Page 1
vol. 15 No. 14 November 15, 1992 Price RS. 10.(
CLINTON: the new Kenned
Foreign policy in a multi-et
RUS{ OCTOBER 1917: A re-asse
KAZAKHSTAN: Problems
E.
John Richardson on Pe Sathamantham on Fe James Spain on Sp
D. P. Sivaram on 7 a. John ABarharm on C
 
 

Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/43/NEWS/92
བ།
THE FIRST
POST-COLD WAR
U.S. PRESIDENT
y? - Mervyn de Silva hnic society
SSment
- Reggie Siriwardene
of Nationhood
- Weelan Tİruchelvam
ace Accords seralism
ies
rnfV MMfIffarfsrm e Guevara

Page 2
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Page 3
US Spain,
FoTIller Ja Illes
interviewer that elect
support the
Briefly. . .
CLINTON NO SUPPORT FOR TIGERS
11 OW here, told a Sunday Times
Ambassador resident
President
Bill Clinton would not
Tigers
11
though the Democratic Party traditionally favours the under
dog. The underdog was
在T1
individual deprived of econo
mic and social and not cle Violence LO
opportunities resorting to settle
problems,
the retired diplomat said.
There would
also be
significant change in economic policies to affect Sri Lanka. Mr
Spain said that
Was a free and society not from
WCry the United States.
Sri Lanka democrátic
different Sri
Lanka also had a healthy and
c3. Il sistent
economic
growth.
"Sri Lanka started liberalising II luch earlier than India
ir Pakis Lan.
Although it is
much Smaller tham the TWC) ịt
has a
rapid expansion to Singago Te limited
skilled abour force and has potential for
Stablic as opposed
which has a expansion potential because it is a city
Lältę”.
the former ambassador said.
DUNF ** UN STOPPABLE"
DUNIF leader Laith Athllatih mudali told a propaganda
meeting
in Gampola that no
super-power could stop the forWard Illarch of the Democratic
United National
could anyone buy
leaders.
to change the
Froilt:
W
Ilk) 1 s
It is now high time direction of
the country, there is disaster
alhead", sail.
DEMOCRACY
Mr Athullathmudali
STIFLED
Thirteen opposition political
parties announced
a protest
campaign to make the govern
ment " "Toll b: gency, which II CrãCY.
The parties w ly take neon-vi
get back the
cratic freedom are the SLFP, SLMP, DVJP, E SLPF, SPF U. D LJN F. The fi
a joint rally a
Colomb 2 a Siri mayo Band, sided.
The First cle joint opposition withdrawal of gulations which nection with North-East war, told a press co
**SOCIA W I DENE
President Prel the opening of factory at Dis those Will ruled earlier in name widened the gap haves and the generated ha tred The wealthy contempt to War. ald clown Todder the ill-will a
created by the
president said.
COSTLY C.
Scholars a L ii Dialogue held a Loli that Sri Li; Conflict had cos Over 140 billig In 1983. The dial colective Initiat Lanks in the SA Participants We and researchers Pakistan, Bangl and Sri Lanka.
AL the endl . day talk session for a peaceful all types of in İntril-State Con region.
 

:k' the Emer. Fils stifling de
'hich will jointClent action to "basic demo. of the people' CPSL, LSSP, PRLF. TULF, PF, NSSP and ГSL п10үе үзs t de Mel Park which Mrs El ranaike pre
Tiland of the
Will be Energency rehad no conthe on-going
PEl TL’y leaders i ferccc.
LISTS
GAP."
ladasa said at 1. El TT TEIllit "atalawa that this country Caf socialis
between the b: "W52-13 t&, Hind between then. Ils o showed is the poor because of di bit Lerness Ocialists, the
NFLCT
South Asian Kandy were kal’s ethnic the nation Ill pees since Elle Wis 'e by think ARC region. academics from India, desh, Nepal
their threethey called :Slution of
-Stilt its in the
the
TRENDS
Britain lifts embargo
Erst als decision to Vifin III r" sales embargo o 'r Гапka солfїrтеd rја, CCEEF Ir's FPo" so Sri Lanka ini fight agair y sir ""īs, Pre eேrial Aity ) Interlational Afiro Bradma Weerrakoor old the edia. The :Frg Ill' irrapposed irrittediately ѓї/їег Sri Lanka expelle the British திE Carrior: } Claro
for lெegely irrerfering irn ГлІe"Ла/ g/fairs.
置e ehrga fred Shortly after he Tiger, ki We "ears swo scm L'fvisia F1, 5, Pios Ilir Muslim "ES5, Fr.
their iones tear Polоллагелига, "T" orgy of ethnic clearising FTZ workers demonstrate Police broke P II profer sserrio FFrration Pře'ket og Free
(Сgлгѓтrrғ! Ол раѓе 30) -- - =ட
Vol. 15 No. 14 November 1.1992 Pri CB Rs. 10.0) Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co., Ltd. No. 246, Union Place, 2-BBחוםCGl
Editor: Mervyn de SIVE
825. Sir Ratnajoth Saraya namutu
Talephone 147554 Frint Gd by Anandin Press
Ma Watha, Colombo 13. Telephonia; 4359.75
CONTENTS News Background 3. Chlid Gu Gvara Thв Sрівs 1 Ο Constitutional Transition in
Kazakhstan Anti-Federalism (3) 13 Tarmil Milita Fi 15 Conflict (4) 17 Russian Revolution T LTTE Trial 21 Letters
Serena Tennekoons 's artico on Binhala Me Wspmpor Mati Olaig
will appolar in the next issu E.

Page 4
DRU
Doctors are aware that are not always desirable.
The main reason is that out of that proliferate from a single scientif two finally remain in any Rational F advanced for marketing purposes fail
Before this happens unfortunately in human, economic and medical ter|
Generic drugs that have entered there have stood the test of time an for clinical excellence.
For over a third of this century drugs to the country's hospitals and
This great reliance is the biggest to the people and the medical profe:
M. S. J. Ind
Factory a
P. O
Col

Market Oriented Drug Policies
a bewildering variety of derivatives cally validated compound, only one or ormulary. This means that many claims under extended scientific scrutiny,
irreparable damage has been done
S.
the Pharmacopoeia and have remained d haye Weathered the unceasing Search
we have made and supplied Formulary clinics, and to the private sector.
factor in our growth and our service sion.
stries (Ceylon) Ltd., ld Laboratories
Box 430 15 0נmh

Page 5
U. S. POLLs FOREIGIM POLIGY
CLINTON TA
CHARGE
Mervyn de Silva
fter 12 years - Reagan's two
terms and four years of Bush — the AI merican people hawe choscil to elect a Democrat in the first post-Cold War contest
the White House.
At 46, President-elect Bill Clintion is three years older thail John F. Kennedy when America's youngest President moved into the White Husic, Luc Cafficial residence of the World's most powerful elected leader. Today, the WT elected" call be exLised sice life il til e Kreillil for its present occupant must surely be a nightmare. From
January, Bill Cli] most powerful p WikiTill
In the US, a
has taken charge press speaks of i booner' generati inherently Americ non-Americans,
those billions livi ded, under-devel post-Wietnam gell bably a Timore Tmel ti... The irdima II nedy years Vanis the Tallmatic sh märes of the Wie
OPINION
El 3 g ft Anthony's College, Oxford,
CHANGE-AGENT
Mr. Clinton's victory will be both a symbol, and by
of hänge, absàrwss Sir Ralf Dahrendorf, Wa The chango is partly general
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KES
til Will be the oliticial in the
new gentration i. The popular t as the baby on, a useful yet 111, wie W. Fr
certainly for Ing in the crowoped "South'', eration is prolingful descripCe Of the KCIlhed quickly in cks and Ilighttill TT 1 WE1T, El T
t sG Ex Ea T1ple, da of St. :itյmal Hnd is on things ruly of
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phasis Was de-rag1. || LE ight ECross חזיריםחם TTל Witti: Eo I", eliri til GE | W | 5
gat the T1 = ÉE TEIS:siivfi
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The argu = it adminismatically,
tily because young John F. Kelnedy had succeeded the great war hic To, Dwight Eise ıhLower. The spectre of Vietnami hau Tited this electio too. Give TT Cilto was accused of dodging the draft; that is, the cowardly act of not serving his country in its first major war after 1945. The GOP propagandists who had hoped to draw blood from such crude gimmicks were denied satisfaction. The ghosts of Wietnam have perhaps been finally laid til TCSL,
The man who challenged George Bush was also accused of visiting Moscow and Prague, and of participating in anti-Wietnam demonstral Lions als an Oxford graduate student. In short, a CCIT lic sympathiser" or fellow travelIcT "T" in the ställda Tid iki 511 of that era. Tillet dict Inot dira W blood from the candidate either, though he had taken on the hero if the Gulf War: the citier who presented himself as the man Whe presided over the liquidation of the "Evil Empire" and the collapse of Collunism, to announce a “New World Order", in Which of curse the United States would be the sole superPOWCT.
Ty0 les 50115 ca. Il be draw Il Troll the Tanifest failure of this G.O.P. propaganda. First, Wietnam is only a marginal concern for the average US voter, cer. tainly for the baby boomers'.
Second, hardly any American family, regards the Soviet challenge and communism itself, as a seriols threat to American security, or the well-being of the American people. Two experts of the American Enterprise Institute concluded: As collImunism Tecedes, American poli

Page 6
tics faces a strange new dilemma, How will the US political system operate without anti-Communism as its central organising principle?"
NON ALIGNMENT
What sort of foreign policy will President Clinton pursue? Hoy Will his administration respond to the declared aspirations and the persistent demands of the Non aligned movement? Whether **In com aligni ment' is relevant or not in a World no longer bipolar remains largely academic. There is a group of at least 108 states that Tinds sufficient reason to TeTiläin IncImbers of a melyement that Constitut CS the largest "group’’ in the UN’s General Assembly. Re-structuring of the U.N. to make the institution more democratic is one of NAM's main demands. The United States and its allies cannot preach democracy to the poor nations Without supporting the democratisation of the United Nations as we have argued in this journal on many occasions.
At least on the ideals and aspirations of the 3rd World John F. Kennedy was far more understanding and sympathetic than any American leader. Before or after him. His grasp of the historical significance of the Inovement Was both intuitive and intellectual... and very American. Since Foster Dulles had been the high priest of American foreign policy, the contrast was even In ore striking. In an interview With John Fischer of Harper's in 1959, Kennedy said: 'Oh, I think its inevitable. During the immediate years ahead this is likely to be an increasing trend in Africa and Latin America. . . The desire to be independent and free carries with it the desire not be become engaged as a sattellite of the Soviet Union or too closely allied to the US. We have to live with that. . . . . It's part of our own history for a 100 years'
The battle for Europe, nedy believed had been, except for Berlin, essentially won by the end of the 40's. Today's struggle does not lie there'' he
Kiel
told Henri Spx the spring of in Asia, Latin Schlesinger ATE
SEPARATIST
The collaps empire has rei ideological chal ern World since encompassing the US-led all Meanwhile AIT beseiged by d which the eco pervasive ques that exacerbat tents, including ethnic, see p. 6
"lt may tur crisis of the Il not the disap munism, will found politica
op NioN
C.MT
Prg Gidonitgovern and W. Willing to ask
ck On Goo Tge Bi Carter to a Center of ET
"I think I ability and in dant, and the 45 prej Cent o prBSidont" CE
Soit гаjectioп of E
Carter, th Ը|imitյր,
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Cartar 5 looking for and Republic 5 TE of the all | dormigis tie!
He said policy during ալg|Էյlթ. "Pլյե of the day.'

ak of Belgium in
1963 but rather America'' (Arthur OUSAND DAYS).
THREAT
of the Soviet lowed the Imail
enge to the west917 and the allecurity threat lo ance since 1945. crican society is timestic issues of nomy is the allion: a problem is other disc
most of all, the
|l till I thlat the ulti-ethnic state, le:AT:Lince of C011le the Imost proevent of Our
generation,’ says Prof. Stephen P. Cohel of Illinois Univ., now a scholar-in-residence at Ford Foundation in New Delhi. This breaking-up process has far reaching implications for US forcign policy. In recent decades, Americans seem to have a special problem in determining if, where, and how Washington should intervene in a world made up of states of un equal power, stability, and importance."
In modern history the US engaged itself in two titanic struggles - against the Nazi and Japanese empires in World War 2, and against Leninist structlures and Stalinist cxpansionism in the Cold War, the Writer observes, Yet, traditional American isolationism Survives, hic a Tgus, pointing to candidate Pat **Allerica First" Buchania till Els the latest example, America can
'ON WILL NEED BPART SAN
SUPPORT
elect Bill Clinton does not have a strong mandale to will have troublaj pri H cting Iri BW programs
for bipartisan support.
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think there was a general LCCLaLLH LLL LLLLCL LLLLLLLaaL LLCLLLLLLLLYLLLL LLL LLL LLLLLL or University NOW, 4.
Ieople Wore doubtful about |alligence and character and gend judgmant to bց բrHEi
final result was that the American people - at least
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Is...
therT1 r rter said.
is not particularly a mandate for Clinton. ush and the R. Bagan-Bush 12-year haritage.'
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En Washington. lack of any sense of sharing responsibility in Washing. iously Bill Clinton will have a much bettar chance of ith the Congress than did Bush or Raagan,'
he spoke to Clinton on aloction night. ard, as I did in 1976, to bringing together Democrats
the House and Sonat B major issues that face our country.
T. EBLISH"; dafaat
Þr:1I'Eft
is FOT
sues - the
aconomy, health Care, Education."
at a though there was very little discussion of foreign the campaign, foreign affairs will now become more
— Carfer
Lun los 5 ha is
гаје сtion of him,"
Whether Clinto had the
this is an acceptable
It was a
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It has been characterized by
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to begin addressing
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հB said,

