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Briefly. . .
SORRY SAYS MR's KOBBEKA DU VWA
In a letter to President Premadasa, Mrs Deni Kքիbekaduwa, the slain gèI1 crä1"s wife, apologised for the PICSS Conference which El Companiel her request for an international commission to probe her husband's death in an Explosion in the North. Mrs Kobbekaduwa told the President that she was unaware of the press conference arranged by opposition parties till she ar.
yed at the Hotel Lanka Oberoni.
"I have only been inte
rested in justice and the truth, and I regret that in my igngrance of politics my ignorance has been turned into political gambit.
"From the day my husband Was killed I have made I secret of the fact that I had Iny titյլIել: regarding the incident. It transpired that I was not alone in my Suspic
ions and when a ETCup of
ԸՃlgmեn-2
Editor Mervyn do Silva Telephoпe: 447584
Prinited by Ananda Prasa
B25, Sir Ratnajothi Sārāvanānutu Ma Watha, Colombo 13.
Telephone: 43575
CONTENTS | News Background 3.
7 ||
G AN
Vol. 15 No. 16 December 15, 1992 Price F5. 10.0) PLubisha fortnightly by
lanka Guardian Publishing Co., Ltd. No. 246, Union Placa.
India's Federalism. Under Stress The Region 9. Cuba (2) O Powerty 12 Russian Revolution (3) Newspaper Nationalism (3)
Well-wishers into it I readi the contents WETE LOI11llIll had no alter but to follow esting the inti Inission...
““I would li WCTy clear tha zil nor I havi terested in this has been Created to Yo please accept logies', she President.
Meanwhile, si Parties hawe in observed that a f Inquiry էlpբ, into the kilin Kobbekaduwa Kayts on Augu beyond a probe of the explosio eXIIlline its pos other matterss cal and official
MIRS B CA
EXPLAV
Opposition Le Bandaranalike hi Party's MPs to Writing Whether a petition callin Illival of Chile Whip Richard not. SLFP MPs 9d the Speaker Mr Pathiranas ging unfair and in which disrupted the opposition 8TC)ւIբ,
REJECTED,
THO VII
CWC boss and
lister S, Thonda that the Sirinivasa 0 e ldl the northhave been rejec Parties. Basically sals call for a felt Mr. Thondamans interview that fed impractical in the Lankan context.
 

offered to look ly agreed. When Of the FטpטTt icated to me lati WC as his wife it up by requ. ernational con
ke to make i I meither DenWer been illJolitics and if the impression ur Excellency, пy sincere apo
has told the
Wen opposition i stil terile Ilts ny Commission pinted to look ES of Denzil ind others in st 8 should go into the nature In itself and sible links to luch as politi
POWe".
LLS FOR ATION
ader Sirimavo ls asked her inform her in they signed g for the reOpposition 'athirana, or had petition. calling for CIT1) wall, a IlleI Wise actions activities of barliamentary
SAYS DA
Cabinet M. mall hals said pToposalsוו -east dispute Eed by all
the proporal Solution aid in an tralism was
ClITTElt ST
FOUL, SAYS A MURAS'S MEM Anura loyalists accused SLFP leader Siriinav Bandaranalike of violating the fragile agree. ment they hoped would end the party's internal crisis, by demanding explanation from party men who had wanted Opposition parliamentary Chief Whip Richard Pathirana Cmoved. Pathirana is t| Siritilit loyalist. Some SLFP MPs Complained to the Speaker that his conduct in the House was unfair and unwise and tended to disrupt pposition activities.
சேted r p:
TRENDS
Prabhakaran talks eace
Is léir istige to their "Hero's Week", LTTE FP FreHa Welupillai Prabahakarai is Te Ported to have said that the door to peace was Орел етті! What Was needed was опly a klock.
Reports from Jaffna Η μοί Εή hiri also as follows. He "for lo ye Violence Wor 'e l'air" find. We desire Мотоигађle peace.
Вит реople who hіrs for. ''' are deter fried to destroy ILs and grab our land. In such a situatior. We ha ve Yo of ύμι το ήgήτ.
Both parties for OS55
Sri Lanka's tvo major polí!ir'āl parties, The ruling UNP and the opposition SLFP have ђоI/ї соле ошї பிரிcilly for Conseης μ' ΦοίτΗ ίση for The NorthEast proђ/en.
The UNP made this decision officially at a working continiree meeting. The SLFP issued a statement that their MPs 14'ho are Terri bers of the Parisnientary Select Committee (on this issue) would go along with a consensus which would offer a fair and just folution to the lorg drawni north-eas problen".

Page 4
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Page 5
FEDERALISM:
Too little too - and the Islan
challenge
Mervyn de Silva ெே.
s secular India, ever proud to call itself the World's largest democracy, about to fragment, along bloody lines drawn by race and creed? These are worrying - for Indians, and given the potential for regional un rest, for Ileighbours too?” (THE ECONOMIST)
India has a Muslim population as large as Pakistan or Bangladesh its two large neighbours. Pakistan Was created on the basis of religion but East Pakistan, though Islamic, seceded when the linguistic identity proved stronger than religius faith. No part of the world has such a richer cultural diversity than the sub-continent. Its cultural matrix has produced allegiances that cross state borders easily. Even the waters of the Palk straits which separae Taniladu fröm Sri Lakas Tamil northern province is no exception to that rule. The part that Tamil Nadu has played in the political history of the Tamil issue in Sri Lanka, and Inore strikingly in the decade-long separatist War, is only too well known.
The threat is not just to India's unity but to the GandhiNehru vision of a secular dercratic and federal India, But three Gauld his - the Mahatma him Self Indira Gandhi and her son Rajiv - have been killed by zealots and separalist miliElits.
The future of Indian secularism and federalism is now very much a part of the larger discussion on Whither India?'. By the
oddest of coinç party, multi-eth SelectE CT1Ti Mr. Mangala M Opposition SLF last produced The consensus clude the Illain neither those present the Tan and east, nor FIL dial Tamils" highlands, the The leader of Congress, Mr. not merely th: trialde union leialde minister in Presi Cabinet. TEle fel Tlay have conne late but it is a in that the Tes) bipartis an conse the UNP and rival, Opposition Bandaliralnaike's a 42-3 Wote in mittee appointed of a private m introduced by M the SLFP MP.
The 3 է:Nges" the TULF, th parliamentary p. lier the FEDER the EPRLF, party that ranth East provincial *Accord” and deployed in the Soon after the wound up procc majority suppor lution of the pov provinces like th titution vis-a-Ly states, EROS, ]

ate? nic
idences, a multinic Parliamentary tee chaired by (bonesingha of the P, has at long A + ":115 els 15 *** does NOT inTamil partics - arties that renils of the north the so-called of the central lantation sector. Ccylon Workers Thondaman, is : lunchallenged r but a powerful dent Premada Sa's leTill solution'' 20 years too historic decision lution represents :Insuls, I mea Ining its traditional Leader, Mrs. SLFP. It was the Select ComOn the basis ember's Illotion T. Moonesingha,
Were the CWC, : Illin Tamil rty (styled car. AL party) and le áLlti-LTTE : Imerged Northouncil after the le IPKF Was two provinces. electCommittee dings, with a ing the devoer to the Inile : Indian Consthe Indian LOTE, TULF,
and EPRLF decided against the de-merger.
ACTC, ENDLF,
SNIALA CONSENSUS
So the Te Was SIJINIHALA CCIsensus on an Indian-type federal set-up, Interestingly the Muslims,
represented by Mr. Ashraft's S.L.M.C. endorsed the Sinhala consensus while the MEP of
Dilesh Gunawardella wa Titel tille unit of devolution made even Slaller - a district rather than
a province. The larger problem involves two basic issues: terri tory and power, the unit of
devolution and the powers to be wested. It would appear that territory' worries the elected representatives of the predominantly Sinhala parties more than the actual power to be vested in the Provincial District Council. The MEP, the most proSinhala prefers the smallest unit, El district, since it fears that a province would be the foundaation of a much larger area under Tamil control, and therefore “tantamount' (that's the key Word) to a mini-state or a fully fledged independent Stats, another country. That school of thought not only measures the land area but the length of the coast line, apart of course, from resources. Deep down isa laager mentality, to use a South African te TIT.
In their approach to the Tamil problem, Indian politicians, policy advisers and intellectuals have used the Indian constitutional solutlon' as the model. For instance it is the agitation in the Tamil south over langulage which led Nehru to
3

Page 6
advocate the idea of a "linguistic states'. The bitter Ayodhya dispute - Hindu temple, and mosque - suggests that religion has overtaken language as the most tenacious allegiance and powerful mass mobilising force. Of course, the fact that the Indian State has responded to language demands may be part of the explanation for the dramatic resurgence of religious loyalties, Another reason, li suspect, is the near-global revival of ISLAM, starting with the overthrow of the Shah of Iran, perceived by the Iranian clergy, intelligentsia and masses, as a "Yankee puppet'. The agent of not only of Western predators (oil) but of alien cultural forces which were destroying the Iranian identity.
ISLAMIC FACTOR
India lives with two large Islamic states as its closest neighbours -- Pakistan and Bangladesh. It has problems with both - disputed Kashmir, the oldest of post-war regional conflicts, and the problem of illegal immigrants, a major irritant in Indo-Bangladesh relations. The postponement of the summit was una voidable. Nobody could expect Primic Minister Na Tasimha Ralo Lo Ical We Delhi. SAARC rules require unanimity in the name of consensus. Thus the Dhaka Sunlit will W be held in January. This issue of the LANKA GUARDAN ha 5 al exclusive report on a major SAARC concern, poverty alleviation. Another interesting development is SAPTA, the regional preferential tradic agreement, a n advance in the realm of regional economic cooperation. But this is a region where religious and ethnic loyalties have no respect for borders or sovereignty.
However, it is domesticpolitical conflicts, nearly all founded on "identity", that is undermining political stability, and disrupting the development drive. Since the entire region now has entered the post-Cold WaT era and Chose the IMFWorld Bank "regime', two processes can be easily identificid.
4.
Indo-Soviet a Tid tani “special re lost all signifia I Army's withdras listill and the
To the US, Pak pendable. India Ilarket in the W Chill is "libel OWIl fashion al pace, and is no - Illot to the U. affiliated agenci the World Bank
The next bigg dia, is also a w
If the CITILL cornerstone of U. is no longer
communism' it ideological chall tic India has a peal. In the wo Elect Bill Clint In Ocracy, Ill calls Open to OIC allo COITIT1erce. Il : market of ideas, services.
But Mr. Clint establishment) se - spread of W. destruction, with wery, enduring T. Middle-east, KK etc, growing inti rivalry, separatis in borders that over borders, and INDIA, an tacks.
US, ISRAEL, IN
FoT the US, dangers is ISI mentalism, ident
RAN. Thus, ECO - Pakistan, and Several Mosle Republics of wh the C.I.S. (form ISLAMIC group Llew anxities in ton and Israel. ihePakist NATION, the er analyst Mushadi Illits 1 a Washington-base Peace which spo chaired by Rob The US Albiss The report iden

the US-Pakis. lationships have ce :After the Reti wal from AfghaSoviet collapse. iställ is - TOW, Ex
is the largest "Go Tld after China, "alising' in its di ut its Owl it ready to bend JS Il Gr 1lle US2s, the IMF and
est market, Hinirile democracy.
ist Terllce, the S security policy, "threat', and 5elf III 10 I'm Dire ELI lenge, democrawery special ap
Tids of President3D globāl clicnations at peace, ther's ideas, and hOrt, the frce Eind goods El Ind
n (and the US tes dangers too. capons of Tlass
Il e:LIls Of de l'i- cgional tensions. Tean penisula 2nsity of ethnic է Witile lice, with
can also spill like Yugoslavia di terrorist it
OLA
ble of the Illil AMIC fundified mostly with he Ilew group Iran, Turkey 11 Central Asiam It is now called :r USSR). This 5 hä5 CTE: tcd Delhi, WashingIn an article li daily, THE linent Pakistani | Hussain CII. report of the
III.5 ElitİLLE ET 50Ted El 5 emitir rt Oakley, fordið til Pakista ified - 11ew thic
ats from some comination of IRAN, Islamic fundamentals In, instability and the presence of nuclear capability. India, vous about Kashillir, has Imo ved Imuch closer to the US and Israel. According to Hussain, the emergence of a 'USIsrael-India "triangle is based on 'comillion fears' of this energing group.
Buddhist Sri Lanka's responSes arë most interesting, il domestic Imat tcrs as Well as regional relations. Mr. Ashraf has a firm base in the eastern proWince, and his SLMC is now the most influential Islamic voice. There were NO anti-Indian (or anti-Hindu) demonstrations in Colombo - or anywhere in the island.
Though the SAARC: Summit Was postponed at India's request, President PirenTuladaı Sarı : Tı d Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Shariff travelled to Dhaka to be given the warnest welcome by Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. In ternal and regional-global processes have led to the Buddhistdominated UNP to work closely with the Muslims, the second largest minority, when the regime is confronted by an uncompromising and powerful Tamil separatist-guerrilla group, the LTTE.
Briefly. . .
(Сол тілшегі – from page II");
JWP LOOT FOR WOUTH WWELFARE
A Rs 50 Illilion Worth of JWP property confiscated by the government is to be used for 'youth welfare and also to pay gn pensation to wictil 15 of JWP Wielce.
PROTECT FREE EDUCATION, SAYS PROFESSOR
Interdicted Colombo University Professor Nalin de Silva in a press statement urged students to protect free edu. cation and resist attempts to close the university. The authorities were planning to incite violence in the University of Colombo and other universitics, the professor said.

