கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Lanka Guardian 1993.03.15

Page 1
Vol. 15 No. 22 March 15, 1993 Price Rs. 10.0
IDENTITY
Kunnar fau
HOW TO RE-STR
Gama ni
HUMAN
Mary Ra
ENVIRONMEN
Adouglas M.
THE SOVIET
Sunit Ch.
FAREWELL TO
Mervyn
 

CONFLCTS
pesinghe
UCTURE THE UN
Corea
RIGHTS
pbinson
T: ACCUSE ra
filleke
i GOLLAPSE
Ikra warty
e Silva

Page 2
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Page 3
TRENDS
Privatising them all
Fifty-fivo estates were left over When 22 private companies bid for and were given the mariagerreraf of starte owned plantations. The companies did na want these 52 because they did not consider her viable enterprises. The government handed over 449 other estates which the private companies италred.
Ναινε αμμαrεπτίν (Miε rενη αίηing 52 are ! lou l'a rired. Ac
cording to Plantation Ministry sources the μriίναι ε sector is showing "a great irléré5 !" fit fher1. They
I do will be privatised shortly,
Lawyers too for freedom
No government should be per- irred to ride rough-shod over the rights of the freedom of the media, said a press release from the SLFP Lawyers Association. Safeguarding the freedom of the media is an absolute necessit", said the release.
The Statement was in stipport of the satyagraha pla 77 med for March II in Colombo by the Democratic Movement for Media Free dorp. The SLFP Lawyers Association called on all lawyers fri Sri Lanka to join the movement and support the campaign for media freedorn.
People's Alliance A "People's Alliance' had been formed by five opposition political parties. The official marie: Podlau Wara Eksaith Pieramura, The parties are the SLFP, LSSP, CP, SLMP, and
(Confinitedoл page 4)
Briefly
CONTRACT
Notorious un arc killing ea days with soph pons, accordin forcement office hawe trickled d conflict region: and east. They for contTract ki narcotics trade
Police and II quoted in the that the weapo to the hands ( figures through deser tcrs.
HIT SOU COLO
Security for mi1 and Musli1 in Colombo w; following repc LTTE killer sq ped into Col them. Security fied them as LTTE's Rapid
Among the t lieved to be Douglas Dewana cade M.H.M.
WOMEN'S
*SUPPR
Opposition Lc mawo Banda Ta' meeting in c. International that working W had been slipp present govČrni laws had bec) she said, and T had followed th open economy

W.
' K L M GS
derworld gangs the other Hesse listicated weag to law criTs. These ärms Own frol the 3 of the Illo Tth are being used llings and in
гivalгу.
lilitary officers Isla TI bclieve Ins had gotinif underworld security forces
ADS, IM MBO
opposition Ta--|| in MPs living as beefed up rts that an Iad had slipombo to get Sources identi-adres of the
Attack Force.
argets are be. EDPD lede lda and SLMC Ashraff.
RIGHTS
ESSED
der MTs Sirialike told a
nection with
Women's Day omen's rights "essed by the Lent. Labour disregarded, any set-backs go WernmeIt's bolicy.
CONTENTS
News Background 2 The Last Talk with Kittu E. Womes Day 6 Identity Conflicts 8. Апппезty. Report (3) Ràform of UN 16 Man, Rivar and Engineers 19
PEACE MARCH The Sri Lanka South India Interfaith Pilgrimage for Peace and Life - 1993 will com. plete its 230 kilometre peace In arch in Colombo on April 8.
NO BENEFIT
A pamphlet distributed in upcountry by the “lindian Origin Oppressed People’s Council' asks the question: "How have the plantation workers benefited by the privatisation of estates?' The pamphlet was distributed on the eve of CWC boss (and cabinet minister) S. Thondaman's recent visit to those regions. The CWC supported thic privatisation and had assured the workers of a better deal.
The Council' alleges that today the workers are worse
off. What has the CWC leadership got to say, asks the pamphlet.
LAN FRA
GUARDAN
Wol. 15 NO 22 March 15, 1993 PTCG HE. D. DO Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing
Co. Ltd. No. 245, Union Place, COOTEO-2 Editor: Mervyn da Silva
Telephoпв; 447584
Printed by Ananda Press B2M E Sir Rataj Oth i SäT WELUttLII Ma Watha, Colombo 13. Tapole: 435975
Domocracү апd thв
Soviet Collapse (3)