Page 7
only be contaminated by contact with a corrupt world.
The Conservative Right has a new ally, the burnt-out Left. says Prof. Cohen... a Left still libsessed With the non-inter Wentionist lessons of Wietnam. The NO isolationisills thrcaten the rational conduct of foreign affairs.''
To me, Yugoslavia, was the first Lest of post-Cold War foreign policy. Bosnia has no oil. Though a crude illustration, it did reveal nuch of current American thinking its aims, its doubts and hesitation, and its anti-EC sentiment or, at least ambiguities. It was Germany, like Japan, a new challenger to America's glaball Supremacy, that recognised St Willia and Croatial first. It then became an EC affair. Like Japan again, a Europe in which Gerillan power is pre-eminent, is scen as an emerging centre in the post-Cold War re-distribution of power, Besides, power itself requires redefinition in a world that nuclear Weapons and huge arsenals have little meaning. The nuclear weapon has never
been llised sin arsenal cannot the Russian impose law an went the disin Russian empire expanded unde of the U.S.S.R. as the Swiet Pact. The Rus dently faces t of eleccionisati tish1 :II1 dl Lhe F: at the El T the US Was Yugoslavia to diplomacy more to UN im Lelyen son of Cyrus W
Preside Tit Clit first to start a out ally need t. about this nati O'r cwfen artimedi istence of alth power of a ci hostile global id be the first whic virtually veto-frt cil, il al Ilmore ef Security Council. SoTenson.
VASA OF
207, 2nd CF
Colomb
Telephoпе:

1945, and the rovide food to iple nor help order nor pre:gration of the the di Calist telewälle and Wider still 3 loc or WaTsaw iam empire evi
· sa Inc problem l that the BriIch c Infronted lle last War, So Titelt til leve c E.C., with US or Less confined ion and the per| ||L::
to I will be the Il éw LeTIl "Withworry seriously in facing nuclear at täck, the cx:r military super(allenge from a cology. He will can rely on a le Scourity Counfeçtiwe, weto-free
says Theodore
But what of the important chnic constituencies to Whill President Clinton will be directly and increasingly answerable seeing that they contributed much to his victory. And that Victory was by no means achieved easily NT was the American electorale's Werdic clear and decisive. If he had 44 Tillion votes, Mr. Bush hadi 38, and Mr. Pero L collected 19 million or just under 20%. It was only in the Electoral College, dominated by the large states, that Mr. Clinton's majority was impressive Mr. Clinton himself put 'the Economy" first. The budget will bic his first battlefield. He has of course the immense advantage of a Congress controlled by his party, a privilege Mr. Bush didn't enjoy. Hence the large number of Presidential wetles.
Mr. Clinton Illied the ethnic constituencies. How will these influence foreign policy? What is the precise nature of the nexus? We publish an excerpt from the Stanley Foundation report on the impact of Ethnic and Neographic diversity on US foreign policy. (See p. 6)
TICIANS
biss Street,
- 11.
21 631

Page 8
Ethnicity and Foreign
The growing diversity of the handling of external affairs.
he United States has long prided itself on bei Tig a melting pot of culturally diverse peoples, yet this diversity has seldom been reflected in the foreign policy process. A new e Tal has cÜTule, however, in which ethnic diversity will have a greater impact on foreign policy, This is. Ele for three Tess,
First, a dem egraphic revolution is altering the ethnic composition of the country. Throughout history waves of immigrants have entered the United States,
gradually diversifying the populatio II. Recent immigrants, of Willom the Te had We beel s II:lle
cight millión since 1960, have differed markedly from earlier waves.
In the 1960s, European iminigration, which accounted for the majority of newcomers in the past, began to decline. In contrast the ILITiber of Asian and Hispanic immigrants increaed sharply. The number of illegal immigrants entering the country also has increased substantially, especially those coming
from Mexico, Central America, and South America. The influx. of new immigrants has altered the nation's racial and ethnic compositio II.
However, looking at new immigrants only in terms of Overall numbers is soleWhat
misleading. Immigrants have not spread evenly; different parts of the United States have seen a
greater influx than others. As a Teslil The W ictul Illic: ccTLTES COf power are emerging, Florida,
which already has a large Cuban and African Americam population, has been inundated by immigrants coTming from Latim ATmerica and and the Caribbean. New York, Texas, California, and Illinois also hawe received large numbers of immigrants. An indication of the impact of this trend is provided by recent forecasts sug
Жергілгғd from the Sfалley Foundé]- figur Report or the Gro pring Impact ரf Eா ரா சோழFரic DrசFly af LV. S. Foreigr. Palicy,
U.S. populatio,
gesting that ir percent of the California will
Seco titl, in currling more nu of ethnic group more politically the past there differences in Which ellic the Ilselves and et hic lines. So example, Polish Allericans. Gree. Jewish Americal Ilized along et sought to influen but they have more the exce Tule. Today eth is widespread, amples of grow Sertiveless is t important politic by the U. S. Cor CaucLIS. Arıtlıer rising ethnic con debate Taging in about the need ClitTiculin to re of ethnic group history.
Some experts groups who wer. ed full partici politics, ethnic vides a way of foreign policy es pecially for pe greater access policy establish whether or not For other ethini IIlaintain strong Countries of orig lization is a was U.S. foreign pe those particular
A third char to the growing ethnic diversity States is the in States ad Ocali foreign policy, Inultiplying the which cthnic gro policy. National longer necessaril

Policy
will have long-term consequences in the
20 yeaTs, 85 population of
ethnic. ddition to bemerous, members are bettiming conscills. Til awe been Ilmajor LE TIL LI groups defined nobilized along ine groups - for Americans, Irish Americans, and 5 — El Lye Tgalnic lines and :e foreign բolicy, tended to be tion than the nic mobilization \mong thẽ, c:X- ing ethnic 14sle il creasingly al Tale played gressional Black indication of sciousness is the U.S. schica C1s to broaden the Fect the roles 5 in Americán
feel that For : formerly denisation in U.S. Tobilizatio Tpenetrating the tablishment. Esople of color,' to the foreign tent is important it changes policy. c groups who ties with their :in, ethnic mobiof influencing licy to benefit countries. ige contributing importance of i the United reasing role of ties in shaping This trend is chia III els through ups can influence
interests 1 y coincide with
local End state interests. In res. ponse to internal economic presSures, HäIly Stältes Flre m{W attempting to engage themselves il the internati Cal ECO Camic system to develop trade links with foreign countries. For example, several states have established tråde missions in Tokyo
tó atract Japales e investillent.
墅 事
The trend toward globaliz
ation in production is fostering direct economlig links betw een America. Il and Oth Cr 50cieties :it: the non-governmental level. AllTher set GF links is Lied to personal relationships with reTilties broad, IIIstitutional Ties are also being forged through the creation of sister-city programs and other cultural organizations. Policy is inevitably affected as L. grass-roots initiatives place more and more Americans in contact with people Ei brobl tl.
One example of the impact of grass-roots in Wolvement in the foreign policy process Was the anti-apartheid U. S. policy towards South Africa. In response
to pressure from churches, students, and African Americans, states and localities divested
pension funds of investments in
companies doing business in South Africa. Local officials also established programs to
assist Suth Africa's black majority.
While the general trend is toward greater ethnic mobilization around foreign policy issues, there. Te conside Table wa Tialtið 15 in the way this Illanifests itself from group to group. It has become obvious that the histories interests and agendas of different groups wary considerably.
Although Jewish Americans arc not, technically speaking, in ethnic group, they constitute the most widely discussed model of effective foreign policy mobilizatiCJI. Se Weral circumstal Ilces hal Wc enabled Allerical Jews to becoille

Page 9
powerful lobbying group. The first is a history of persecution that has in parted a strong sense common religious identity to Jews around the world. Second, the Holocalist provided the wish community with a powerfill symbol around which
labilize. Third, the objective ensuring U.S. support for Israel serves as a clear focus er political activity. Finally, the American Jewish commi
ity is Well positioned to intuence policy because of its relative affluence and high deg Tee of political participation. As Olle have argued, the Jewish community can afford to make the qui estion of Israel a primary factor in its domestic Political efforts in a way that other ETOLIPS CELI 110 L.
African Americans are similar to Jews in that they too have a strong sence of ethnic Solidaity based on their historical experience: slavery, The legacy of slavery has left Asia Anericans at an economic and political disadvantage in society. Despite the gains of the civil rights movements. African Ameri Carls al Te Still struggling for equal opportunities and fuller participation in the U.S. political system. Their focus is mainly Oriented towards domestic issues of equity.
II, the ricalm of foreign policy, African Americans have found it difficult to penetrate the system for a number of reasons. In the first place, they lack a Conillon issue around which to mobilize. This is compounded by the fact that African Ameri cans cannot identify. With a single country of origin, nor do tney hawe direct personal links with any single country outside the United States. The situation in South Africa, however, has provided an opportunity for African Americans to mobilize around an issue akin to their historical experience in the United States. The success of the antiapartheid movement de monstrates the potential within the African community to have an impact on the foreign policy PTOCESS.
Although there is a tendency
Ego vilevy Asiä hIncigen eius ct] fact the comm diverse. Japanes Filipino Americ histories in the In the past, a Wided ethic IC CEE FT P Sltheast Asia tremely active po to thäL of the A Collinnity, the ence of Asian All their ability to foreign policy est TCC en Li | A 5 ital li Wellt hier äld than earlier new ČStål blished Asiam Illinity is also Hitlen L. This 11 Almericans hawe ; of funds to cont cal campaigns Tlational levels.
Changes in th, System a Te also dillestic political the Asiällı Amerik The self-image Americans has by Japan's growii Cconomic Superpծ Teinforced the p Japanese America a bridge betweer States and Japa policy. Among th Asian Americans to influence is U. policy.
As Illentioned e panic population States has increase in recent years. panics constituted Լhe U.S. բoբulation
PrÕpic TLion häs rii Cent. Like The Inity, this group
diverse, the three IIllinities being Тnost populous grou PLI er to i Ricans.
here are wide ga Hispanic commit A Tylerican general II Til Tel : ffluent : Americans and Pu
The diversity of Commuuity has mai for leaders to moi Wely on foreign

Americans is a լnic group, in inity is highly ... Chinese, and ins have long United States. however, they politics. More immigrants from hawe bee Il exlitically. Similar merican Jewish comic filCricains c'Illhänces influence the ablishment. The mmigrants ale more ediliciated Omers ind the American cair ilnecoming more :as that Asian a ready supply ribute te politiait local and
e i Illternational increasing the importance of Lm community, of Japanese 3 een en hanced ng role as an Wer. This has erception that T1 S CEAI SCIT WELS the United in in foreign le issues that are attempting S. immigration
arlier, the His in the United d substantially In 1970. His
]ent(aטTט4.5p By 1988 this sen til 8 perA SI CIIIis extremely largest comMexicans (the p), Cubans and Economically, p 5 Within the Inity, Cuban y being much lan Mexican
rto Ricans. the Hispanic le lit difficult bilizc effectipolicy issues.
One notable exception has been the efforts of Cuban Americans to influence U. S. policy toward Fidel Castro. For the majority of Hispanics, domestic issues such as access to education, health care, language rights, and social Service remain the Illalim focus if LLention. With regard to foreign policy, different Hispanic groups have different agendas. Puerto Ricans are concerned about possible U.S. statehood for Puerto Rico. Mexicans are concerned about trade and immigration issues, especially the treatment of illegal alies.
The Arab American community also is cxtremely diverse eth Inically and politically, lits loyalties are divided amững several countries in the Middle East and North Afric. Political libilization is hindered by class and occupational differences. Relationships between Arab Americans and their countries of origin also vary. The Lebanese, for example, have been exceptionally effective at fund raising for Lebanon, while Syrian Anericans have close cultural relations but fairly weak political ties with Syria.
* *
On the domestic level, Arabs who hawe lived in the United States for sonne tille consider themselves highly assimilated. especially those who no longer maintain Tinguistic ties. With their country of origin, Though these Arabs do not seek to distinguish themselves along ethnic lines, they have been thrust into the foreign policy debate largely as a result of events in the Middle East and increasingly in reaction to the activities of Jewish Ame. ricans on behalf of Israel.
The picture that emerges of America's ethnic population shows diverse sets of groups, each with its own strengths and weaknesses, and each with a different base for mobilizing around foreign policy issues. This reality makes it extremely difficult to create a
coherent, consistent, integrated foreign policy.
The U. S. foreign policy es
tablish ment has traditionally been the preserve of white males,
7

Page 10
both within and outside government circles. Over the past two decades, this situation has gradually begun to change so that there are now more Women lnd minorities involved in making policy. Nonetheless, נןTtיg= ress is limited. In a recent suryey of foreign policy experts by the media ower the las 10 years, the majority were white, Illale, and conservative.
LiIIi ited access to the foreign policy establishment has made it difficult for some ethnic HTטuj5ר to penetrate the system even at the entry level. For econonically disadvantaged groups, low-paying el Tylewel positions and intern ships in foreign policy organizations are not featly a viable option. Minorities remain under
Presented in key foreign policy institutions such as research centers, elite universities, and the foreign service.
One value of inclusion is that it introduces new actors into the foreign policy process whose in. terest and experiences may differ from those of the traditional Foreign policy establishment. For this reason, having a more inclusive foreign policy CUITl Tmunity would be valuable whether or not these new actors fundamentally altered the policy-making Pcess. Including the full range of ethnic communities in the för Teign policy Con II unity would հslբ reinforce the image of an ethnically diverse country within "WCT1 TT1 e Tilt als well as outside government. Finally, through inclusion in the foreign policy community, ethnic representatives could serve as role models for their communities.
On the other hand, inclusion Would not necessarily lead to meaningful change. Although *GGGSS CETI provide an entree into the system, this Il: Tht tra 15late into meaningful բarticipation. The price of inclusion could be the wholesale El CCCP) tal Ilce of Lille status que o Tather than an attempt to change it. Inclusio Ti for "symbolic reasons alone could lead to tokenism. thereby Creating problems of legitimacy
and credibility for ethnic reբresentatives.
Furthermore, inclusion Tilly
Tot necessarily b of issuc5 On the agenda for two only individuals cluded in the community were the samle Views i foreign policy e: if ethnic represer a different Wor forced to suppre för political reas for example, rec tils llawe llad Allericas in policy positions, seem to litive iլ: on U.S. foreign
漸
The role Lilit play in the fore utsh Will bլ եք Telationship bctwę their countries Colul Tse, this, rela from group to
the factors that ante llow Tecer L. have ogne to th why they left What the politik and strategic attr Cllr try tre; a
ideology differs the United Static
aire Strong, ethni CEI 1 Work toward the home cւյսը
happened with Je ind Israel, On t if relations betwe and their country p_{Ir, ethnic Inc. Werk to the de home country. Castro's regime ha supporters of U. SCek tij isolate C; Changes in tE ethnic grtups r: countries of ori a significant impa ability to influent policy process, P of the contact groups and their origin was cond informal, persone Cresitio I of sisterand cultural org helpedito fornali and promote cult rently, however

