thic governof poll cards, armed attacks on robbery and stufboxes and othic s during the elect the democratic buse las no congoverum cint and resign forthwith'.
possible, says sie elt stones must td to be at the of stones, said şekeга, opposition Western provincial public meeting ning by President garment factory
nt of journalists. pciate editor Ajit old the gathering ruthless attacks lpted the nation's ake to the streets lose who maniharass the press'. ; campaign was y by the Free t, Sri Lankal WoTAssociation, Sri Correspondents the Union of Шапka, ion
a seminar in ed by the Council cracy called for $2 to ensure greaexpression in Sri
to the UNP fold as the legitimate leadership. But it is marked by am impatience; no, not impatience, desperation - but a different desoeration from the SLFP's, which is rooted in fif teen long years in opposition. From Kandalama to Kanatte, we notc. how the frustration and the deepening despair finds expres
sion. And that is possible because the terrain of politics as I argued last time, is so full of pressure-mines.
(Corfirirred or page 23)
in Karandeniya. Mr. Abegunasekcira was referring to the incidents at Colombo's General Cemetary (Kanatte) where government politicians were stoned during the funcrals of military commanders who died in a land
mic blåst.
Appeals in defamation CSE
Both parties to the defamation case filed by former minister Lalith Athulathmudali against opposition MP C. V. Goomarat.nc are to appeal against a District
Court judgment dismissing the action on the grounds that the allegedly defamatary statements were made on a “privileged occasion'. The court also held that Mr. Goonaratne Was not entitled to costs as the state
etS WITC I Colt till C.
Lanka. The theme of the semilar
was o “Limitations on Freedo II of Expression in Sri Lanka”.
"Unimaginable' investment
needed Economist Lloyd Fernando, Secretary to the State Ministry of Policy Planning told a conference of administrators in Colombo that if Sri Lanka were to achieve a 9 per cent economic growth per animum “unimaginable” levels of investment would be required.
A nine per cent growth rate would be required, the Policy Planning Ministry official said, if Sri Lanka's per capita income were to be doublicd to 935 US dollars and if unemployment were to be reduced to a socially acceptable level of five per cent by the year 2000.
3.

Page 6
to the government’s plan to proInote exports. The Work-to-rule has cost the port millions. It was the CMiU's Bala Tam poe who masterminded the combined effort of all the key unions to have the Ports Authority concede their demands. In the Wristfight, it was clear that the unions were winning. And the port workers' action could be example for other unions specially those in key export-oriented sectors.
The government's export drive (export or perish') is all-important at a time when Sri Lanka is increasingly dependent on aid and export promotion, While aid' invites the critical attention of the larger Western donors in the World Bank-supported Sri Lanka Consort that meets annually in Paris, export earnings must rise steadily if Sri Lanka is to pay its bills. And the War In north-and-east has now become the largest item of expen
diture, The to but they don
Lll. The the largest shar So "Export o exaggettation.
Party Debat The inner pi Anuri and sis the natural lead camps, is some cribed as Lefttion, with Ch. an alliance wit NISSPSTILMIP et to Ethusiasti certainly not o' Il Li-TUNEP ftit liance, He be the SLFP stand close associatio dited." Left is any potential g The debate is Right. Ideolog doesn't count
JHA OM MDO-SR LAMKA THES
Indian High Commissioner Nagendra Nath Jha has called upon Sri Lanka to co-operate in prewenting what he describes as a diplomatic quarrel between the tWO Countries.
He suggested that Sri Lanka should not permit herself to be unwittingly or indirectly used for actions that are not its direct concern and which could have an adverse effect on Indo-Sri Lanka relations.
In a In interwiewi, Mr. Jha dcclined to specify as to what or to whom he was referring, but said the people concerned would know what he was taking about. Political observers speculated Mr. Jha was probably referring to STi Lankan sentiments alt a recent South A5ia Conference il Colombo and recent developments regarding SAARC.
Mr. Jha said Sri Länka's main foreign policy issue was India but India had many other neighblurs and therefore there were Inany other sensitive issues that concerned it. Matters that Werc not within the scope of bilateral interests should be avoided by Sri Lanka to prevent an adverse fall out between the two countries,
the envoy said. théré WEFé cert La 11 Whicli di see more impre La Ilka Teltid Linka Should to gain the up
Cordiality b. Coultries is ini. inte:Tests of SCIT therefore create futher improven Telä tills," he
The only Telia possible is one of friendship For this purpos We Illust Tigէ 11 but get on in the title for of Eiffection ELInd Telationship ha: til CTC 511 TE ad clic II ents this relationshi STi Läkall shı:CL that these gro an upper hand, king back to it SeTWe any pll II) WEES FLITTET :

urists are coming "t spend all that LIT Cope Taltors get e, not Sri Lanka. I Perish" is in
B arty debate, with ter Chalindrik El 15 ilers of the Tiwa 1 What crudely des-Right confrontaAndriki keel (Il : LHE: CPLILSSPc, and Anura not [] []In the ide#, In aillial Ilce; a loose yes, but no allieves that what is to lose through with a discremuch IT. Kore than ains,
not wholly Leftу іп апy case, Illuch these days.
On the other hand, the ethnic issue is all-important. TԷլէ: alliance with the Left will give the SLFP, the Chald Tikä Camp argles, a less chauwinistic, Sinhala-Buddhist i Image, and please al wital foTeign colstituency - the western gover IlIllets and NGOs, and India. (Cha Indirika has just Teturned from a visit to Delhi).
His close association With HELA URAMAYA, the staunchly proSi Dhala-Buddhist CLICLIS in the SLFP (its leaders are Tilak Karuпагаtne and S. L. Goопе Sekera)
makes Anura fal mote acceplable to the traditional SLFP SLIPPO TLETS.
How tille SLFP and the Opposition parties unions and inxtטn טup in th טst-EToups linטteT few months will largely determine thic political stability of thic island, the strength of the PreTadasa presidency, and the CCo
சோாச ரா நg 21
Mr. J ha alleged ain groups in Sri id. It ws to Weillelt i II dC). s and Said Sri not allow thern .r handשר
Et\, et:Il II IW. Illica to the Selfine groups. They ob Stacle-5 to the ent of bilateral said.
(Surday Times)
壟
tionship which is of a high degree апtl coopeтation. cit is imperative we in the past the present and eye closer ties L friendship. Our 5 picked up but ins certain groups Wh wild like 3 10t to pr:CDS per. ild try to en sure Ips do not gain A. constflmt härhe pas does not ose and only preementing of Our
ties. Replying to a question on the gain perceived by these elements to keep up the ill-will, High Commissioner inentioned that El continued i State Of Lice:T tainty Would ensure the personal gains of these elements. In contrast, in India, Illow there weTe no SuIch element S. STi La Ilika should also Llote Who thei T f'TiEnds e
Commenting on 5ome recent Write-ups in the Sri Lankan press, both government controlled and others, High Commissioner said some of the pieces were Illot exactly calculated talwards further improvement of our relations. While it may be possible for us to understand the feelings of the Sri Lankan people on the ISLA and the IPKF, Sri Lanka must not perit itself to be used for actions that go well beyond criticism of the ISLA and IPKF and transcend into ther fields which håve L5 direct conce foi Sri LaTikai Ill Wyöðull läve adVerse fall-outs and IlisunderStanding on Indo-Sri Liimka Telations. It was advisable for St La Inka to keep away from Suci issues. Sri Lanka has only one neighbour, India, but India H=- Several neighbours. (சோ

Page 7
Bishops call for political sou
The Catholic Bishops”. Conference in a Statement called for a definite Political solution to the North-East war Saying that all concerned should get 9gether 'as statesmen of Stature, rising above Petty party considerations".
The statement also said that necessary steps must be taken for the social, moral and spiriua reawakening of the Tatia II, building on the Country's ancient
religio-cultural traditions and values and freeing it from both Political and economic depепdence on others.
The Bishops appealed to all men of goodwill in the Country to reflect deeply and, in a
Spirit of fra TCSPICCt, urger Stað5 to Hle Tebuild the n
The stateme all economic Teviewed with
JWP thre:
When the N lCIltiary AfFaj Perera, nowed Prime Minister ter of Defence linge the reso the Energency House facts and What Justice S. Rights Commi in nounced. A ing JWP is a I
LETTERS
Rajiv Gandhi Assassination Casea
I thank you in detail the . RC 9.S.'91/CB
for publishing Final Report in l/SCB, Madras - (Rajiv Gandhi Assassination Case) linder Section Criminal Renal Code" (L. G. Aug. 15). What strikes Vividly is is selectivity and Superficiality in regurgitating the political ËT:IlËS Which happened in Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka. For instance, nothing of the following has been included in this dỢCLIII ment.
(1) The role of Research and Analysis Wing GRANY) in training the Tamil militant groups in Tamil Nadu.
THe ES535Sination OI Rajiv Gandhin G after the signing of Sri Lanka ACCOT 1987.
(2) գԼtempt glombo, he Tid11 July (3) The training and 24 TFT ning of the Tam National Arпny by the Indian Peace Keeping Force.
Maldives invasion by the PLOT mercenaries and the
(4)
Indian Frass ing peace". Even for a me,itis iրբar called Finai F the field note b tilgent, than a li
The non-d
phenomeno
Now that I h; What in detail thesis on Sri denocracy by (ILG, July 15 an * permit II briefly? 1) The non-de
ill) is Sri Lanka. E cludes the COITlinin LI nist in China and քf the oth Buddhist cour (Japan, Thail are hastions either. The non dem IlCIl II exist; the Muslim-d tries, beginnin, in Africa, via Producing Aral
2)

on to N-E War
Inity and mutual take corrective he wounds and
1. also said that tolicies Ilulist be view to ensuring
a more just sharing of wealth among all strata of society and democratic values strengthened by ensuring the emergence of a politically unbiased mcdia on all sides and a healthy role for political dissent and diversity.
inister of Parlia, Mr. Wincent leaf of the and State Minis.
Mr. D. B. Wijetion to extend he gave the
figures to support za of the Human sion had already
thTeat that should not be underestimated. The arrest of suspects, the interrogation recently of JWP activists, the break-out of somie hard-core J.WPers in custody, the recovery of Weapons, the propaganda activity and the examination of the literature, and most of all, the steady infiltration of the WP to mainstream opposition parties and extremist Sinhala organisations
e-grouped emerg- revealed a dangerous pattern, otential security the Minister said,
istance in Testor- non-Arabic Iran in Middle
non-lawyer like ent Lihat thc : 5c3Report' resembles Ook of a RAW gal document.
emocracy
live read somethe purported Lanka's non1zeth Hussain d Sept. 1), Will to Collet
mocracy pheno" tot peculiar to Even if one exuntries with fluence such as Wietnam, none er nominally
tries in Asia
nd and Burma)
of democracy
ocracy phenoin almost all minated coung from Algeria
all the oilb sitates and
East to the Gen. Suharto - led Indonesia in Southeast Asia. 3) Among the nearly 175 UNrecognized states, only 16 (of predominantly. White Anglo-Saxon Protestant heritage) subscribe to the 'concept' of democracy. These are as follows: a) 12 NATO member countries (Belgium, Canada Denmark, France, Greece, Iceland, Italy, Netherlands, Norway United Kingdom, USA and Germany). b) 2 neutral European countries (Sweden and Switzerland).
c) 2 Oceanian countries (AustTalia and New Żid)
In popular image, it is these 16 countries which constitute the advanced World', though these are the major league members who patented imperialism and colonialism. Therefore, in my view, the blind adulation for “democracy is nothing but another example of slavish mentality exhibited by the oppressed to the oppressors.
Sachi Sri Kantha
Osaka BioScience Institute, Osaka 555, Japan.