Page 7
PEACE APPEAL Sangha, Christian Clerg
Wen, Nawagamuwe Dhammaloka. Thero, Chief Sangha
Nayaka of Ihala Dolospathithuwa, Hiripitiya.
Ven. Wella watte Ginanabhiwan sa Thero, Wiharadhipathi,
Sulwisuddharammaya, Wchlaw'atte.
ven. Walraddana Dhammananda Thero, Pariv cradhipathi,
Dharlilla rathena Pirivena, Melsiripuri,
Wen, Moragillagama Rathnasara. Thero, Parivenadhipathi,
Dharmachandra Maha Pirivea, Hiriptya.
Wen. Rambukwella Pragna sara Thero, Pariven adhipathi,
Poligolla Pirivena, Gokarella.
Wen, Batipoli Nanda Thero, Subadrairamaya, Batapola.
Win, Buddhiyagami Chandrarathana. Thero, Ali Lanka
Peasants Congress,
Wen. Kiranthidiye. Pan na 5ckera. Thero, Maham eu nin
Wiharaya, Gala hitiya, Molikuwa,
Wen. Palevela Dewarakkhitha Thero, Subadrairanaya
Priven, Gangodavila, Nugegoda,
Ven, G. Sumangala Thcro, Sri Dharmapalarımaya,
De helyihira,
Wen, P., Panna loka Thcro, Chulaka Lern Puran a Wiharaya,
Ihala Peddawa,
Wen. Kandulaya Aththadassi Thero, Mediri ya Wiharaya,
KālidLulawa.
Rt. Revd. Jabez Gnanapragasam, former Bishop of Colombo. Rt. Revid, Andrew Kumārage, Bishop of Kuru negālā. Reyd. Kenneth Fernando, Bishop-clect of Colombo.
Revd. Tissim Balasuriya, COMI, Director, Centre for Society
and Religion, Colombo.
Revd. Aloysius Pieris, S.J., Director, Tulana, Kelaniya, Revd. Oswald Firth, OMI, Director, SEDEC, Colombo. Revd. Yohan Devan anda, Deva.saranaramaya, 1bbagamuva, Revd. Sydney Knight, Director, Kithu Sewana, Colombo.
Revd. Joseph Sarvananda, St. Paul's Church, Kynsey Road,
Colombo.
Revid. Kumar Illa ngasinght, Principal, Theological College
of Lanka, Pilimatalawa.
Revd. Gerald Loos, Colombo, Sister Benedict, Salvatorā Order, Kuru negāla. Professor A, Thurairajah, Vice-Chancellor, Jaffna University.
Letter the intellectual
practical man.
The Mle VV ROman
--
| Catholic Catechism (1992)
The new Roman Catholic Cat
(1992), the first issued sin
ce the Council of Trent centu ries ago, is a matter of interest to
It is said to c tions against wl **Illo de Tim Sils** ! payment of in drunken driving. no mention of Col пmonopolies, uпсо ce increases org of the poor whic

y join Campaign
Professor Carlo Fonseka, Faculty of Medicine, University
of Kelaniya. Professor H. Siriyananda, Dean of Faculty of Engineering
Technology, Open University, Nawala, Monica Ruwanpathirana, PIDA. Colombo. Sumika Perera, Progressive Wamen's Front. Wasudeva Nanayakkara, M.P. Wick remabahu Karuna ratne, General Secretary, NSSP. T. Nant hakumaran, EROS. Muheer Rahuman, Progressive Muslim Front. Sashie Peiris, Ceylon Student Federation. Charles Abeysekera, Colombo.
Sa rath Fernando, Director, Devasara na Development
Centre, Ibilbagamuwa. S. G. Punchihewa, Attorney-at-Law, Writer, Chandra Kumarage, Lawyers for Human Rights and
Dévelopment, Nimal Punchi hewa, Attorney-at-Law, Ainsley Samarajiwa, Attorney-it- La W. Wimal Fernando, Movement for Defence of Democratic
Rights. W. Thirunawakkurasu, Editor, ''Samadhamma mn''. S, Thabendran, Dehiwela. N. Kanda 5a my, Colombo, Kuliyapitiya Sri Prananda, Winukti Dharma Kendra. Kularatne Wickremasingha, President, All Lanka Peasants.
Congress, Polonnaruwa. Premapala Hewabatage, Secretary, Peasant Resource Centre, Wasala Guneratne, World Solidarity Forum, Linus Jaya tilleka, President, Commerical and Industrial
Workers Union. P. D. Saranapala, General Secretary, Government United
Federation of Labour. Dr. Sunil Ratnapriya, General Secretary, United Federation
of Labour. Ronnie Perera, General Secretary, United Lanka Estate
Workers Union. Chandra Pieris, General Secretary, Organisation of Parents
and Family Members of the Disappeared.
well as the tholic theologians condemned.
And what about tax conces. intain prohibi sions Lo help the Tich get richerat are called a form of tax evasion indeed. ch as non Is it sinful to trivialize the Ille tax ild Word of God But there is A rich Iman’s cathecis Ill Will sins of greedy not find acceptance in povertyscionable pri- ridden South America.
Inding the face Patrick Jayasuriya
the old Ca. Colombo 8.

Page 8
Return of the Rebel
Sharmindra FerdiacO
Former Finance Minister ROnIlie de Mel, at present the hottest political topic, came home ending speculation both in progovernment and anti-government Talks.
Mr. die Mel (68) a Trived at the Katunayake International Airport from London after a four-year self-imposed exile. Mr. de Mei a bitter critic of President Rana
Lali to discuss
The Presidential Secretaja has Written to Mrs. Läli Kobbekaduwa, thic widow of Lt. Gen. Denzil Kobbckaduwa, and requested her to meet the Attorney General and discuss (1) the modalities for the appointment of all international commission of inquiry and (2) the terms of reference for the commission.
Mrs. Kobbekaduwa had earlier Written to the President requesting a commission of inquiry and
singhe Premada Oil December : after MT. Pres Presidency.
"I have not my political fut de Mel, addre: and his suppor the 11115 of til del that he w: Sllt the M:lla
details
iIldical tcd that 5 the collission drąWIl from:1 till This commissic) be to probe in Lt. Gen. Kobb others who died Point near Kayts Tn Writing t requesting a cor from the Col. KցbbckitlլI Wa ի own, disregardi
VASA OF
2O7, 2nd C Colomb
Telephone :

left Sri Lalka 0, 1988, a day 5L Woll thic
et decided about Life declared MIT. sing the monks es i Til Ille of : hotel. He ad5 kiel L.), C) IlSangha and the
with A.
he would prefer of inquiry to be Colillon Wealth. 1 of inquiry will to the deaths of kaduwa and nine in a blast at Arally on August 8. ) the President, mission of inquiry monwealth, Mrs. ad acted Ön her 1g the attempts
NEWS BACKGROUND
people before taking a decision bröt lilis fulLLTc i Sri La Ilkan politics.
"I have been serving the people for forty years' he said. Claiming that the country was at a decisive stage.
Political sources said Mr. de Mel's arrival and the summoning of two key UNP meetings later this Week will mark i government propaganda drive ailed at elections to the PTO. wincial Councils early next year.
G.
of the opposition to grab issue of all inquiry into hul; baill’s death.
Mrs. Kobbekaluwalios fill action of asking for a Commonwealth commision of inquiry has upset the political plans of the oppositionists. They are unable to lowe in the matter low as Mrs. Kobbekaduwa is dealing directly with the governi ment.
(S. 0.)
the Eller
TCANS
FOSS Street, O - 11.
4, 21 631

Page 9
Krishna K. Tummala
The hallmark of a fedaral form, A. W. Dicey wrote some 20 years ago, is that the people must desire union, and must not desire unity.' If in fact they were to unite, it would no longer be a federal but a unitary government. Thus, two Seeningly contradictory forces are involved: the desire of federating units for national unity and their desire to retain individual independence. While India attempLLaL LLL S rLLLK LaaLa S LLLaLLL LaLLLLLLHHH of government, the emphasis all along has biciell on ways of keeping it together in the face of polycentrism and historical diviisions. Accordingly, India is cal
el a Unión of States.
To get a clear picture of India's federalisim1, 0 Inle - Ineeds to Li Ildierstand the several regional, lillguistic, Lindi Telligious divisions in the country (with 15 recognized languages in 25 states and seven union territories) and analyze the constitutional distribution of powers, devolution of resoliTCes, Tole of goverors, emergency powers, the dominant party theme, planning, All-India services, the decentralization of power scheme, and other provisions and processes, including Article 3 empowering Parliament Lo change the boundaries of any state. This article, however con fines itself to a In examination of only two of these facets and their net impact on Indian federalism: (1) the use (or misuse)
Krishna K. Tummala is Professor
and Director, Graduate Program in Public Administration, Department of Political Science, Kansas State University, Manhattan. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Fifteenth World Congress of the Inter. national Political Science Association, Buenos Aires, July 1991, and is the beneficiary of thic discussions there. In particular, the author wishes to thank M. Y, Pyleic for his astuite observations. The author is obliged for a Senior Fulbright Fellowship (Summer 1990), which supported research in India.
(C) 1992 by the Regents of the Univer. sity tof Califըrnia
India's federalism unde
of the exercise powers, with part. to the case of T (2) the decentral under the Pancha
89.
EMERGENCY
Before dealing Of Tamil Nadu, quickly review
ertaining to em in India föllnd (Articles 352-360) titultiCJI. THIce it gencies are fores external aggressio
disturbancc, and emergencies. Per controlycTsiä 1 il ||
Article 356, which on the president duly elected state he is satisfied it report from the State, or other Wi ig i Felik di Will - 0 machinery in that laring an emerge det Carl E55 Lule cutive powers of may also Suspens parts of the Col Cable to that Sta pertining to the During the emerg, legislative powers cised by the Parl the foderal for Til be transfor led government into
Although the e: of the Union is president (Article is exercised on the Council of M by the prime mir exercise of the eme hovever, the Tole It is crucial.
Role of the Gover
The governor der the Costituti ted by the presi advice of he cent for a five-year te office at the plea sident. In actu
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

r stress
of еппегgency icular reference amil Nadu, and izality I EgičПЕ yati Raj Bill of
POWERS
With the case it is useful to the provisions crgency PCWCTS il Part IX WITI of India's Cons types of еппет:en: (a) War or in, (b) internal (c) financial haps the most :his context is Confers powers to disilliss the : go wert"Iniment if In receipt of a GOWëFIT FT : se' that there if constitution{11 State. By decIncy, the presiEll of the exethat state, and any or all stitution appliLes except those High Court. El cy, the Stalitic’s will be exer. iament. Thus, can virtually y the central a unitary one.
xecutive power Wested in the 53), that power the advice gք inisters headed lister. In the TgeTicy powers,
of the gover
f a State, LILLOn, is appindent (on the al government) III, but holds iure of the preal operation,
however, serious, questions hawe arisen regarding this position. The points of conflict have been fourfold: the appoinment of goWernors, the relationship of a governor with the center, appointment and disi missal by the governor of a state government's Chief IllinisteI, ald Llle Consent by the governor to laws passed by a state legislature. For plurposes of this article, only the first two are relevant, Regarding the appointment, several goverIlors have belonged to the party in power at the center, Which had long been the Congress (1). A nuTuber of Congress Ileimbers who had lost their office als chief ministers in States, or those who needed Tehabilitation for other political reasons, cattle to be appointed governors. Sometimes active Congress (II) partly leaders and ewell sitting Illinisters were posted as governors, there were those appointed on Whom judicial strictures hal been passed, and at times, even personal minions of the prime minister became governors. Addel Ll these lloW HTC fC TITET bureaucrats, Teti Ted a II my officers, and chicfs of the Intelligence Bureau. Often these appointIlleInts are spTL ng as a surprise On the Stitc5.
The National Front government of W.P. Singh, which came to power in 1990 after defeating Rajiv Gandhi and the Congress (I), embarked on a new practice. In January 1990, the president asked 18 governors to resign "'to facilitate a reshufie by the Union government.' Home Mimister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed defended the action thus: The Governor is a representalive of the Center and he should enjoy the confidence of the GowerIlment at the Celtic T."" He Welt Il to de la Te that While the state gover II ments will be co IlSulted as the appointments are made, it is not necessary to hawe their chilcurrence.2. These 8 governors were holdowers from