Page 4
MORE JAM-U/ THAN WAR-V
Meirw yn de Silva
he LTTE supremo, Welupillai Prabhakaram is a pure
bred Imilitarist who has demanstrated his prowess to the world by denying victory to one of the world's largest aflies while also displaying a ra Te talent for cold-blooded, unbridled terror, Lately however the guerrilla leader has also understood the neel for jaw-jaw in the Imıdst
of war-war. The pasti month is a fair example.
Bishop Kenneth Fernando's
conversation with Prabhakaran in Jaffna was the first clear signal. II bis interwiew with the BBC's Colombo correspondent the message to the Sri Lankan governInent was loud and clear....' Time to talk''. Why the new line? The LTTE is under presu Te - first from the people , f Jaffna peninsula who must bear all the hardships (Bishop Fernando too observed this) and the Tamil professional C. Juss which has to Lamely accept the Wartime restrictions on personal, intellectual freedon; secondly, a better equipped Sri Lankan army's operations, and thirdly increasing coordination of ColombiDelhi approach to the Eelam insurgency, which has led to joint surveillance of Palk straits, the LTTE's main supply route and II cans of infiltration oli a politically troubled and confused Tamilnadu. It is possible that LTTE strategists regard the last factor as the biggest setback.
FLASH: Despite, LTTE denials, the
While the SAARC should estimated, the B by President PTime Millistcl] prise has result change in Indo1:1titյI18 whicի է sharply after Columbo summit For, the ministe cd Tamilmadı. H a majог wоггу. security agencies of filler Prime Gandhi, co-auth Sri Lanka AccůT ted a serius : to India's Sruth Defence Establis describe it. The military' in coi Rather | it is fide. extremist politic: large Indian stat Inilitant organis tend support to the basis of ethi allegiance. When (bT the Hi1 dill : h E swept by violenc the BJP and its I 11entalist' a llics of a link-up bet and extremist Ta groups make Del Beside, a laoseni betweel i Chief TT
tha "S ATTOMIK T at the centre, h; pained by signs
Indian
suspects in the Bombay terrorist

Contribution of not be underudha Gaya wisil Prella dasa and Rao's Warm resed in a SeaSri Lankan relad deteriorated the lb)TEiwe in äte 199. ir Rao, a disturbla di always been For the Indian , the assasination Minister Rajiv or of the Ind"d, hadi Tepresensecurity threat" 2rn flank, as the himent likes to ! threat is Tlt lweInitional tecTITS. -stabilisation' by all groups in this e; extremist and tions which exthe LTTE on hic identity and lTther Ti Ildia artland has bec e promoted by Hindu fundathe possibility We le LTTE I ll il ma ti inalist hi quite incrwolus. ng of the liaison Linister Jayalali1d the Congress LS been accom
of Closer con
press Continues to placa
bomb blast.
tacts between the ruling Taimil
na du party and BJP supportgгошps.
In short, the post-Ayodhya
domestic turmoil and violence, have prompted Delhi to reexamine “national security“. In this agonising re-appraisal, closer between India and its small southern neighbour, Sri Lanka, is seen as a priority. All this puts the LTTE in a tithter
COTT.
Prabhaka ram's BBC interview should be assessed i, Lhis wider context. He adopted a moderate, Conciliatory position, talking of pel CC stålks and fedeTälism, rather than “Eelam’o a separatic state. What is more, he was making a clear pitch for western support, not excluding benign interwention'". When the BBC hac Prcsident P'Temladása at the Other end of the line: it its radio phone-in program, this question tended to dominate the proceedings. “What is necessary is not just expressing a desire. He (Prabakharan) must cooperate
with those who are trying to find a political solution, Why can’t le submit is his own pro
posals?'' Of coursc Mr. Prabhakaran will пut submit апy pгоposals. He does not wish Lo drop the + " Eelam”* demandi until the fight is over, one way or
another but hopefully his way. What he - and more so, his tire "troops' – Want now is breather.
it аппопg top