Page 8
Barathy and the Legiti
D. P. Sira
ne of the main figures of
the Indian Tcvolutionary movement in Tamilnadu at the turn of the century was Maha Kawi Subrama niya Barathy. One of its sympathisers was the Tamil scholar M. Raghava Aiyangar, who was the court pundit of the Maravar Kings of Ramnad. Subramniya Barathy has been one of the most powerful influences in Tamilian cultural and political life in the twentieth Century. The fundamental idea of modern Tamil Militarism -that the Tamils were a martial race and that the rejuvenation of their martial traditions is necessary for national liberation, was enlinciated by these two Brahmins in the first decade of the Ewentieth century. This idea has informed Tamil scholarship as well as the narratives of militant Tamil nationalism since then, It has been reproduced in many frns but its fundalental struc
Lure hla 5 TčImained thc sa Inc. This narrative has bc.cn a basis of the vocabulary of Tamil nationalism in a) The
Indiain rewolutionary II noWellent in Taminadu b) The Indian National movement in T.N. c) The D. Kos secessionist and AntiHindi movement d) Caste revivalist movements in T.N. e) The DMK f). The federal Party in Sri Lanka and g). The armed Tamil seperatist movement in the North and East of Sri Lanka.
Current (establishment) literature in the west om the use of history in national liberation Organizations and terrorist groups, refers to what these organizations endeavour to disperse among their members and their people as the authentic reading of the nation's past and present, as projective narratives which are, it is claimed, stories that not only recall the past, but also teach how to behalwe in the present”
Narratives of this sort tell individuals how they would ideally have to live and die in order to contribute properly to their collectivity and its future."
It has bcell arg siis Wich WS frequent use of narratives by the ret Army for th Armenia, that thi Army are not m from Alcian the Tmembers (ft marginal outcast an society, buit na Tatiwcs transf tiparadigmatic: fi pest values." 1991), The proje that shaped mili tionalism and its 11bérat.101l WETè rea55 ertion of fe tarism and its tr; hegemony in Ta'
This - WELS 5. were essentially Indiall rewւյlutio] idea of reviving tiu Iha | Imlaitial precondition for tion.
The importal Barathy and t Raghawa Aiyaga modern Til Til I the fact that it political reading Tani 1 text Pura: ticula - all atit minantly heroic HEroic TäIIiilian as bä5i5 of a TI of aid) Tħall lil Teāding w:18 [:0T if the Indian T Wellet's ideal liberation throu TEIII
It must be
they saw the T dition froll a pective. To th Tamil past Was great indian I Whereas the II vehemently Teje dian perspective motedl by - Br "Therefore the
Wiews propagat and Raghava. A be located at LW Indian and the

mation of Militarism
led in an analyattention to the these projective s Armenian Sece Libera Lion of e Ille libers of the arginal outcastes society, but that he Army are not es from ATImcinithat projective orm then into gures of its dccGerald Crom cr: ctive narratives tant Tamil naile of Illational formulated as a udal Tamil miliditional cultural Thil society.
because they liked to the nary movement's India's tradiheritage as a national liber
1ce of Chicİly G) 1e SS'er extent in the rise of militaris El llics i Il hey initiated a af the ancicnt папоогш in pагhology of predopoems - and a past in general, Tamilian concept erati. Thei T ceived as part evolutionary 10gy of Inational gh, a TTT-led insur
emphasised that Til ITELT Liali t-Tapan-Indian persem the heroic
a reflection a Ilartial heritage, Drawidian school cted the pan-Inas a пуthрго
ahli I i Ilite Tests. politics of the ed by Barathy
iyangar have to levels: the panSouth Indian.
1. At thic first liciwcl the following factors have to be considered a). British recruitment policy and its theory of Illartial races b), the cultural and political reaction to it among the educated IIndia. In Inmiddle classes iIn Bengal and west India
c), the Kshatriya revivalism of Ball Ganghadar Thilak.
d), Japan's victory over Russia in 1905.
2. At the South Indian level the following factors shaped the two men's thinking. a). the movement for elevating the status of Tamil language.
b). the rediscovery of the Sangam anthologies.
c). the status and role of feudal Tamil militarism in Tamil society.
I. The shift in TeCTLIitment to the northwest of the Subcontinent toward the latter part of the 19th century was accompanied by the martial races theory which sought to elaborate the idea as to why some Indian people-Rajputs, Sikhs, Punjabi Muslims - Were martial, While others-Marathas, Bengali upper castes, Mahars, Telugus and Tamils who had once been the predominant groups of the British Indian armyWere imot Ill Titial.
Lord Roberts of Kaidahar - thic colla Idler in chief of the Indian Army 1885-1893 had made disparaging remarks about the latial character of the Tails Telugus who had once formed the the backbone of the army's largest group of infantry units. Each cold season I inade long tours in order to acquaint Illyself with the needs and Çapabilities of the Ten of the Mad. ras Army. I tried hard to discover in them those fighting qualitics which had distinguished their forefathers during the was of the last and the beginning of the present century. . . . and I was Forced to thic Conclusio II that the ancient military spirit had died in them".

Page 9
It was reasoned that long years of peace in the south had had a softening effect on them. There were protests and petitions from the derecruited classes including Tamils and Telugus. A need to prove their ancient martial chaTacter arcosc a TT1long Imany classics that were tulis affected.
At a congress session in 1891
two Telugu Brahmins invoked the ancient Hindu law giver Manu in support of their con
tention that they were traditionally a war like race, to refute Lord Robert's alleged slights against the Telugu people. These sentiments had been already exacerbated by the Arms Act of 1878 which prohibited Indians from possessing arms without permission. This Was Scien as a loss of self respect, Raja Rampal Singh protested against it at the Second secession of the National Congress in 1886"... But we cannot be gateful to it (the British Government) for degrading our natures, for systematically crushing out of us all martial spirit, for coverting a race of soldiers into a timid flock of quill diriving sheep'". (Cohen: 1990. ch. 1,2)
The Marathas had also been particularly affected by these developments. Thilak arose as a national leader among them. He propagated the view that the Kshatriya class which had been disranchised by the British had to rise again. They were the traditional defenders of the realm and internal order, National emancipation could be achieved through the rejuvenation of that clašs and the traditional Indiam social order.
Thilak's ideas played an important role in the rise and dipersion of the Indian revolutionary movement. The movement got a big boost in 1905 when Japan defeated Russia. The victory demonstrated a point - that Asian Inartial spirit could prevail over European military might. Hence, for the revolutionaries the Raj classified them as ter. Orists) India's emancipation lay in the revival of its traditional martial values. (the impact of Japan's victory over Russia on the Indian revolutionary move
ment in Bcinga has been exal II Dua: 1966.)
At this title thy was the et alist Tamil paj He was an ar. Thilak and it mDvement änd few in Madras cnough to pro through his pa fiftieth birthda editorial (14.7.1 condition of Lll it necessary to jai (Hero Wo Poojai is indi country's progre of our country = keenly observed should not he is Vhen it is no in the paper sa birthday was cel Tas at at Bara Lingychchetty st pooja had becn martial goddess - Bhavani (the ped by the M king Shivaji) TE Im0Wellent Was SI waji festival in India to rekind spirit which acco had been system Out of the Indii Were establishing improve its phys rathy wrote an in English as 'T the Arms Act" Raja Rampal. Si - An evil Wic Lytton Introduce 1878. The peop opposed it then. against divine la great country's
who cannot W.
(1.12, 1906)
Again he wr.
titled + Are Indi:
on Japan's marti few Asiatics sol dreds and thousa This is enough 1ör of the AS Titor's heawen - - is better.' (2.
He was oppos upheld the value
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

and West Tndia 1ęd in detail in
1bramaniya Barator of a nationI called Ilia. nt follo Wer Of e revolutionary Pas one of the Who Were bold a gate its ideas :T. On Thilak's hic WTCôte an 106). The Present country makes hal We Weera Pobl ship) ... Weera pensable for a is. The people who have always
Weera Poojai, ack at a time eeded. A note
's that Thilak's ebrated in Madthy's house at 'eet and that 1 held for India's -- Weera Sakhi goddess worship. a ratha Warrior le revolutionary breading the Shimany parts of le the martial rding to them atically crushed in nation and gymnasiums to cal power. Baeditorial titled he Outrage of eminiscient of gh's out burst roy called Lord this act in e should hawe It is totally Wr to make a eople cowards ld weapons.'
e all editorial l's Cowards'' example, 'A dly beat hunds of Russians. show the waIns. The Wareera SWarkan 2.1906)
to those who if English edu
cation. The ideas of the rewolutionary movement had to be rooted in Tamil culture and its deepest values; and they had to be spread among the ordinary Tamil masses. This could be done according to him only by adopting a simple style of writ
ing Tamil. This wiew underlies his poems and songs through which he propagated the idea
of the rejuvenation of the Tallil martial spirit as part of the of India's heroic reawkening and liberation.
Amongst us, the Tamils, man
liness is gonc, valour is gone. We don't have a country. We don't have a government. Will
Saraswathy (the goddess of learning) appear in this county in Such a situation
"Tamil Nadu has now lost its Wealth, independence, physical strength, and Inental strength and has descended to a low state. Hence good pocts disappeared from this country.' In his Puthiya Athisoody (a book of moral aphorisms for children) he wrote “Dismiss feat. Do not fail in courage. Learn the art of war.'
Thilak's idea that the Kishatriya class of India that had been disfranchised by the British, had to reassert itself in the struggle for the nation's emancipation was more real and immediate to Barathy because hic camic from a Brahmin family from TinneWely in the deep south that had served the Poligars of Ettayapuram. He was hence, acutely aware of the traditional status of the Maravar in Tamil society and what had befallen then under the British. The great famine of 1876 had brought untold suffering upon the people in the deep south and had led to a further decline in the standing of the poorer sections of the Maravar. They were constan lyharrassed by the police which was formed by Brahmins and other non-military castes. The poet, a Brahmin who had given up the holy thread, hated Brahminism and his castlemen who were servile to the English, To Bar athy the Kshatriyas of TamiNadu were the Maravar. (This view seems to have been common to Brahmin families that had
7.

Page 10
COWF/C7
Peace Accords and Div
John M. Richardson Jr. and Jianxin W
INTRODUCTION
The pcace accords I described did not lead to durable settlements. In this respect they failed. On the other hand, they were pioneering attempts at settling one of the most intractable forms of political Conflict. In every casc a frameWork for conflict resolution, igreed upon by some, was created. In several cases, the accords tem. porarily ended violent conflict and provided a breathing space within which further discussions could g forward. Thus, the peace accords can usefully be viewed as experiIllents, froIl which there areolessons to be learned. Identifying those lessons is a major purpose of my effort.
Table 1 summarizes the outcomes of the accords. The Addis Ababa agreement was most successful, Contributing to nearly ten years of Peace between Northern and Southern. Sudanese, but now ethnic Conflict Tages again. About three Years of stability followed the independence of Cyprus, mandated by the London-Zurich accord. In Sri Lanka, violence subsided in the North for about six weeks after the Indo-Lanka Accord was signed, but the accord catalyzed a neWe Conflict in the South. The Punjab Agreement and Canada's Meech Lake Accord produced documents, but few tangible results. Onc could add to this list the Several agreements that have attempted to resolve Northern
John M. Richardson Jr. is Professor of International Affairs and Applied Systems Analysis and Director of Doctoral Studies at the School of International Service, The American University. Jianxim Wang is a Doctoral Candidatc. in International Relations at thic School of International Scrvice. Dr. Richardson's Work on this paper was partially supported by a grant from the U. S. Institute of Peace, Mr. Wang's work was supported by a graduate fellowship from The AIICrican University.
Prof. Richardror" recer B. C. L. 5 சr Hம் திராகர நரச
Tab
ACCard
CYPRUS: London-Zurich Agreements (1959)
SUDANAddis Ahaba Agreement (Feb. 1972)
INDIA: Punjab Accord (July 1985)
CANADA: Läket Mceich AC
(June 1987)
SRI LANKA: I'm do Lanka. Ac (July, 1987)
Ireland's ethnic other negotiatio signed and unsi failed to produ
Shortcomings in point to the ts dressed in this
WièWS böth Schö tical' studies of tion: (1) Why
accords fail to
jcctives? (2) How cerned with resol flicts do better?

fided Societies
Nang
le 1.
cord
crl
Outcomes of Peace Accords
Ошfromтте
Greek dominated government proposed constitutional changes in 1963 to modify agriccment. Turks withdrcw from government. Subsequent unrest resulted in a pro-Greck military coup and occupation of thc North by Turkish forces. Turkish Cypriots declared independence in 1983. Subsequent negotiations under J. N. auspices have failed to produce agreement.
Agreement implemented as the Southern Provinces Regional Self Government Act. Act unilaterally abrogated by President Nimeri in 1982. Government attempted to implement Sharia nationwide in 1984. Conflict between SPLM/SPLA and Sudan Government forces CeltiIllucs.
Provisions of the accord have not been imple mented. Accord is now "forgotten by both sides. Sikh signatory, Sand Longwal assasinated by militants. Conflict between Sikh militant groups and Indian Government forces
:lESוחtiתסם
Accord initially accepted by provincial preIniers, but subsequently failed ratification as a constitutional amendment in two provinces. Status of Quebec unresolved Accord also raised consciousness about status of aboriginal 'Tations.' Aboriginal status issues also unresolved
LTTE failed to honour accord. Indian Peace Keeping Force failed to subdue LTTE. Northeastern PTCIWincial Government officials sed after declaring independence. Conflict betWeen LTTE and Sri Lanka Government forces continues.
conflict,
բlւIs Apparently, ethnic conflict has
not yet captured the interest of
Ins anci accords, gned, that have ce lasting peace. peace accords wo questions adpaper, which relarly and prac' comflict Test billiIldid the peace lchieve the IT obCan those con ving ethnic con
Illst c(Inflict Tesolution scholars. A computer search of the major book collection in the Washington D. C. area devoted to conflict resolution'7 produccd 392 titles of which 121 were devoted to international conflict resolution,' but only 3 to ethnic conflict resolution." A search of the
7. The collection is found in George Mason University's Fenwick Library.