Page 10
the Rajiv Gandhi government, and while the action of the new government can easily be understood and perhaps even justified in political terms, the practice in effect made thic office of governor a spoils position. If, indedd, the Singh government had Weeded out the politically corrupt governors and appointed apolitical personalities or, even preferably, if they had followed the recommendation of the Sar. karia Commission that a governor should not belong to the party in power at the center when the state in question is controlled by an opposition party,3 they would have stated a very healthy convention. The concept that governors are agents of the center in itself strains the federal principle, and to CCI y erit the office into that Of a party functionary destroys not only the federal structure but als ) thc constitutional in Lent... Thus, the new appointments did "not suggest an inspired attempt to uplift the ... political context,” in that they were politically motivated once again.
The relationship between the governor as the head of a state and the center (which appointed the governor) is of crucial im. portance. Thcre are two issues in this contcxt. One, can the President of India act alone in the exercise of emergency powers without Waiting to receive a report from the governor, and two, can the governor act as an agent of the center by imposing president's rule, thus dismissing a duly elected state government? In case of allin e Ilmergency in state, the Constitution
prescribes that the governor should send a report to the president before an emergency
is declared, but the governor need not consult with the chief minister of the concerned State. The president thus is to act on the recommendation of the goWernor in determining whether there is a breakdown in the State administration. Whether the governor is rendering impartial advice or acring as an agent of the center, and whether the center's actio L15 aľe boTla fide when dismissing a state govern
E.
ment al re impo constitutional i far both the st and the Suprer halwe shown a g Täjmt in declimi political questio Çull T Lle exe LI Ilder Article 3: gency.5
However, the the 1979 Raghu Tıl cid that the nol Elctas al a of the center, a that the appoint In or amdl his tenu of the president the Governmen cmployer of the Governor is th State and holds til all ofice Whi it important CC1 tiqjis lil duties therefore.... be employeeorserva ITCInt of IIldi Welt fLITther; *" to hold that t under the co. GOWCT ment of EIlliclable to ti the Government is he accountab the Ilanner in Out his functie His is an inde tional office wh ject to the Gower In Tliet of was precisely as Celtier that si nors began acti lighted in the c Llissä 1 of N. TI gab WCT III let iii . 1Il 1984.7 - On L those governors obliged the cent Warth of the the cās f Tur tilts. Presierto Re
Consequent to elections, the Nadu cäIIIe un Cof the Drawidal ghamı (DMK) p: M. KäiTunänicihi the previous Dravida Munn (AIADMK) gow was friendly to

rtant legal and issues. Yet, so ate high cours Le Court of India reat deall of restIng to en tertalin Ils, ind in Partircise of powers 56, i.e., the Eller
Supreme Court in klil Tilk. Ca5e, governor could gent or employee nd also specified ment of the goverre at the pleasure "does Ilot make t of India a
GG" er. To le head of the a high constituich carTies with 15.titlitiðTal funci and he cannot, regarded as an It of the Gower." The Court it is impossible le Goyer TOT is trol of the India. He is mot le directio 15 of of India, nor Le to the ITT for which he carries Ins and di ties. Il det COinS LILLich is not Subcontrol of the India.' 'B But it agents of the e of the goverlig, as was high:18e of the disT. Rää Ra":5 Andhra Pradesh he other hand, WhČ). Hlad Tot Eier i Invoked the gOWe'll lent, as mill Nadlu illus
iri Tirri NII the 1989 general state of Tamil er the Control Multi Tietra Kazzlirty headed by
Who de feia Led All-India Anna etra Kazagham ETII mellt, which the Congress
(II). After thic dicath of AIADMK. leader M. G. Ramachandran, the party was split into two factions, one led by his wife, Janaki, and the other by Jayala litha, the sculler fill star. and reputedly MGR's mistress. The latter subscquently came to control the party, and she continued to Illaimtain al Illicable relations with Congress (II), in opposition to the DMK. At the center, with the defeat of W. P. Singh in 1990, Chandra Shekhar became the prime minister, with his own party controlling less than 10% of the seats ill Parliament but with the support of the congress (II) and its allics who between them had a strength of 211 (Congress alone had 197 seats). Thus, It was obvious from thic day of
his inauguration that Chandra Shekear would be obliged to Rajiv Gandhi, the Congress (II) leader.
The Te Was in fact continuous pressure from Gand hi, along With the ALADMIK lind its leiader, Jayalallithat, con Chandra Shekhar to dismiss the Kallilitnidhi government under the pretext that the law and order Situation in the State had dete. riorated. It was alleged that the Sri Lankan Tamil militats — the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE)-Were creating havoc in Tamil Nadu. It was even suggcs tcd that the LTTE, im conjunction with the United Left Front of Assam (ULFA) and the Naxalities in Andhra Pradesh, posed a serious threat to national security. Chandra Shekhar could not oblige the Congress as KaTiLInEl nidhi commanded a Imajority in the Tamil Nadu State Assembly. And even oil December 26, 1990, the prime Illinister declared; At the InoI'm cent there is no proposal - to) impose President's rule in Tamil Nadu.' He went on to say that the Will Tot ilte:TTCT e o “L1 Illess and until it became imperäitive for the CallUISe cof Tilläl till unity and if something is perceptible to the people that something is happening.'
(To be continued)
No
1. A. W. Dicey, Irrader förr fai rife Sгшry of the Папу гэг Ilie Coлуrffнfiол
(Сoлгiлшéd рл Рдge 34)

Page 11
THE REGION
Strains remain
Nitish Chakravarty
NEW DELHI
ven, though, geography as Well as civilisations and culture bind India and Nepal inseparably together, the relationship between the two countries Elit the govern Ilmental lewel has not always been the warnest.
During long years of oligarchy in Nepal, India bashing became a favourite ploy to diver the people's attention from the real causes of their suffering. It was Widely believed that the inspiration for the veiled hate-India campaign often came from sources close to the palace.
In the past couple of years, Nepal has gone through major changes in its political structure. The socalled party less panchayat system (Inot very different from the Pakistani military rulers' experiment with 'guided democracy'), foisted by the palace, has been replaced by the parliamenEary for in of democracy. For the first time Nepal has a govCrnment elected by its people.
The Government headed by Prime. Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has adopted a realistic attitude in its dealings with india. But others have rushed in to fill the vacuum created by the exit of the palace inspired India baiters. They have kicked up a shindy over what they allege is a is a sell-out to Iñdia. In their perception, the terms of all the agreements that the Koirala Government has negotiated with india are tilted in favour of the big neighbour.
When the reins of power were held tightly by the kings, albeit under the cloåk of a nominated Prime Minister, India baiting took many forms.
For years Nepal Sedulously tried to mobilise world opinion in favour of its version of a exclusive zone of peace in South Asia. China was one of the first to back the move. Some TO Countrics cnidorsed it, but India had reservations. India
in Indo
saw in the Ne subtle attempt iIlitiative to se El ClCepta TCe Cf | ring the Indial of peace.
Witll ցիwiյ11 from the palac IlolIInted on II Indo-Nepal tre friendship of 1 negotiated duri King Tribhuwa that 5ole CF it Nepalese intere similaT dicerill by Gorkha Nat Front supremo
though tistens grմuilds.
India-Nepal
пеW loүy in 19: trade and trans because of dister IIls of its Ter Illint of essenti ding petroleum, for a while. T TLIII Til edi: -i N blame on India Ceived as Indi tactics to reduc status of client
The truth was India's insistenc gotiations was gross ab Lu5e of facilitics for pa made elsewhere Kathmandu beca till this day, th ping centre for about phore got electronic goods abroad is still Irlandu's shoppin Majesty's Gover to curb smuggl Southe TI borde
Apart from th the far Timore im utilising Nepal's e TESOLITces for Ill pitifully slow. TF QT the Himalay down to the pla the kingdom's TEŠUll.

-Nepal relations
palese proposal a
til block it-5 . W Cure international a proposal decla1 Occam a zOne
S e Il Coll Tagement - Pré83llTE Wä15 dia to revise the aty of peace and
950, which was ng the Tule of n, on the plea
is provisions hurt Sts. In India to
Was drunned up Iical Liberation Subhas Ghising, ibly on other
relations hit a 39-90 when the it treaty lapsed E:1gTeeT11 eInt T1 th1e 1EWall. Tle IllyaEl goods, incluwas severely hit he GovernmentNepal put all the for What it pera's arm-twisting e Nepal to the
SLE’lt.
Lowever, different. E O TI fresh Illebrovoked by the trade and transit 5 sing on goods to this country, mle, and Teilnains e nearest shopIndians crazy lds. Business in importedl from brisk in Kathg arcades. His
helt lid Iittle ing across the into India.
is, progress on portant issue of El TT1 TTlCOLIS WEET utual gain was Le Îlellited Snows as which flow ins below are Imost valuable
Nowhere in the World are water sharing arrangements worked out without a hitch, and no no expects India and Nepal to do so in a jiffy. But the anti India lobby had for years successfully thwarted even preliminary attempts. Nepalese rivers have remorselessly ravaged the sub-Himalayan region in India and Nepal's woes have been no less.
The Koirala Government has, however, taken same meaningful steps to iron out creases in the trade and transit ETTELI) gCTI lents as also to utilise Nepal's water TCSOLITUES,
But it is too early to hope that India baiting will be a thing of the past, and a truly war in relationship between the two neighbours is around the Ը{lTոer. While the palace-inspired India haters have receded into background, Nepal's minuscul communist party is now in the forefront of the campaign to Tun Indial down for its socialled hegemonistic designs.
During Prime Minister P.W. Narasimha Rao's recent visi to Nepal, an agreement was reached on tying up loose ends in the existing arrangements for the eSport of Nepalese goods to India, QOne of the changes made was abolitions of the pro-forma clearance system and introduc tion of a system of certificate of origiп.
ThC PolitbLIro of Nepal"s ‘"united' Communist Party has construed it as an arrangement that Will 'adversely affect thirdco try trade'. What the Communists are asking for is unhinde. red rights for the export of goods imported from third Countries to India. And this is exactly What India wants to Curbo.
The clarification of an earlier agreement on the Tanakpur barrage, which will benefit both
(செராசரி தர நரச )