Page 5
The UNP has had a long breather, from the time the Mangala Moonesingha motion for an all-party committee, was tabled; a respite in ideal conditions, a resolution to discuss the national questin in a allparty parliamentary Select Cornmittee, chaired by a respected moderate of the main Opposition
рагty.
A quasi-federal solution on the Indian model was what the Committee finally recommended - not enough for the moderate Tamils, much too little for the militants (or ex-militants) and not worth the paper it is written on for the Tigers'
And so, back to the front.
The other parallel front" is international, pressure from the Western governments and donors. from th: World Bank and IMF distressed over rising defence budget, and the influential western NGO's operating through NGOsupported groups in the island. The European and the Commonwealth countries, Canada, Australia etc, hawe a stake in the problem and is negotiated
settlerimet. Re grant i C) III Iluli a major proble - in lost of
almost all hit 1 "alien' preser Workers and ref after Yugoslavia turbing recrudes Ilti-fascism and
Allianc
圍 ring
Th, c — SLFP—led
ance - SLFP, L (YP) and DJV major factor ir еquation. Aпd creasingly acquirt fica Ilce as the three key electi Parliamentary There was a discussioInı – Cerri tr in which each The question governing par Ly" tage of picking Contest - 10t
polls but which
of course is no paгliamentaгу ап unless the quest pшгliаппепtaгy by this there is o' пHkЕГ РTeside Ti
TRAVELLER
Traveler, the path is your footsteps, nothing more. Traveller, there is no path: оле лтаќes a path in wа/king. In Walking one makes a path,
and turning to look back, One sees a path that never Wils one return to tread. Traveller, there is no path. there's only a boat's Wake in the si
== A MTO MIO MACHA
Trans. Reggia Sїr/wаго'є

fugees, -- and misties häWe, becum1ẽ
|11 = EWEI1 111EI1El:L:: these Countries, by recession. The 1Ce of Imigrant Jugees, particularly has seen a discence of racism' Wiolence. 口
e in the
| sive party alliSSP, CP, SLMP P- is now a any clectoral that will ine political signirun-up to the oms: Provincial, Lind Presidential. title when the 'cd o La Lithe order Will be held. there was the s tactical Edwanthe arenal of the just provincial province. This t true of the d the presidential, ion relates to a -election. In all nly one decision
Premiada.Sa.
ܨ
this for lation is
The popular view is that the President will hold provincial polls, picking Sabaragamuwa or the NWP or both as the 'starter. He will pick the province where the UNP is likely to win a clear majority, and then let the psychological impact of that help the party the proWinces where the UNP is challenged strongly not just by thic SLFP or the Alliance' but the DUNF e.g. Central Province and western. What is worth watching is the contribution of the DUNF to the old two-party battle.
Mrs Bandaranaike, and her loyalists, have won the fight against the Anura group. Not a single leading personality of the Anura faction - Haleem Ishak, Mahimd:1 Rajapakse, C. W. Gunaratnc, Tilak Karunaratne, S. L. Gunasekera has found a place in the Exective Committee. While the formation of the Alliabice' is a decisive victory for Mrs. B. (and indirectly Chandrika and her supporters) the pringram of likely to introduce severe strains - on the ethmic issu c - with the Maha Sangha and the M.E.P., and on the economic issue, with thic party's conservative financiers, who are nervous that the Left
allies will demand a programmatic compromise.
Trends. . .
(Corfirized frary1 page I) DJ WP. The tely as a rice will
cortest the Provincial Council elections expected this year.
Political gangwars
In two days recently Colombo had six underworld killings. One of the garlsters killed had earlier been rained in correc. tion With the as Sault o 77 jourrialists at the Fort Railway Station and the knifing of the Aththa cartoonist Jiffry Yoonoos.
As ar ISLAND ediforfa7l sa iad a disturbing element in these incidents is that these crimi. rials are now able to connard Sophisticated equipment and also enjoy the patro7iage of Po hverful politicians,

Page 6
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Page 7
The Last Talk with Ki
C. Suriyakumaran
ow that the dust may hawe Ν settled from the aftermath of Bishop Kenneth Ferna ndio’s wisit to Jaffna and the death of Kittu, I fell I may sel down the following thoughts which came to mind from ITly last neeting with Kittu, on the essential nature of the NorthEast question and its solution,
as he saw them. Amidst the general vituperation that goes round sometimes, readers may
be surprised to notice the nature of these wiews.
In Order to do this WC Illust, first, on all sides, learn to lock at the undoubtedly horrible killings, injustices and sufferings that have gone on all these years, in their correct light. Wiewed thus, they are not a condemnation of one side or the otter, but condemnation of War itself. Wars everywhere, have created crimes of the first order, beyond the straight shooting with rifle in open battle. As much as some Si Inhalese talk low of the crueltics of Tamil fighters, the Tamils know of equal cruelties of Sinhala Security forces when the Tamils were also defen Celess. We hawe to sct these asidc. We hawc Lo fight War itself- only possible by honestly accepting its causes.
In all other matter, one recalls that Prabikarun had been even admired by large elements of Sinhalesc, for his single-minded courage, confronting the lPKF with such tenacity, eventually, with thc: Sri Lanka I GCW e Tilment support, succeeding in the IPKF withdrawing completely. In that phase, there was no equal Sinhala perception of LTTE expectations in a post—IPKF North-East; and no perception of what real Devolution should be.
The Horifer is a ris:sfrig proses för ar he rivery of Colorio grid af
L. S. E.
This backgrou tial setting for t With Kittlu, - alirn ( I met him in ilı Londotrı, dificult in Sri they were much after; and my carry cither an personalised I could be seen ing ground for thereafter left had hoped to with hili III dul wisit, to Londo. period however, the U.K; and their, since hi sought before a lished.
With his de; Iced for sense by all of us in ut now the e: saw as the pr way to solve it scien below, he title when the bic a Separate just one count of the thinking forward and was as follows:
One, they h; have nothing, ha lese people.
Two, the op tTust and Co: Tallils from t were so Wasted Government:5, used to supp 11:tוךbT 50 שחטיוו
(a) ii SEքaI community and
(b) resistence their only choi
From then, COTI e StOne, a e5 Te it their
"Peace was fighting, but that they wo pcate"|