Page 11
PART (3)
zeth Hussain
ur High Commission in CaOita was transformed into in Emigration Office. The Canadian Government, in disgust, imposed quota restrictions on the number of personnell in our mision. The report suggests that the same sort of thing might be appenning under the present dispensation. According to the logic of the argument developed in this article, the Writer does not expect the opposition to go into these matters and bring out the details in Parliament.
It seems superfluous to go into further detail in support of nur argument, but we Imight briefly consider the family tree. Under the UNP it became a family forest, or rather a roarng luxuriant tropical jungle, the 1977 Government showing itself to be perhaps the most epotist in the contemporary ord. In retaliation for the famous pamplet on the SLFP family tree, the opposition did mot think of publishing an encyclopedia on the family jungle of the United Nepotist Party. Pointless, because the beneficiaties were mostly Sinhalese. The ethnic issue was not involved.
A possible counter-argument to our line of arguinent has to
consiered, Tīs rīsies u of SLFP human rights activism through thc Mother’s Front, Huin rights by definition are ghts intrinsic to the very contion of being human, irrespective of creed, community, and
easte, and therefore the human Eights activism means that the SLFP has
Crossed ethnic frontiers. This is not convincing.
It will be remembered that hen the Richard de Soyza case Est erupted, the SLFP took it but quickly lost steam, which as entirely predictable accordTO I) ur argument. It did not ove the ethnic issue. The
Ethnopolitics and the
Mother's Fr. year later, i. SLFP The Int leading role
What is at Fanes Wer which took Sinhalese are mostly Sinha really at issue not the rig Muslims. It Mother's Fro nest whatever really concert rights as such of our other Since there a for investigati appearances W have there bee investigations a Tam, a 1 matter consequence for relations. The major parties, our parties, cor within the fran nopolitics.
In this artic ning the possi opposition in res We have argue tion lack of d CC011111 o LC) , parties, since so a fact which tion not in tie comings of any COT leader buti that 15 in te: structure of Our politics ha ethnopolitics, : inadequacies o can be explai our ethnopolitik turc of the mance, which in Sörme detai making of ge while ignoring particular, the which alone public. What
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

rosion of democracy
took shape a Since then some have claimed a that were it.
sue are disappeaJWP insurrection ace in majority The victims were c, and what is : Sinhalese rights, of Tamils or | Wrement in the provides no earhat the SLFP is di about huilan anymore than any political parties. e these demands ns over the di5ly, one wonders, 1. no de mands for ver the 1983 pogsu rely of immense " Sinhalese-Tail truth is that our and perhaps all tinue to function Work of our eth
we are examiele of the oring democracy. that the opposiallis in has been our opposition time after 1950, quires explana5 of the shortparticular party Tuc Llural ter111S, s of the very political life. been essentially therefore the he opposition in terms of A Curious feiasition perforhave examined has been the lized charges concrete, the ividual cases galvanize the it look like
potentially explosive issues have been given no more than lackadilisical treatment in the form of generalized charges. The explanation for this curiosity is that only the ethnic issue has been regarded as explosive. The opposition lack of dynamism is inherent in the structure of Our politics, which is essentially ethmopolitics.
This argument lcads to a question, which is whether anything but our present non-democracy can be expected, apart from some measures of democratization, as long as our politics remain ethnopolitics. We have already notcd that democratic politics tend to break down under ethnic pressure. The opposition may have no democratic role to play.
The counter-argument to what we have argued might be developed along the following lines. Modern democracy is a phenomenon of the modern state, of which the distinguishing charactertistic is that the individual Telates directly to the state cutting across all religious, racial, ethnic, caste or other groups. The next point is that modern democracy is essentially liberal democracy, no other variety of democracy being regarded as feasible consequent to the discrediting of Communism, and liberal democracy relates to the bourgeois social order. It might be argued with some show of plausibility that Sri Lankan society is largely, though not entirely, pre-modern and tribalist and the bourgeois transformation has not advanced very nuch, so that democracy cannot be expected to function properly in Sri Lanka for the time being. But both those points apply also to India, where democracy flourisles. And we Illust remember that we too had a flourishing democracy at one time.
Certain social-economic changes can take place in Sri Lanka,
9

Page 12
improving the prospects for democracy. Ethnic policies followed by successive governments since 1948 have brought horror, not just to the Illinoritics, but to the Sinhalese as well, People are grouping for a way out. Our ethnopolitics may not disappear in a hurry, but a reaction against ethnopolitics could become important. The other change is a more certain onc, namely the bourgeois transformation which is proceeding apace. The 1977 economic policies can be modified, but not reversed except perhaps for a brief and unsuccessful period. A point that has to be made is that the important place that has to be given to the market in an open economy can impact favourably on the ethnic problem, for reasons which will take too long to explore here.
Already the economic changes that have been taking place are having an enormously significant political impact. For decades the only issue on which the Gowcriment could be shakel betWeen Elections Was the ethnic issue. Now there is also the
economic issue Cause of the W. mass of the p the JWP, coul tions to expre: discontent. No becoming like Where econom been influence the IMF. Wc away from a s the only politic teld was ethno ԷՃլIld be favg Cracy.
In assessing democracy, we the significance happening over Hotel Project. brought up the T that is the eth in teIns of ethnopolitics tE way of butting is to bring up The Gower ille pouпced on ал issue, thic disp) Crosses of El because in ter. paradigm the crediting the
VASA O
207, 2nd { Colon
Telephone
O

Formerly, befare system the ple, though not Wait the electheir economic Sri Lanka is Other countries policies hawe or dictated by may be moving Llation in which that really counlitics, and that rable for demo
le prospects for
should look at of what las Eeci
the Kadalala The opposition lon daman factor, ic issue, boccau5e he paradigm of e Illist effective the Government thic ethnic issue. it's riposte has cthno-religious lay of Christian Buddhist precint, Ils of the saime Jest Way of dispposition is to
invoke an ethnic issue of some sort. The rhetoric of the GOWernment and the opposition about promoting ethnic harmony is one thing, the reality of ethnopolitics quite another. But something else is happening. The Catholics went in theit thousands to affirm their solidarity with their Buddhist brothers ad sisters. It may be that, after decades, the people of Sri Lanka are beginning to count again.
The opposition must take that prospect, and the prospect for democracy seriously. They must show their seriousness by mounting a meaningful campaign for press freedom, And they must stop their soporific vapourings Over generalised charges, and bring up the hard concrete issues that can really expose the Government. In doing that the opposition will be acting in a way that is usual in a democracy, which should help estab1ish their democratic CredcIntials and also promote a movement away from Sri Lankan moll
democracy.
PTICIANS
ross Street, .11 = (ם
4, 21 631

Page 13
AGRARIA W CHANGE (3)
The Impact of Growth
Kumudu Kusum Kumara
DÄR the differences in the means adopted by UNP and SLFP regimes to achieve selfsufficiency in rice and the geneall thrust of the development policies, in the post-colonial Sri La Inka the State emerges as the most single influencing factor promoting the growth of the peasant agriculture (as well as the overall ciconomy), with profound effects on growth through its economic policies.
In the context of the high growth levels achieved in the peasant sector in the post-colanial Sri Lanka, the next question Televant foT ELIT discussion is "What has been the impact of this growth on the peasantry?. An attempt to provide an answer to this question is made in the following section.
The dispossession of peasantry which reached acute proportions during the colonial rule, under the domination of the plantation economy, continued in the postcolonial period (Report of the Kandyan Peasant Conmission, 1951; Yalman, 1954; Sarkar and Tambiah, 1957; Ryan, 1958). Increasing commercialization and monetization of the rural economy combined with rising number of of dependents on existing land Continued to place the peasantry at the mercy of the elite groups: plantation interests, landlords. traders, money lenders, and the petty bourgeoisic which emerged on the ancillaries of the plantation economy. Land fragmentation, share-Cropping, landlessness, un employment and underemployment continued to characterise the peasant economy.
These problems were initially eased to a certain extent by the post-colonial developments. Resettlement programs provided land for a large number of landless from the wet zone. Expansion of area under irrigation, thic introduction of the GPS, the provision of agricultural extension, services and subsidies on inputs, and the promotion of
modern cultural with the externi which were disc ped to bring a dyпапnic growth CCCIlly.
The growth, a yields, brought a significant chang ges hawe been Ti Tu5 case Studi (HaIInimed et al, et al., 1979 Abe Census of Agri 197, 1975. 1977 : 1980, 1987: De N Inuga rath na In 19 1976, 1985a). Th these studies Stated is used it make some gene. While dolestic increasingly comi t:1list Telâtidth:5 Tural Society. Pe Ilmarketing a highe than before, whi to paddy, increa CW er to the cult: crops from that crops (Наппссd, 1977; Wickremas The use of traditio cha Ingelabour such nificantly declined it has been a prc Almost all categ wators used Wage ying degrees signif gence of capitali agriculture (ARTI
The overall i growth in the pe on the peasantry colonial period h slow and uneven tiation of peasant Tian relations hav mained the same: is predominant lancy prevails,
social differentiat rise to a sis реаSants, and I
section of the poc have become land 1 Workers in the In na SS of Iniddle,
Saints. Agricultur:

on the Peasantry
practices together all circumstances ISS Cid earlier hellbout all overall in the peasant
long with higher bout many other es. These chillcorded in nume2s and surveys
1977; Morrison sekera ed, 1985: iculture; ARTI. Shanmugaratnam roley and Slal84: Guinasinghe. !e evidence from less otherwise 1 this section to rall observations. agriculture was
mercialised, capi
penetrated the lsäIlts Were T1CW. share of paddy ile iTn addition Singly switching iwati II of C5H of Subsistence 1979: 192; ARTI ckera, 1985:97). inal forms of exas sa ter P22 had siglin areas where Illine IE feature. ories of cultiabour in warying the emer. st relations of
1975:18).
in pact of this THISEATilt CCCII) o Imy in the postas been one of social differetry, While agra"c basically refamily labour while share teThe process of ion has given tTatum of Tich marginaliseda Dr Peasants who CSS agricultu Tal idst of a large апа роог реаil wage labour
is almost totally casual part time employment (Gunasinghe, 1979. Shanırtıugaratnam, 1980, 1987 ); In some rural areas, agricultural settlements in particular, a very Small strätum Of Tull Fall entre
reneurs of non-peasant origin is scen to be emerging (Wickramasekera, 1985; Gu na singhe, 1985a, b: Shan Illugaratnam, 1987). The peasant bourgeoisie, a thin layer of affluent farmers or rich peasants represent a dynamic force within peasant society in the growth of peasant agriculture: they produce a marketable surplus of paddy and other food crops as well as commercial crops such as tobacco; they use only or mainly hired labour, bio-chemiCal technology and intcnsify landWater use through multiple cropping; many of them owIn farm machinery which are also hired () uit. Many of the 11 have also concentrated a larger than average Tel. Cf llIli in their hälls (Shanmugartnam, 1980:98 Hameed et al., 1977: 117). Another newly energing group which represents the dynamism in the growth of domestic agriculture is the rural entrepreneurs, however, not of peasant origin: they are mostly traders, govern Ilment officials, andi professionals (Shanmugaratnam1987: 201). They directly culti, wate large tracts of paddy land Lup to 25-30 a crics leased in Onn money Tent from peasants, using the complete package of modern technology and exclusivelly wage labour. They combine cultivation with a number of other activities which provide the basis of their capital accumulation. These
entrepreneur cultivators in the settlement areas at the same
time own threshing mills, farm Inachinery and lorries; they also engage in large scale grain trade, money lending, goverment Contract work. and supplying goods and services to the government. All these activities elevate then to the position of entrepreneurs
ரோமாசி கா நரச 13)