Page 12
CUBA (2)
There was little to see
Rajiva Wijesinha
was not that Havana in itself was dull. The old city though rapidly decaying, had a distinct charm, the qualintly elaborate public buildings on a much reduced seale from what Spanish colonialism had produced in the grander mainland holdings; the narrow homely streets of balconied residences; the leafy courtyards that had been preserved in museums; and the broad sweep of Malecon, the thoroughfare by the sea, with the open space by the fort at One eldi where people gathered to watch the sun set across the bay over the softened outlines of the new town. And the new cr area too had some places of interest, the university built on a hill, beautifully planted with massive trees, reached by a grand flight of steps with a magnificient view down to the sea- and, Surp Tisingly one thought, though on reflection perhaps it was the best clue to Castro's aspirations, a carefully preserved Napoleon Museum in a very elegant and substantial residence.
But after three days, there was little to see, and less to do. The ballet had been satisfying, a collection of young stars from a variety of countrics including the United States, but not exceptional; and and though it was excellent value at 3 pesos, that doubtless explained why the once grand opera house was looking decrepit, why there were no programmes and no refreshments available and why the public address system for announcements and the recorded music crackled so much. With no interest in the discos, which TequirTed dollars, there seemed no alternative for my last evening except an old French film; fortunately I had a much more interesting insight into Cuban reality when I began drinking in the early afternoon with some youths I met on the street, a
நr Rர ஈரr PEF ே the Ligra Farry and a reiber of гhe Hилтал Rig/їгs Corпліїгree of The Lந்தா Iாசாப்ரா,
O
party that Went hours and includ sers by Will We join us, until th: gave tjut. Thile 1 able to provide rates, doubtless, lothing else to ban money, and penury and depri dema Ildled sympai excellent quality. plained, was b. them worked in time, and Was l with What Was OL for export or fo Before that, evening with an Hill Clce kil) Wil seaman, and thi girlfriend who Wei sity. They lived house in what h rich area. It h; his parents, the me though now on the top flool stairca 5 e one ha
il Tikle SS.
The floor be uբ, though I W։ if I Teturnell - any sort of foot shops where alo were available, most sha, Thefa, Ci would be show room, which W. memorial to the
was shown Wa of postcards b celing just aft
World War by brother, who ha tTaweller.
It was the gir died English, wł arly the hor TOTs but it was her earnest exclamati rible here, Yolu stand how horri brought home to the misery inti has plunged Cl light I heartedi bu ring complaints men with Whor next day, the l ongst them h just a couple of

and less to do
for several ed wariolus passummoned to it is my TT1Qlleyן ILLI In they were (at exorbitant but there Wä5 lo with Into Cuci5 ories of wation certainly hy) seerul cd of This, they exht:aust time of a hotel partble to get : WENY herwise reserved
dollars. had spent an old couple who Sri La Ilıklı in lie and his at the univerin a grand old titl tյtict becil fi ad belonged to old man, told they lived only , up a winding to climb in
1W WH5 clased is promised that with a tin of from the hotel ne such things he old man aledly asked -- I in the drawing a 5 kept as a past, What I 5 collection ought in Darier the Second the old man's d been a great
l who had stillto explained cle
of the System; boyfrinds simple om "Life is hlor
cannot underble it is" — that Ime most sharply which Castro b. The II 110Tc t equally desраі
of the young I d TaTik the |uckier öTes amawing work for 'days each week,
asking repeatedly for money for food for their children, for clothes, for anything I could spare, simply confirmed that it was not only the relatively privileged who had Sufferetli
But had nothing been achieved? The Briton's remark in Jamaica had struck home then, in part because my previous experience of the West Indies iıad been the Bahamas, which seemed to have no identity save that of a holiday playground for Westerners. Jamaica was not quit that, but in the squalor of downtown Kingston and the division of the city into sharply differentiated arcas, in the proeferation of all-inclusive beach resorts that were wholly sheltered from the wider life of the colntry, in the ramshackle nature Of most of the dwellings one saw when travelling by train or road, in the regular reports in the news papers of deteriorating services and increasing violence, one perceived something terribly sad on the last evening of a whirlwing tour of several towns, a Sunday, passing simila T-looking churches of various similar sou nding denominations, where throngs in peculiarly artificial looking clothing sang lustily of Jerusalem, passing too in the shadow near every street corner groups of youпg men silспtly smoking as the sickly smell of Marijuana filled the air, one wondered whether this model of under - development were not perhaps TOTSC.
Underlying it all of course is the historic horror of what happened in the West Indies. The extremes in Latin America I had seen and experienced before, but whatever the Outrages that had occurred there, whatever the expropriations the Indians had suffered, there was not the same sense of pain one felt in the black Caribbean. The uprooting the slaves had undergone, from cultures it seemed especially ill equipped to provide consolation for individual deprivation, had created a hallowness difficult to
率 津 章

Page 13
fill. The development of structures that would create a confident sense of community, while encouraging individual potential, was bound to be long drawn out process, endangered by inSecurities and touchiness that could easily explode.
The black caribbean had a long and difficult way to go, but despite the problems, it seemed to mc in end that, most notably in the emerging middle class of blacks who were now recognizably the backbone of the country, progress was being made. Despite the political and econdmice upheaveals of the seventies, there werc signs that democratic institutions were becoming entrenched, the professions fulfilling wider social roles beyond being simply ways of earning a living. Even the newspapers, basic though they were in their approach, suggested a society in which dissent was recognized as contributing to development, where questions could be asked Without fear that the answers would reveal the inadmissible.
For Cuba then, Which had inherited nuch more that could have provided continuity, there Was no excuse at all. The plea so often heard in mitigation is the destructive impact of American hostility. That one Was aware of anyway and reading at the very time of my visit 'The House of the Spirits' with its terrifying account of What had happened in Chile with American support, one could not underestimate the ability of the United States to undermine. Certainly before Jimmy Carter at least introduced, for the first time in what seemed aeons a concept of morality into American Foreign Policy, one has to grant that its effects were generally disastrous to those outside the charmed circle; in America especially, through interference and manipulation, as well as through the relatively innocent phenomenon of what might be termed economic and social osmosis, the draining away of limited resources, it has by and large proved destructive. But cwen if one grants that Cuba had no chance outside shores, given that it had succeeded ap
preciably in ci given too the the island itsel reason that its Illot have had 5 approaching a
Having failed it ought surely CastTC) that hic give up and go must be frustrait to power with lism, and one hill that, to ad But that it is obvious. Even i tend that it was ab SLT di for the become so hope on the Soviet last thirty years recognize that th Union to come again. Ewen if Lihat the Te Was 0 ght out economic the lutter penuTy tains, he must eWell Countries t to be Marxist E that Such Lucio Tie and have disca Statist controls an allowing people ti thing at least of tential. Surely til doubt that chan, But for change and efficiently, C In Belize, a co later, I readil tha: ged his Forcign point som cone i who could lowe proachment with tes. There is of Sölute Teä5011 wh self could not sort of arrangen States, Bllt foT return amongst he ought to r That indeed is t redemption left t in which he col power has not as it did with
o'WeTthlTeW. "To cl stage, hoping, Wh grounds at all t things will impri regime he set up truct the onic ho future for his per ple of Cuba, who

ting itself away, IeSources within f, there was no people should mething at least leccht life.
to provide that to be clear to might as well In a sensic it ing, having come El Sense Of ideaneed not deny Illit failure now. Failure surely is f he could preis not inherently Country to have lessly dependent Union over the Surely he must It is no Soviet * tCD the rescLe he could clairl Il Co al We|| tholpolicy beneath * that now obrecognize that hat still claim Lave recognised is do not work, rded thorough il TT17 ved towards develop some. | their own po. 12 TE CLI be o C. IIllist colle. to come swiftly astro must go. 1ple of weeks
he had chanMinister to apË WELS Çläimet
towards reapthe United StaC) lil TSee Ido blCastro him. rrive at some Cilt with the confidence to is own people Illove himself. e sole form of him, the way ld show that Orrupted him le regime he E (Il ält this The has no do so, that e under the *an only obs- of a better le. The peo. Houbtless gai
ned something, but have suffered far more deprivation in the last few years, deserve better. They deserve to be set free. Strais . . .
(Cr for prg ) countries, was another important Outcome of the Prime Minister's three day trip.
Prime Minister Koirala is fully aware of the hostility that a section of Nepalese politicians bear towards India, and candidly said so in an interview to an Indian journalist on the cve of Mr. Narasimha Rao's visit Tanakpur has become a test case for Indo-Nepalese co-operation, and Mr. Koirala has stakcd his own future on it. The agreement with India has been challenged in the Supreme Court in Kathmandu, but Mr. Koirala minces no words in saying that "if the understanding with India on Tanakpur is disturbed, Nepal's economy will be jeoparadised' He wants the Opposition to realise that it is not just water that flows waste into India from Nepal but water that can be converted into money which is so necessary to bring about a turnaround in Nepal's moribund eCCIl Olly
Mr. Koirala's sage counsel does not seem to have yet sunk in. The Opposition holds the trump card for under Nepal's constitution agreements with a foreign country have to be ratified by a two-thirds majority in parliament before implemcntion.
The ruling party does not have that kind of a majority in parliament. But Mr. Koirala has made it clear that if it comes to the crunch, he will go in for a referendum on Tanakpur,
The communists are of the view that the main problem over Tanakpur remains unresolved. Even if their objection to the Tanakpur clarificátion is mild, they mince no words in Attacking the deal ower three of their Country's Ilmajor rivers — the Karnali, the Panches-War and the Buri Gandak. The cry has gone lup that 'Nepal's national interests are not going to get priority when it comes to these projects". Evidently, it is going to take some Imore time to remove all. the misgivings in Nepalese minds.

Page 14
EXIGLUSIVE |
POWERTY
A New Social Contrac
Chapter 1: Nature and Magnitude of Endemic Poverty
The discussion was based on notes prepared in the SecretaTriat, Willich illustrated Warious indicators by which poverty in the South Asian Regio 11 was being measured. These ranged from the simplic GDP and Per Capita Income measurements to the PQL and Human Development Indicx which brought in other qualitative dimensions such als nutrition, primary health care and literacy indicators. Attempts by countries to add indicators Such as deprivation or lack of access to basic human needs such as safe drinking Water, health and sanitation, the deprivation and marginalisation of the poor resulting from inaccessibility of the terrain and sheer neglect of the large regions and people from thic basic services and main growth process Were discussed. The difficulties of quantifying the extent of powerty, the statistical basc and the "+State of the Art' were analysed. It was also suggested that emphasis should be made of Vulnerable households and groups such as Women headed households.
From the quicstion of measure. ment, the Members looked at the question of the changing profile of poverty and the impact of some of the interventions into the lives of the poor over tillc. An attempt by South Asian Scholars to establish guidelines for Lhe cyaluation of the process of poverty alleviation was also placed before Commission Members. Reversal of the phenomenon of poverty reproduction and alleviation of endemic powerty was seen in these guidelines as a self generating process, in which each stage in the process Was a part of a con tinuum. Subsequent stages are built on the collective experience of the previous ones. The cri. teria started with quantitative analysis of changes in the eco
2
This Note is . Pon ng Wignaraja, the lists of the Commission's Sect Delhi, 27th May informal follow-up individu II Member: and thic Secretaria inclusion in this R. it the First CII
EDITIO VYET flirt|| the Secuill Meetin Writtén 5 Lublishi
MEGTIG Il til
Il Comic balSe AT1 dl, dicators. Then
sessing the att brought about { ticipate in deve jects, and the they create to
ft:5. I äkill ät ther these Wilrio be aggregated S all assessilent the inpact of
powerty alleviati community over horizon, two ful Were identified.
ered necessary t
i) whether a ci
place in the less of the
ii) whether they powered, so ELS Sert Hilci T : til Willich Eh t
It was agreed poses of this R. definiti) of it magnitude of p. required. But it til disc1155 the Wa էd be included a more sophist IIlleTt - 3ınıdi eW:ıLu: alleviation proc itself was an and helped to complex politica social phenomen agreed that th endemic poverty

优
in prepared by Dr. Wice-Chairman on iscussions at the indi Meeting in Netw to 29th May, and dOnsultations With of the Collinission E. The themes for port which emerged mission Meeting in er de veloped during g, on the basis of s by Commission
Advisers,
some social inWelt 0, t0 ASitu dinal changes Is the poor parlopment as subasic institutions Sustain their ef -empt to see wheus criteria could O that an OWetould be inade of the process of Dn within a poor a specified time ther dimensions It was consid- טTobין ט
lange is taking social consciouspoor themselves;
a Te being en lthat they can right to resources cy are entitled
that for thic pureport a precise he nature and Werty Was not Was Il CCCSSATY Frious dimensions in an efført at icated Tilcls LII Tielition of poverty esses. This in ducational tool understand this I, cconomic and on. It was also le diagnosis of was there and
what the Commission needed to focus sharply on was the question Of HOW to allewiate the Worst forms of poverty within a given time fTälle. The broad concil IIsion was ineScapable, that no latter What criteria Was used the majority of South Asian countries suffer from ill the ills of underdevelopment, namely, unemployment, poverty, alienation and social vulnerability. After half a century of economic development interventions the incidencic of un ēImployment and under employment has in fact increased, The in come disparities have in recent years widened dramatically.
The Secretariat Note all the gist of the discussions were to be an input into the draft of this Chapter being prepared by Dr. B. S. Millas for the Dhaka Meeting.
Chapter 2: In adequacy of Past Development Responses
With this broad conclusion that the numbers of poor hawe increased over nearly half a century and the condition of the poor has been growing Worse in nearly all South Asian countries as the point of departure, the Colmissioners discussed a draft of the Chapter with the above heading prepared by Dr. Ponna Wignaraja, The draft analysed the paradigm that had influenced the dominant development inter
Vention into South Asian ecomillies and the lives of the բ0Լ}I.
The past strategic options attempted to 'catch up' with rich countries through Illo de Tinisation and industrialisation, with its vacillation between export orientation and import substitution. This was a lorg term strategy. II listical tiere Was: switch to agricultural modernisation, With the initial Green Revolution’’ focus al Indi lateT the secto rally fragmented Integrated
Rural Development Programmes (I RDP).
These strategies were critiqued by the members from the point of view of the poor. It was clear that poverty alleviation was not at the core of any of these