ttu
In di Was the essenhe exchange I had his responses. the spring of '91 The times WeTe Lanka, not that better before or purpose Was to
interview, or a 'eport, of what as possible meet
solution. Having f) the US I finalise my talks ring my second
I. During that he had to leave the latter rested is clearance was inything was pub
alth and the dire to be 5 Li Imm moned the country, I set sence f what he "oblenn, and the Surprisingly, as even foresaw a Te Illeed mot even North-East but ry. The essence was wery straight meaningful. It
ad nothing, and against the Sin
portunities to win fidence of the Le very early years
by the Sinhala and the Ileans ress the Tamils
that atc identity of,
arca; and
2 by force became C
Security was their ind the Illegins to
condition."
ct cessa Lil of lasting assurance ulil be left in
- -
Three, while they would resist as long as was necessary, they must assert that they were for peace; they were not just trigger happy people. After all it was, more than any other group, the Tamil people who had suffered the most.
Four, the essential negotiation Illust be lot try declare the Sinhalese and Tamils as two entirely separate peoples, apart, and for ever divided; but to recognize the Sinhalese and Tamils as two clearly identifiable peoples (we already call them two Communities) who now have to find the way of peaceful exis tEl Cit.
Five, the way for the Sinhalalese to forge National Unity therefore was to start from the basis of this situation, which was real because it was true, and establish a system of both,
(i) a viable autonomy for the Tamils (not necessarily Eelam) and
(ii) аттапgements for cooperation between Sinhalese and Tamils, which, further, will then give both satisfaction, and the basis, for keeping the country
S OT15.
He had no difficulty with all being considered part of Sri Lanka; but difficulty certainly, with a permanent Sinhala majority government running the affairs of Tamils as if they effectively represented them!
There was nothing wrong in accepting that this was not just an exercise in devolution, but on the specific problem of the North-East: because, after all, that was the problem.
Six, there was no question of people living separately. They were newer against Sinhala peoplc voluntarily, settling amongst thcm; only against State organized Colonisätion.
Seven, with the European Common Market on a wave of success, he referred optimistically to the way those totally independent countries, which hawe in fact been at War
(Corted ரா நge 23)

Page 8
woMENS DAY
Why Human Rights Ma
Mary Robinson
has been a special privilege for Ine to attend this conference and to act as your general rapporteur, especially at an interregional and intert-Cultural meeting attended by experts from many parts of the globe and by a broad spectrum of the human rights community comprising independent experts, NGOs and government representatives. I assume this role with enthusiasm for two reasons. Firstly, I all conscious that the Iloillent is ripe for momentous change. The collapse of ideological barriers and the conversion of formerly authoritarian regimes to democracy imeans that Illot only has freedom become a reality to millions of people but that new opportunities for consensus as to the way forward for more ef. fective ways of promoting and protecting human rights are within olur grasp. There is a palpable feeling of good will - which was evident from the to It of the discussions - that CCITpels us to the realisation that we must seize the day. At the samme tithe, as Madame le Secreaire General has emphasised in her opening address, there is a sense of urgency. On the onc hand, there are signs of disilusion and resignation in Eastern Europe after the dissipation of understandable euphoria. On the other, we are confronted with cour own impoteace to prevent the atrocities that are occurring on our doorstep in former Yugoslawia, or to combat the hunger, powerty, intolerance, religiClus extremism and violence which a Te Luishering in the da Will of the 21st Century.
Secondly, I share with you a firm and tested belief in the power of ideas. Human rights are no longer the preserve of visionaries. They are pressing
Ms. Rains or re. Presider of reMaria, ya F gerrera rapparfer, a'r rhe recert CarIncil of Europe Cayerence
ர Huriar Rigதி.
concerns which Televant to the human being. T of the hul Ima Tri teaches us that, the political omnipresent obst the gross inequ: and the daily pression that su ternational legal giving specificity of denocracy, fact lead to th of peoples lives. a quantum leap all relations that es. CT TÜ lõng they treat thei their own busin duty to protect wediם yוחט tסח within its jurisd international co whole.
It is a tribute skill and experi ticipants in the such a rich tap and proposals h wer the last Te interpreted my of a listcher ra of an expert, w highlight the ima insights Lihat hav
I find the IE ning to be enti for the occasion to Cather 5 is çe perceptic yn of W. A Te all about. wery carefully have a duty to listen especially voices are rarely sertive - the po lised and the those NGOs tha behalf Il 50 di strate in the Sir effective maint respect for the — а, геошiтеппепt of human rights show ourselves so, our intellectl