oaden the range foreign policy easons; if the Why Were in
policy-making thsc who held 5 the traditional tablishment, or ta Liwcs who hd
d View were SS their views ons. Although,
:Ilit administraSÖ 11e WMF Ti CGI senior foreign this does not tl any impact
policy.
*
ethnic greւIբs ig II policy prorected by the ten thel and of origin. Of tionship varies group. Among are important ly immigrants " U Ili Led Stätes their country: ial, economic. actions of the d whether its fry 11 that of 5. Tf Telations c mobilization 1 the benefit of LitTy. as hals Wish Americans he other hand. en immigrants of origin are bilization can illent of the Cubans fleeing We been Staunch S. policies that LIbiլ,
le Way
late to their gin can hawe ict on a group's te the foreign reviously, much ictween ethnic Countries of ucted through | channels. The -city programs anizations has ze, strengthen. ural tie:5. Cuteconomic and
that
bett Wiccan1 their and becoming increasingly important. Often this is with the tacit approval the home country, which hopes to benefit from better Trade and economic opportunities. The Japanese government, for exallple, has dewcliped substantial economic ties with California, which has a large Japanese American population, providing 30 percent of the state's total foreign investment.
However, the relationships are not without their problems for both sides. The problem for the home country comes when its emigres demand a greater say in the political process of the home country. Wanting to exercise influence om domestic decisions. Also awkward for ho The Country is the risk being drawn into U.S. domestic quarrels because of its relationship with an ethnic group. Solic Africal liberation in WeIlment:5 have biciclul keel tu häWe the support of African Americans, although they hesitate to become embroiled in America's racial Si L'ultin,
At the other cxtreme, blens also develop for ethnic groups who do not want to function as lobbing organizations Il behalf of their friller countries but rather as U. S. citizens with particular views on foreign policy matters. Because of their involvement with Japan, Japanese American fear being seen as Japanese rather than as U.S. citizens. Nor should all clhnic group's in Wolvement be limited to concerns about its country of origin. Many African Americans fear that by being too closely associated with Africa, they could become politically marginalized within the larger foreign policy community,
political ties groups and of origin
рTC)-
There is a way in which greater ethnic mobilization around foreign policy issues could be dangerous. Given the conflicting interest and agendals of different ethnic groups, there is a ri tha L ethnic Tlobilizati)

Page 11
25th AWWIVERSARY
So farewell then, Che C
John Barham on a revolutionary who was kill
Time5 Lo + + Chico Gucwara Was born, lived and died in anThe T time. He II might have been killed only 25 years ago this month, aged 39, but he belongs to a different world. The future Guevara hoped to shape now seems as distant as the utopias dreamed of by the Communards of 1870 Paris, the anarchists of civil WaT | Spain, or the revolutionaries of May 1968.
As perhaps the last romantic folk hero, and certainly the Tinst famous of Latin America's guerrilla Wa Triors, Guevara emibodied the lethally simplistic revolutionary who believed sincerely that idealism, sacrifice and per I manent, Violent, struggle could one day build a perfect society of freedom, justice and plenty for all. Guevara lives on, en blazo Ted innocuously on countless Tshirts, posters and badges. It is easy to picture his stark features etched in black against a flaming Ted background: his beret,
long, scraggly hair and a distant, mystical look in his eyes, But the teenagers who look to
Guevara are less interested in his life as a revolutionary than
in the glamourous, romantic picture of a rebellious free spirit, Che's appeal is und eniable.
He was a wealthy, middle class youth who qualified as a doctor in Buenos Aires only te aban.- tion the promise of a comfortable life to travel penniless through South America. He illet Fidel Castro, then exiled in Mexico, in 1955 and they formed the nucleus of a rebel band that at first numbered only 16 men at the beginning of the Cuban revolution. Their uprising is an astonishing saga of revolutionaries who triumphed through luck, courage and determination. They almost starved and faced the constant threat of annihilation, yet they went on to defeat - against huge odds - a corrupt, reactionary dictatorship.
But in 1965 Che, the revolutionary hero, effectively abandoned Cuba, probably horrified at Castro's bureaucratic insti
L'utionalisation « That year, Gui dustry minister բաerrilla band than compromi becoming invol. cult - and mora process of orga Chic"s wision i lutionary wars ughout South quixotic as it W demonstrated a alion from reali perplexed Bolivi sent allt Gule wara town of La His calle to liberate not understand." His cleath ät Bolivian troops advisers - C seemed almost p. violent end was a mall fascinate Violence in the Incid:lla Lic tra he had given siderable attenti Recalling (in he kept during lution) the Inom he Was Wollide shoulder, Che Wi of myself as deal I hegan to think way of dying When all seemed bered an Gold st don Where the against a trice
end his lif kihowing hile Wa: freeze tih death plains of Alask only image I re By dying befo Guevara passed sciousness as a in revolutionary had lived, Che and probably be perhaps paunchy Fidel Castro. Wh. belovel lational Ту тапt.
In his biogr: American journ comments that highly intelligent

Guevara
ed 25 years ago
if the revolution. Wara quit as intó lead a motley in Bolivia rather se his ideals by vel in the diffi lly ädimbiyalen L – nising a state. of igniting revoif liberation throAmerica was as as idealistic, and disturbing separty. One of tic Il pel Salts pre's degalith at the gllera said: He Lis, but ye did
the hands of - led by CIA ctober 8, 1967
re-destinct. His appropriate for d by death and best Argentine dition. Clearly, he subject con
1. 1 campaign diary he Cuban rew. 2nt in 1956 when i Slightly in a ote: "I thought l. Immediately, about the best il that Illinute l)st. TelemIy by Jack Lonhero, leaning Tunk, prepires With dignity, olemel i Til the frazen l. This is the 1ember.'" e he grew old, Titi WCT lil CGIystic enveloped pLI rity. If he ould be 64 now ä grandfather, nd balding like has gone from hero to solitary
hy of Castro, ist Tad Szulc sensitive and Guevara pro
bably sensed this and deliberately chose exile and evential de4th in Bolivia's benighted inter. Our modern picture of Che: the self-denying revolutionary, could hardly be more distan from that of his SICUC5's Irs. The urban guerrillas of the 1970s Germany, Italy and Argentina appear to us now as psychopaths. The falt, bespectacled and middle aged Abimael Guzman, leader of Peru's feared Shining Path gleT= rillas who was sentenced this Week to life in jail for treason. is linked in our minds to Po Pot, not Che Guevara.
Guevara is, to many, forever the romantic, valiant and Thy 5tical harbinger of peace and understanding. The famous, scra
chy black and white photos of the dead Che, stretched out with his chest perforated with bullets, has transformed him into a modTil day hier) Who gave his own life for an ideal.
But the myth obscures the sinister side of his character. Like ill revolutionary purists before him, Guevara isolated himself gradually from the real World in an attempt to creat the new man of socialist soci city, untainted by selfishness. competitiveness, or individualism. He dreamt of sparking of a Suth American version of the Wietnam War that Would unleash great Marxist revolutions across the continent.
In his last radio Illessage, Trini his Bolivian jungle hideout to a third World Conference in Hav ana, Che exhorted: How closely We could look into a b|right future should two, three or ΠlΗΠν Vietnams flourish throughout the World with their share of deaths and imIIlense tragedies, their everyday tragedies, their ęWęTyday heroism, and their repeated, blows against imperialism.
Yet, in spite of this macho POSLILI Iring, Guevara probably was perceptive enough to see himself as much a Don Quixote as a proletarian Simon Bolivar. Tin one of his last letters to his parents in Buenos Aires just before Leaving Havana, Che Wrote: "Once again, I feel beneath Imy heels the ribs of Rosinante Quixote's horse... I return to te road with my lance under my arm.

Page 12
The Spies Who Leave
James W. Spain
like agil Teadas Illichas
the next person. But I've soured
on the international thrillers that dominate best-seller lists,
First we had IaIi Flemings sybaritic cartoon characters. Then came John Le Carres agonized intcllectuals. Now we hawe a herd of cause-serving Ramboish ||1:1|| ԼիT1Է:
They are no longer plain ordinary spies but reputable intelligence officers' and field agents. They are allost always dedicated to a personal crusade - and they will lic, cheat, steal ki || LI di IläiTTil for the U. S. government - or to democracy, or to avenging a dead friend as feckless and alloral as thenselves, or to serving the higher interests of their favorite Elks Lodge or Yale cating club.
Their 'enemies' - Russians, Muslims, dark-skinned foreigners and moles' of all species - are tough but dumb, These folk seldom have qual ITS about their causes either, but they are lewer successful in the Ill.
On our side, if the plan to LLLLLL S LLLLLLLLS LLLLLLaLLLLa SS S S LLLllllllLLLLLLa S LLLaL out or Mohammar Gadha fil's wig slip in public or to implode Pakistan's nuclear plant with laser beats fails, the heroes can always fall back om high-tech violence or Lorture to keep their record of triumph unsullied.
There is no denying that in real life Wehave häid oli Caseys and Norths, and those of their associates Illa W III Ethic deck. Bill L historians, journalists and columnists hawe amply demonstrated Lihat Lilcse Worthlies le 35t T113Tc contests than they won - despite their refusal to be restricted by
h Li Imam decency, com Imlom sense
I law.
These Characters Te Tleiller
real nor representative, as any
The Hrifler, rig Hy refired, Haar F. S. HLLaCLTMl CH S THTTaS TTkLLLLSS MMM LOLLLS LLLLLLLLS LL LLLS YLLLL L LLLL SLLLLLHH aS
O
Ole W lo l:15 1 With the condul knows. They a Valents of the st maniacs, whic) pe
That dics. It իt barint tl, Iլ cepted now tha graphy does no gent detached. El And reading b the mayhem W "enemies' is 1. pire a sane ple: the craft on Sp
WIEL LI Ehe ficti iS tc Teilforce has been develo WAT II that the siness is soleh. other profession a Person ÖT iT1 Lill: t tn 1: W,
morality, that li sador ille See I Congress, or ey is just another of duty.
To you Ing sint it can be more le times more pro terms, te emula **shakers HTitl | profession, real to plug away requirements of analysis.
If something ! cal III always say H11th thrities didn' anyway. It is c ty," the opposi tability," on wh government is based.
A,5;HHT.31ed L Renault deIisills cal ficticol and a Tld Isaac Asi Ili
Lion, thլe itltյre characters and a ter the tälle. Wo
Would apply tl espionage fictior

Me Cold
d anything to do ct of World affairs re political equiuds and my Tipho.pornography טplנ
In ea in they should is pretty Well aca bit of pornot Lurm al intellidult into a Tapist. est-seller; ballt r::iktil t}Il tյն T tot likely to insrson to practice 55c ail dill kiddies.
in does, however, he min-1–5ct thät ping since World : intelligence buw different from s, that loyalty to agency outweighs government and ying to an ambas'etary of State, en the president
part of the line
elligence officers, xciting :LInd soITlefitable, il carecT Lte the glamoTous lowers' if the or fictional, than at the routin e collectio) Tı zalıd
goes wrong, they Լիլէլt the liլWT111 t want to know alled * *denyabili| ti (if " "auttյլIIIich representative supposed to be
amb and Ma. Ty trated i históTiAtt hur C. Clarke W in 5cie ce fic
uiteiti: Hic nbience, the betLidl thllat sħIT come le principle to
Failing that, perhaps our spyLLLLLLLLS S LLaLaLLLLS aaaaaa S aLLLLS aLLLLLLL heroes among the Klu Klux Klan the neo-Nazis, Hell's Angels of the Mafia. All parties would feel at holle, social realismi would be enhanced, and literary royalties would continue.
Meanwhile, I'm going back to Captain Ahab and Tom Sawyer.
F. H. T.
Ethnicity and. . .
(Солrinшғd fraлт раgғғ 3) into a war among ethnic groups competing for limited resources, political a pointments, and influe:TTCE.
The tild of the Caild Wills has left a void in the foreign policy -Inaking process. No broader superpower framework exists to reconcile competing ethnic clairls, thus creating a danger that U.S. ethnic groups will be drawn into
conflicts abrad. If the Swiet LSLLL LLLL S S aaL S S tttLLLLLL aaHHHHLLLLLLLS SS LtttS lapse into rival ethnic entities their struggles might heighten ethnic CNT fic: L5 in the United States:
There To Tc, the il clusio II of Illew faces into the foreign policy community could enhance the United States' ability Li play a leadership role in a post-Cold War world. Sonne experts hawe suggested that Americans and foreigners could mobilize on the basis of CoIII1Il is Silles WiL bricalder Society-to-Society links. This approach would foster the capacity of other countries to resolve material and regional disputes. While the ending of the Cold War has eliminated One source of conflict, it could unleash other regional and ethnic conflicts with important domestic Es well as internatio Illal CCTSCquences. A Way must be found to combine different ethnic illte Tests and agendas into a coherent, integrated U. S. foreign policy agenda.