Page 15
strategic options, no matter what fort II i E took or label it bio Te. They were growth oriented and as far as the poor were concerned they had to Wait for a "Tickle down' of the benefits if at al. While the theoretical justifications fitted in with one or another "fashio" in nailstream economic theory, these strategics and the manner in which they were implemented did not respond to the South Asian reallity. For instance the large numbers of people, mainly poor were in rural South Asia and the early development interwention through industrialisation was anti-rural. When agriculture was introduced as a priority area, it was biased in favour of the rich farmer. An increase in agricultural production without nutritional improvement of the poor was not an acceptable strategy in a cultural milieu which considered food as a human right, Rural development was eventually thought necessary. But
the form it took was not a sufficient inswer. The IRDP's with its fragmented "delivery'
of inputs to thic poor through centrally planned processes was faulty from the point of view of the institutional arrängements and choice of technology. These programmes were based on scarce resources and even these were spread too thinly, Though some growth and re-distribution resulted, it was insufficient.
The project appraisal methodology and the use of costbenefit analysis by Donor Agencies and the Developing Country Governments as for a di Tect attack on poverly, prompted by resolurce limitations and market imperfection in an attempt to allocate scarce resources "efficiently, too was evaluated. It was agreed that the poor constrained by lack of access to resources are not guided by considerations of optimising output and profit maximisation per se, The poor do not differentiate between "economico' and "non economico activities and endeavour to miniInise resource use and to clininate waste. Empirical studies have established that the techno
cratically evoli Irlain Streal T1 CCI 1Le Televainc patterns of th further polaris result in the control the bit social instituti. Asian villages and leave the
The majority not benefit by The wa Tirol 5 T eg. Basic Neek Werç i hic intT up the 'tricklt ministratively distribution, T: grammes target or attempts to for the poor ti of basic servic were only pa and only tempor their condition. 515 tainable in even in their absence of the massive resourc. nal capital.
The in-depth. 'zig zag' and * that the devel tion took and also showed th; contradictions w cmerage in Sout mies and a mu was emerging which Went bey
When severe
ments difficultic fest itself in IT chultTries tric shift of strateg Economy' strat testations to took an ideolog simplistic relian 'Opening the 5cl F i å situla poverta, only the contradictic thTOW5, the blir on the poor. Corrective to th was 'Adjustme Face". This again mainly til very’’ of additi to the poor, effects of adju poor this was

Wedi packages from nomic theory had : to the behavioral PCI Eild in fact e the village and Willage rich who sic economic and nS in most South
becoming richer
PCDOT POC Ter.
of the poor did these strategies. eformist options, is Strategy, which oduced to speed : down' and aden Sure the TeLinged from proed on the poor Put a Safety net hrough 'delivery :es. Ewell these tially successful, arily ameliorating They were not the shorter run Writers, in the availability of *S. mainly exter
El Talysis of this facillating course Priment intervenits weak thrust it several sharp ere beginning to hl - Asia in econoti-faceted crisis
in South Asia Ind poverty.
balance of paybegan to mani1st South Asian Was a further to the 'Open Y, Despite prohe contrary, it Cal form and a * ) Til the market. Conolly' by it. in of endemic 1rtilēr sharpens S and initially in of adjustment lo TCC0ITTThe Ilde{1 by the system | With a Hunan 15 to be one ույgh the "deliall basic services b Clish ifill the lent. For the it a sufficient
answer, either. The critique revealed that from the բoint of view of the poor, redistributive justice in itself was simply not the issue. Except for the old. destitute and disabled whom so. ciety would need to carry through charity, what the Imajority of the poor required was a more positive option, where they had the Opportunity to contributeo gowth and keep a greater part of the surplus they generated in their own hands,
The strategy of "Opening the Economy'' was justified intellectually in terms of 'supply side economics and the assumption of a hospitable framework for international economic relations. The South Korean ёхрегіёпсе Was held up as a modei. The replicability of the “South Korean Miracle' in South Asia was analysed. The conclusion was that while South Korea was cer. tainly a 'Success Case' of capitalism under neo-classical conitions With export led EFטwth it was a complex In Odel, whose essential elements went beyond the adjustment policy package being advocated to and adopted by most South Asian countries. In South Korea, the movement towards an open economy and export led growth was accompanied by a great deal of State intervention, and human էlt:welopment with culturally conditioned social justice built into the process including land reform.
The resurgence of the “Ореп Economy' model, and the ldaption of 'stabilisation' and 'struc. ural adjust Ilment” programmes hĘ Wę not been successful in corTectig fundialmental macro-ecoDomic i Tibalances. In fact worsening unemployment, in the short and medium term, widening in. come disparities and falling real Wages indicate that the process of endemic poverty continues unabated. The developing world has in fact come back &վլI= are one, Limits to development options caused by rapid erosion of the natural resource base and and concern for environmental pollution coupled with ever groWing protectionist international environment and the resultant
13

Page 16
  

Page 17
or were beginning to be sustainable in South Asia. Here, the poor themselves were participating as subjects in a process of moving out of poverty and contributing to growth. Where a "sensitive support system' was provided by the State, a Bank, an NGO or other organisation, these activitics were able to expand, provide substantial geographical coverage and involve large numbers of the poor. An in-depth analysis was made of the AKRSP (in NWP Pakistan), Women's Development Programme (in Rajasthan, India), the SFDP (in Nepal), the Atoll Programme (in Maldives), a Health Programme (in Bhutan), BRAC (in Bangladesh) and the Janasakthi Bank Society (in Shri Lanka). Other cases such as the Amul Co-operative and SEWA (in India), the PCRW (in Nepal), the Orangi Pilot Project (in Pakistan), the Grämeen Bank (in Bangladsh) and the Institute of Nursery Studies Programme (in Shri Lanka) were also touched upon, reflecting the kind of social mobilisation that Wals taking place, where the poor contributed to growth under varying socio-political circumstances. Critical clcments in the lethodology of participation of the poor in development were also identific from these cases.
The main lessons drawn from the Macro Micro experiments WLTE:
At the Macro Level
1) The State had a lead role to play in Strategic Planning for Powerty Alleviation and needed to articulate a clearly identifiable second leg in the overall development strategy which was pro poor,
2) In operational terms this pro poor strategic option required formulating a separate plan
for the poor, identification of the transfer of resources to the poor and with a
clearly identified time frame and a different evaluation methodology.
3)
At
1)
2)
3)
4)
In addition of the State WOW c for in enabling pol tifying “ent poverty alley also through Erics - indi de apparatus ne: "sensitive sլլ: Witics initiat taken by the II iddition t port, other I Slich as the cooperatives : Sector also II Oriented to port initiativ In Some cili institutions be estabilished
the Micro Le
The first it clear Was th level, a new were emergin compatible W։ and related it ween people, ween people attitudes to W sawings.
Without parti poor as subj CCSS I10 SLISEEl poverty allevi. sible. A poli a purely tech ach was requi
III all the El COIT1110. El T apparent, wh organised the taneously or the poor were sitive facilitat Catalysts who ITleInt toʻ 11 dl1; POOT.
i
A new kind Animator, Sос required in la SeWeTal lewels process of soc and to build the poor. Irre ther these cat erated interna

I this lead Tole
which also inlating detailed cies and ideny points' for tion, the Static its line Minissentralised State led to provide port' to actidi 11 di underpoor themselves. | the State Sulp. acro institutions Banks, NGOstil the Private ede to be resensitively supis of the pictor. S 11-W IIllLTC) would hayc to
Yel
issoin that was at at the Illicro
5eէ մի willues g. These were iլի the Culture o relatio 15 bet
relations betand nature, and orki, 1eisu1re and
cipation of the :cts of the proinable effort at tion was postical rather than посratic apргоred.
Success Cases' ethodology was ere the poor Ilmselves sponrganisations of
built by senors or external had a commitdentity with the
of Facilitator, all Worker was rge numbers at to catalyse this ial Immobilisation Iganisations of pective of whelysts were genly or were out.
siders there was a great deal of training and sensitisation that was required to put more of them in place.
5) Poverty alleviation required a holistic approach and was a process which could not be projectised in a fragmented or narrow technical maniner. Poverty alleviation required the imitiatic}m {}f {1 series of litic TT celatel SD1111 scaille ac Livitics by the poor and these cannot either be pre-determined or encompassed in the Conventional project approach. The project approach assumed th:ıt there Was a begirnining and an end to the project and all the inputs and outputs were quantifiable. The poor are guided initially by considerations of minimising rcSource utilisation and elimination of Waste Tather than maximising benefits and profits in the short run,
6) If the poor were provided With access to resources they could contribute t0 growth. Under the old development response there was a reverse flow of resources from the poor to rich within the countries which also needed to be stopped.
7) Finally institution building and capacity building was an integral part of sustaining the process. Reorientation of existing support system institutions was also an essential part of the process.
Chapter 4: A Pro Poor Perspective
The discu 55 ion of this itel of the Agenda was based on a paper prepared by Dr. Maqsood Ali. It was supplemented by an input by Dr. Wignaraja entitled "Growth, Human Development and Equity: No Trade Offs', and an extract on "the perspective' in a study entitled 'Towards a Theory of Rural Dewelopment' by a group of South Asiam Scholars. The McIlmbers accepted the conclusion that South Asian countries needed to move on two fronts, ie. the modernisation, industrialisation - and
15

Page 18
"open economy' front, as well as, the poverty alleviation front, simultaneously. The two fronts would eventually need to merge,
but initially could be
Separate.
Tic task of the CIn mission was
t
tion part
develop the Poverty Alleviaof the development
strategy and make Specific implementable recoIm Imendations.
O te
basis of the discus
sion, scvcral propositions which needed to inform the perspective for the strategic option for poverly alleviation emerged:
1)
16
A new Sct Of Wallules had to be articula tcd consonalt With South Asian cultures, which Could inform both the Overall development strategy, as well as a strategy for poverty alleviation. The new strategic option had to be operationallised in a Iman TheT that GTOwith, Human Development and Equity were not trade offs as in the old fra II 11e Work of development, but were coinplementary. The material basis for this was demonstrated by the experiences on the ground, which also re-inforced the proposition that the poor can contribute to growth. Both the values and the process would differ fundamentally from conventional development thinking and action.
The second set of issues dis. cussed for inclusion in the Perspective related to the new accumulation process which the poor themselves could initiate at the base of the economy. The poor had demon strated that they could save, gencrate income and create assets at the base of the economy, in the people's sectors, This accumulation process by the poor also involved using factors in surplus such as poor people's creativity, their knowledge system and local u Inutilised and Telewable Tcsources. It also incant keeping poor people's surplus in their hands and a real transfer of resources to the poor. It would be an additional process of accumulation to
3)
4)
that generat Conventional WILLES CICLOTS.
The third pi sed related of thic State had to take cw initiativ leviation, but sitively suppo by the poor growth throu cies and sup Illes frameWö tegic thTust | Such as Ban äld NGO’S ; a 5ensitive initiatives ta and wոլIld է: lised and Tepurpose. A : tion of consid had to be was no choic State system poor, would unambiguous alleviate pov newed comm Cie5, Illicchi location of
This process eviation req cipatory inst ation and training of : Of collitted Tittl with 111, stitution bu tion, trainio bc on par
made to achie a Tid industri **Geel ReW 'top down'
The new inst built had to
tive energies
well as emp. sert their rig OLITICES til V entitled New tution5
existing inst quired for
thic myriads ties and to support to themselves doing.

ed through the public and pri
"oposition discus:0 the d'Häl Tole which not only a major bold for powerty al; Else) had to Senrtinitiatives taken [3] Contribollte to gh enabling poliportive programriks. Til the straother institutions ks, Cooperatives also had to play support role to ken by the poor Leed to be ill biOriented for this sicial träTsfoTT1:1- Lerable Tiagnitude 2nvisaged. Therc :e. A COITII litted
which trusts thic Il eed to lake al
CollIli timelt til erty with a reitment, new poliis is and re-al
E5CillTԸ է:
of poverty alluired new partiituti 15,5 e 15iti5raining and reeveral categories persons identi: poor. Thc inlding, sensitisag effort had to With the effort We modernisation lisation and the Ճltition", as a planning process. tutions that weTe
Telease the creaof the poor, as wer therll to 5its to the res. rhich they were " Lu Tibella instiTeorientation of itutions were reCoordination of of slal activprovide sensitive hat the people cre capable of
5) Finally, the discussion revolved around the international system that would need to Support Such a strategic option. Clearly regional and global co-operation on new terms would need to re-orient their thinking, their staff, their consultants and their procedures to support sensitively this kind of strategy.
The discussi cof this Section concluded with the suggestion that the CCIIII lission should TeCommend that each country should have a separate plan for the poor. In other words, the overall development strategy, while opening up the economy and industrialising (with appropriate damage limitation features to take Care Of cIlwirümmental cũIlcerns and use more labour intensive technology, etc.) also immediately put in place a clear cut parallel strategy for poverty allicviation based on participation of the poor as subjccts and social mobilisation Els the process. The two fronts of the strategy should move forward with equal vigour. Even if initially they started separately, gradually they would need to be linked and made coherent.
This second leg of the strategy Would require to be impleIn ented through a separate plan for the poor. Conventional development planning mystified resources allocated for poverty alleviation, which diversion from the specific purposes for which they were intended. The plan for the poor should not be merged with sev. eral items in the usual capital and current budgets through which most plans are implemented and through the normal budgets of fragmented Sectoral Ministries. This kind of allocation does not permit a clear identification of the transfer of resources to the poor or its impact, despite so called "tagetting'.
Operationalisable elements in the poor plan and concrete transitional strategies and mechanisms were then identified.