tter
a Te Wital and lives of every he brief history ights movement notwithstanding lifficulties, the zacles fo change, lities of wealt El burden of oprounds us, instandards, by to the concep: can, and do in Le improvernent It is already in internationtoday countrir say that how inhabitants is ess. The state's human rights is tō i'r diwiduals iction but to the }IIlmunity as a
to the talents, 2nce of the parconference that estry of ideas as been Woven W days. " li have WT. Tilt as that †her than tät hose task is to in propos als and i'e emerged.
:taphor of listerely appropriate since listen ing tral to Iny own hat human rights We must listic
Lllers. We do so. We must to those whose adequately asr, the margin ahandicapped cor to speak on their oing We demonnplest but most ir possible - our dignity of others at the very root . If We do Ilat capable of doing !al cũ11 tributio Ti.
to devising more effective responses to human rights issues risks being out of tune with the real dimensions of the problems facing us.
Seweral obserwations of a general Ilhatu Te Illust be Imale at the outset. The first relates to the fruit of the last World Conference in 1968 - the Proclamation of Teheran - since it provides an important indication of the magnitude of thic tasks facing the international community. So many of the human rights problems identified in the Proclamation, in areas such as equality, gross wilations, development and illiteracy, are still with us - some perhaps in a more virulent form. Such is the gap between precepts and practice, affecting many millions of people, it is tempting to succumb to despair. But this would not be an appropria Le respon Se. We must see the Proclamation as an important staging post in the growth of international concern for human rights which underscores the need for continuous reappraisal hf olur cffort 5 i m i : Tı anını cır which is both self-critical and realistic. We should also acknowledge our achic Wellents since 1945 in thic form of standard setting and in Lhe EstablishITlent Of effective regional systems such as the European Cinvention on Human Rights, or the creation of preventive mechanisms such as the more recent European Convention for thic Prevention of Tarture which is steadily proving its influence in examining conditions of detention. But here also selfcriticism and self-assessmelt a Te of the essence.
In the second place wc should ask ourselves what we expect fril the World Conference, Our expectations should be rea listic. The Conference is not likely to take operational decisidorns which lead Lo instal Int ilprovement. Rather, it can create the condition for future changes

Page 9
by indicating a new direction or providing a fresh impetus. Hopefully it will lead to an increased priority for human rights in the United Nations. Most important of all, perhaps, it ought to be used by the entire human rights community in the widest sense as an occasion for stimulating public awareness about human rights. Rio must come to Wien na. The patience and ca Te that must be taken to instil these values in the public conscience has been described by Waclav Havel, in a characteristically poetic maner, as a labour of lowe:
*Je crois qu'il faut apprendre a attendre comme on apprend a creer. Il faut semer patiemment les graines, arroser avec assiduite la terrc ou elles sont senees et accorder aux plantes le temps qui leur est propre.
On ne peut duper une plante, pas plus qu'on ne peut duper l'Histoire. Mais on peut l'arroser. Patiemment, tous les jolurs. Avec comprehensio Iı, avec humilite, certes, mais aussi a WTC amou T.”"
PROPOSALS FoR ACTION
But I must now be more specific about the fruits of our own labours. I perceive six arcas where there is consensus as to decisions that should be taken by the World Conference.
First, it should re-affirm the lasic principles of the universality and indivisibility of human rights, recognising once more that violations are of legitimate concern to the international comunity.
Second, it should re-affirm the principle that human rights are best protected by national institutions in the context of a legal and political culture supportive of human rights.
Third, it should examine ways of improving effective implementation of international human rights standards.
Fourth, it should recognise and endorse the role played by NGOs in the promotion and protection PTOCE55,
Fifth, it shot democracy, plu! for human rig for social and
til Illt,
Sixth, it sh propriatic mea: the promotion economic, soci rights.
AFFIRMATION UNIWERSALT INDIWISIBILIT
There is ge a Timongst partici of the most in the World Col to stress yet ag sality and indiw rights, and to the Illinium is ed in humain T. are essentially and not approբ with different r Lural traditions thic arcas of W. rights of the c ath penalty. T Wedi i Inc.cd to I affi TTIn the ind that the protec tion of human for all states, their political, tural system, a inst the erosion accepted standa of regional “pa the same time phasise that wio rights are a le of the internati
The subyesi ple of univers: the wery found: mitment of the it Imunity to insi: 5t:A In dards. Arb disappearances the rights of c Contribute to ft ing a nation o ligious or cultura als Dr. Tirlichely ted in his pape further than rh g0 back to liste Light and effort to en riching til discourse by e.