Page 13
Constitutional transitio
Neelan Tiruche Ivan
r. Nursultan Nasarbayev, the M. of a shepherd who be. came the first President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, is Widely regarded as the ablest leader within the Commonwealth of Independent States. Mr. Nasarbayev has been described as intelligent, politically astute, eager to learn and anxious to moderate the forces of ethno-nationalism and to preserwe stable ethnic relations. Since he became the First Secretary of the Communist Party in 1989, the country has witnes. sed dramatic changes Without parallel in any equivalent period of its political history. Elections were held to the Supreme Soviet in April 1990, Presidential elec tions were concluded, and with the demise of the Soviet Union the country reluctantly declared its independence on December 6, 1991. In quick succession it has been hastily admitted to the United Nations, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The enactment of a new Constitution is the culmination of these processes.
The importance of Kazakhstan is linked to a combination of geo-political and strategic factors. It is the largest Central Asian Republic, almost three-fourts the size of India, with the բմբլIlation of Sri Lanka. Its oil TeSFFWES. El TC Said to riwal those of Kuwait, and it has Cxtensiye deposits of coal and natural :15, It is a treasure house of minerals and precious metals. As late as 1989, Kazakhstan produced almost 9 per cent of the former Sovie Union's coal, 10 per cent of its TOT Orc, 7 per cent to 8 բer cent of its gold and 60 per cent
Dr. Neelkiri Tiruchelyari has a rene of a gгоцp of Соллтігигіола! Ітиугrз சில Frly Tr k:T their ration of the Govering
derrar ke la reyfer of the சீஆரி Cr Fre : oferr girripse of the compler proce ஆ" °円—m、五 芮、箭 Ceri fra Maria7rii Reproffer.
of its silwer. I sits include cop iun, magnesium per cent of the In addition to m try agriculture all röle in the econ St: I. Il 15 20 Hi! Talıble ild of Union which pre third of its whea zakhstall his III -range nuclear w Telli For som nuclear power. It mantle or dispo Tange Tuclear ini the recent spec may have sold tii heads to Itali. T has di SITISSed Si and publicly pro tention to sign th Prolife Tatial Treči its strong support mentation of th Teaty. Besides, F. ceives of itself a between Central A
The economic thic relative politi Kazakhstan has jected as a mode tral Asian Repub I10t à || COIInmenta optimism. They Kazakhstan has ethnic groups of principal nationalit clude almost 6.5. In 6.2 lillio Ruggia EL IT lillio Germa indigernous Kazak Only 40 per cent lation, while the Wh) were settle Cizal Trist and the S. stitute almost an portion. The Russi Centrated in the N where the indust located and consti Whelming majority trial and technic The Kazakhs are Centrated in the S thus been argued try is to diverse
 
 
 
 
 

n in Kazakhstan
5 mineral depoper, zinc, Lithmand all'host 80 World's chrome. ining and indլIS50 plays a major my of Kazakhper çent of the former Swiet duced allost a t. Although KaLoved it's short eapons, it will : time a major has yet to disse of its longissiles, fuelling Llation that it Tee nuclear War. he Gower Ilment Ich speculation :laimed its inLe Nuclear Nonity and declare - for the implee disarmament azakhsta Il cois a bridgehead sia and Europe.
բotential and cal stability in ften been proI til other Cenlics. However, tors share this point out that Il a TC than 1 OC) which nine are lies. These inillion Kazakhs, 1S, and all st IS. Tills the his constitute of the poputhnic Russians l during the 3 viet Tulle conEquivalent prosians arte colNorth and East rial citics are EL LEI :: Il oyerof the indusall Workforce. largely con Outh, It Flas that the colul IIto forge a co
hesive sense of nationhood and
too vast to defend its borders. Despite its economic ProteTitiail. it faces formidable economic
problems and it is heavily dependent on manufactured goods from other Republics.
The process of Constitutional reforms in Kazakhstan therer forces many formidable challenges. The political transitions that hawe taken place were not the result of a broad-based social movement or popular revolutionary struggle for independence. There are very few countries in history which have acquired nationhood so reluctantly. Nationhood came to Kazakhstan almost accidentally as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union. There is, therefore, no revolutionary political program Tinc or social agenda which can be enbodied into a Constitution as the substantive achievement of a political process. Some guidance was, however, available from the declaration of independence on December 16, 1991 which provided some basis for the enactment of the Constitution. The principal task confronting the drafters of the Constitution Was to fra Inc. a political instrument which provides special protection for the Kazakh nationality, language and culture without further placing in jeopardy the sense of nationhood" of Other ethnic minorities. The other challenges facing the drafters were also daunting. How should the Constitution accord primacy to the rights, freedoms and the dignity of the individuals while safeguarding the right of the State to derogate and restrict such rights during times of emer. gency and where the stability and integrity of the nation State was an issue? How could you establish a strong and interventionist Presidential system while providing for such checks and balances that would ensure the separation of powers between the different branches of Gov.

Page 14
ernment? How would you instiLutilalise in effective Illultiparty system and facilitate the growth of strong civil society institutions in a society. With little or no tradition of political pluralismo? How would you establislh alT1 iIndependent. judiciary where the judiciary had been for decades subordinate to the political executive at the national, regional and local levels, and Where the public procurator was the custodian of socialist legality How would you reconcile a centralised unitary State with the Tneed to establish te Tritoriail orgaInisations at the regional and local levels which could provide ill effective leisure of local self-government in a geographically vast and under populated State? How do you reconcile the need to ensure that land and Illineral Tesources arc exclusively wested in the State, with the economic reforms which emiphasise private sector levelopLHaLLLLL S S LLLLLLaL aLLa aaLLaaLLLLLLLa LLL 0tLLLLa enterprises?
The complexity of these tasks was further compounded by the controversy over the very legitimacy of the process of Constitutional reforms. Some political groups questioned the legitimacy of the Supreme Soviet as presently constituted being clothed with the authority to enact a The y' CrollStiLL tipli .
The G thựe Tim Crit est{1}}}ishct1+1 working group lied by Mr. D. Pe Ecclipwai, Wice-Chajr mall of the Suprelle Soviet, to prepare the text of the Constitution. Other
members of the Working group included jurists and academics drawn from the university and
the Kazakh Academy of Sciences, officials of the Justice Ministry and of the Supreme Soviet, and two judges drawn from the SupTëIThe Collrt of Kazakhstal ani the State Arbitration Court. The group approved the draft text of the Constitutil On the 25th of Mai Tcl 1992 mil Turther Filmendiments were introduced at a consultation at a broader political level headed by the Prime Minister, M.T. Sergy, Totestichenko. The Constitution was subsequently published and the public was
12
invited to sli bill and observations grillip Was Expe Tefile till: dTall! submit the sa Pili Soviet for elâl:
The Te WETU: 1 parties and grol tioned the legit process of Cons con the ground orchestrated by and a Supreme Il Ct bee c015ti multi-party elect electio 15 to the Slit ET ul it wון 1: 1990 but if 358 sea Ills 330 LTE LIET lembe T5 ) Party. These e take place with of a multi-pa many of the LICCI tested. Si Presitle Titi:1| Ele 1991, Mr. Nasa only political Kazakh political tūksal and A. Za test rally and ווןitl=Juוח חן יוון square in Alma the resignation ment and the At present trans envisage that t the Sլյբreme S tiLI: EC STWC: Withstanding t En. Llew i Constitu ciple would a Supreme Court titional Court. Serye ter -y el T cern is that thi and C Istituti. are in place at בו וחו וחו 1:1חדשT נ_וL lieved to derog Tediacy of I transition.
Both the e til Well the Kazi lic Russia13 li til að f ethnic: industrial and
the North an
imperative that provide a eq FCT the Colexi: nationalities a

it its collets i. The working cited to further it proposal and to the Supreme it.
weyer, political Ips which quesinTillacy of the wery titutional refor Ill that it was being a Gowerlet SWitt which had ituted through a oral process. The present Supreme dicted in March as alleged that t|5, il Pär lillelt held by the forք էlլe CըIIլIIլլITlist lecticis did It itle Tralework
rty system and candidates Were Illilarly, in the ctions led in rbayev was the Candidate, Two) parties, Zhel
it, staged a proa two-week sitIl the Illin
Ata, dermandi Ing of the Go We TI
Supreme Schwiet. 5וזרVisitריrין fHona1 le President ind E) wie L Woll || COL |- theit teTh... Ilo Lle coll:CLITle Tht Of -H. This primנItio lso apply to the
HIld the Collisti
whose Ille libers Le TIT1S. The COIlc principal State 3Illal FLITC tið Illa Tie:S di Willid ca TitiTille fice. This is beatcroll the illTe Christituti bħal
Inici billilce jetkh15 till the Ethfld the ColcentralRussi I ii tliet mining regions of East Telder it
the C Istit Lltico T lit ble frameWi 3 Tk Stence of diverse: nd ethnic groups.
However, Thaily Kazakhs recall their membership in the multinational Soviet State, as oncin which they were demographically, linguistically and administratively dominated by the Russians. They bristle with resentment Lt the neglect of their language and complain bitterly that only two of the schools in Alma Ata the nation's capital - coach in the Kazakh language. They thereföre contendil that the Constitutiom needs to acknowledge al process of decolonisation and legitimise the cultural and political resu rigence of the Kazakhs. This was to be achieved by im
pcbs ing a duty Con the Stilte til develop and renew the culture, language and traditions of the
Kazakh nationality, including the obligation to address the cultural needs of Kazakhs living outside the Republic. These leasures have fueled the insecurity of the cithnic Russians, particularly in the North who are apprehensive that they may be redlige til Second-clis 5 status. Mr. Nasarbayev hals, however, sought to moderate Kazakh niltioT1:listiC sentiınıeEnts aLıd, Lo is . aLLLLLL S LLLLL00LLaLY S aaaL S tttLLLLLLL S LLLLDLDLa minorities of equitable treatment The Cill institution eleclares, thit Kazakh Web Lill be the State li, Ilguage, while Russian is officially recognised as the language of i Itc. et Illic co III ll Ticatičði. The Constitution further gua Tallinteres a secuilla r SLIEL te El mid religiouis caqlu alllity. Religious groups are further prohibited from forming political parties.
One of the basic Teatres of the draft City Iristitiltiosi is the primacy accorded to funda Flemtal rights. There is a clear elaboration of the more important civil and political rights including the right to dignity and pri
(தோரத ரது தாg )

Page 15
AA配了3
The Federal Alternativ
S. Sathananthan
M S.J. W. Chelyanayagall, the the Tamil MP, criticised
the lack of high ideals and regretted the medieval conception of nationality prevalent among Sinhalese, who
**propose to have the Lion Flag una literedundamaged, un changed, as the main portion of the flag. Outside its pale, there are certain Ilarkings to indicate the tolerated presence in this country of Tamil and Muslim) people. A progressive Sinhalese MP. Dr N M Perera, described the flag as a fraud. . . perpetrated on the minorities. They (Sinhalese) are going to have the Lion Flag and these stripes are purely for the outcasts' (Hansard, vol. 9, 1951: 1565-1684). The flag was adopted as the national flag in 1951. It was narked by a series of protest meetings in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
The anthem and flag remain issues of dispute to this day. Indeed in the 1985 Draft Framework of Terms of Accord and Understanding, which was formulated after the end of Thimpul Talks, the GSL was compelled to spell out that one condition for its implementation was the acceptance of National flag and Anthem by all persons engaged in the current dispute with the GSL" (p. 21).
4.4 Sinhala as Official Language
In 1955, the two major Sinhalese political parties, the United National Party (UNP)
and the Sri Lanka Freedom (SLFP), declared as policy that Sinhala would be legislated as the official language. The Tamil MP, Mr. C Sunthara lingam, condemned the emerging policy Fone (Sinhala) race, one (Sinhala) language' in the country and warned that if this new policy is implemented there would be no united Lanka'. In reply a
Sinhallese MP, yagolla, callous tural genocide: disunity would
we (Sinhalese) you (Tamils) i nity" (Har Tsard, 1754-55).
The progressi Dr N. M. Pere law which impe the sole official Tails was 10 and drew chillir the treatilent O. Germany. He II Will become he an Farmy of ok Northern and E i Tallis are ti to its Wallow th age. He warne. ions Will resul bloodshed and Will force Taili separate State (, 1955:572–623). accuracy of th mlade in Octot than two decai TULF adopted Tamil Eelam in no elaboration.
When a Bill the Sole officia introduced in P: Tamil MP M balam, warned Ilment of the B | e likely to resul (between Tamil so deep that it ed. He also that schools in Northern Provi the basis of f is, higher in taught Sinhala t ++Hlave decided those classes as the iniquitous. progressive Sin Leslie Gunawa against the pro and warned thi

MT LI MIR AIT ripredicted culhe declared that lot a rise because want to absorb tC CLIT CIC) Til ITvol 22, 1955:
e Sinha lese MP, a, argued that a Sed Sihall as language upon rally unjustified g parallels with Jews in Nazi redicted that it cessary lo send cupation' to the astern Provinces be compelled e Sinhala languthat such actt in trioting, civil War" and ls to demand il Farára, W01 23
The stunning Lese predictions er 1955, more Les befo Te the the de land for 1976, requires
to make Sinhala language was rliament in 1956. | G G Panlanhat the enact1 as a W Was in the rupture and Sinhalese) cannot be heallced on record Jaffna (in the e), which som endship' (that ionalism') had Tamil Students, to di 5col Line: a protest against legislation'. A lese MP, Mr lene, reasoned ised legislation it could result
in Tamils deciding...to break away from the rest of the coulutry. Another progressive Sinhalese MP, Dr S A Wickremasinghe, condemned the language policy as + + Hitlerism’. A Tamil MP P. Kandiah, had this to add: What is disputed is the right I have to lusc: my languagc litti the business of living and government. When you deny my language you deny The everything that I, as a Tamil national of this country, halve and can have, You preselt me With a decision you have arrived at in your own wisdom, that I and my people should cease to exist. should gease to be. YւյլI will not be surprised, therefore, that I refuse to efface myself until with your superior strength, not of logic, not of reason, but of Inight and Weapon, you remove Ime and my people from the flûte 0F L'his fait land". If MT Kandiah obliquely referred to cultural genocide, a Sinhalese MP, Mr Sagara Palanasuriya, was Timore for thright: he Lolid Tamil MPs (reported in translation), we want to absorb you. Why do you resent that?". By
way of explanation, he addd Fibecause there tre 40 Ili|ilion people speaking the Tamil
language across the Palk Strait. you people give up the Tamil language and get absorbed, get issiliated". He thus believed that Tannis in Sri Lanka should not grieve unduly if their culture is destroyed since the same exists in Tallil Nadu
On al sa ner note, al Tammil MP, C. Wanniasingam, declared that the Bill, when it became law would be "the beginning of the end of a Unitary System of Gwern The Int... . . This Bil 1 is memorable in that the foundations have been well and truly laid. . . for a Tamil State for the Tamilspeaking people'". The progressive Sinhalese MP, Colvin R