Page 14
The J. R. Years: The
A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
Jayawardene's ter. In of fice can be divided into two phases the first 1977-1983 was the Ilore rewarding when he accomplished a great many things. The sccond, 1983-9, was disaster laden. He got inwolved in wars of attrition. He miscalcullated fatally, imagining that his army could bring what he called the 'terrorists', the word he used for the Tamil insurrectionists, easily to book! Again he listened to the wrong people, in all probability to the ministers closest to him.
The question has often been posed that he was a wicked communal politician who derived pleasure in skewering the Tamils. This perception goes back to the days when he mobilised Sinhala opinion against the BC Pact. There was no evidence of persomal anti-Tamilismduring 1977– 83. In office he wanted peace to promote economic development. He was willing to pay a price, the District Development Councils, even though he feared a Sinhala backlash. On his opposition to the BC Pact, he took great pains to explain that he was against it because under its provisions, + + the Mataile Council Could Wote to merge with Jaffna'. Nobody was deceived, including perhaps het himself. But het als o used the alibi that he fully supported the DC Pact of 1965, a fact which can not be disputed. 1983, things went awry and he was driven to the Wall. But he let all this happen because he delayed implementing the DDC legislation of 1980. His ministers fed him with prejudicial informatic. And so did the state intelligence apparatus.
There is nevertheless the need to dispose of the accusation of communalis II vis-a-vis the Ceylon Tamils. A few episodes can provide partial explanations. One answer is that Mr. Jayewardene wanted to retain power, if not for himself, at any rate for his party. There is indubitable evidence that until 1984, he had
12
decided hic Wol third term desp that the constit been amended. for what happer I ceased to hal hi. Till the retirement and S con the benefits available to exUnited States. of his first terr Wont to di SCLISS Presumably it b him that the ct the island was geable. He sai distressed after Sinhalal-Tamil 1980-81. One to pression that office Were telli had in him als of sensitivity.
During this pl that one of his been to have h Iman äTcl Amirt same platform, comment. He antipathy again though here, in one relationship confused with When the the drawn betwee
He spoke aff or two Tails directing himsel nayakan. Naga Tiruchewan, he his good frien Successors in th he described as small people'. surprising quest 'why the Tamils leaders like W. the retired Supr. who lives oxt di Place residence. was seriously coi future of the " entertained poli He expressed c. nail, a friend riots of July 1. decided to m With visible gr the formeT UJF

Second Phase
ld not seck at ite the Possibility Lution could hawe I canпоt speak ed after 1984 a 5 We contact with he talked of bught information that were by law presidents of the Before the ed l, he was even early retirement. ecame evident to hnic situation in getting Lun manatil he felt deeply am outbreak of violence around btained the imthic burdens of ng On hiIII. He a strong streak
asehererked Enlı bitis had imself, Thondahalingam on the il wery serious had no personal
st the Tamils lliwidual one-toבשם tהח 15LחודT בו
lob psychology, }:4, title: 1in e5; re the two peoples.
:ctionately of one ut he was mis| horc. Chely:- lathal and M. said had been is like their E TILF II
'Small ninds, He asked Ime the CC is ty Could Tot llave Manicawasagar' me Court justice CT to his WaT
(Manicava sagar Erned about the Tills, but Ticyer ical ambitions.) 1CETIn för - G Iliawho after the 3 had, he said, We to Madras. if he related how minister, C. Ku
marasuriar, was being In arched by a Sinhala gang with his hands tied with a rope to be cast into flames''. Fortunately", he added, four, party men knew
who he was and rescued this Imajestic Iman'' just in time. Newcr ever in his conversations
even in his most relaxed and Linguarded moments did he refer 器 the Ceylon Tamils derogatoTIIM.
But there are other aspects of Mr. Jayewardene which are dif ficult to explain. To my surprise, a western academic told me that the president in explaining the communal conflict, refered to tus" (the Sinhalese) and them', the Ceylon Tamils. I asked him once why he did not dismiss Cyril Mathew to which he gave the unconvincing reply that he needed Mathew als to a CCOLliteT to MITS. Banda Talnaike's anti-Tamil propaganda". Mathew used to occasionally at tend the JR-TULF talks. Mathew Llewer uttered a word. I referred more than once to his poker faced countenance', adding that I thought Mathew had deep convictions and should therefore be persuaded about the correctness of the UNP governIllent's approach to the Tamil problem. Mr. Jayewardene parried this question, at least more than once. Mathew he said looked always the way he did and was devoid of humour. He laughingly referred to the Sinhalese kiпgs peopling their borders. With Mathew's kind, They are thard fighters who will resist’’, or Words to that effect.
Mathew Wrote a letter to the president which contained a sentence I well remember: Your Excellency is bending over backwards to please the Tamils and you will soon fall flat on your face', I asked what he planned to do. El Will dismiss him unless he apologises''. To which I said that he ran the risk of losing the support of Mathew's people. He shot back the reply he will have no power once he ceases to be a minister". Mr.

Page 15
Jayewardene however was totally
free of caste prejudices.
Caste
only came into consideration as
a component of a political cal
tulation,
The possible conclusion is that Mr. Jayewardene stood for the class to which he belonged. He tied to put together all the
diverse forces
iI
the island's
multi-ethnic polity for political
ells. dysfunctional
They were relevant
insofar would be helpful to him.
as they
T
Ceylon Tami is think otherwise and look on him as a demon.
Гпnpressions rectified.
C:1.110
be easily
There is then the question of
party politics. Wils first, last
the United National
The
President and always for Party. A
senior western academic was quite disappointed with the president's
reply when aE
Seminar he
asked him what in his opinion was the most important contri
bution he had made for
his
country. He replied that after its 1956 humiliation, he lifted his party from the depths. Loyalty to his party in all probability explains his conciliatory relationship with his prime ini
mister, Mr. R. Premadasa.
EW亡n
in his most linguarded moments he referred to Mr. Premadasa
quite minister', him by name.
lit
respectfully
aS ** pri Dine
for did he address He often stated Whereas he had evolved
his political skills through in
sights, instinct,
intuition"
EIll
"an intellectual turn of mind OVer Ilany Ilany years, the prime minister had similar talents having learned these in the school
of life.
He did not want
t
disturb the waters by setting off
aspirants
agailist Garmini Dissanayake from
1983 looked on Mr. Prema
tagll tյther, 77פ1
dasa as the successor. I ceased ith the party
tC ble Familia w situation after 9
President
S3.
Jayewardene not by any stretch of the
Could imagi
nation be regarded as ego-centered. During 1977-83, the word T" was seldom ever used. He thought always of major decisions
as eollective lindertakings.
EI
complained but only once that his problem had been that his
ministers were i disliked Mrs. G he appeared When I caution it aside stating Will Illot be re to be the bane the Tamil ques to Pakistan and dabad"* remark
11 Illyance of D. that President stand by him a the White Hous two hour meetin Claridges (UK) i him, alas, 'to re tanding with Mr failed to have a just did not gras militant Tamil Tamil resistance Stay iլnd that without settling w first to deal w
The Impact..
(சோராத நீர், with a very gapital and poli back them (Gun: xi-xii).
With surplus ac SCOTT'le CEIl centrati land in their na Saints enjoy impro dards. The enèrg Ent TerēIlleurs whic tively larger trac tural land, leased Sants, using exclu bour also indicate the opportunities incoInes in the for the rural poo
In an overal
the continuing if income disparities Comes of the Fura for the lowest in creased partly due in the peasant cc to Tela Live improve living standards. . for the lowest de
1978/79, there kling down of th E TOWith to low inci Way of an increas incomes' (Lakshi As illustrated by t figures for the Which deteriorated 79 period (from

experienced. He randhi but here O Inis calculate. ed him, he waved that the lady LIrned. She was of his life on tion. He went rm1:1de the # FZintil Luch to LE elhi, He thought Reagan would fter his visit to in 1984. At a 1g With him at п 1984, I uгged ach asil unders's Gandhi but it пy impact. He P that by 1983, Tlationalism and had come to it was useless ith the militants "ith Mr. Rajiv
| Poż FP)
liցի Outlay of tical power to Lisinghe, 1985 a.
2Cl1 Tulation and in of agricultural nds, rich peaWed living stanCIlce of agrarian Cultivate relats, cof agricul
іп from peаsively wage la:S increases in
of improved form of wapes
I
Sense, despite IlOt W C}TSening , the real in
Inasses except OITle group in
to the growth Onomy, leading Til CT1ts i Enci Except peThaps cile, from 1973 WELS 50TThe LTigbenefits of Inc groups by i.e. in their real nan, 1986:28). he real income loWest decile, ver 1973–1978/
El El
Gandhi or the Tamil parliamentarians. The DDCs by then had become museum pieces.
On the matter of violations of human rights, he was at first wery concerned. He read the report of AII and wonde Ted What hic could do. The advice that he should ensure that there should be no repetition went un heeded. Mr. Jayewardene's problem was age. His ministers, officials, policemen and soldiers thought they could flout him in the belief that he would fade from the scene. But the President completed his two terms. Power and its trappings had their attractions for him for their own sake. He failed to exercise power for constructive purposes because economic and political circumstances engulfed him and became a lonely sailor adrift on El T1 LITT chal Titel 5e.
month incone per inconne receiver of Rs.33 to Rs.29) but recovered to reach the 1973 level again in 1981/82, the real incomes of the prest group remained at the Saine level about over a decade. Absolute poverty among the lowest income groups in the CountI y has increased as reflecled in their severe nutritional deprivation' (NAFNS: 74; Thorbecke and Svejnar, 1987: 25). Poorer people have been spending almost three fourth of their income on basic food items. In the rural areas the extent of extreme poverty is found to be higher among the smallest land holding categories. The increased malnutrition and deteriorating health and educational standards With increasing IIlirtality rates in the post-1977 period for the first time in the post-colonial period (Laksman, 1986: 30) most probably concentrated in the poorest sections of the society, among whom marginalised peaSantry would form a majority, raises serious social and political concerns. It is very likely that unemployed young members of Targinalised peasant families would have in desperation joined the Jarratha Virikthi Perimin (JVP) or the Peoples Liberation Front which mounted an antisystemic violent campaign in the latter part of 1980's.
13