ld recognise that alism and respect Its a Te essential conomic develop
uld examine ap
s of upgrading and protection of
il and cultural
OF
ANO f
neral agreement pants that one
portant aims of ference will be 1ain the uniwerisibility of human resist clails that tandards containights instruments Wester - in natuTe Iria Le to countries eligions and culparticularly in omen's rights, the hild and the dehere is a percei"e-SS CT to and Teispensable truth tion and promorights is a duty irrespective of economic or culind to guard agaof universally ridiš il the na Tnic rticularities'". At We should re-elllations of human gitimate concern onal community.
n of the princility undermines tions of the comInter maltin Tall comit on In inimum itrary detention, and violations of hildren edo not :eding and clothfurthering a rel traditions. But am has highlighr, We must go atoric. We must ning. More tho
must be given le human rights xplicit reference
to other non-Western religions and cultu Tal traditions. Bystracing the linkages between constitutional values on the one hand and the concepts, ideas and institutions which are Cem Lira 1 to Islam or the Hindu-Buddhist tradition or other traditions, the base of support for fundamentall rights can be expanded and the claim to universality windicated. The Weste Tin world has no monopoly or patent on basic human rights. We must embrace cultural diversity but not at the expense of universal minimum standards.
Another development of great significance to the issues of this Conference is the Women's Imovement world wide. We can learn from the ways in which women from the EuroCentric world and the World of the South hawe been coming to know one another. It is instructive to see low links : hawe been established between networks of women's organisations, and even more instructive to note the institutional approaches adopted which are open, enabling and participatory. Women have been finding new ways of relating and new voices, defining new roles or redefining old ones in a Imanmer which has a powerful message for all concerned with the promotion of human rights. The major themes of thc Women's movement - equality, development, violence against Women, and peace – have undergone significant changes as the Women's movements themselves have come to a deeper understanding of the implications of their concerns. In the process, men hawe often felt threatened - but not just Inc.n. Women have also felt threatened because change is always disturbing. The energies, the perspectives and the voices of women must be given a more central place and integrated fully into the hurlin it rights debate, not least to ensure the appropriate gender balance. It is through NGOs at national and international level that the voice of Women is increasingly heard. It is also an important reality that international mechanisms (Continued or page 10)

Page 10
ldentity Conflicts
Kшmar Rшpesiпghв (an interview)
Dawid Lord: A Te We confronted with a new World of disorder, rather than a new world
order
Kumar Rupesinghe: There's been a lot of talk about the new world order and I suppose we really need to clarify the issue. think that the new world order Teally began after the Second World War, when the United Nations was established. For the first time in the history of huIman civilisation governments were made accountable for human rights. A system evolved to deal with collective security and inter-static conflicts. This illternational system precedes the Cold War. The Cold War was basically an interruption, if you like, of a trend which was already established and developed within the UN aDd Telated bodies.
Of course, the post-Cold War period is a more turbulent era, because during the Cold War the Te was a kind of consensus on what were to be defined as conflicts. The evolution of the superpowers' destructive capabilities may have prevented an actual world War, but it also led to containment within the two Cold WaT polarities and the transfer of conflict by proxy to the Third World.
What we now see is a multipolar world where regional powers are exercising their hegeInony or asserting themselves. Coalition-building within such a multipolar world creates greater instability and new inter-state conflicts are likely to emerge.
Q: What are some of the dynamics of the surge in internal conflicts that we are seeing?
A: We're now confronted with 30 t. 40 conflicts Within the boundaries of individual nation -states. Some ethnic or identity
Dr. Rupes frige is Secretary-General of Infernarsonal ALERT).
disputes which the process of or those which Tated in the world - sleeping like —- a Te being general, nation and identity are points for polit In Africa and Seeing, along w democratisation, ethnicity, where all sides are res mobilisation as, forming - their sic Inocritic way.
In a way, ett a positive aspect tity and fosterii nation - but at it is potentially destructive to
T :55
Q: What oth plutCS are pron and militarisati
A: We also : governance and by the democrat — the question « cieties and how structures of leg ular participatio til SEE ITUTE COI sources, particula water, Tiver bas of forests.
We à 150 are , firms of Tacis.In the resurgence o Germany and T, new racism agai refugees elsewhe racism only bec: migrants and re: t Lhe West Fire those who a te ge into those societ their cultu Tc, hab with thc I spccific cultura which is at t problem. Lastly, are going to W1. America and El What We saw