Page 16
a Silva, was even more graphic: he predicted that if Sinhala was made thic sole official language, 'two torn little bleeding States may yet arise out of one little State" Hari sard, wol 24, 1955: 942-1917).
However, the Sinha lese Tulling fraction ruthlessly pushed the legislation through Parliament and enacted Sinhala as the sole official language.
Sinhalese challwinism ca Illot complain that it was not adequately warned of the consequences of its actions.
4.5.
After enacting sole official lang were granted rea Tamil language Official Languag visions) Act. N Frescolable” foi cu Tse defied |etilde TS.
4.65, FITOII Sunda
In 1965, as p tij Temold the nation of Budd holidays were Sundays to Poy:
Reasonabl
Constitutional . . .
(Corrгіншғаi fromп page 12)
ad L her thic freedom of belief and movement. Further, the right to political participation in for Ilation and the freedo I of assembly and of association are also recognised. There is also an elaborate chapter on economic and social rights. The Constitution contains an extraordinary provision that international standards on human rights embodied in treaties recognised by the Republic would take priority over domestic laws. This chapter needs to be strengthened in three important respects. The Ilmajor la cu na is the lack of a clear and effective remedy for the enforcement of fundamental rights against abuses by the State. The courts need als) to be expressly vested with the power to grant relief and to issue such direction as they may deem just and cquitable were an infringement of fundamental rights take place. Secondly, the legislature is given the power to impose vague and unlimited restrictions on the exercise of this right and here is no precise criteria for the derogation of such rights. There is, therefore, the need to expressly incorporate into the
W£4Cry,
14
Constit Lutico II i Imit dards with Tegal liTLni Lations :âd fundamental righ standards With rights of a per: criminal offenc in accordance W. cess of law in clearly spelt out very few human society groups.
Thic Illew C) | envisages a st system drawing Freich and it cxperience. It process of polit of the latio IllantigeIIlent d! բain ful econom for a strong Pr However, there ensul Te Lhält til checks and bal the separation e:Lich braich dof not trasgress lliiT i LS EL Indi rema LCDUntable 10 Whom sovereig this regard it
lint for the C sure the inde tiality and til the judiciary, be also guarar

USe" af Tamil
Sinhala as the age, the Tamils onable use" of der the 1955 (Special ProThat constituted
Tallis was of by Sinhalese
is to Poya Days
Tt Of thic dirijwe country as a ists, the weekly changed from days, based on
the lunar calendar and allegedly in accordance With Buddhist traditions but with scant regard to the scisibilities of othic religious communities. The four phases of the Moon naturally
did not uniformly fall on thy same days each month. The consequent alterations in the
Work-week each month assively dislocated the export economy of the island and the initiative became too expensive'; and it collapsed in disarrary by 1970 When Sundays were re-instituted as weekly holidays.
Next: Buddhism
2r1atio11al .. stäIn'd to permissible derogation of [s. Thirdly, the regard to the I accused of a to a fair trial ith the due proced to be more The Te Te also rights or civil
1stitution clearly 'ong Presidential heavily from the e United Sta. Les is argued that the ical consolidation |-State and thc al difficiullit and c transition calls esidential system. i 5 : lecd tch cre are adequate LIl CeS, LO facilitate of powers so that Government does ts Constitutional ns democratically nט טoplטp טth ty is reposed. In S not only importInstitution to enծendence, imparC competence of LIt this needs to ced in practice.
The Constitutional Court is a pivotal institution and needs to be clothed with the real authority to defend the Constitution, its Supremacy and Nalues.
An important chapter of the Constitution Telates to thic fou Indations of the cconomy. An important Article in this regard is Article 47 which provides the land, mineral and other resources as the exclusive propcrity of the Republic of Kazakhstan. This provision seems to be incompatible With the programme of economic reforms which the Government is called upon Eo implement with its emphasis on private sector development and privatisation. The Government has already entered into agreements with Chevron to develop the Tenghiz oil field and significant foreign investment is also envisaged in the development of the mining industry, Dr. Marat Sarsebhayew of the Law Faculty of the Kazakh State University explained “ideologically it is difficult to turn our Ilinds away TTaylı Socialist consciousiness — the essence Of Which is the denial of private ownership. The transition to market econo II cannot be done overnight. That is why you cannot find these for Illulations in the draft CLI
stitution.''

Page 17
TAML ////L/TAFISM
The legend of Cheran
D. P. SiWar
66 he lines of a song in to
day's ceremony touched Ily heart. The lines refer to the Tamil flag which fluttered on the Himalayas. Although this
may be a thing of the past, history can be re-established. Today this country is at war
because the youth of this area were denied opportunities in education and culture. ... Our youth hawe not only done well in education but have shown that they have the self respect to achieve their aims through armed struggle. If nothing is done towards finding a settlement to the crisis in the northeast the history related in the lines of that song will be reasserted."
- Joseph Para rajasingham M. P. for Barfi reloa speaking at a school fiction of 26.9.92 (reported in The Virakesar of I.I0.92)
The song referred to by the Ilember of parlament is from :lm MGR Film. The Lincs CF the sco Ing about which the M.P speaks, are "I see that era when Cheran's flag fluttered on the Himalayas'.
Joseph's speech and MGR's song invoke one of the most powerful narratives of modern Tamil lationalism - the conquest of north India by the kings of the three Tamil dynastics, the Cheras, Cholas, and the Pandyas which was accomplished by imprinting the Bow (Chera) or Tiger (Chola) or Pandya Fish (Pandya) emblems on the Hillalayas.
The legend of Cheran Senguttuvan is the dominant episode of this narrative. Its political life in the Tamil nationalist proitect in Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka has been more tenacious than the DutagēIniul mu - Elara episode in the InaTTiative Of Sinhala Budhism's Struggle against the South Indian Tamil threat.
The legend of LLI Wan, als We Sh used by the Dr: for drawing a terization of its tation, The le third part of th th.ikäırım. Which Illing) Atikal, Will's brother It relates the S. Whi becalle the The epic is divi parts (Kaanda the capitals of
indi Pandya ki Phili and Mad heroic Sangan | ceded it, the speaks for the El Tal Tiilil Nllll , tuted by the distinguished by til superior t India. It por dynasties conqui and imբrinting the Himalayas, a rately. The Pa mistakenly caust (If Käill:iki'; h! beårs The tille Tan the Aryan a Kadantha).
M. Raghaliwa bački based II
if the epic lit Callel Serail : was dedicated ThewäT. A Tecë angar's contribu Was the First b. Walikkandam i: after this that Studied the Wii Wrote books. . . . everyone realise the Gilde Er (Annals of Tam Raghawa Aiyang tion Volume. L 1978 pp 18-19) through folur ed tW3 decades CF **IT (CaII He si

Senguttuvan
Cheran Sengutall see later, was widian movement ompelling charaanti-Hindi agiend forms the e epic Silappawas written by Seran SengultuJaim ascetic. ory of Kannaki goddess Pattini. died into three 普 named after the Chera, Chola 1gdoms - Vanji, rai. Unlike the oetry which preSilappathikaram First time about as such constithree kingdoms, a martial tradithat of north trays the three ering the north their emblems on together and sepindyan king who is the beheading sbänd Kovalan
He who werrmy" (Aryaip padai
Aiyanga T Wrote a the third part le Wanjikkandam Senguttuvan. It Lo Padith hillä at work orn Asiytion says "This ook to give the in prose. It was many scholars njikka ndam and the book made and appreciate of the Tamis." i research, M. ir Comme 110 TidIn jW. Of Madras. The book went tions in the Ti Tist its publication. that after Lhe
appearance of this book research on the Sangam period expanded, Many times it was made a text in the universities of Andhra, Myscore and Madras and in Ceylon
and is widely read' (Araichithchuthi. 1938 p. 20). We examined the life and politics of
M. Raghava Aiyangar in the last issue. As We pointed out there, Aiyangar's idea of Tamilian renaissance differed from contemporaneous Indian nationalists in one important respect. Where. as the Indiam nationalists who upheld the cause of Tamil Culture and history, essentially saw them from a pan Indian pers. pective, Aiya ngar's writings, emiphasised a south Indian, Tamilan uniqueness and martial sup: eriority. His most famous work Seran Senguttuvan" and the essay he wrote later to supplement and support it are clear attempts to establish and popularise that idea. Three reasons can be identified for his attitude. The first as we moted ea Tlicir" was his close relationship with the Marava rullers of Ra II1Ina di — the Sethupathies. The second is that he was a Waishnawite Brahmin - the Indian National Congress was dominated in the Presidency of Madras by Saivaite Brahmins. Many Waishnavites have, as a result tended to sympathise with the Dravidian movement (Sivathamby 1989) In a lecture deliVered to the 23rd annual ConFerence of the Madurai Tamil Sangam Aiya nigar said ““The three Tamil kings, the Cheras, Cholas and the Pandyas established their martial glory beyond Thamilahan (Tamil homeland) which lay between the Wengadam hills to the north and Comorin to the south but their we for the Tamil speaking land was so great that they were not desirous of attaching lands where forcign languages are spoken, to Thamilaham. It will be appropriate to name the Madras Presidency as the
15

Page 18
Dravidian Province." (ATaichithio huthi: 1938. pp 318, 338)
Te ir es is eliteit his stay in Kerala as head of the Tanuil department in the university of Trivandrum.
Kerala was the ancient Chera kingdom. Aiyangar's writings during his residence at Trivandrum attempt to place Kerala history Il Culture withill the traditio II of Thai millaham . The Maharaj of the Trawal care state at that time, Sithirai thirunal had told Aiyangar "Malayalal is the Ta Inil language that bathed in the sea of Sanskrit (R. Weerapathiran 1978 p. 38). Some Aspects of Kerala and Tamil Literature“ FlId Chcrá WenthäT Seiyutt Kovai" (in two i Volumes) Aiyangar's "goth Ta’ (scction) na mine was Aiyanarithan, a poet of the chiera dynasty, Who Wrote the Pu Tappc}rul WernbaIInalai — al LTCaltise on Tamil martial culture were books which resulted from his work at Triwill rulin. One of his most controversial essays was on the Kinship system of the Chera dynasty. All this stems Tron his work om Seran SengutLuva II. This book Which läs to be read ill conjunction with his essay "The Conquest of the Himalayas by the Tamil Kings' (ThaTmi I Wenthalrin IIImayappadali Eduppu) attempted to ground the story of Senguttuwan in epigraphical literary evidence. The work seeks to establish the story of Senguttuvan, related in the Silap pathi kara Tim's Wanjikka Hindan 1, Els : historical Truth. The book as a School and university text book hals left a decipi imprint o Il Tamilia. El cultural-political vocabulary.
AnTitlu Tāli, KaTiLI TIL I lidhi, NMGR. and the speakers of the Federal Party have invoked the example Çif Seral Il Senguttuvan te bestir Tamil youth. The Silappathiharain portrays his expedition into Torth India as the HSSertium of Ta Imil I military I might cover Aryan kings who had in their ignorance disparaged the martial proWess of souther TallTills.
16
Sengut. Luwan two Aryan king Wijayan ("they hold their tog Will had cast :: is, Called "The Ind sձլIth Tamilmigl
cal Ty a SL.01C HiI 11al:1yaT1, Imc) Tallil Nadill foi
Jf. Käilläki as
Senguttu van i Elle LhousäTid Cybat I thic the goddess in of the Ganges decided in th bring the stor UT : It TI ad Fish flg5
SenցutւլIvan, Wawas bör Ill Lei 1 WH13 beërs the 't Egil H. With as his boundary ter of El Chol: such le is see
Tilia Lilli: pathi kara ITı says if Lanka in wik Pál [Lili L Sei Ihlk Il Cilic L 1i5 her blessings of LLIW LII’s fathcT birth Wils CollII
The conquest the Himalayas the Sangam a precede the ("The Aryans is in pain when y. says a poem in thologies). The the epic empha glority each dy part refers to : letken to t ThiILI IWW I as Karikalan (P de gli Tre) - the Chola empire. defeating the M and Wajira kin
The second Pandyan who coarisein Himalay; Cielt läIld of th. tains ind the taken by the s
It is a the tions of the C.

winws to defeit , Kanakan a Indi wylion Cynuld III 10t Lie" says the epic) n Whatט 115 נrsitטp: Ili Aatril – 1 and make the Ill טth ווןw 11 froטH tail back to the leificati goddess Pattini.
stold 'you faced Aryan kings in day yolu bathleti the great flood . . . if you häive c expedition (to e) let the kings y the Bow, Tiger in their lands."
says the epic, Ned LITchler: laithlä | itle Limaya waliralnihas the Hillalayas and the daugh
A king; and als I as representing Ly. (The Silap
that Gajabahu ed the goddess uit Luyan's capital country and give 1 the day SengutImayawara mbain's memorated there)
of the north all is a lei Llatif il inthologies which SilappathihåTam. creamed Gut lo 111 ill attacked them
Lhe SlIlglIn lIlthree parts of 5i5 e the Lillele til nasty, The First In expedition lillLe HiTlalayals by Who Was kill W. Tablaharamos no IT
Film der of the He is slowl is aghadha. W Wa Titi, gdoms,
art speaks of the nquired the newly 5" While Il llis. Ile KLIII1ari II1)ʻulT1 - Pahru i riye We Te
e in the inscriphola Empire at a
| alter datę. One Chol:1 till:101 takes on the title, the Conqueror of the Ganges. Minor Poetry
which arose after the decline Cf the Cholas praising military comTıqIndlers :1ncI chi eftalIhs of the
Tamil country also utilise the theme. (Karumanikkan kovali. Kalingaththup parani etc).
The Leitotif of the Tamil
emblem on the Himalayas finds the most vivid expression in the story of Senguttuvan. Aiyangar takes it cut of its epic context to emphasise a perception - that the Tamils were historically indilitable Initial race. The story of Senguttuvan's expedition repeatedly lays stress on the What is Teferet til as Salth Tamil martial might. Aiya nigar's later essay on the theme of Tamil expeditions into the north tried to prove again that these events were true in the basis of evidence culled frill the Ilperial Gazeteer of India and The Halid Gazeteer Of India.
In this essay he argues that Asoka did not think of invading Tamil Nadu because he and other northern Aryan kings were a Warc and scaired of the mattial prowess of the ancient Tal mills who before their times had illVaded and defefiled thle Ior th and imprinted their emblems. On the Himalay ni T1 Countains.
The First Tamil king to imprint his emblem om the meu Iltali Ill Wais. Ka Tikäli II; the Illines borne by parts of the Himalayas aSaaLLLSS S L0LS SLLLL LLLL L S LLaaLLLL0LS S aLLLL LLLLLL Choll Range prove the Chicla king's expedition is a historical fact argued Aiyankar. (Araichithohu thi: 1938, p. 184)
He did the academic groundWork for the propagation of the natrative of Tamil military expeditions into the Inārth as al II expression of a unique aud suբericor martial pro Wess and its symbol – the Tamil flag on the Himalayas, Drawidia in prepagal IIdists and the politicians of the Federal Party transformed it into a lostalgic and powerful stry of a golden era Wowell ilto the rectoric Coff mäktional liberation and youth mobilization.