Page 16
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Page 17
The Post-Colonial Process
The Tamil middle class
Dr Siri Gamage
NTRODUCTION
Most of the writings on soealled ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka point the finger at the Sri Laikal state for creating the necessary grounds for the radicalisation of the Tamil middle class and the continuing ethnic violence (e.g. Artisaratman1 1987, Nithiyanandan 1987; Hellman-Rajanayagan 1991;
Ponnambalam 1983, Tamibiali 1986; Wilson 1982, 1988). Many writers ascribe the increased
tempo in the antagonism ԷյetWEEI1 Tani political leadership Lld the Lankan state whose leadership has remained basically in the hands of Sinhala elites to several key areas of policy failures or discriminations, (e.g. Mathews 1988; Nithiyamanda 1987. Perumal and Thandava 1989). Increasingly. Some Tamil leaders and intellectuals have is been forthcoming in their claim for a separate, independent state based on historical, ethnic and cultural factors. An other set of writers ascribe the root cause of the conflict to historically and culturally constructed ethno-ideologies or Perceptions of the two cthnic groups in each others view as Well als the view of self. In fact, there has been a proliferation of Writings in this area govering topics such as nationalism, identity, consciousness and ideology (e.g. Nissan 1989: Walentine Daniel 1989; Jayawardene 1990; Mathews 1988-89. De Silva 1986).
In another paper, I have dealt with the way the Sinhala rural pety-bourgeisie (RPB) evolved as a political force, showed signs of radicalisation at times, and in the eighties were structurally incorporated by the state making it a conservative force (Gamage 1992). There. I did not deal with the re-radicalisation of the RPB youth by the
The Iriar recer a the Univery gf Neis Erigland, A Hig fralia
Edited version of to the 9th Biennial the Asian Studies Australia University Armidale: 6-9 July
Wara Pia Vir 7 kili between 1987-1984 it represents the recent historical the Sinhala RPE became radicalise oppositional poli military force a State. For th, since independe was able to Sl uprising of the What I plan to is a similar CX. do in the other to use : "class against an “cth: and to examine Fethnic conflict" selected class Pe TT clies this C a radicalisation Ur rather its FC H3 in the Cl55 as exemplified b risings? If so, cconomic and responsible for ion? Why is it the Sri Lanka11 trolled the Simh calisation. So Slic for the time be Tali RPB ra there any benefi in continuing ti Tigers of the These arc Sille that will guid through the foll
The study of conservatism of assumes signific is this radicalisir which determine strategies and political struggl various classes. flict cannot be

radicalised
a paper presented Conference of Association of of New England, | .
Peramuna (VP) J. Noetheless, secondl ImajoT instancic When in Sri Lanka di making it a In tical as well as ainst thc clitist : Second time mee that State ress this radical iāli RPB. do iп this paрет rcise to what II paper. Namely, perspective as nic perspective
the so-called in terms of the rspective. How Fict TepTCSEL’lt of Tamil RPB uthful elements of Sinhala RPB y the JVP upWhat were the political factors this radicalisatnot possible for State which conala RPB radicessfully, at least ing, to control dicalisation? Is to the State war with the Tamil Eelam? of the questions le my thoughts llowing pages.
radicalisation or a given class amice because it In or conservatistill is the objectives, ideologies of es launched by A political collproperly under
stood by limited analysis of its legal consequences of constitutional consequences alone when the conflict has assumed serious proportions in terms of a continuing armed struggle. One has to examine the force behind the Warring partics, their social and
class origins, and their objectives
5 ell.
It is common and even convenient to describe the ongoing conflict between the Sri Lankan Government forces and the forces of the Tamli Tigers as an "ethnic conflict between the Tamils and Sinhalese people primarily because the chief protagonists in the co Il fict belong to these two ethnic
Definition of the
Till 5. COfict in such broad, culturally couched terms and concepts, while giving added flesh Luci
blood in terms of popular understanding of the conflict, does not necessarily offer us a full understanding of the nature of true social forces involved, directly or indirectly. If Wege a step further, beyond the ethnic catcgories, it will give lis a different kind of understanding. In this paper, I look at the CũTiflict from a class perspective' instead of an ethnic perspective' and try to decipher somewhat diffeit details. In doing so, I need to describe different Perspectives proposed by warious iters as useful in the study of his conflict and those which appear to me as relevant.
Gunasinghe outlines four perspectives or perceptions' which considers as linked with various social strata, factions and forces that are detrimental to any solution (Gunasinghe 1987). These four perceptions or reconstructions of social reality are:
1. Nation besieged perspective
2. It is individuals, not ethnicity
that matters' perspective
5

Page 18
3. Recognition of nationalities
TL'lile.
and devolution of
DOWEr Perspective
4. Eelam perspective.
The 'lost articulate exponents of the first are the middle level mercantile elements engaged in trade competition, sections of the Buddhist monkhood, factions within the traditional intelligentsia who generally derive from a rural propertied background and cohorts of urban professionals who are generally self-employed and placed in highly competitive situations'. According to the second perspective Sri Lanka is viewed as a multi-ethnic, multireligious country. Equality of opportunity is emphasised in education, employment and getting land. Right to live in any part of the island is also cmphasised. The most articulate exponents arc top entrepreneurs and westernised business executives, urban oriented educated monks. If not succumbed to the first perspective in times of ethnic tension, urban lower middle class may also share this persective. The third constellation of perception, the least mytho-ideological one, proceeds from a concrete analysis of the concrete conditions. The multiethnic character of society is recognised by this perpective. During and after the British rule, ethnic consciousness increased and the communities drifted apart through the competive political and economic processes. Elements of the Sinhala middle class believe that the Tamils were over represented in Government service under the British Since independence this situation was corrected in various Ways to advantage of Sinhalese foT e.g. in terms of land, employment, education and language provisions. For the Tamils, the only way out is to obtain a substantial devolution of power amounting to regional autonomy. Entire political system has to be democratised and the existing presidential system modified or changed, Eelam perspective which is common to the Tamil armed militant group emphasises the notions of a separate state
16
Within which the right to : Eind national Tallil mitts different from who waged ar.
3 gali DSE difference
the gi is th
CIT pathy for thi among Tamils.
In a review
ing with the S: CCI fict further be discerici. " below:
1) As a class a
2) As an
ponse to the political Colombo bas United Front calism of the of Wer-mid in thic North parts of the is the focus.
EthПi T85բd Ilse to elitist, nation: ship, which Sinhala Bud and South lāti lī arguments H։ failure of the fulfil the asp Tamils are - Radicalisation is viewed as discrimination
3) As a territori
4)
ing from histo: cultural and ps derive inspiral minority or inc Tilth OWEITT, 21 LS, T, the in alienab Northern Ta determination."
traditional Eela II is the rights violatio a Te emphasi: POWETs of in are invokel.
Sinhalese p Teceived sität independence
SCI1 5 ISTE Tiwalries, eithe the principles
formally and/c

Tail people gain self-determination Sovereignty. The
are not very the Sinhala youth med insurrection WIllit. One ält the Te is mass : TäITil Irm1ilitaTt5
of literaturc deaTi Lankan cthnic perspectives can
They are given
Ind political resLTi di tillä "Tarimi eadership. i. e. ed, elitist, Tamil
(TULF): radi
: new generation dile class youth ETT Province ad
Eastern province
C and political the established, all political leader. is primarily dhist, Colombo based: discrimigricvance based Well as the Ilä til state to irations of the the key focus. of Tamil youth äl result of such
iall claim de Tivrical, traditional pli lation factors: tion from simila ligenous people's OLITId the World: e right of the lils to self
through Omeland" called
focus. Hull ns by the state 5 ed and the IETIllion: IäW
oliticians who : power after
in 1948 are laging the ethnic by betraying
of democracy bir informally or
6)
7)
by allowing the ethnic pass. ions to dominate over universal principles of democracy, (There is a group of elite intellectuals who argue that the denocCracy in Sri Lanka has withstood the test of time, notwithstanding the conflicts which have claimed an enormous number of lives.)
As a question of two national
isms competing for Supremacy among two distinct populations but also with contested territorial claims in the context and beyond the concept (or construct) of the Nation State. There are differing views about the origins of Tamil Nationalism, e.g. Roberts sees it as a response to Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism (Robert 1988), De Silva sees the effects of South Indian nationalism separatism flowing into the Northern nationalism (De Silva 1988).
The heartland of Jaffna peninSula is not economically viable on its own. Therefore the need for a wider hinterland to sustain economically a society and culture based in the Jaffna peninsula is emphasised. Traditionally this had been Varii, Manna and Batticaloa. But it is the land claimed by others like the Sinhalese and Muslims. The homeland argument' is partly based on this underlying econonic Inccessity (e.g. Rajanayagam 1990; 103-06).
As a legal and constitutional exercise for the devolution of PO VYET EO II nime Tities: the Centralisation of power is viewed as a British legacy which the post-independent governments in Sri Lanka Were reluctant or unable to repudiate until the 1980s. The elitist, westernised Colombo legal bureaucracy associated With political parties and the government is very active in this area.
Looking at these various pers
Pectives that one can adopt in examining the Sri Lankan ethnic
conflict,
and indeed the way

Page 19
they have been used by various writers, it seems that a key question involved here is what Worsely has outlined as follows:
The overall question is whether Conflicts het Ween ethnic and racial groups deriye from perசேரions of physical aார் cultural differences which one group sees in a Tother, or wherher they rest por the fac that there are conflicts of ir reres ger erated by the Political aid econonic stricIre, l'iristort "hich the Cultural difference would exist - drid The Flored - Bizet would not give LLLK LLLL S SSYYLYLKJ KLLY S LLLL S S LCLLJS racial conflict.
(Worsley 1987: 345)
Efforts to describe the political and a med Conflict betWee the Tigers of the Tamil Eelam and the Sri Lankan State doininated by the Sinhala clites as a conflict between Sinhala and Tamil people or ethnic groups are misleading in several ways, Firstly, such efforts minimise the importance of a highly stratified social organisation in Sri Lankan society - North and South - in terms of social classes based on economic differentiation started with the European colonial occupation of the island. Secondly, they underestimate the
capacity of such social forces as classes to act as political forces with a political con
sciousness' conditioned by their specific socio-economic environment. Thirdly, they give priority to cultural and ideological factors in trying to explain the causes and consequences of the conflict without acknowledging that such ideological or cultural factors encrge out of the material conditions prevailing in a society. Finally, those who follow this line of argument operate with broad ethnic categories like Sinhala' and Tamil as if they are homogCneous categories and go on making analyses and interpretations as well as broad generalisation, e.g. Tamil opinion vs Sinhala opinion.
I Would like to give one example. Many Writings on this
which
conflict refer to ion and Sinhala they were unif and ideological Views. However, amination of either the Ta Sinhala people this is not the was doing field
Tables (Giyin Rajagal
The M:
It is not good Stops developme Peacci mullst be i The country she Until a part of
ble Sol Wedl The problem has Thcir (the Tami A militaty soluti Their (the Tami Destroys the Sir Am against the
give internal E It should hal We 1t dû e5 110L affe Whatever is give to satisfy then The poor men No solution is More power sho՝ Call be solved
through not coi All the terrorist Am for the Pro With a general A leftist govern Any solution ha They are asking Terroris III has ti India is interfer Party politics is No idea No response

the Tamil opinopinion as if Tim, historically by conditioned
a closer exhe opinion of mil people or would reveal that case. When II research in the
Sinhala heartland of central hills in Kandy in 1985-86, I included a question in my field questionnaire about the so-called ethnic conflict" widely known in the area as the terrorist problem'. Given below are the response I Teceived from 110 households in the settlement called Rajaganza.
TABLE 1.
Details of the Wariety of Opinion held by na Residents About the Tamil Problems
in View Expressed Null be of
Respon
dents
because so many die 21 int, destroys public property 14 stablished 14 uld be divided O5
the country is given to them it cannot
O increased, become complex O3 ls) fight is correct (justified) O3 ion is the right one O3 ls) part has to be given (to them) O2 hille.Se Tace O2 Provincial Councils (which would Lutonomy to the Tamils O2 been nipped in the bud O2 tLS O1 in to the Tamils, will not be enough l O1 o to the army, they die Ol 1ւյssible Ol ld be given to the army O1
nly through Buddhist philosophy (i.e. sidering them as enemies or with violence) 01
I should be killed Ol incial Councils O1 lcction it can be Sowel O ment can solwe the problem Ol to be within a unitary state Ol for a separate state (it can't be granted) 01 be destroyed Ol I Ol responsible for the problem OI
11
O
110
7.