hawe fillowed decolonisation, have been genepost-communist conflicts, if you reawakened. In a lism, ethnicity becoming focal cal mobilisation. elsewhere We're ith a wawe of a resurgence of politicians of orting to ethnic a means of transIcieties in a de
nicity has both - defining idenng self-determithe same time and actually very human life and lous suffering.
er types of disto escalation "חו
ive conflicts ovet those generated ic process itself if who rules sothey rule, the itimacy, of popn. We're likely flict5 wer reirly oil, but also ins, the control
cxperiencing new in the West: f neo-Nazism in Lanifestations of inst migrants and Te, T callit new use the kind of fugees that come not necessarily bing to integrate lies. They bring its and religions hink it is this | confrontation Le root of this I believe we iness in North Irope more of in Los Angeles
recently - urban violence triggered by a racist event erupting in a finderbox of structural Inequality.
Q: Evidently, the problems you describe are becoming mure urgent, Ilore complex and more difficult to deal with.
A: It's a mixed bag , really. I think we have to look at the positive achievements as welland they have been enormous. We're living in an age when governments are being held accountable for their in Lernal and cxternal policies for the first time and human rights standalds arc increasingly recognised as important values.
We have, secondly, a vast and expanding democratic zone, where there have been Ito wars between democratic States fort the last 70 to 80 years. The third point is that large areas of the world have somehow passed a particular conflict plateau. In the Pacific region, for example, there may be specific conflagrations, but the economic I imperative -growth and development – seems to be the most domiIlan feature for that entire region. There is a growing a ccep Lance of the idea hat conflict can and should be managed. The same principle is evident in Western Europe, the UniLed States and Canada.
Despite these positive signs, we're still faced with thic prospect of an estimated 40 civil wars in the coming decade, which are likely to involve about 10 per cent of the total world population. Currently the World is attempting to deal with refugee flows of about 40 million people, roughly 20 Inillion external refugees and 20 million internally displaced people. Given the new conflicts which are emerging in the former Soviet Union, in Af. rica, parts of South Asia and the Middle East, we could see that total figure of refugees and displaced people rising to 60 to 80 to 100 million in the future.

Page 11
Q: Why has the UN system failed to prevent or resolve these types of internal conflicts?
A: One reason is that the UN, in its concern for global security, has concentrated on building its capability to deal with inter-state War and has bec slow off the mark in respond
ing to the need to deal with internal conflict. The second is that the UN has inadcquate
machinery and mechanisms for the protection of minoritics. Thirdly — unlike with the process of decolonisation - it has no established Way to address issues of self-determination, except on a case by case basis, as with the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Without adequate machinery that allows groups to attain self-determination peacefully, violence becomes the sole alternative.
The UN Secretary General’s Agenda for Peace is an important contribution in this debate and needs to be studied. At the very least we are beginning to See al Illuch „Il Te CoheTeIt picture emerging of the role of the UN, which now takes into account the importance of early warning and prevention, peacemaking and peacebuilding. One area of difficulty is that the document stresses military forms of prevention - the use of police
and UN troops to keep two warring sides apart. We need to develop a global capability
for non-military prevention and peacemaking.
Q: How can non-governmental organisations complement traditional forms of multilate Tal and bilateral diplomacy?
A: Clearly, the NGO community has progressively built up a comparative advantage in the way that it can deal with conflict. In recent years there's been a spectacular growth of this third system'. What is unique about the third system has been not only its growth but its ability to be low-cost, flexible and responsive - cutting across bureaucracies and being
able to reach W fectively.
With the en Маг а пшПlђег taria co III Ilulil ing and reshapi aches to take it fact that whili Inuclear holocul hed, the huma in Iomic costs of mounting. Ther
appreciation of
consequences of human rights, development, foi for the struggli and illiteracy, f. ing. At the s lieve that I list NGO com Illumi that the only through a pooli tion and huma
SICS.
Q: How din enwolwing in thi
A: Where I
tiопа Alert she a facilitator of 5 Lihat the Coð Ti toward building flict prevention involves creati the kind of fr; may be necesse prevention, Imot NGO communii the UN, the dies, and indivic Sometimes the be5t Wehicle foi terwention to I At other title: NGO. What W. See in the futu ter shared diwi which takes inti lective strengths of each of thes
Q: Presumab going to intervic warning that th tial disa ster in
A: The intel has developed a system which human rights We ccd to Wi systern of wictin