Page 19
CONFLICT (4)
Why did peace accord
John M. Richardson and Jr. Jianxin W
propose two explanations for the failute of the et lillnic peace accords to achieve lasting peace. First is the intracability of ethnic conflicts. These conflicts, while they bear some similarity to other disputes, are probably the most complex and difficult to resolve by any conFict resolution method and under any circumstances, Our secondi explanation is short configs in negotiating and implementing the records. Possibly excepting the Addis Ababa agreement, the negotiation process, content and folllow-up of the peace accords fail to exhibit even the lost clerientary principles that conflict resoution specialists point to as prerequisites for success. The III ractability of Ethnic Conflicts
A major theme of Donald Horowitz's path-breaking Ethnic Groups fra Conflict (1985) is, as noted abovc, that resolving ethnic conflicts may be impossible. It may only be possible to manage them. He illustrates with the following Ele:
When the Japanese hurriedly evacuated Christmas Island, south of Java, they left some small arms behind. The Malays and Chinese who inhabit the island had enough of fighting, and it is said that that they arranged for the Chinese to keep the rifles and the Malays to keep the bolts. The Malays, on the other hand, were to keep the pistols but give the magazines to the Chinese. By these devices, a bloodbath was averted (p. 563). The Christmas Islanders recognized that their predispositions toward Violent ethnic conflict here dangerous, deeply rooted and not susceptible to individual good will. Fortunately, they were ble to seize a propitious InnenLent and limit the reSOLITCes that Tould support violence. Protaglists and victims of most ethC conflicts hawe been less for nate. Ethic differences often
provoke violenc to si Istail Will readily available. violent ethnic c. sumes a particula labeled by the l as pro rated socii Tle focu 5 0 flicts, according gious, cultural munal identity, dependent upon of basic needs si security, commu and distributive Sulchi gConflict3 + + an enduring ant: perceptions and ween communal state." Those conditioned by fears and belief contending ethni attributes the W. to the other begets hostility, tions of violen feed upon themse Protracted Conflik society, delegitim tal institutions, d nomy and frustra tal goals.
At the Onset cial and econ) mediating com tionships may nal, and comu permeable. A tracts, howev cleavages beco the prospects interaction änd become poor (p continued stress attitudes, cog and perception: Cassified. WaT cism domina communication among conflic up, and ability munal accept: severely dimir Protracted cont obstacles to a process. Peacent even though for

is fail?
Wang
e. The resources tI'll c0 Ilflict are As noted above conflict often asirly witulent form. ate Edward Azar Il conflict (1990). protracted CollL) Azar Eis Teli-rmנrט I Ethnicו. Which in Lln is the satisfaction LIGh (15 those for nal recognition justice (p. 2)." tend to involve gonistic set of interactions betETouբs and the Perceptions are the experiences, Systems of the C grillips. Each Tst ITC tiwa till:15 side. Hostility Creating condiconflict that lwes (pp. 13-16). E. Weakers civil izes governmen. CSEToys the co-rlטtös developIll
"f conflict, somic institutions Illinal interrcaStill be functional boլIndaries
conflict proT ĊATT1 Il Lili c petrified and CT COOpeTative nation building
16)....With the if each conflict, Iive processes
become scէ and Il turc and cyniMeaningful between 1g p:1 r"tie8 drics to satisfy comCē. Ieeds is hed (p. 17). ct Creates severe peace:Irlaking king is resisted II list of this
involved, the economic costs of protracted conflict clearly out.
Weigh any conceivable lմոքeconomic benefit (Aza. 1990, p. 7, ff. Richardson and Samarasinghe, 1992). In part,
this is because leaders and men bers of militant groups, who must be key actors in any peacemaking process reap both phy. chic and material benefits from the perpetuation of conflict. while passing the costs to others. They may have little to gain from peace (Richardson and Samarasinghe, 1992). Often militant forces are fait from unified; there my be multiple - even rival - key leaders with differing objectives. Sometimes militant leaders and groups comprising one faction seem as hostile to each other as to their adversaries frio Til opposing ethnic եTւհllբ5For high government officials, the perpeturtion of conflict can divert attention from failures in leadership and from intractable social and economic problems (Richardson and Samarasinghe, 1992). For the foot soldiers in protracted conflict, symbolic Con
siderations often weigh more heaVily tham economic Dines (Hgrowitz, 1985, Ch. 4).
Clearly ethnic conflicts are protracted. Animositics Contribuling to a high potential for violent conflict can be traced
back ower decades and evcin centuries. When violent conflicts between ethnic groups do break out, they tend to last far longer than wars between nations. Although available data is more anecdotal than comprehensive, the evidence seems overwhelming that genocide, military defeat exile or enforced separation of contending parties are more likely to mark the end of violent ethnic conflicts than negotiated բeace itcords.
Shortcomings in the Five Ethnic Pelce Accords
Formidable challenges clearly await those who would fra Time ethnic peace accords as negoti
at I", meditor OT external arbiter. For negotiatators or mediators the conditions for success would seem to include at a minimum-bringing authoritative representatives of contending groups together,
17

Page 20
establishing communication, creating trust, identifying accept table Table 2. Neg terms for an accord, ensuring that those terms have adequate support among the adversaries and fully implementing the accord. Pos- Cor sibly, external arbiters can devote less time to building consensus CYPRUS: to the degree that they have the London-Zurich capacity to impose and enforce agreements (1959) terms of an accord. But impsing terms on militant groups is not easy, as the Indian Peace Keeping Force discovered in Sri SUDAN. Lanka and an imposed peace, Addis Abalba unless supported by some comTmitment from contending groups, is unlikely to be sustainable.
Table 2 SILII m Imarizes the Incgetiation processes and implemention of cach accord discussed in this Book. External actors played a role in four-Cyprus, Sri Lanka and Sudan. In two cases, Cyprus and Sri Lanka, external powers attempted to achieve peace by imposing an accord. Although both accords attempted INDTA: to deall With 50 Ille Outstal Il- յtյr tl ding issues, eitherse of negoti. Punjab Art ations involved all of thic prota- (July 1985) gonists and fundamental points of difference Were left unresolved. In Cyprus the proportional representation schemes Written into the new nation's constitution newer provided a basis for real cooperation. Peace ended when Greek and Turkish Cypriots were able to di Taw their client States into a confrontation. In Sri CANADA Lanka, the Indian Government was over optimistic about the Meech Lake Act ability of its Army to cnforce (June 1987) the accord that Rajiv Gandhi had dictaticdi Lo the LTTE leader, PTällbakal Tal, When the Liberaltion Tigers resumed hostilities, Withil two months, after the accord was signed, the Indian Peace Keeping force was hardly SRI LANKA: Tore effective h the Sri Lall- Indo Lank: Acc kä Il ar Imly had been in Ilmaimtaling order. The one case where (July, 1987) external actors played the role of meditor produced the relatively successful Aldis Ababa accord. However distinctive characteristics of the conflict, internally, also contributed to success. The Souther Il Sudanese Tebels negotiated from a strong, if not equal position with government representatives.
is
agreement (Feb. 1

tiation and Implementation of Ethnic
Peace Accords
Νεg of irriori απει Ιημεινε Πατία π.
Accord was negotiated by 3 external powersGreat Britain, Greece, Turkey - who agreed to serve as guarantors. Cypriots did not participate in the agreements, although they did sign the documents.
Accord was the result of three years of preliminary negotiations and several months 972) of intensive negotiations, following the accession of the Nimieri Government. Abal Alier a Southerner, headed government dellegation and played a key role in maintaining communication between northerners and southerners. Participation of influential outside mediators helped to bring negotiators to Addis Ababa and keep them at work until In accord Was Teach cd. As the SLIdanese Wice President, Alier subsequently played a key role in implementing the accord, with President Nimieri's full backing.
Accord was negotiated by Rajiv Gandhi and more moderate Sikh politicians headed by Akali Dal leader Sand Longowa. Militanti Sikh leaders and leaders of states required LLLL0 S S LLLLSLLS S S LLLLLLCLL S aaHLHaaaLLLLLCLLLLL S S aHLLLL S LLLLa agreement did not participate. Ncither I moderLLLLLL aLLLLLLYS LlLLLLL S S LLLLL LL LLLLL LLLL S SLLLLLLLL mal date to implement the accord. Gandhi is later reputed to have manipulated the "independent commissions' established under the accord to produce decisions un favorable to the Sikhs (Gill, pp. 21-22).
Accord was the result of intensive negotiations between Prime Minister Mul Tony (Federal Government) and Premier Bolu rasse (Quebec). Agreement was accepted by other LHHLaaLaL LLLLLaLaLaaLLLLLL S S LLLLLLLHaaLL HCLLaaaLL aLLLLLLLaHLS During three year period allowed for ratification, new gover ments were elected in two provinces and opposition groups mobilized. Agreement failed ratification.
OT
Discussions leading to the accord Were
ird precipitated created by Indian military pressure on Sri Lanka. The accord Was Illegetiated by India Til Prime Minister Gandhi and Sri Lalkan President Jayewardene with no direct participation of either moderate of Illiiti Sri Lankan Tails, LTTE leaLLLLLL S LLLLLLaLaaLLLLLL S S aaaaaaLLaL S L S LLaa S LLLaCaaHLLa under pressure, but subsequently repudiated it. The Indian government was unable to keep its side of the agreement, to disarm the LTTE and cnforce compliance with the itcմrt1,

Page 21
RELVSS VANW REWOLUTIVO IWW
“October' after 75 ye
Reggie Sirivvardene
wish to open this lecture with a few historical snapshots. On the 25th October (Old Style) 1917, the All-Russian Congress of Soviets met in Petrograd on the nor W of the October insurrection. Speaking for the left and centre Mensheviks, Marty denounced the insurrection as a Bolshevik coup and demanded the formation of a coalition goWernment of the three socialist parties, Answering on behalf of the victorious Bolsheviks, Trotsky rejected the demand and ended his speech with these contemptuous words: "You are pitiful isolated individuals; you are bankrupt; your role is played out. Go where you belong from now On-into the rubbish-can of historyl'2 Martov left the hall with his followers, and later went into exile. Twelve years later, Trotsky, who had been so certain that the current of history Was running in the direction he imagined, was overtaken by themesis. In 1929, by a decision of Stalin's Politbureau, he Was cónveyed to the haI bo'u T of Odessa, and put on board the ship that was to take him, in the dead of Winter across a frozen sea, into exile. As his biographer, Isaac Deutscher, has graphically described the Iloillent: "A.S. . . Trotsky looked back at the receding shore, he must hawe felt as if the whole country he was leaving behind had frozen into a descrl and as if the revolution itself had become congealed. 3 Another three decades On, and the body of the all-powerful dictator, who had deported his principal political opponent and later had him murdered, was ejected in disgrace from the mausoleum in Red Square. Yet another thirty years on, today, Lenin's body still lies in that same mausoleum, but the queues outside it have dwindled; his name has been erased from the city where he took power; his monu
ments llave bee lic places thro try; and tomo 7th) there will celebrations of anniversary.
The R551: i 5 Wicis Situdes II for a Shakespea on the ulcertair great less.
hy W chanc And changes alteration Wii Lhu diliwers li
The changing political actors a tations are an in af social forces quarters of a c. the birth Endl dl Wiet state. What of TeT im This le narrative history but a theory that and make intelli lines of historical as TaT 15 this cal in the compass
T Sholl lkl like || at the outset of paradigm of revo sical Marxist the lc Work o' the f Marx and Engels munist Manifesto the epinch of LE bourgeoisie:
. . . the 11 eans and of exchal foundation the ilt itself up, w feudal Society. stage in the these mea 15 COf of exchange, organisation of manufacturing i Word, the feud property beca compatible Wit developed pro they became si They had to b they Were burs

S
toppled in pubhallit the collIlow (November e Illo FTĪcial Le seventy-fifth
evolution all ght be a theme am 111 editation y of political
's Illicks
ill the cup of
Litors!
Ttlles of the ind their repuex of the shifts, in the threein tury between all of the SI shall try to ture is not a of those years Cal T1 ET1COTT1 el SS sible the main development, in be attempted լք՝ 3111 հուլr,
to remind you What Wils the tution in clasry – that is, in unding fathers, In the Cirithey said, of 2 rise of the
of production e, on Whose bourgeoisie bu - regenerated in At a certain Velopment of roduction and ... the feudal Igriculture and lustry, in one relations of no longer the already ctive forces; thany fetters. burst asunder;
as under-4
In other words. Marx al Inti Engels saw the bourgeois a revolutions - especially, the great French Revolution - als arising
Out Of the contradiction bet. Ween, on the one hand, the forces of production and, On the other, the relations of production, which had become incompatible with productive growth. Marx and Engels expected a similar contradiction to rise With the di cwelopment of capitalism. As Mark said in Capital
The monopoly of capital be. comes a fetter upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under it, Centralisation of the means of production all socialisation of labour at last Teach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument. This integument is burst asunder. The knell of capitalist private property sounds. The expropriautors arc expropitiated.5 You will obseTV e the clase parallel, in conceptis and terminology, between Marx and Engels's account of the 'bourgeois revolutions of the past and Marx's vision of the 'socialist revolution of the Future. In the last Te W decades the Orthodox Marxist analysis of the French Revolution has colle lin der intensive criticism, and there has been much. debate wlieLller il can be considered a "bourgeois revolution at all. (A parallel debate has taken place over the Marxist view of the 17th century English Civil War.) In the case of the English and French Revolutions, it has not been until the second half of the present century that the Te has been serious questioning of the Marxist para digin, But the claim that the Russian Revolution Was a "Socialist TeVOlution' ran into theoretical problems from its very beginnings. Marx and Engels had naturally expected the contradictions of capitalism to mature earliest in the developed countries of Western Europe, and and had therefore looked to these countrics to pioneer the socialist revolution, How then explain the phenomenon of a supposedly socialist revolution in Russia - a country
9.