Page 20
What this table shows is the sheer diversity of opinion about the conflict among residents who a Te normally generalised as the Sinhala people'. It is of interest to Lote that SOTT1 e TesideInt:5 even support the Tamil cause. If at all, it also shows the illpact of development ideology' imposed upon the populace of Sri Lanka by each successive government, Fourteen people Viewed the conflict in terms of its effect on the development of the Country. lInstead of a dominina Inti view or two, theTec are a large number of minority opinion, This also disprovics Gunasingh's claim that the urban lower middle class and the peasantry' support the second perspective that he described (I like to call the second perspective as democratic or multicultural), A common desire for peace is also revealed. It is duty of the social scientists to bring out complex dimensions of this conflict, as evident from the diver. sity of views, so that the dialogue and negotiation can be better informed - rather than trying to describe the conflict in terms of stereotypical, conventional ideologies such as those of nationalism, communalis in or chauvinism on both sides, Any 'ism' developed by the Tamils and Sinhalese, or rather their urban elites or the rural petty-bourgeois elites, has to be understood in terms of the changing ground conditions in the economy and the polity as well as the forces unleashed by these changes, including class forces - leading to the creation of Such FisIns". Therefore 0In the basis of available literature on the subject, I will examine hic economic, political and other factors which led to the present confict, and the class forces providing the political leadership in the current conflict with a foi CLS on the Tamil Sicile.
In searching for the factors or causes of the conflict under consideration, various Writers look at it in terms of history,
politics, economics, language, culture and ideology. They emphasise one or other of these
18
dimensions. some emphasis Cultu Te, identi aspect. Some the power and whereas other: economic, emp and land aspe pose, it would and even imp in a detailed these dimensio sclected di II ne Tlatter. Si rice to Ok at the of this to milit: procccd. quickl: way of a su TV Walio 15 CaLLISES Therefore, I presentative a many hundreds on the subject as giving a co cise description leading to the selected an art namı, all well kimi Australian hist папn's paper is ГалііI Re/afiолs Lanka (Ceylon, in a book e BoucheT and 0|| fїісt: Internatic Sage 1987). giving a simil description is b. an economist T versity. It is t of Economic Fa Orgin and Deve Na fioria Iisriri ir appeared in a Charles Abeyse Gunasinghe (IF iri Sri La Finka, Associatiori, Col
According to Was a pluralis society before colonial rulers. during the coli 1948). Comp Tamils and S есопотmy, educt Service CWe've ter interaction the ethnic elit mula lātter: horse-trading. integration was Wast sub-clite

As stated already
e the language, ty and ideology others emphasise
| political aspect er Imphasise the loyment, education cts, For my pur| be un necessary ossible to engage examination of all 1:S DE 3 Weil 011e In Sicil for that my aim is rather : class character t, I need only to y and briefty by ey throı.Igh these and dimensions. will use a rerticle from the } OF 5 Luch Witten which I consider nden sed and conof various causes conflict. I have icle by Arasarat0 WL1 Sri LankaCorian, Arasarattitled "Sir Falairr Molerr irf I and appeared dited by Jerry hers (YErh Pic Corria Perspectives, Alch the T article аг chгопological y Nithiyanandan, Tom J:ffn UTniitled "Arı aralysis Tffy F. Hell rá. Itt Мортепt of Tamil 5ri Lարեզ" whicի book edited by era al di Newto cers of Ethnicity Social Sciers r), 1987),
A Talsa. Tältä Til there
il Sri Lällika the arrival of This wis fraze njal rule (1505tition between nhala in the ion and public increascd. Greaexisted among i Wh3 Luscid com
for political A horizontal achieved. The
Tl2SS WELS Il
touched for a long time by the political activities of the clites. In 1951 the ruling elite was factionalised. With the election victory of Bandaranalike in 1956 an ideology of Sinhala nationalism evolved in contrast to the elite nationalism. It was based on an idealised Or imagined past of glorious Sinhala kingdoms, extensive political power and high cultural achieveIIllints. The Sinhalese were portrayed as the custodians of Buddhism and the island. The Sinhala hegemonic state used
this ideology for its own pur
poses, especially at times of
Colunal tension, The State
used the power gained this way
to provide educational and cm
ployment opportunities for Sin
hala educated youth and to
widen commercial opportunities
for an emerging class of small
scale Sinhala entrepreneurs. The
Tamils were negatively discri
minated in the areas of educat
ion and employment.
The issue of land colonisation also affected the hearts and minds of Tamils severely. These concerns led to the politicisation of large segments of Tamil population. By 1979 parameters of political activity and the ground rules of political participation had changed fundamentally. 1976, the major Tamil party adopted the right of self determination as its political platform. It was only reacting to the radicalisation of opinion and the birth of Tamil youth militancy, The Imilitancy had its origins in early seventies.
The Government was now faced with two opponents, the TULF on the political and parliamentary front and the Tigers on the military front. The TULF was not an enable to compromisc settlements
as they saw the Tamil militants Over their shoulders. They increasingly talked the extremist language of separation and an
independent Tamil state. They would certainly not settle for anything LLLL0 S S LLLL S LLLLL LLL LLLLLLLLL tLL
wer. The Governient had behind then the forces of Shia cremis that hid 5ecured new
(ரெriபு: தர நரச :)

Page 21
Thaiff DeG
NEW YORK
he proposed restructuring of the United Nations is expected to be one of the most politically controversial issues of the 47th General Assembly session which begins here 15 September.
The poor countries, which comprise the majority within the world body, a Te accusing the North of trying to manipulate the restructuring process in order to give added political weight to Western powers over developing nations.
There is a growing suspicion, the Geneva-based South Centre Warned in a recent report, "that through institutional change, the
UN is being steered in a direction which would give still gre
atcr influence than in the past to a few major and wealthy developed powers of the world."
The South already has rejected a proposal for a 50-50 equal representation of donor and recipient countries in the governing bodies of technical cooperation programmics.
This is totally inconsistent with the principle of universality advocated by the United Nations," a Third World diplomat said.
Under the first phase in the process of restructuring, Secretary |-General Boli tros-Ghali a III10 Limced in February the closure of several UN departments which were in charge of social and cconomic cooperation and coordination, and their absorption by a single departiment.
The 12. offices/departments which were discontinued as separate entities include the Office of the Director-General for Development and International ECOmo Illic CC
ThaIIf Deеп а лепIor Srї ЈошrлаІІлг Іл лои DevelopллелІ
Gr of Irrer Free Ft Ger yfice.
Liki E.
North-South battle be
operation, the International E Affairs, and Cooperation the Centre foi nology for De
UN Centre On porations.
None of t
SÖLuth Celti TE S jected to in-d debate within
their implicati nisation's prio for the di Tee
"Opinions of and il tE S 1S-SCEl Il neither sought the Centre a
Until now, restructuring F from Weste TI tions and by t rall. The basi Current discus a paper foгп the World b. Nordic count mark, Norway diel.
The 10-pag Which has bee was originally calls for radic system, includ an Internatic Council integr of the Economi cil (ECOSOC)
In a 41-pa! here, the Sol Collut Lihat the world's peopl; al Id that sin C Will face the Survival, the a leading rol ideals of the
The report, cussed by the is the First C UI TESTTICELII World perspe
 
 
 
 
 
 

gins
Departiment of conomic::11i Social that of Technical cor Development, Science and Techvelopment and the Translatinäll (CCT
hese changes, the aid, has been subpth analysis or to the UN concerming Ils for the QTgaities and rolcs, ÖT it sets of lenbers.
' shall countriesCoulth, cyen la Tige stly to have been nor considered, ltletl.
the proposals for Lave come mostly industrialised Ilahe Secretary-Genefor Luch if the sions, however, is tally submitted to dy by the folur ies, nam1 colly, Det:InFinland and Swe
c Nordic paper, in updated since it issued in May 1991, al changes thc UN ing the creation of inal DewelopIIn Cnt ating the functions ic and Social Colu. In
ge report released Ith Centre points majority of the live in the South, e it is they who basic problems of South, Illust play e in defending the
UN cha TitleT.
· which is to be dis: General Assembly, Iomprehensiwe Tcport ing from a Third ctive.
Chaired by former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, thic South Centre was establish cd in 1990 as the follow-up office of the South Commission undertaking a range of activities to promote Southern-based perspectives on global development issues."
The report says that the evolwing nature of the UN will have
El Vital influence on the future
shape and management of the post-Cold War internatinal economic and political system.
The crucial matter of Test Tucturing the UN system has therefore to be considered by the highest policy levels of the South, says the report. It says the South is already late since significant changes are already underway, and that merely trying to block them is neither a credi. blс пот. viable strategy.
If the South Wishes to exert influence H. Drıd be take In Serialı sly," says the report, it will have to seize the initiative, make its own proposals, and engage in serious negotiations to influence the direction of change."
The Centre recoillends that the institutional revitalisation and strengthening of the world body must be a comprehensive exercise which addresses all the organisations Within the UN system.
If says one of the main objectives should be to protect and enhance the organisation's democratic character and moral authority, and that efforts to emphasise some areas of UN activity at the expense of others need to be resisted.
The Centre says it is particularly urgent to Dreyent the UN from being shaped into an instrument for political and economic intervention in the South while leaving the countries of the North outside its jurisdiction.
Further, it says there is an urgent need to strengthen the UN's role, functions and Capacilties in the economic field, particularly in relation to trade, development, finance, Inonetary issues and technology,
S S YLYK LSLK LEL HSlS TTTTTMLkS
19

Page 22
COMWFLICT (2)
Some Case studies:
John M. Richardson Jr.
urton's early classic, Co Fflict and Communication (1969) and a more recent work by
Kahn (1988) illustrate a school of thought that emphasizes the importance of communication in conflict resolution. Burton argues that resolving conflicts Illust involve processes by which communication can be made to be effective, that is... deliberate conveying and accuratic receipt and interpretation of what was intended and should be conveyed, and the full employment of information as received and stored in the allocation and reallocation of values, interests and goals' (p. 49). Burton's later work cmphasizes that effective communication, while important, represents only one facet of conflict resolution. Kahn, however, presents the more simplistic view that cnhanced communication alone will be sufficient to resolve Ilost Conflicts.
AzaT"s Work also illustrates a second, although rarely encountered genre in the literature: case studies and comparative case studies of ethnic conflict resolution. Azar's first insights about the distinctive characteristics of protracted conflict grew from in-depth study of his native country Lebanon. This lead provided a basis for further case studies, sponsored by the Univer
sity of Maryland's Center for International Development and Conflict Management, and to
refinement of the 'problem-solving forum’’ strategy for resolving ethnic conflicts. Forums conducted by the Center produced useful insights, but inconclusive Tesult5. Röthchild and Hartzell's study of the Sudan peace process (1990) also focuses on the negotiation process and the potential for successful third party mediation. They identify five preconditions favoring success: (1) the emergence of identifiable bargaining parties; (2) evidence of a mutually hurting stalemate:
20)
Jianxin Wang
(3) the existenc mined on a (4) external pc. porting conflict (5) the presenc actively on the
Other CaSc sLL: nccc to addres cultural, econor tical issue5 453 resolving ethni example, de S Imanaging ethnic Lanka (1986) importance of r tional questions age, religion, re. terns and devolt Garcia's work or (1988, 1989), urg be given to pi rights, agrarian of basic social Tesolution of inequities. Rupt tion of paperso emphasize:s the II institutions that sive to minority more equitable, cultural develop The authors of t do not agree o' essential issues resolved. Probab: differ fričom cas culturc to cultul
Horowitz's ma; study, Ethnfe Gr (1985) maintains Tooted issues mu some ethnic dif inherently unres lĩeựes that cöl TaLher Lhan con a Timore practica nically liverse : Witz identifies f isis of confli 597):(1) Creatir points of power saliency of intr; (3) creating inci ethnic cooperati aging alignment: Tests other tha (5) reducing dis

te of leaders deterractical solution; litical actors sup
resolution; and e of a mediator
ՀԸLIլ:
dies focus on the Se deeply rooted nic and geopoliPTC TČ quisites, foi C COIlflicts. For Silva's work on * Conflict in Sri points to the 2solving constituin Wolving languPresentation patution of power. the Philippines es thalt attention "otecting human reform, delivery Services and the ETծ58 ect mմmic *sinքht's coլլceIn Uganda (1989) Ieed for political arte II10re responCOT1CCIns and articipatory agriTlent Strategies. 15C Case studies 1 What are the that must be ly these issues 0 Case and
ܒ ܒ
Five compaгative IP5 in Conflict hat While deeply t be addressed. rences may be lvable. He belict reduction, ict resolution is e goal in eլիcile ties... Horoe basic mechareduction (ք. proliferating (2) raising the thnic conflict: tives for inter 1: (4) encour
based on inteEthnicity; and rities between
groups so that dissatisfaction declines. He proposes that nations live with ethnic differences, rather than attempting to move be yond them, by “Cingineering" institutional structures and procedures that are based upon an unders. tanding of how political incentives intensify or mitigate tensions. Horowitz believes that * ostructural techniques” that ** change the political framework within which ethnic conflict occurs but do not necessarily make DIQחlises about outcomes," will be most effective (Ch. 15). He his skeptical about distributive policies,' such as proportional allocation of government positions, that attempt to directly change the ethnic balance of EEtנTטוmit: opportunities and rewards.
Eric Nordlinger's Conflict Regi lation in Divided Societies (1972) is an earlier Comparative study emphasizing conflict Till Tidge Irlent. The work argues that common characteristics of six cases - Belgun, the Netherlands, Austria, Switzerland, Lebanon and Malaysia —- point to a general theory conflict regulation. Nordlinger claims that these six divided societies' were free of conflict for long periods of time because elite leaders of protagonist TJIP were both dominant and politically skillful. By politically skillful, he means that they successfully implemented one or more of six conflict regulating practices (PP. 20, ff): (I) a stable coa tion between governing parties; (2) the principle of proportiопality; (3) acceptance of a mutual Wet; (4) purposive depoliticization; (5) mutual adjustment of conflicting Values and interests through compromise and (6) concessions by the stronger group. When conflict regulation succeeds, “at least one of six practices is invariably present (p.20).
Horowitz's and Nordlinger's emphasis on conflict regularia II (or conflict management), distinguishes their work from TilList studies of conflict resolution. They are more concerned With stabilizing divided societies over the long run than with ending violent conflicts after they have broken out. Their practices and principles provide useful broad