Page 19
  

Page 20
Hic Tc I Would retuIT:n to the eastward shift in Lenin's thinking during the last stage of his life. Lenin, of course, had not gone as far as repudiating the Marxist concept of socialism as a way out of the contradictions of advanced capitalism. But in his last articles he was deeply conscious of the distinctive characteristics of the Russian Revolution, dividing it from the socialist revolutions that Marx had envisaged; and in his reply to Sukhanov he predicted that these differences would be even stronger in the Asian revolutions to CCII) e.
Our European philistines never even dream that the subseque1ht Tevolutions in Oriental countries, which possess much waster populations and a much vaster diversity of social conditions, will undoubtedly display even greater distinctions than the Russian TeVolution.27
I am therefore ill fundancilLa 1 ag Teement with BahnTo and de Silva regarding the character of the Russian revolution. But they wrote more than a decade ago, and this is 1992. BetWecin the time they developed their argument and now, We have Witnessed the cataclysm of the fall of the socialist states in Eastern Europe in 1989 and the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991. In what way does their thesis need to be modified today to be accommodated to these realitics? I shall address myself to this question in the last part of this lecture through a discussion of the character and role of the Soviet bureaucracy.
IW
The Soviet bureaucracy was a composite class,29 including both political elites and economic 11managers, and technocrats. Thic former in the immediate postrevolutionary era, having been recruited from the cadres of the Bolshevik party, were imbued With a strong sense of ideological devotion to the cause they served. Consequently for most of them, the observance of a
18
spartan life-style ciation of eco was a point . honour. The technocrats i Ilitia mu II bers of + b CLIII and it was nic them matcTill ilT to obtain the Copcratio Fa. How cgalitarian clima Incant that dis Tılıuıneration a T1d Standards of liw economic and and the Tlass strict limits in of thic revolutio
The situation
Stalin era. Part result of the lutionary fervoi
partly, it was d the regime felt, of 115sive cons courage effort w wards. Stali Il i deliberately pro: with his campai heresy of egalit: Stakhanowite mc t.) EIICCOLI TEge ! and With the economic privile the bureaucracy.
In the thirtic ha unted by the Thermidor” (th derived from t revolutionary Fr. ed the fa 11 Trotsky thought in the Sowjet L. the fill of converting itself class and res private property failed to mater and Deutscher LInder Stalin's the bureaucracy to think of into a property
Ewell the ont have been ex it, the band
extremely ter
only individ groups of tՃլյ1 be,
stripped of

and the renunnomic privilege of revolutionary Imanagers and lly includcd large geois' specialists, essary to offer 1 ccm tives in order ir Willing co:ver, the general to of the title parities in redifférences in ing bictwicem the
technical elites if Workers had
the first years 1.
changed in the lly, this was thic T05 il CF TWOIT with time: le to the 1 cc
during the years tTLIcLic]n, tc) cI - With LlLerial TeIl the Ethirtie; moted inequality gins against the riamis Till with thic vement design cal skilled workers, whole array of :ges granted to
s' Trotsky was Fear Of a SOViet e phrase was ble Teaction : il ace that followif Robespierre). such a Thermid Jnion might take the bureaucracy into a possessing Loring capitalist ... This prospect alise at the time, points out that гule hy tегroг, Wräs too insecure converting itself owning class;
bond that might pected to unite of privilege, was L1Ol Is When Ilot Ials but entire he bureaucracy frequently were, lill - privilege all
most overnight, turned into pariahs, and driven into conсепtration camps. Aпd evеп the strictly Stalinst elements, the men of the party machine and the leaders of the nationalised industry, who fJTimed the ruling groups proрег, were by no means exempt from the insecurity i Which all til trembled under Stalin's cracy?
After Stalin's death the position of the individuals bureaucrat was less precarious into a state which, though not law-governed, Was at least for the privileged groups, less subject to arbitary te TTOT. MeanWhile the e T3SiOI of WLELE WELS CIC: dubbel + COITI munist morality" continued: cynicism, careerism and the appetite foT self-elli rich ment grew among the elite, and reached their apex du ring the BTezı new y ea Ts. Such sensational scal L1 dals as those of the Tlassive corruption indulged in by Rashidow, the Uzbek party boss, or Churbanc yw, Breizh, Thew's, so Il-in-law Which came to light during the years of perestroika, were evidently only the tip of the iceberg. What was decisive for the future of the Soviet Union, however, was that from the sixties onwards, the economic au ta Tchy of the Soviet Union began to end as necessity compelled it to enter more and In orc into the World market. Meanwhile, Western capitalism instead of Teaching the terminal crisi5 fOT Which Marxists ai been waiting at least since 1914, had reached new heights of productive expansion. Not only had its global reach since the Second World WaT but it had carried through a new industrial revolution through electronics and information technology. The growth of international capitalism wasn't a ha TImonious or crisis-free process (capitalism by its very nature has always been conflictual and crisis-ridden), but this did not Tellowe the pressures and strains on the Soviet economy as a result of the widening of the gap in technological levels and productivity. The situation was

Page 21
well described by Bahro in an interview with Fred Halliday in 1983:
The autonomy of the socialist system is very relative...The technological inferiority of the socialist countries forces thell on to the World Tlarket, subordinating them to the rules of that market which work against their interests. In order to keep us with the
West, including in the arms racc. the Soviet Union is forced to import Western
technology and therefore to scill its Taw Ilmaterials cheaply — and the there is the unsolved problem of agriculture. In short, the Soviet conomic profile is a variable within the productive forces of a world market controlled by capital. If we put in perspective all the other factors, social, political and culture, it is actually the nuclear bomb which allows the Soviets to play the roll of second superpower. And yet, this very Superpower role is fatally overburdening thic Soviet economy: the economic competition with capitalism which the Russian Revolution initiated has been a failure.30
This was the state of things When GorbacheV launched perestroika. During the six years of that era, there were, I suggest three tendencies among the Soviet bureaucracy. On the one hand, there were the conserVative elements, entrenched in the central bureaucracy and the security apparatus, who wanted to preserve the status quo: it was the representatives of these groups who made their lastditch stad with the abortiwe coup of August 1991. Sccondly, there were the bureaucracies of the rupublics who saw in the loosening of central control an opportunity to strengthen their
own power. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, the leaderships of several of the
minority republics have made a quick conversion from CommuInism to nationalism, and have retained their positions and their power structures under the new
dieological labels. WeTc tle Hrdelt Illents, Who start ing Gaj Tibachev's ended in mamy i ing to go faste thill hill. I do all of them. We the samme aspi WeTe Tij doubts conviction opted parliamentary d Il telectial Trecl very likely tha Others Who fel einterprise syste II. With Western Ca offer them greate Wilds than What the creaking in CT altic: Stirll CLLITIC
What till ha quarters of a c Russian Revolut Perhaps this, is legacy: that it essential fou India industrial growth, and creation of technical skills, if bourgeois develop It would the in ap have to modify Si Was historica Socialist revolutil native way out ism; but in Russ in Eastern Euro whelming , econor of the West that in the end after their detoll the capitalist re then, socialism have been really from pre-capitalis foT countries thi: to produce a b. Imake a direct Come to the other
Let me sum u in this way. Th perience of this confirms the soul Bahro y de Silva til: cialism was an a
out of the pre Countries without geoisie. The exp
last five years il Soviet Unio ad suggests the furt that foT Such Col

Thirdly, there Tcf)Timist elleed by supportinitiative, but ases by Wantall flirth.cr. |'t suggest that : Instiwa Ecdi by a Lions. There some who by for liberalism, imocracy and In; but it is t Liller were that i Tree and linking pitalism would I material rewas by then ficient bureauof socialism,3
we the thceentury of the On achieved? its most lasting has laid the tions, through Imass cducation Scientific and or the future ment of Russia. pear that we Bahr) and de 1 perspective. | 15 al Te al allterif pre-capitalia as well as be, the owerInic superiority as deterlined these societies, , should rejoin ad, Evidently till r15 lit ty a transition In to capitalis Ill it have failed urgeoisie who passage from
the argument : historical ex:entury already ldness of the eory tlıat soternative way capitalism for a strong bourrience of the the former Eastern Europe Ler hypothesis ntries socialism
is a transitional stage between pre-capitalism and capitalism, For final confirmation of this hypothesis we may await the future development of China, Wietnam and Other Socjalist states that are already introducing market economies and learning capitalist techniques.
It may appear strange that what the Communist Party of the Soviet Union did in the ultimate result was to prepare the way for the bourgeois transfoTLIllation of Russia. I have Teferred in an earlier part of this lecture to the histo) Tical COItroversies about the English and French revolutions. Although it now seems wery doubtful whether these revolutions were led by the bourgeoisie, or were the outcome of the bourgeois mode of production chafing against feudal fetters, it is perhaps still possible to argue that the political changes in England in the 17th century and in the 18th-19th prepared the way for the development of capitalism. So perphaps in their objective Tesults, these revolutions can still be termed bourgeois'. But in Germany, the corresponding transformations were carried out from above, by Bismarck, So why should we think it in explicable that in Russia, where no poweriul bourgeoisie or reforming state had emerged before 1917, it was left to the Communist Party regime to fill the historical vacuum?
The prospect of a new Russian bourgeoisie inheriting the legacy of the Communist state may be a melancholy one to dispirited Marxists. True, it is all the rather anticlimactic: What was at one time regarded as the contest between two World systems scens to have ended "not with a bang but a whimper". I should like to offer this consolation: at any rate, it's better tham the big bang We all dreaded at one title.
Notes
23 de Silva (1988) p. 244,
24 de Silva (1988), p. 245.
(சோted or page 2)
19