Page 22
which was 80 percent peasant, in which the proletariat was a Shall urban Illinority, in whicill serfdom had been abolished only in 1861, and in which feudal absolutis In Teigned in the state un til the February Revolution of 1917" Not surprisingly, Lenin's enterprise in October of impelling his party to the capture of power for the purpose of creating a socialist state provoked mot only bit ter opposition from the moderate socialist parties. the Menshewoi ks and Socia | ReWlutionaries, but also deep Innisgivings im Ilg à Section Lif his party. Two of Lenin's most long-standing collaborators. Zijnoviev and Kalleney, even opposed Lluc i 15 Tectil Within the CellLT1 Cor Illiitte itself.
Just over five years later, commenting om the book by the Menshevik Sukhanow, Nores Corcerling 7 Revolutio which Tepealed the argument that Russia was not ripe for socialism'. Lenil slik:
Napoleon, I think, wrote: ''On
y'e Pigge et pris. . . . Y yo it.”* Rendered freely this means: "First engage in a serious
battle and then see what happens'. ... Our Sukhanovs, not to Iı1entibTı Soci: I —IDerıhoCratis still farther to the right, never Ewe I dTea Ill Lihat rewolul Licin5 cannot be Illade in any other Way." In quoting the Napoleonic maxim, Lenin was admitting that there wä5 al II elemelt in the October Revolution of a histori. cal gamble. But the Tccord shows tha L Lemin Wouldn't have staked everything Ill this gali Imible but For one consideration which was for him a certainly, That was his belief that Western Europe was ripe for socialist revolution, and that the Russian October would be the stimulus that would make the fruit fall from the tree.
There is ample evidence of this - in the first place, in the text of the resolution that Lein drafted for the crucial meeting of the Bolshevik Central Co. mittee on October 10(OS) that took the decision ty, launch the i 15 LITTE CECI. The resolution Стрепs:
O
The Centra 1 : ( Thises that I position of th l'utili (the re. Ilan navy whi ITL Inifestäti]
throughout Eur 543 ci:List i'r cynllu of peace by
with the obje the revolution Well is the III
ld the fact
rial. El party has rity in the Sow. places the ar II | || CF -
Notice that in tions "the il te Tillä L1 e RLISSial Tevi the revolutionary out Europe – 1 Over the intet nå the seizure of tilled to TeitleT few years Ilcht Gn in the proximity that is, especi rewrilլItic II իլլt : sability for the Swiet 5täte. In to conte Ild With within his part protested that Ilal Tevolution the Swiet state accept the hars BiTest-Litovsk pi Germany, Leli II 511ch a diecision :1Tl estim:1 te. Il revolution woul th50T Stוול)ITi time stlittlլIle.
55 erited“Tht W7||LI Till iIL ELIT indi will camle, All our hopes f try of sociali rī ti cēli scientific progпо: LW Inths la all events, unde circumstances, i Wöllitio does II til med "10
(To be
References
1 Life e
RLI55ia preserved riäi 1 :Eale Eir . My 13 days behind Gårdar, Hen the "[i].titlgher, Rit

Committe recogle iIlternatio Iial e Russia reww Call in the Gerch is : Il cXLICIT1cof the growth ope of the World tion); the threat the imperialists Ct of Strangling 1 in Russia) as ilitary siitiliatio II... that the roletagained a majoiets - . . . ;all this ned uprising on
he day, B.
Leil’s calculational position of lution – lå is." :Tow th throughBook precedence factors. After wer Leni. Ii cliate for the Inext
of European - ally GermanElso its indispenSurvival of the
1918 Lenin hal the Who, both y and outside, e Calluse the II (GCTwas imminent, had no need to h te T113 of the :ace imposed by | Telfu Is cel to Läke In the basis of at the German coille in 'six me such precise Nevertheless, he the socialist reטווTוL15 L. EvוIT_טיPי
is beyond doubt. för thic fil|| Wic::- FIT - To FTF ity and on this sis.' And again, ter il 1918: "A : r :L| COT ceiy:1ble if the Germal reC COIT. We are
continued)
October Revolution, the old pre-Grego
hich was by the
the international c the anonially of
Ivolution" occurring
in November, by the reckoning of the rest of the world.
2. Trichtsky (1957), pp. 310-311 3 Deutscher (1959), p. 471. 4 Marx ind Engels (1977, p. 113. 5 Marx (d.), p. 753 ÉS A neo-Marxist historian, Writingin special number of Science and Gracia ya CCITIT in emora ting the biçemiteria Ty of the French Revolution, says: "... the interpretation of the French Revolution as a political conflict betyy een emerging Ci Pitalists and declining feudalists has bc.com: increasingly difficult to sustain in the light of accLum Luleå ting historical evidence.“ (Halkier, 1990, p. 322) 7 Lenin (1977:1), p. 707, 8. Lenin (1977), p. 402. 9 Lenin (1977), p. 48l. 10 Lenin (1977), p. 535.
Trends. . .
(Cred ரீர நரT) Traile Zaire Worker's I KIII
Fayake (Jiri Su Fiday. They Woere protes I ing the viola rior of labor la M's hy i FTZ erraployers. Report is sail a horf IC3, ÔNGC) der Pro 7ŠI real , PT PPI LI I FJoľīce L seas fear" gas a rid also fired in To the air.
(O Fier reports ho) 'e'e'r ystyre? police saying that so force i'a-s së d.
Developпnөпt Boards a
ruse
The Mahia jara Eksar I li Pera | 77 YI (MEP), Tī ir 7 state Irmier I Thai I Ihle Tie Willy' ir I roduced School Developert Boards were ĈI , FE ŝ e 10 destorioy, free ekСст/ion. Erнегgeлc}" їститs иеге being Lied to ser thern lup, The IM EP s 57 iad ar af tre reas ori for Schredol Devela prie Ft Boards vier School Development Societies already existed was a Sharless at të ript ta pritarise šťrooľs.
Mear. While the Mirls I ry of סווטונhairling The rיץ'רErfut"HLipH P said: 'School Developert Boards are being established fr) FULLFSL Fire of The recorreraFioris of the Presider rial Corri1ls for Lr Folfs of Fake Thell The Feed la régiélo The school as a Fi auto Florious infif Effer of Way'' /je/ SFF" he die of the highest priorities jr. (III er erging educational policy giving expression to the aspiratior thar parents, principals, Teachers, pupils, pastpupils should play at active part irl its activities together 鲇 (高厝、°

Page 23
LTTE TRIAL (5)
The Rajiv Assassination
Crime at about 10,10 PM, Dhanu (A5) gained access to Shri Rajiv Gandhi and while in close proximity to him, detonated the improvised explosive device kept concealed in the waist belt resulting in the blast and killing of Shri Rajiv Gandhi and 17 others including herself (Dhanu-A5) causing injuries to 44 persons; immediately thereafter Sivarasan (A4). Subha (A6) and Nalin (A9) escaped from the scene of crime, reached the house of Jayakumar (A18) and Shanthi (A19), took shelter in their house; Subha Sundaram (A30), attempted to retrieve the camera used by Haribabu (A7) the scene of crime, caused destruction of documents/material objects linking Haribabu (A7) in this case and arranged to issue denial in the Press about any connection of Haribabu (A7) with LTTE. Bhagyanathan (A28) and Padma (A29 rendered all assistance and harboured Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6) Murugan (A11) and Arivu (A26) and Padma (A29) accompanied Siva rasan (A4), Subha (A6), Nalini (A9) and Murugan (All) to Tirupathi where Naiini (A9) did : Ang apradakshinan'; thereafter Nalini (A9) and Murugan (A11) huid themselves in different places in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka to evade arrest, Dhanasekharan (A31), Rangan (A32) and Vicky (A33) harboured the accused Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6) and Nehru (A8) in transporting the concealed inside a tanker lorry belonging to Dhanasekharan (A31) from Madras to Bangalore; Nehru (A8) operated the Wireless set and communicated with Prabhakaran (A1) through Pot Lu Omman (A2) conveying the developments on behalf of Sivarasan (A4); Nehru A8), Trichy Santhan (A36) Suresh Master (A37), ixon (A38), Amman (A39) and Driver Anna & Keerthi (A.40) rendered all assistance to Siwarasan (A4): Ranganath (A34) harboured Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6), Nehru (A8) Suresh Master (A37), Amman (A39), Driver Anna (A40) and Januna & Janeela (A41) where at Konanakunte, Bangalore on 198.91 Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6), Nehru (A8), Suresh Master (A37). Amman (A39), Driver Anna (A40) and Jamuna & Jameela (AAI) committed suicide: Shanmugavadivelu & Thambi Anna (A23) rendered financial assistance to Sivarasan (A4) and others to carry out the object of conspiracy and a betted the commission of crime.
Thereby A1 TO A41 committed offences plu Inishable under Section 120-B IPC r/w 302, 326, 324, 201 and 212 IPC: Sections 3, 4 & 5 of Explosive Substances Act, Section 25 and 27 of Arms Act; Section 12 of Passports Act; Section 14 of Foreigners Act; Section 6 (1A) of Wireless Telegraphy Act. Sections 3 (3), 4 (2), 3 (3) TADA Act, 1987.

In pursuance of the said criminal conspiracy and in the course of the same transaction A1 to A 41 committed in addition to offences under section 3 (3), 4 (2) and 4 (3) TADA Act, 1987 and individual specific offences as detailed below:-
1. Between July 1987 and 14.5.92 at Jaffna, Northern part of Sri Lanka, Prabhakaran (AI), Pottu Om man (A2) and Akila (A3) who are responsible for the design of the criminal conspiracy having designed the conspiracy entered into the same along with others in this case as referred to supra instigated A4 to follow up the design and execute the same in India according to the design agreed upon and in furtherence of such instigation, Sivarasan (A4) and other accused concerned in the case carried out the object of the criminal conspiracy in various places and thus Prabhakaran (AI). Pot Lu Comman (A2) and Akila (A3) have rendered themselves liable for oftences punisha ble under Sections 302 I'w 109 , IPC. (Al 'TO A3, are absconding)
2. Sivarasan (A4), infiltrated into India. with, com Inom intention got into contact with ther accused concerned in this case referred to supra, mate necessary preparations for carrying out the object of the conspiracy, took Dhanu (A5) equipped with belt bomb for assassinating Shri Rajiv Gandhi under the guise of garlanding and accused Haribabu (A7), the photographer for taking photographs of all the events inclusive of assassination by the explosion to be caused by the human bomb so as to show to the designers of the cinspiracy the successfull accomplishment of the object of the criminal conspiracy and posed himself as a Journalist and helped the accused Dhanu (A5) to gain access to Shri Rajiv Gandhi to enable her to cause explosion at the proper time; communicated through the illegally operated wireless set with Potu Omman (A2) and thus Sivarasan (A4) committed the offence punishable under Sections 3, 4 & 5 of the TADA Prevention Act 1987; Sections 302, 326, 324, & 201 TPC; Sections 3, 4 & 5 of Explosive substances Act, Sections 25 and 27 of Arms Act, Section 14 of Foreigners Act and Section 6 (1A) of The Indian Wireless Telegraphy Act, Section 3, 4 & 5 of TIADA Act TW 3 (4) IPC. (Charge abates).
3. Dhanu & Anbul (A5) committed the murder of Shri Rajiv Gandhi, nine police personnel, seven members of public and caused injuries to 44 persons by exploding the belt bomb concealed in her person on 21,591 after having gained access to Shri Rajiv Gandhi under the guise of garlanding at Sriperlumbudur at about 10.20 PM and in that process committed terrorist and disruptive acts and thereby committed offences punishable under Sections Sec. 3 (2) & 4 (1) TADA: Sections 302, 307. 326, 324 IPC, Section 3 of the Explosive Substances Act and 14 Foreigners Act. (Charge abates).
21

Page 24
4. Subha (A6) and Haribabu (A7) in furtherLaaaaL L S S SLLLLL aaaLHLHHLHaLa LLLLLLLHHH LLLL0 S aaatHHLHHLS LLa the murder of Shri Rajiv Gandhi and other by Dhanu (A5) exploding the belt bomb, accompanied Sivarasan (A4) to the scene of offence and were present at the scene of crime when Dhanu (A5) exploded the belt bomb concealed in her person and they also committed terrorist and disruptive acts and offence under the Explosive Substances Act. Hence these two accused are liable under Sections 3 (3) of TADA Sections 302, 307, 324 & 326 IPC and Section 3 of the Explosive Substances Act rv Section 34 IPC. (Charges against A6 and A5 abates).
5. Nalini (A9) in furtherence of the common intention to commit the murder of Sri Rajiv Gandhi and others by Dhanu (A5) exploding the bomb, accompanied Siwarasan (A4), Dhanu (A5), Subha (A6) and Haribabu (A7) to the scene of offence and was present at the scene of crime when Dhanu (A5) exploded the belt bomb concealed in her person and has rendered hic Tself liable for the offences under Sections 302, 307, 326, & 324 IPC TW Section 34 of TPC: Section 302 TW 302 TW 114 IPC Section 212 IPC and Section 3 (4) TADA.
6. Neh Tu & Nero Gokul (A8), Santhan (A10), Shanka & Koneswaran (A12), Wijayanandan (A13), Ruban (Al4), and Driver Anna (A40) came to India clandestinely in the early hours of 1,591 from Madakkal, Jaffna in a boat along with Sivarasan (A4), Dhanu & Anbul (A5), and Subha & Nithya (A6) under the specific instruction of Pot Lu Oman (A2) and they were given specific assignment by Sivarasan (A4) after they came to India and they aided, assisted and a betted Sivarasan (A4) in carrying out the object of conspiracy. Santhan (A10), rendered assistance to Siwarasan (A4) in the preparation and execution of the object of conspiracy. Nehru & Nero & Gokul (A8) installed and operated wireless set at Wijayan's (A20) house at Kodungayur for sending messages to Jaffna, Ruban (A14) Went to Jaipur under the false pretext of fixing up a leg for his amputed leg while the main purpose of his visit was for arranging a safe hide out for co-conspirators. Hence all these accused are liable under Sections 3 (4) of TA DA, Section 212 TPC and Section 14 of the Foreigners Act. Nehru & Nicro & Gokul (A8) is also liable under Section 6 (TA) of the Indian Wireless Telegraphy Act, (Charges against Nehru (A8) and Driver Anna (A40) abates.
7. Murugan (A11) having come to India clandestinely cultivated friendship with an Indian Tamil family viz. Nalini (A9), Bhagyanathan (A28), Padma (A29) and Haribabu (A7) and acted as conduit between these Indian Tamils and Sivarasan (A4) in the commission of crime. He also carried letters written by Dhanu (A5), Subha (A6) and Bhagyanathan (A28) addressed to Pottu
22