Page 23
goals for negotiators, and mediators, however these goals might be difficult to attain OT even un reachable when the positions of protragonist groups have been polarized by extended periods of protracted conflict.
Comparative case studies by Lickleider (1990) and Zartman (1985) point to the problems of negotiatting successful ethnic pea
ce accords as well providing useful insights for 1 = Liators. However - I leither desills
with ethnic conflicts specifically. Lickleider's study of How Civil Wars Erld emphasizes the limits of so-called "general theories' and the need for third party to be deeply immersed in the dictails of each casc. Mediator's roles in his cases wary widely. In Zimbabwe, third party was decisive. In the Sudan, it was helpful but not decisive. In Yemen, third party intervention contributed to peace by creating a common cnemy, which helped to bring the Warring parties together (this was hardly the third party's goal, however).
ZlattIllllIli cxa II lines fall T CILJIlflicts in Africa that offer promising opportunities for mediation, i.e. they are 'Riple for Resolution." (1985). He introduces the concept of the tripe moment when El Lillediatico T witlı simething to Coffer both Siles cal Il s'Illetimes intervene successfully. A hurting stalemate' can produce a ripe moment (pp. 226-273), however it appears difficult to define ripe moments and hurting stalemates before the fact (Lickleider, 1990).
If negotiation and mediation LaLaYS aaHH LLaaL S LSLS LLL S LLLaaLLa L aH of at least SCOTT1c pretracted colflicts, what arc the cssential problem-solving and conflict LilaInagement skills that will make a diffcrccc? A ICCHI1SicilicTable literature exists, based con expeTiences in negotiation, mediation and collaborative problem solwing, that attempts to generalize ab Coult Gulich skills and to lake then accessible to both practitioner and student. Exemplars of this literature are considered
Ext.
Pracrifica Grides Meller for frd P. Practical guide mediation and can be divided describe general and those that specifically appl national and/or A second distin
The Tamil.
(ரோபசரி: lease on life by til Silha higi
division of Lh he Old fears an. filiarice of HLIddh literati, entrepreT 1IItl liըtitlլLIII18, which was ill-բr face the irmied i
TIL TÇes. The firmed force! extent the police, ingly Simhalesto a been impregnated hegemonistic ideo ing administ til Tid They want in tot as a professional Wär ön behälf of state, but als In interests of the Tails. The at an unprecedented il th Tali il ur: th csc Ectib r15 "Wäls totally from the from the Silal half they felt the (Aras arE My intention chronology of causes adopted Lo Exa Illi Ille til: forces in Wijlwed
The radical is youths, who we employed or since 1977 la ledged and doc the Writers : Saratnam" (e.g. ) Hellman-Rajan: Nithiyanandan the article by bet:յTiles abլITitl the Tamil yout Lilial Eğil 5 t; Cliff - S facing hardshi tmployment e: 1ast two decaidd he states th: percent of th holding G.C.E. ordinary level estimated to These figures a
the Writers
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

to Negoria Fiori, roblem Solving, is to negotiation, problem-solving into those that negotiation skills describe skills icable te in Le Tethnic conflicts. ction is between
competitive (zero-sum) and problem-solving (positive-sum) approaches. Cohens. Foi Carl Negorare. Anything (1980) and Fisher and Ury's widely publicized Gerring to Yes (1981) provide good examples of works dealing with general negotiation skills. Zart. man and Bellman’s TV e Practical
(ரோசரி கா நரக )ே
лн рдge І8) this mae yw Challenge Oly. The cry for island raised all recreated the old is priests, Sinhala eurs, Lu nicmployed The GIVErnillelt
pared, started to surrection with its
5, and to a lesser were ower Wilhelmillit had, after 1961, With the Sinhala logies that succeedns had esբt used, he campaign, not army fighting a | a supracքmmunal army asserting the Sinhales against el forces unlicā Sed campaign of terror als. The effect of i to alienat e Tamils State ind indeel se, on whose beState was acting.
tnam 1987:33–49) is to use the Welts and cited TTCI A Ta5 El Tat Tillä T11 nature of class in the conflict. ation of Tamil re eductedl, Li lunder-employed 5 bteil acknowumented by many part from AltaRobert 1988: 50, yagam 1991: 317, 1987: 144). In Arasal Tatiam, it antly clear that 3 il til TNT:t Sri LalIka Were 5 in terms of specially in the es. At one point it by 1980, 40 e Tamil youths advanced level or Hualifications were dטmployטbe un re contested by .ti5חuטious ETחm WH
However, even if the 40 percent figure is a conservative one, details relating to the employment
situation of the Tamil youths in other Writings corroborate that the employment problem
was a major contributing factor to the alienation felt by the youths. This was confirmed by Nithiyanandan when he said:
The 1977 uprising, apart from Etrsקro Vק ווrrierעloקולEr נוEr h faced by the Tails, served as the singular ever that influenced the young blood of the North and East. When the land settle lent issue came up in the political discussions in the eighties, the Government lccided to adopt a policy of settling people according to the cthnic ratio in the newly irrigated area under the Malewei river development scheme. How far this step was really implemented is not known. Even if it was implemented, it was too late especially given the tempo of the radicalisation taking place among the Tamil youths. (To be Continued)
GCEC and . . .
(சோ: ரீரா நதரச 4) nomic situation. Each will be an inter-active factor.
For the important donors as well as the IMF World Bank it will be the crucial year. IndoSri Lanka relations and Delhi's attitude to the Colombo Tegille will remain - a critical variable. President Premadasa's brief visit tlis Iloith to Delhi, after his highly successful trip to Pakistan, will offer some clues. How Delhi Teads the Sri Läänkä-Pakistan relationship could also affect the eduation: High Commissioner Jha's statement to the ISLAND an attempt to "correct' impressions that may have conveyed by the SUNDAY. TIMES report Offcred SOT e clules.

Page 24
LTTE TRIAL (3)
Gandhi killing
30. Murugan (A11) was given 3 letters, two bound voluntles of the book '"The Satanic Force and other articles to be taken to Jaffna and delivered to Prabhakaran (A1), Pottu Omman (A2) and Akila (A3). After reaching Kodiakkarai on 12.5.91, Murugan (A11) retraced his steps to Madras con the pretext that hic could not make the clandestine trip due to non arrival of boat. While at Kodiakkarai, Murugan (A11) met Ravichandran & Rawi & Pragasam (A24). " He also met Shankar & Kolmeswaran (A12) who was staying with a LTTE syimpathis er and gave him a chit containing the office telephone No. of Nalini (A9). Before returning to Madras Murugan (A11) left his bag and other articles including the letters referred to above with a close associate of Shanmugam (A35) for safe custody. These were subsequently recovered at the instance of Murugan (A11) after his arrest. Shankar & Koneswaran (A12) reached Madras along with Jagadeesan Pillai and stayed in Easwari Lodge, MadLK S LLLLY S 0S00S a LLL LLLLL SLLLLLLLY L SLYLLL LL0LLLLL of Jagadeesan Pillai. Sivarasan (A4) met Shankar & Koneswaran (A12) at Easwari Lodge during third week of May, 1991 and gave a chit containing a contact Inumber, to be used to contact Robert Payas (A17).
31. During the second week of May, 1991, Perariwalan & Ariwu (A26) purchased an Exide battery and handed over the same to Sivarasan (A4), which was used for operating the wireless set installed at Vijayan's (A20) house for communicating with Pottu Omman (A2). He also purchased two battery cells and gave them to Sivarasan (A4) which were subsequently used by Dhanu (A5) to detonate the belt bomb concealed in her person, on 21.5.91.
32. Sivarasan (A4) and Santhan (A10) arranged to send Ruban & Suresh (A14) ön. 175,91 to Jaipur. Ruban (A14) travelled under assumed name and after reaching Jaipur stayed in a lodge giving a different name. He had with him the telephone number of Robert Payas (A17) which was given to him by Sivarasan (A4) as contact number and the telephone number of Shanmugavadivelu & Thambi Anna (A23) another of Siwarasan’s associates. The itin crary of Shiri Rajiv Gandhi's visit to Tamil Nadu for election propaganda was confirmed on 19.5.91 and widely published in newspapers.
33. On 20.5.91, Sivarasan (A4) took Dhanu 籃 and Subha (A6) and met Padma (A29) at alya ni Nursing Home and got medicine, viz. Bufan tabs. for Dhanu (A5), From there they all went to Padma's (A29) house, where they met Haribabu (A7). Nalini (A9), Murugan (All) and Ariyu (A26). Sivarasan (A4) instructed Haribabu (A7) to buy a garland and wait at about 5.00 pm on 21.5.91 at Broadway (Parrys Corner)
22

Mosfusil bus stand. Arivu (A26) then handed over to Haribabu (A7) a Kodak colour film roll and asked him to bring a camera together with the film roll for the meeting. Sivarasan (A4) instructed Nalini (A9) that she need take only half a day's leave for the after-noon on the next day and wait in her house at Willivakkam at 3.00 pm.
34. Nalini (A9) attended her office in the fore-noon and after applying for half a day's LLLLLL LL LLL LLLLLLJLLLLLLLaS LLLLLL S L aLLLLLS aaLLLLK at Willivakkam after visiting her mother's (A29) house. Haribabu (A7) purchased a sandalwood garland from Poompuhar Handicrafts, Mount Road, Madras, and went to his house at about 2.00 p.m. Thereafter, he left at about 2.30 pm carring the sandalwood garland, for borrowing a cancial from a fricnd. He net his friend at about 3.00 pm after visiting en route Subha Sundara Im (A30) and obtained a Chimon Cainera from his friend and had it loaded. With the film roll given by Arivu (A26). From there he proceeded to Broadway (Parry's Corner) Mofussil bus stand and reached there around 5.00 pm.
35. In the meanwhile at Jayakumar's (A18) house, at Kodungayur, Sivarasan (A4), changed his dress to Kurtha-Pyjama'. He also took with him a 9 mm pistol, kept inside a cloth pouch stitched by Jayaku mars (A18) wife Shanthi (A19). From there he proceeded to Vijayan's (A20) house at Kodungayurand met Dhanu (A5) and Subha (A6). After Sivarasan's (A4) arrival, Dhanu (A5) and Subha (A6) dressed them. selves inside a closed room – Subha (A6) in a saree, Dhanu (A5) helped by Subha (A6) in a loose fitting "Churidhar', stitched in a shop at Purasawalkan, Madras-7, over and above the belt bomb around her waist. All the three, viz. Siwarasan (A4), Dhanu A5) and Subha (A6) proceeded to Nalini's (A9) house at Willivakkam and reached there by about 3.15 pm. After offering prayers in a nearby LempleSivarasan (A4), Dhanu (A5), Subha (A6) and Nalini (A9) reached Broadway Mofussil bus stand by about 5.00 pm where they found Haribabu (A7) waiting for them. There all the five boarded a bus bound for Nancheepuram via, Sriperumbudur and a lighted at Sriperumbudur around 7.00 pm.
36. Sivarasan (A4), Dhanu (A5), Subha (A6), Haribabu (A7) and Nalini (A9) took food in a nearby hotel and after buying flowers reached the site of the meeting place well in time for the meeting scheduled to begin at 8.30 p. m. They occupied different locations at the meeting place. Subha (A6) and Nalini (A9) sat on the ground along with the audience. Sivarasan (A4), Dhanu (A5) and Haribabu (A7) were moving around, during which time Haribabu (A7) had occasion to introduce Sivarasan (A4) as partner of his