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EARLY WARNING AND CON FLICT RE
Kumar Rupesinghe and Michiko Kuroda (editors August 1992, £35.00. 300 pp ISBN 0-333-56952-0
Cal we prevent violent conflicts and Wars in t terest in developing an early Warning capability humanitarian and aid agencies and in internatic
By "early warning'. We mean information that Key issues covered in the book include: the In translated into methodological approaches; iden Fict situations; selection of indicators; determin possible development of networking; search for
processing, analysis and evaluation of informati
ETHINCITY AND CON FLICT N A PO
The Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China Kumar Rupesinghe, Peter King and Olga Workun August 1992, £35.00, 300PE, ISBN 0-333-5695 -
The post-Communist World has seen a a dram: societies are facing a crisis of Staggering dillens also has to cope with widespread demands for Wellas the consciucces of lismantlingthe tö
The volume explores the contemporary Sources, the post-Communist World. The authors addres national, after perestroika and glasnost, Within the consequences and effects of the drama cur the former Soviet Union. Central issues explor implications of internal conflicts and possible p The processes of democratization and the pote tries are also examined as is the question of
INTERNAL CONFLICT AND GOVERNA
Kumar Rupa singhe (editor) August 1992, 35.00, 256FF, ISBN 0-333-56.953.
WiggleTce, war and inter I1 al conflicts hawe as 5 LIII Cold War. Over 32 civil Wars are raging today over 100 million refugees as a direct result of logical, or conflicts over democracy and govern
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Published in A550 cilation With International PE C
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SOLUTION
hic future"? This volume reflects the growing inwithin the research community, in international inal institutions such as the United Natio 15.
can provide a timely alert to potential conflicts. anner in with the concept of early warning is tification of root causes for disputes and conlation of methodologies; use of new technologics; conditions for the Settlement of Conflicts, The on is systematically approached in thic collection.
ST-COMMUNIST WORLD
ova (editors)
tic ethnicity and nationalism. Many of these ions, since the movement towards full democracy
self-determination and minority protections as tilitarian state.
scope and intensity of nationality conflicts in is themselves to the resurgence of ethnicity and
a disintegrating Soviet Empire. They examine rently in progress within the various regions of cd concern identity formation, the nature and aths toward conflict resolution in these societies, ntial generation of new conflicts in these counresurgent ethnicity in China.
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this important collection is on questions of the South.
3. Research Institute, Oslo
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Page 23
Wewspaper Wationalism (3)
Sinhala culture: the 'd
Seren al Tennekoon
Even while the Kingdom of Jaffna and the antiquity of Tamils and Sinhala were pas
sionately disputed, a second storm Was already brewing in the Salme newspaper. The Sinhala Cultu Te controwersy was sparked by a Sunday Divayita editorial titled Intellectuals and seminars Referring to a recent seminar on Sinhala Culture the editorialist questioned its relevance and suspected its motives.
The seminar at issue here was held on 9 September 1984 at the Colombo Public Library and was organized by a group of mainly leftist Sinhala intellectuals of the Open Arts Circle and the Workers and Peasants Institute. According to some of the participants the original to: pic for discussion “Do the Sinhalese have a Culture?" was later Inodifica to "Do thic Sinhalese have a Great Culture?". This qualification was important but it was also misleading. For the purpose of the seminar, Great Culture referred to culture in the Great Tradition (iiiaha sam pradaya). The seminar Organizers could hardly have been ignorant of the politics of that Concept, of its un mistakable resonance ջf Superiority and high culture, but they refrained from ргoblematizing the very classification of Great and Little Traditions. Thus it was hardly SliTprising that the seminar was controver. sial on several levels.
Central to the Controwersy were two seminar papers presented by Newton Gunasinghe, a Colombo University Sociologist, and Charles Abeysekera a social scientist, literary critic, and huIlla Il rights activist Gumasinghe maintained that contrary to բՕբլ1= lar assumptions the roofs of modern Sinhala culture did not stretch in an unbroken line to the Anuradhapura period of Sri Lankan history (circa 250 BC
1017), but or period ) circa ei Focusing on t he examined th Weel the II բToduction and traditions and Kandy period
extension model - belonged to
(czła sarpradaj
In making di Grcit and Litt til TC5. Guillä5i to anthropolog Redfield för Mit Marriott, M. N. nath Obeyeseke { } w'n definition. first criterion, a produced works tic value where a Little Traditi tlilted with the ו 011חרוט סiותרEO moט duced them. S of a Great Tr: moved from t daily living, wh: tions were inti
With and reflec hւIIndrum liքը, Tradition cultu
Were the achiev tiInc. specialists : economic surpl. their societies. I Tradition artists
who also had
economic produc
Abeysekera's especially conce. problem of Gr Tradition termin his analysis was Some of Obeyeseke Sekera contraster dhism with the tural identity c Wentieth centuгу twen Lieth Cen Lua Sinhala culture into several reg whose common syncretistic form

ouble-headed serpent
tly to the Kandy ghteenth century). һё Капdу регіоd, le Telationship betde of economic selected cultura
concluded that culture - and in "In Sinhala Culture
il Little Traditi тл),
stinction between le Tradition culghe didi noti refer istis likc Robert on Singer McKim STiliwas or GanaTe, but offered his According to his Great Tradition of lasting artisas the Interits of mi : CliltlLII Te fuc : shifting socio:ithms which נןTOccond the works adition were rele activities of ile Little Tradi lately connected sted the stuff of Finally Great Tall productions Enllets of full II upported by the is generated in in contrast Little WE TE HTL1lIllFS,
to engage in tion.
El OET WES not led with the sat and Little blogy. Ewen so, influenced by re's work. Abey. "village Bud. Buddhist cultreated in the By the early ry, he argued had fractured gional cultures feature 15 l if village Bud
dhism which was considerably different from the original, textually preserved doctrine of the Buddha. Having discussed some of the significant factors (such as thic Buddhist reform livement) which shaped Buddhist identity, Abeysekera concluded LEllät.
What we recognize as Sinhala culture today is not something which is naturally linked to the unbroken 2,500-year-old historical evolution of the Sinhala. Rather this culture has changed during the last 100 years in response to various cConamic and political needs. In the course of this develop. ment this (incw). Sinhala culture has displaced village Buddhism to a secondary position,
The Divayita editorialist objected to thic focus of the Sinhala Culture seminar. He contended that to explore the question, do the Sinhala have a culture, was absurd: "For not only do the Sinhala (like other peoples) have a culture but according to the experts, when compared to other cultures Sinhala culture en'ays a great and unbroken tradition The editorialist then caricatured
the s eminar participants I as intellectuals performing like peacocks on seminar platforms
implied that they were being manipulated by 'external' power and accused them of deliberately misleading the public instead of providing the general public with the strategies and strength to deal with the shattering as sault on (our) nation and culture.
This editorial proved to be а пеге рrelude. 黑 week later, the matter of ulterior motives was pursued in stronger prose. Sinhala intellectuals of the sort who were critical of Sinhala culture were accused of being sponsered by Wealthy two-faced organizations which mask their real and sinister intentions (of
Z

Page 24
weakening the Sinhala) with ious concern for their problems. editorialist also alleged that motivated by greed rather than patriotism Sinhala intellectuals had prosticuted their professinal skills to the highest bidders. In short they were traitors.
These tW0 editorillS 5et the tone and the agenda of the deat which followed, For example, Text t the 5eC)E1 editorial was published a lengthy article by Sarath Wijesu riya headlined, "Lurking behind social Science. Dewald at Las Hilu. Ti Trocks at culture". According L. Buldhist legend, Dewadatta, the Buddlas Wil collsi d ille Several un successful attcmpts on the Buddha's life - On one occasion, topբling boulders in his path, By comparing social scientists to Devadatta, Wiicsuriya cast thcIn as the (un-Buddhist) villains of this drama and symbolically ellewated Sinhala culture to a quasisacred status beyond critical de
Lt:
The telc of traitor-intellec. tuals publicly disparaging their already maligned culture circuHitled foto 5c:WoeTill Weeks iil aro Licles which were both passionately nationalistic, aggressively populist and anti-intellectual. For example, considler GunawaL Tidena Suriya Tacchi's father apocalyptic WiSil:
Silalil Culture önce a football for hypocritic-experts, has now split into a double-headed serpent of Great and Little Traditions. It is truly astonishing that this split began to clerge only recently. Having masticated all that is edible of Sinhala cultute, they are now swollenheaded with pride and denigrate even its unchewable dregs. But does any one of these false experts try to rescue Sinhala culture from the abyss into which it has fallen
Again, echoing the suspicions of the editorialist, C. Rajapaksa concluded his rambling critique of Gulasinghe's Little Tradition thesis, charging that Little Intellectuals (cElla Liga ruri) were selling
2.
the country to dolläıTs.
A Cartočil versi also appeared in porary Controve figured two bald titled back to the sa Ille la WEIT t dressed in Westet t smug clutching E in his left hand cing, "Culture is right hand. The 581 jIl the José prises the top h. Te55" för Ille, Faced äld cari exclaim cd, "The Te This the Was L lectual, a la Illus nist who, by wi ernized training presumed incap standing his rea guilty of delibe that culture f.
do11a TS.
Iլ Wըլյll be
cha Iacterize this TIWSI:5Y 18 ET Il di WCTIcel TT tätig|Ils Inzide Culture sellina trill Lor5 WCTE C substan Lliwe issu selliääter dly sinister i example, Niallin academic and was als C. El P Similla la CլIllլIrt: cizel Giul Illa singl GTct and Littl sifica Lil. Call the tւյlմInitil tյri te Til Social-Scie Silva argued propriate to the ALluller, Ming: (Who professed logist but engal of history and lenged Gunasi the IOle of ec in the Kandy his Choice of Cultu Tal for Tills. fashio , Mendis: also an acticle Abeysekera's at the developmen hala culture in

foreigners for
on of this there 1. Lhe Contemrsies page. It ing Imen, posiback and sharing o Tso, One Iman, clothes, looked I wad of dollars -umטחוa1 וH SigT for Sale" i his 1. Other Was dresktra which coinalf of "lätiola 1 HE was stյլITed a sign which is No Culture'. he traitor-intel--faced opportutle of his westwas not only Eble of Lunderculture but also rately distorting T : fjist Tull of
misleading to Dїvayіла сопtirely polemical on the prescinat the Sinhala FOI Syllę CollDice Tned with the es Tallised in the thall their allegeImplications. For de Silva - a social critic Who El Titicipant in the sellinar - critiLe"5 choice of the e Traditill clasing attention to gins of such westific concepts, de hey Were inap: Sinhala context. la Illa Ingasinghe to be no socioed in the study education Chă|- he's findings on nomic production eriod and also Little Tradition III : Similar Rohanadeera - ic - objected to empt to locate of oleil Sillthe political and
economic (class) processes of the twentieth century. His critique was based on the assumption that the ancient roots of Sinhala-Buddhist identity werc selfevident and the development of this identity through history was therefore unproblematic.
When compared in style and tone to the explosive prose discussed earlier, these critiques were undoubtedly more tempered, and the arguments couched in social Science Thetoric. How cwer, I al II not suggesting that the latter were ideologically innocent. In fact, the Sinhala Culture seminat itself is Well is the responses it elicited were bound by competing ideological claims: in general, both Abeysekera's and Gunasinghe's analyses were located within neo-Marxist paradigms while their critics were guided primarily by nationalist populist conside TaliticÕIS.
The entwiellent of lationalisill and social analysis hinted at in Rhamadle era’s contribution Tefetred to above was more explicitly articulated by Nalin de Silva. In another article de Silva, Téflected.
In the context of the present national problem it would have been better if this question (whether the Sinhalese have a Great Tradition culture) was discussed under a different topic. The theme of the semia should have been the Sinhalese have a great cultural heritage that they can be proud of but should not impose on other ethnic groups. Those who claill that the Sinhalese have an inferior (pahat) culture will never have any credibility with the people.
Accordingly, critical analyses of one's own culture at a time of national crisis (in this case, the Sinhala-Tamil conflict) were deemed at best counter-productive or at Worst destructive. Unlike the ideal Weberian intellectual for whom politics and science (scholarship) were separate Wöcatios. Sillala intellectuals were expected to act politically as nationalists not traitors