COmmna II (A2) and Akila (A3) and a set of “The Satanic Force'. He was also sending messages il legally to Pottu Omman (A2). Hic is therefore liable under Section Sec. 14 of the Foreigners Act, Sec. 6 (1A) of the Indian Wireless Telegraphy Act.
8. Kanagasabapathy (Al5) and Athirai (A16) came illegally into India together and they procceded to Delhi to fix up a house to harbour the terrorists after the collinission of Cille and hence committed the offence punishable under Section 3 (4) of TADA, Section 212 of IPC ilind Section 14 of the Foreigners Act.
9. Robert Payas (A17), Jayaku mar Shanthi (A19), Wijayan (A20), SelvaluXITni and Bhaskaran (A22) having come illegally without any passport, got registered as refugees only as a make believe affair, but in fact they came with the purpose of assisting and abetting the conspirators in this case and took houses on rent at Porur and Kodungayur in Madras where they accollinodated Sivarasan (A4), Dhanu (A5). Subha (A6). Nehru & Nero (A8), Santhan (A10) and Ruban (A14) before and after the offence was commited Robert Payas (A17) obtained a driving licence for Sivarasan (A4). Jayakumar (A18) and Shanthi (A19) concealed the personal articles of Siwarasan (A4) and also ammunition in a pit dug in the kitchc of their house at Kodungayur. Wijayan (A20) was given large amounts by Sivarasan (A4). A wireless set was installed in the house of Vijayan (A20) by Nehru & Nero & Gokul (A8), Hence these accused are liable under Section 3 (4) of TADA: Section 212 IPC. Wijayan (A20), Selvaluxmi (A21) and Baskaran (A22) are liable under Section 6 (1A) of the Indian Wireless Telegraphy Act, Jayakumar (A18) and Shanthi (A19) are liable under Section 25 & 27 of The ATIS Act.
10. Shan Ilmugavaldivelu & Thambi Anna (A23) was keeping the funds on behalf of the coconspirators and was converting the gold brought from Jaffna into cash. He was providing financial assistance to the members of the conspiracy in accomplishing the object of conspiracy as and when required. He was thereby a betted the commission of offence by the accused and has rendered himself liable under Section 14
of Foreigners's Act,
11. Ravi & Rawich andra T1 (A24) and Suseendran & Mahesh (A25), as members of the Tamil National Troops in India, went to Sri Lanka illegally without any passport and got traincid by LTTE and they came back to India with instructions from Pottu. Om man (A2) to act as per the directions of Siwarasan (A4). Ravi & Ravichandran (A10) received about Rs. 10 lakhs from Sivarasan (A4) to assist LTTE men in India. They also harboured Sivarasan (A4) and

Page 25
Subha (A6). They were found in possession of arms, ammunitions and grenades which were LLLLLL LLLLL S 00S00 LLLLL 000SS00 LaaLLLLLLLa LLLLaa LLaaLS akkarai and hence committed offence punishable under Scctions 3. (4) of TADA, Sec. 212 IPC, Sec. 4 & 5 of The Explosive Substances Act. Sections 25 and 27 of Arms Act and Section 12 of The Passports Act,
12, Pera rivalan & Arivu (A26) stayed in the house of Bhagyanathan (A28) and Padma (A29) along with (A11). He assisted Murugan (A11) and Sivarasan (A4) in their illegal activities viz. planning of Inodalities, preparation and accomplishment of the object of conspiracy. He purchased a motor cycle in his name using the funds given by Sivarasan (A4) which was used by Sivarasan (A4) for his activities. He purchased two two 9 volt battery cells as per the instructions of Siwarasan (A4) and gave the same to him which was used by Dhanu (A5) to detonate the belt bomb concealed in her person on 21.5.91. He also purchased a battery and gave it to Sivarasan (A4) which was used to operate the illegally installed wireless set at the house of Wijayan (A20) by Nehru & Nero (8). He was in possession of highly incriminating documents and material objects. He also visited Jaffna, Sri Lanka without a valid passport. He is, therefore liable under Section 12 of the Passport Act and Sisction 6 (IIA) Wirl css Telegraphy Act.
13. Irumborai (A27), is an active conspiratoT; in this case. He left for Jaffna clandestincly and assisted Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6), Nehru (A8) and other conspirators in the matter of achieving the object of the conspiracy by carrying important messages between the conspirators and shifting Sivarasan (A4) from place to place and by doing such other acts as a Te meccssary for carrying out the object of conspiracy. Thereby he has rendered himself liable under Section 12 of the Passports Act.
14. Bhagyanathan (A28) and his mother Padma (A29) along with his sister Nalini (A9) assisted, abelled and harboured the co-conspirat OTs in their house and further after the assassination of Shri Rajiv Gandhi, Bhagyanathan (A28) arranged a car for the killer group to ) 10 'NFil in which Padma (A29) and her daughter Nalini (A9) accompanied Sivarasan (A4). Subha (A6) and Murugan (A11). Further Padma (A29) concealed a code-sheet given by Murugan (A11) with her colleague nurse in the hospital and Bhagyanathan (A28) had written letter to an important functionary of the LTTE about the hope of successful accomplishment of the object of the conspiracy. Hence these two accused are liable under Section 3 (4) of TADA. Section 212 IPC and Padma (A29) is also liable under Section 6 (1A) of Wireless Telegraphy Act.

15. A Sında ram & Subba Sundaramı (A30) was having links with LTTE leaders including Kittu in London and before the assassination of Shri Rajiv Gandhi on 21.5.91, Haribabu (A7), went to his Photo Studio and met him. Soon after the murder of Shiri Rajiv Gandhi het made efforts to retrieve the camera of Haribabu (AT) from the scene of crime and advised the father. of Haribabu (A7) to destroy all the belongings of Haribabu (AT) in order to conceal his connections with other conspirators in this case. He has aided and abetted the other conspirators. He is therefore, also liable under Section 201 IPC for causing destruction of evidence,
15. Dhanasekharan (A31) had actively assisted the co-conspirators by purchasing vehicles for the same use of co-conspirators in their activities and transported Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A 6) and Nehru (A8) after the assassination in his tanker lorry from Madras to Bangalore. Thereby he rendered himself also liable under Section 3 (4) TADA and Section 212 IPC.
17. Rangan (A32) an di Wicky & Wigneswaran (A33). Suresh Master (A37), Dixon (A38), Amman (A39), Driver Anna & Keerthi (A40) and Jamuna & Jameela (41) came to India illegally and they harboured the offenders and the terrorists Sivarasan (A4) and Subha (A6) to evade arrest by shifting them from one place to another and thereby committed offences punishable under section 3 (4) of TADA, Section 212 IPC and Section 14 of the Foreigners Act. (Charge against A 37, A38. A 39, A 40 & A41 abates).
18. Ranganath (A34) provided hideouts for Sivarasan (A4), Subha (A6), Nehru (A8) Suresh Master (A37). Amman (A39), Driver Anna (A40) and Jamuna & Jameela (A41) even after coming to know that Sivarasan (A4) and Subha (A6) are proclaimed offenders and continued to LaLL aaaaHL SLLLaLLLLYS S L S L LL S aLaL S aa LLLLLaaLLLL S LLLL subsequently at Konanakunte house. Thereby he rendered himself liable under Section 3 (4) TADA, Section 212.
19. Shanmugham (A35) was a LTTE helper and smuggler who operated from Kodiakkarai. He received the conspirators in this case and the group of nine persons and actively assisted the conspirators in carrying out the object of the conspiracy. He was concealing communication cquipment and high explosives for use of the conspirators. He is liable under Section 3 (4) of TADA, and Section 212 IPC. (Charge abates).
20. Trichy Santhan (A36) also came to India illegally assisted Sivarasan in carrying out the object of criminal conspiracy and after the collmission of murder of Shri Rajiv Gandhi and others harboured Sivarasrn (AA), Subha (A6)
23

Page 26
and Nehru (A8) to evacie arrest them safely out of India to Jaffna.
and to send
He is liable
under Section 3 (4) of TADA Section 212 IPC and 14 of Foreigners Act. (Charge abates).
The required sanction to prosecute:
(a) Rawich andran & Rawi & Pragasal Tun (A24). Perarivalan & Arivu (A26) Duraisinga Inn & Irumborai (A27) for the commission of offence
under The Passports Act.
(b) Jayakumat. (A18), Shanthi (A19), Ravi
chandran & Rawi (A24)
and Sisteel dra &
Mahesh (A25) for the commission of offence
under The Airls Act
LETTE
The Mirage of
Democracy
1 wish to respond briefly LtS S LSKLLLLSS LaLLaLSLLLLLL titled, "Defining Demicracy' (LG, Oet 15). He hals faulted me for excluding India and Japan from my list of democratic latio ils (ILG, Oct 1). If one is Willing to accept that a circus clown perched on a 20-meter totem pole is actually 21-meters tall, then I will buy the view that democracy has thrived in India and Japan since the ell of Seco Ill World War. True, there have been general elections at frequent intervals since 1950 in both tրլIntries. But does that trumpet the triumph of democracy.
Since 1947, three generations of the Nehru fai Illily gewer Iled post-colonial India for Filmest 38 yeats (Out of 15 years). The current Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Ralio owes his position tỞ the reIլյլ:Լtinge tչf Italian-իւնrn Sonia Gandhi lo en Ler the Indial political stream. If Sonia Gandhi has expressed her Willingness to lead the Congress Party after Rajiv
Gill till: 155:15, year, the Pri position would without aski Ing. most Congress. are just abidi Rajiv Gandhi's Httäin thiւ "" to T of 25 years, to the the leade India. Analys Hussain may all 1710 cracy "TCWA But it is al II whicի sh thլIld b, is WDF ET " LO WOLI I til alls; 3 Tlate Gandhi the o of Iller Ind democrat in its of the word. c)Intest al Tilly PHC during his life come the all This is tre för contemporary it Ze Dong, s W Gadhi Tk M. El Te excelent : էին իtյw thit: ch005e their le; book descriptic: be monarchs, t sence they beh decisis like II the Tlasses : without any el
Having lived a total period years, I can all Hussail that hardly practist The Tulling Libe Party (LDP) is equivalent of Party in India.

c) Ravichandran & Ravi (A24) and Suseendran & Mahesh (A25) for the commission of offence under accorded by competent authorities and closed for taking cognissance of by this Hon’ble Court.
It is, therefore, prayed that t|5, HC"| Court may be pleased to take this case on file and dispose of the same in accordance with
iw.
Maid Tas 20.592
silatio) Tı last e Mistes Halwe beel hers Even now, Party inenbers ng time fer childrel to onation age''' Tlake The CF F5 T' Iljde TT 5 like Izet 55 ert thit deils in III di:ï. Indian version. e aptly labelled ט חtTroj" Oיו י0tזו{2 - that Mahliltilīlli:l. unding father it was not a I'll Est SETIEE He did not pular election till: 181 ECgorable Header. his illust Tills u China MHC) ell. Mahat||Tla aC). Ze DC) ing xamples which Asian societies lders. Il text in they may not but in practical a wedi and I 11:Adle monarchs and ccepted them
ctims.
in Japan for alIIloSL five 50 HSSLITE Izethl democracy is ed in Japan. TF1 Demic Tä LiC the Japanese the Congress It has been in
Explosive Substances Act;
Chief Investigating Officer
ĊE: TEEB MT
power since 1955 an has not been defeated by the weak parties of the Opposition for the past 37 years. The LDP is just al coalitico Il cof more than fou T personal factions of politicians who negotiate for power. If Indian democracy is "Dharbar Democracy". the Japanese version should be called as 'Shogun Democracy'. In fact, democracy is an utterly irrelevant concept in the highly hierarchical society of Japan. Japanese themselves feel uncomfortable With the Douglas MacArthur's notion of Americal democracy. In Japan too like in India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Bangladicsh), blood - relationships paves the way to power than the democratic rollte. Nobusuke Kishi and Eisakul Sato (despitc their different family nailles) were sibilings who enjoyed a combined total of 11 years as prime ministers of Japan between 1957 and 1972.
Schli Sri Kalthill
Osaka BioScience Institute, laptill:
Hieronymus Bush and
Saddam IL is a II atter of historical irony the Bush who tried so hard to cust Saddam of Iraq is Iw outsied While Saddin sits apparently secure.
Maybe God had other inLCIItioIls th:l'Ill Bush.
Patrick Jaya suuriya
Colobo 3

Page 27
Na
Why theres sou in this rustic to
There is laughter and light banter arriorigst these rural darinsels who are busy sorting out tobacco leaf in a bari. It is one of the hundreds of such
barris spread out in the finidarid upcountry intermediate zone where the Table land remains falo, during the off season,
Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crop and the green leaves turn to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk,
 

ENRCHING RURAL LIFESTYLE
und Oflaughter bacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest Turnber of people. And these people are the tobacco Earn wTEF5, the trobacco growers and those who work for them, on the land and in the barris. For the ITI, the tobacco leaf means meaningful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A good er10Ligh Tg:Ti für laughter.
Pe CeylonTobacco Co.Ltd.
Sharing and curing for our land and her people.

Page 28
STILL LEADING
Mr. William Thompson ob and established the first
in this island on 01st June 1841.
He called it “ Bank of Ceylon' That was 150 years ago, but that was not we. We opened our doors in 1939 only to capture our rightful place in Banking and are proud to say that LEAD Over the years
banking profession
shared our expertise and BANK OF CEYLON became Sri Lanka’s
SANDHURST TO BANK
Bank
Bankers

tained a Royal Charter Joint Stock Commerical Bank
t we still
ERS.
of Ceylon
to Nation