Page 25
friend, to a journalist. Haribabu (A7) was also moving near the dais and taking photographs. Dhanu (A5) befriended Latha Kannan a Congress Worker and her daughter Kokila Wami and stood between them holding the garland purchased by Haribabu (A7) in her hand. SivaraSan (A4) occupied a place a little away from Latha Kannan with a scribbling pad in his hand and a cloth shoulder bag, hanging from his shoulder, giving the impression of a journalist. 37. Due to delay in flight arrival from Wisakhapatnam, Shri Rajiv Gandhi reached Sriperlumbudur late. At about 10.10 pm after garlanding the statue of Smit. Indira. Gandhi Linear the leeting site, he alighted from the car at the Red carpet area and started moving towards the dais receiving en route, garlands and shawls of ferred to him, While he was hearing the recitation of a Hindi poem by Kokila and was appreciating her by patting her, Dhanu (A5) lowed forward from behind and gained access to Shri Rajiv Gandhi. While in close proximity of Shri Rajiv Gandhi, Dhanu (A5) detonated the improvised explosive device, kept concealed in the waist belt Worl by her. Simultaneously there was a loud explosion, killing Shri Rajiv Gandhi, assassin Dhanu (A5), Haribabu (A7) who was photographing the incident as record for the LTTE leadership. Fifteen others also lost their lives either on the spot or on Way to the Hospital or after admission at the Hospital. They are:-
1. P. K. Gupta PSO to Shri. Rajiv Gandhi 2. Latha Kannan 3. Kokilaivani 4. Mohd. Iqbal, S. P. 5. Rajaguru, Inspir. of Police 6, Edward Joseph, Inspr. of Police 7. Ethiraj, SI of Police 8. Mu Tugan, Police Constable 9. Ra'yi, Command PC 10. Dharma, Police Constable 11, Chandra, Woman Police Constable 12. Santha ni Begum, 13. Darryl Peter, 14. Saroja Dewi, and 15. Munuswamy, Ex-MLC
The camera was found on the dead body of Haribabu (A7) without any damage. The body of assassin Dhanu (A5) was the only body found blown to pieces and scattered in different directions. Forty four persons sustained simple grievous injuries. The ten photographs taken by Haribabu (A7), before he died, at the scelle of crime, show the presence of accused Siwarasan (A4), Dhanu (A5), Subha (A6) and NÄR (A9) besides the event of the explosion ITSGI.
38. Having completed the assasination of Shri Rajiv Gandhi successfully at Sriperumbudur n, 21591 Siva rasan (A4), Subha (A6) and Nalini (A9) re-grouped near the meeting site and left the scene of crime. Enroute they drank Water in a nearby house and informed the in

mate that Shri Rajiv Gandhi was dead and left for Madras changing in all three autorickshaws. They reached Jayakumar's (A18) house at Kodungayur where Suthenthraraja & Santhan (A10) was waiting. Sivarasan (A4) appraised Sanchan (A10) that Dhanu & Anbu (A5) and Shri Rajiv Gandhi were lead. The three halted at Jayakumar's (A18) house that night, Next morning Siwarasan (A4), Subha (A6) and Nalini (A9) watched the T.W. coverage of Shri Rajiv Gandhi's death and after Inath with great interest and enthusiasm in a neighbour's house.
39. On 22.5.91, mid-night Subha Sundaran (A30) contacted a Freelance photographer over LCHHHL aLL LCHHaaLLaLLL LaLLLLL LLLLLHH Laa LaLLLLLLL about the death of Haribabu (A7) in the explosion and the camera lying on his dead body. Subha Sundaram (A30) then questioned him anxiously as to why he had not retrieved the callera of Haribabu (A7). Despite knowing thic death of Haribabu (A7), Subha Sundaram (A30) kept back this news from Haribabu's (A7) father till evening the next day. On 24.5.91 het directed the father of Haribabu (A7) (since dead), to destroy all documents, audio and video cassettes in their house which may establish connection of late Haribabu (A7) in this case. Accordingly on 24.5.91 early morning the box containing Haribabu's (A7) personal effects was removed to some other house. The belongings of Santhan (A10) kept in the house of Haribabu (A7) were also removed from his house. Subsequently Subha , Sunda Tam (A30) caused a press statement to be issued by the father of Haribabu (A refu ting the news about Haribabu’s (A7) links with LTTE, that had by then appeared in the newspapers. On 25,591 Subha Sundaram (A30) again advised Haribabu's (A7) relations to des. troy the audio cassettes of LTTE songs and Prabhakaran's photographs.
40. The police investigation to locate the persons responsible for the occurrence on 21.5.91 began in right earnest and progress was being reported in Press daily in great detail. Combing operations all over the State had also begun. Therefore, after the assassination the accused concerned in the case, started shifting from one place to another so as to evade apprehension by the police. Murugan (A11) and Arivu (A26) hid themselves in the Printing Press of Bhagyanathan (A28).
41. On 23.5.91, Sivarasan (A4) transported Nalini (A9) from Jayakumar's (A18) house to her office and Subha (A6) was shifted to the house of Wijayan (A20) at Kodungayur. Nalini A9) returned to her house in Williwakkam. Nehru Gokul (A8) operated the Wireless set from the house of Wijayan (A20) and was reporting all developments to Pottu Omman (A2). After lea Trining about the death of Ha ribabu (A7), on the ilust Tuctions of Siwarasan (A4), Murugam (A11) gave Rs. 1000 - to Bhagyanathan (A28) to be handed over to the father of Haribabu (A7), and the money was delivered. The motor cycle

Page 26
- Kawasaki, purchased in the name of Arivu (A26) for the use of Sivarasan (A4) and others was handed over by Sivarasan (A4) to Bhagyanathan (A28) on 23.591. This motor-cycle was subsequently seized from the premises of his Press. Padma (A29) handed over a codic sheet used for clandestine wireless communication to her colleague nurse which was given to her by Murugan (A11) with the request to keep it in Safe custody.
42. For the first time on 24.5.91 the plı otograph of assassin Dhauu (A5) with garland in her hand was published in a Il CW5բaրer.
43. On 26.59.1, Sivarasan (A4) met Ravi (A24) at his Aunt's house at Willivakkam. Sivarasan (A4) took Subha (A6) from Wijayan's (A20) house to Parry's Corner Bus Stand where Ravichandran & Rawi (A24) " and Suseendran & Mahesh (A25) met them. Siwarasan (A4) and Suseendran & Mahesh (A25) took Subha (A6) to a safe hideout at Pöllachi. At Pollachi Suse endran & Mahesh (A25) and Subha (A6) stayed in the house of the former's friend, Sivarasan (A4) returned to Madras.
44, Sivarasan's (A4) photo was published in The Hindu on 29.5.91 and all other Newspapers on 30.5.91, Between 2.6.91 & 4.691, Suseendran & Mahesh (A25) took Subha (A6) to Trichur, Cochin. Thirunelveli and Madurai and
recurned to Pollachi on 4.6.91.
45. Sívarasan (A4) went to Pollachi On 5.6.91 and brought back Subha (A6) to Madras on 6.691 Suscendran & Mahesh (A25) also accompanied them. On reaching Madras. Suseendrain & Mahesh (A25) went away and Sivarasan (A4) and Subha (A6) went to Wijayan's (A20) house at Kodungayur and continued to stay there. On 7.6.91 Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6), Nalini (A9) and Murugan (AII). Inct at Ashtalakshmi Temple at Besant Nagar, Madras. On the same day Nalini (A9) took Subha (A5) to a Nursing Home in Besant Nagar for treatment in the meanwhile Sivarasan (A4) was sending Il essages Tegularly to Pottu Omman (A2) in Jaffna, brough the wireless set from Vijayan's (A20) house. operated by Nehru (A8). Pottu Omman (A2) sent a rescue party led by David, leader of the Sea Tigers, to take back Siwarasan (A4), Subha (A6), and Nehru (A8). This Party I llet with a accident at sea and perished. This news WELS Yo! to Sivarasan (A4) by Pottu Omman
).
Some Case... refrigerator to rea (Cord for page 2) With the Sowjet Un Negotiator (1982), Mitchell's Pea- 醬 器 cerriaking and the Consulta VII’s Role is list 蠶器門 as (1981) and Touval's The Peace of zero-sum bargai Brokers (1982) focus on skills Parga. relevant to international El Id eth- Cohen sees contro nic Conflict resolution. time and informat Cohen's guide to negotiating to Sliceessful negotii anything, at any place covers exaggeration and transactions from Purchasing a effective tactics. Si
24

46. SivaTasan (A4), Santhan (A10) and Ravichandran & Ravi (A24) shifted some of their Tlaterial belongings to the house of a person belonging to Sivarasan's (A4) Willage living in Kottiwakkam on 10.6.91. Amongst other belongings of Silvarasan (A-4) and Santhan (A10) Souline diaries of Sivarasai (A4) were seized from this house em 22.7.91. The entTies in the diaries Of Sivarasail (A4) show the association of these accused concerned in the case and money spent lavishly for their operations. During this period Santhan (A10) received cash from Thambi Anna (A23), a LTTE supporter who was instrumental in providing funds for LTTE workers by converting gold biscuits to cash.
47. On 7.7.91 a dictionary of Sivarasan (A4) with a cavity in which he used to hide and carry a pistol, live cartridges, Sivarasan's (A4) artificial eye, diaries and other documents were seized from the house of Jayakumar (A18) and his wife Shanthi (A19).
48. On 21.6.91 a meeting was held at the house of a LTTE sympathis er between Sant han (A10) representing Sivarasan (A4) and Dixon (A38) representing Trichy Shanthan (A35) of the political wing of LTTE. In pursuance thereof, Santhan (A10) and Dixon (A38) went to Vijayan's (A20) house at Kodungayur. Suresh Master (A37), had arranged a house on rent at Alwarthirunagar for keeping the LTTE injured cadres. On or after 23.9.91, Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6) and Nehru (A8) were shifted to the house at Alwarthirunagar, occupied by Suresh Master (A37). Rangan (A32) and Annan (A39) were also visiting that house. On 27.691, Trichy Santhan (A36) instructed Amman (A39), Wigneswaran & Wicky (A33) and Dhanasekharan (A3l) to go to Madiras in a tanker lorry belonging to Dhanasekaran (A31) to shift Sivarasan (A4). Subha (A6) and Nehru (A8) from Madras to Bangalore,
49. Dhanasekharan (A31) along with Wicky (A33) and Amman (A39) brought his tanker lorry from MetLult to Madras on 28.5.91 and took Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6) and Nehru (A8) from Alwarthirunagar, Madras to Bangalore, keeping them inside the empty tanker. When they left i for Bangalore Suresh Master (A37) was present an the house at Alwar thirunagar. Rangan (A32) also joined them from Madras and reached Bangalore on 29th morning,
ching agreement are described as good models of ion. Although effective zero-sum negotiators. 2ntion to prob- Their tactics have included (a) lches, his work taking extreme initial positions.
an explication (b) limiting the is authority of ning principles, negotiators, (c) using emotion as 1 over power, a negotiating tactic, (d) treating on as essential adversary concessions as Weak. itions. Threats, nesses, (e) being stingy in their lying may be own concessions and (f) ignoring viet diplomats deadlines.

Page 27
ཟ
Why there's SO in this rustict
There is laughter arid light Earter amoral these rural dartisels who are busy sorting out tobacco leaf in a barn. It is one of the hundreds of such barns spread out in the mid and upcountry intermedigte zone whørg the arable land Termainfallow during the of sexistill,
Here, with careful flirturing, tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crop and the green leaves turn to gold, to the value of over Rs. 250 Tillion of Tore annually, for perhaps 113.0M) rural frk.
 

ENRCHINGRURALLIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest number of people. And these people are the tobacco barn oilers, the tobacco growers and those who work for thern, on the land and in the barris.
For them, the tobacco leaf means meaningful work,
a cornfortable life and a secure future. A good enough reason for laughter.
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people,

Page 28
PEOPLE
Celebrating T.
0. Dynamic
In 1961 Peoples Bank ventured out in with a staff of only 46...and a few hu
Today, just 30 years later
People Resource excee, Customer Listings at a Branch Network in ext in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank ha respected leader in the Sri Lankan Bar growth is a reflection of the massive r dedicated to the service of the comm« earned them the title “Banker to the
PEOPLE'S BA WM
Banker to the Millions

S BANK
free Decades
Growth
the challenging world of Banking Indred customers.
ds Io,OOO
staggering 5.5 Million cess of 328, THE LARGEST
as grown to become a highly nking scene. Their spectacular esources at their command
on man - a dedication that has Millions'