Page 25
and as defenders of their cultural heritage not its critics. It was because Gunasinghe and Abeysekera flouted these implicit requirements and chose to deconstruct prevailing notions of Sinhala culture at a time When Ta Imil nationalism appeared to threaten Sinhala identity that their explorations proved to be So explosive.
Ethnicity, social scientist and national hereos
Many of the themes which had already emerged in the two foregoing debates were reopened in a third Divayita controversy. This dispute began over a volume of cessays Ethnicity Irid Social Crge in Sri Lாா (ESC) pub. lishcdi jin English and Si1nhala by the Social Scientists Association (SSA) in 1984. This collection was the product of a seminar held in 1979, before the July riots. Although the editors of ESC had hoped that the papers in this volume will at least force some of the exponents of Sinhala and Tamil nationalism to look more closely at thic myths misinterpretations and misunderstandings that have nou Tished their ideologies, the natio
nalist backlash which ensucci demonstrated otherwise.
This controversy was concer
ned with reconstituting a Sinhala identity perceived to have been defamed by Marxist academics. As such, it was a continuation of previous arguments in a new guise. Central to the new dispute was the reinterpretation of two important Sinhala nationalist heroes - Anagarika Dharmapala and King Dutugemunu. Anagarika Dharmapala was one of the leading figures in the early twentieth-century Buddhist reform movement which contributed the first wave of modern Sinhala nationalis IIn. King Dutuga1illl'Inll (Dutthagamani Abhaya) was the epic hero of the MahaWalsa and is best Tennebered
for his victory over Elara, the south Indian ruler of the northern kingdom, in the second
Century BC.
Dharmapala: no 'savage blood is fоитd"
The reappraisa life ill work Kumari Jayawa ESC, in which
iīks, bet veci the rise of a Si geoisie, the relig revival of this CII list ill specific referen: list ideology sh Rather la away by the nalism and I lder for 15 given a new resulting in co ticism, a disto I a revival of and hero-mytl creation of wi "golden age" The Inc)5t fulldíl myths was the t tion of Aryanidentity which speeches and wi former, Anagari Jayawardena pg Dharmapala bel to be descenda Агуап гасe who II 10 Te civilizel LE groups in the a: was Sihadipa, th Sinhala people cent from (th Prince Wijaya : is also Dhamma of the diarrierra, Buddha predictic Would flourish: aTnd . Teligi3us pu Combined and ti Si Thalesebec guardians of the of Buddhism.
Jayawardena W. the first social : a critical apprai: pala and the B In Oweilent. New ing of the ESC its availability in explaill the outra Wen, Kilhawatte to be Jayawards Sistent and bitter basted her for " national heritage" Dharmapala and Tlationalist moye cally, he objectet Tinent of the not

if Dharmapala’s is provoked by cna's essay in he explored the crchant capital, hala petit blourLuis and cultu Tall eriod, and their lications. With to the Tewiwaclaimed that,
being swept inds of natiotional unity the ' identity were lease of life, mmunalism, Casion of history lyths of origin salong with the ions of a past
mental of these ree-pronged noSinhala-Buddhist pervaded the itings of the rcka Dharmapala inted out that eved the Sinhala its of the Indowere pure and lan other racial rea; that Lanka e island of the who claim dese Indo-Aryan) and that Lankal dipa, the island where the dying his teachings "Racial purity rity were thus le “pure Aryan le the appointed pure doctrine'
as by no leans cientist to o Ter all of Dharmauddhist. Te for II i theless, the til 11publication and Sinhala help ge it provoked. Ananda proved nas most percritic. He lamdynamiting our by maligning the Buddhistment, Specifito her treation of Aryan
origin. Poining to Jayawardena's implication that Dharmapala's comment, "the Sinhalese. ... in whose veins no savage blood is found. ... stand as the representatives of Arya In civilization’ was racist, Wen. Ananda accused her of confusing the Sinhala meaning of a rya (“those who do not indulge in lowly, animal-like behaviour") with Hitlcr’s “fundamentally different concept of a superior Aryan race". However, Well, Ananda continued to uist the Sinhala term arya in a racial sense: he ascribed the Buddhist meaning of arya (which is related not to race but noble conduct) to the Sinhalajatiya. Furthemiorc, that Wen. Ananda was convinced of the (northern) Indo-Aryan origins of the Sinhala Was explicit in his angry, reaction to a discussion of the close ties between ancient Sri Lanka and (Dravidian) south India in the ESC essay by Sus. antha Goonati lake:
Supposedly our ancient Sinhala culture and society was based on south Indian culture and society. Supposedly we inherited our irrigation system from south India. What better distortion of history to support the cause of Eelamists.
These vigorous reaffirmations of their Aryanness fit into the broadler context of Sinhla la Cultural-political preoccupations of this periodi according to which the ethnic conflict was perceived as a replay of ancient Aryanversus Drawidian i c0 Tiflict.
Having angrily dismissed Jayawardena's analysis of the myth of Aryan origins, Wen. KahaWatte Ananda also challenged her exposition of Sihadipa (the idea that Sri Lanka is the i5land of the Sinhala). In her essay, Jayawardena had claimed that according to Sinhala-Buddhist idcology taking shape at the turn of the century,
Sti Lanka Vas the and of tie Sitese and - non-Sinhalese who residici there were allowed to do so by grace and favour of the Sinhala master race' who had prior rights of possession and were the exclusive son of the soil."
23

Page 26
Referring to this passage. Wen Ananda accused Jayawardena of deliberately making false allegations.
What is she trying to show the World by inputing to Anagarika Dharmapala things that neither he or any other real50Itable Sinlala even intended? No one will reject the notion that this country belongs to the Sill:llä. It is Lille Sinhallä who have lived in this colltly since ancient times. At that time the teTIl Sinhilla encompassed all who lived in this country. The Sinhala have newer let any live here subject to their grace and favour and they have treated other (ethnic) groups like their OWIl brothers.
Well. Alla”,5 cm fuissed Te
monstrations point to the central problematic of Sinhala identity:
it is at Oce in clusive. Si Dala is confilted wit (national) identit. hind this iş ali for a single terr tillles to deličiti բTՃաբ and natioT the passage qu: Well als 11any of already discussed testify, this limit mere linguistic ramifies through and politics.
Jayawardena h related the conce to Dharmapala's WaT di et Hillic Illinn: Clar, she had pala's coln IIlent. Administration R General Manager Tamils, Cochinis aray as are empl
Was the Russian. . .
(Conіfіншғd fraнт тағғ. (10) 25 Bahiro (1978), p. 50. When Bahrd LLLKLL LaaL LLLLH SLLOtLLLLaS aH LLLLLL LL Marx's concept of "the Asiatic mode ըf բrւյduction", 26 Bihiro explicitly excludes "the GDR
LLLLLS LLLLLSLLuLLLLLaHHCLLS OHuLLLLLL S CCLLS L typical precisely because they already had capitalist industry' (Bahiro, 1978, 48). These countries, hoWeyer, Ås entioned by de Silva in the case of Czechoslovakia, had no genuine populair revolutions: Socialis IIl was questחםn them by tiםositlקוחi 27 Lenin (1977 Ea), Pp. 707.—708, 28 I Wish to II like it clear that I don't accept the orthodox Marxist definLLLHHH LLLL S S LLLLLLLASSSS LLL aLaaL L LLLLaLLH to the Ileans of production; even in the bourgeois societies cultural LLLLLLLLLL ALaLaLLLLLL S S HH S HHHHH H HHH S LLLLLL important for the definition of class. Moreover concepts of "class need to be radically modified when applied to societies with no significan private ownership of the means of բrմductium, 29 DeLitscher (1953)), pp. 120-121. .202-203 .pp ,(1984) טBahr 30
1 Deutscher, in his comments on Trotsky's fears of Therilidor, suggested aaL S LaLLLLLL SLLLLS HKKLLuS S S aSLCCaaaCLLYLLLLS Deutscher made this judgment because he always tended to see planLLLLLL LLaaLCC LLLLL LLaLaLLLL CCHCCLaLuK LH aL LtaaLLL LLaaaH Lt LLCHCLLLaLLS I think subsequent developments have in this respect Windicated Trotsky against Deutsch.cr.
FæTựTEnt:ệs
SLLCLLLLLLL TTT TGGLCTLCCCCC GLHL S TCatCLe STT T
சவிசா சக i : சதா)
24
Bahro, Rudolf (1978): Eksterri Errraple ( Lo1 Bahra, Rudolf (IG8. Gregor (London; Wer de Silva, G.W.S. (198 in Të dërruar i PERFFFFFFFFF" CYFFFF
e 5, ed Ch СпIHr: Stariil E til i Deutscher, Issac (1!
Are Tra Oxford University Deutscher. Isaac (19 Lrstriffer. Trofsko; Oxford University Deutsch.cr. Isaac (19. Orircal Fr. Trotsky: I! Oxford University Farber, Samuel (1990) - Tie Fre Is FII :rשdon: WחםL) יrrit:yט Halkier, Henrik (I9
They Coirne; 1789. A Maxis In, in 5cferrice 54, No. 3, Fall 199 Lenin, W.I. (1977):
Tee-yul editi Progress Publishers). Lenin, W.I. (1977a):
three – volurile eii Progress Publishers) LLuxemburg, Rosa ( 19
Rejlersir is Mistri Al 1 Abr: Unive Press). Marx, Karl (1.d.):
translated by Sam Edward Aveling Language Publishing
Marx, Karl And Er Selected Parks, thre Wol. 1 (Moscow: Pri.

clusive , :aldi cx(ethnic) identity l Sri Lankan y. On the one guistic problem, im, ji Fify'?, COThe both ethnic 1 However, as jtech 3 bDWe US the argurtı ents in this-paper altic Il is Flot a 0Ile bult 3.180 Silllllll CLlLLTē
ad specifically apt of Sihadipa
challviliSil torities. In partcited Dharmla
Lk t the Report of the of Railways . . . ald Halibankoyed in large
numbers to the prejudice of the people of the islaIrid - Sons of the soil, who contribute the largest share. Both Wen Kahawatte Ananda and a new entrant to the controversy, Minuwangoda D. Liyanage, believed that Dharmapala's sentiments were justified. Liyanage, in particular, characterized the (early twentiehcentury) minority leadership as loyal colonial lackeys who would have come under incvitable attack during Dharmapala's anticolonial campaign: The shot intended for the crocodile often
strikes the birds who prey on the crocodile's back. That is the fate of those who cat the
filth on the back of Crւյցիtitle's. The image of parasitic scawenger birds clearly disparages the minorities — very likely, privileged and opportunistic Tamils.
(To be continued)
- Τία Αέrηπίί με π. 1don: NLB) 4): FroFF Red a "S). 8): 'Social Change," pg-Sprialism, pr .5.f(F.Wם IringsחW" arles Abey5ekera Citon Ligts A 550:11–
354): The Propher 77-1927 (Londón: Frሮss). 59): The Propher 92-1929 (London: Press). 53): The Propher 129-194ք (London: Press).
Réforo Sfalffffr
of Sir Derri. i), 20): The Harder
is A Challenge. To riad Safefjo, Wol.
.321-350 - קרן ,0
Se red Parks,
II, WCl2 (Moscow:
Selected Parks, on, Wol. (Moscow:
51): The Rrrrtiary ifi]] of 1. #Hihirriti ? sity of Michigan
Cրբiral, WՃl. 1, Liel MDCTC and MD5ըtյW: Foreign
HOLISE), gels, Frederick: -volute edition, gress Publishers).
Trotsky, Leon (1945): The Repolarfor Befray'er, translated by Max Eastman (New York: Pioneer Publishers).
Trotsky, Leon (1957): The History of of rhéto Rirsi fari Reira fi fiar, - translated by Max Eastman (Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press).
India's. . .
(Сол тілшегі” froнi page – 8)
(London: Mäenillan & Co. Ltd. 1973), p. 14. 2. The Hindru (international weekly
edition), January 27, 1990, p. 1. 3. The Government of India appointed
La LLLLLLLL LLaHHHH HHHLLC L S S 000 LL KLLaL LLLLLLS LLLLLL aL LLLLLLLLH LLLa IIlake necessary recommendations, Its report Wis virtually rejected by the opposition parties no sooner then it was released in 1988. 4. Editorial in The Hird international weekly edition), February 10, 1990, p. 8. Incidentally it appears that the presidGit of the Union was consulted, and his "counsel appeared to have weighed in the final decisions." Surely the concerned chief ministers were consulted, insLead 严 'imposing" the governors {p. 1). 5. For Cxample, for the High Court See K. K. Abdij V. LUri for of India, A.I.R. 1965 Kerala 229, and Rad Birer fra Sirigi v. Urriar cof Fricilia, A.I.R. Punjab and Haryan a 44-I, For the Supreme Court, Srare of Raja1.firsgard: 2thers II w. Urriar of Irudira, A, I.R. 1977 CSC 13:51, 6 See Harggyfrid E. Raghriker Tilak,
AIR. 1979 SC II 0,9 g || || || 7. Krishna K. Tummala “Democracy Triumphant: The Case of Andhra Pradesh,' Assar Surrey, 26: 3 (March1986), pp. 378-95. 8. The Hinder (international weekly edition), January 5, 1991, p. 2.

Page 27
WITH TAHE BES:
ELEPHANT HOUS
OUALITY AT AFF
NO, 1 JUSTICE A
COLOM
 

CO/WPLMMEWS
E SUPERMARKET
ORDABLE PRICES
KBAR MAWATHA
BO-2.

Page 28
STILL LEADING
Mr. William Thompson ob and established the first
in this island on 01st June 1841.
He called it “ Bank of Ceylon '' That was 150 years ago,
but that was not we.
We opened our doors in 1939
only to capture our rightful place in Banking
and are proud to say tha LEAD
Over the years banking profession
shared our expertise and BANK OF CEYLON became Sri Lanka’s SANDHURST TO BANK
 

tained a Royal Charter Joint Stock Commerical Bank
t we still
ERS.
of Ceylon
ers to the Nation