ictiTills Timore : ef
i of the Cold of these humani. ties are rethinkng their appronito account the - the risks of a st have di IminisSocial and ecoiIntèTIna 1 W:ıTs, arc e is a growing the hlOTTc Illus
interal wat for
for deilocratic r refugee flows, : against disease bt adequate housallic time, I beTellbers of the ly would agree
Way forward is Ing of informatl and physical
you sec Alert is context
believe Intern}աltl fit ill is is these coalitions 1 ITh unity caT1 Work an effective ch capability. This Ig and refining ameworks which iry for conflict only within the ty, but also with international bolual governments. UN may be the " a particular inTevelt viole Ice. 5 it may be an e would like to re is a much betsion of labour, account the Cùland weaknesses E SELittlTS,
ly, whoewer is Inc needs early ere is a potenthe making.
"national system ower the years as responds to gross violatih 15, WHät Tk 01 TOW is
prevention.
One promising avenue is to develop fact-finding as a means of preventing violence. By this I mean that fact-finding missions do not go to a conflict Tegion after the conflict has fared up, but you send missions earlier on so that the mission can begin to talk with the parties concerned and the mission report can b c a basis for dialogle.
We also I would like to contribute towards setting up mechanisms for early warning. Alert will call on experts from dif. ferent regions of conflict to give us a better picture of conflict dynamics and conflict scenarios. Thc = scholars and analysts hawe bcem lokiting at the social indicators and developing data bases with which they hawe tried to establish a predictive capacity. That should be effectively linked with grassroots networks within the regions which have a more experiential and in tuitive knowedge of the dynamics and dimensions of a specific conflict. Critics can always say, What is the point in having early war
ning if nobody is going to do anything about it?" Obviously, the actors who arc in a posi
tion to do something about a particular conflict need to be drawn in to thicse discussions on what the data is telling us at an early stage.
Alert is working with various kinds of networks, such as the Interal Conflict Resolution Network (ICON) and we are trying to encourage scholars and acti. wists from within the regions to start analysing and acting on their own conflicts. Eventually this will result, I hope, in regular meetings between experts and networks which will provide a clearer picture of conflict dynamics and an ongoing forum that could play a part in defusing disputes.
Q: What is International Alert doing to foster training for speople who would be directly in. wolved in conflict mediation, or resolution in particular areas of the World

Page 12
* A: Training can take many
forms. It can be workshops on
1)Il-WibleInCe, Cori gC0WCT D3A11CC, CDT)
negotiations, on conflict trans
formation. Training could be
taking people out of a violent conflict situation, training them and then sending then back. It could involve outsiders going into conflict regions and training local communities in being less passive and more active in developing forms of engagement, Im mamy wiolent conflicts. civilians get passive very quickly and they leave the terrain to the armed protagonists. Onc. goal is to get the civilian po pulations to develop forms of accountability, either for government or for guerrilla misbehaviour - essentially empowering local tԼյIIIllurlities.
There is a notion, particularly in the West, that training is a question of going to another cultural area orto a nother conflict area and just transferring the skills which one may have learned in a different cultural setting. It's not that. Skills and knowledge must be transmitted in a culturally acceptable way. We need to look at the ellements of the local cultures and the knowledge base there which can also be utilised for training. The real task is to assist people in developing their own resourCes for conflict transformation.
Q: Is there a model grassroots mediator or facilitator?
A: No, not at all, The skills and background needed are Common to a wide Tange of people - from religious communities, from the business community, from universities, from among young people Basically, people are needed who have the ability of communicating to nonlikeninded people. TTaining doesn't mean that you go and train people who think like you. Llt means Crossing cultu Tal bärriers, reaching out to Buddhists. to Muslims, to Hindus, to other cultural communities with their specific identities, different languages and different aspirations.
O
Q: What susta that events a Te overwhel in the g sources that exis
A: Over time, eliminated many tions of barbaris ains as onc of cult and pressin art from powerty violence, is the as a means of flicts. But al Te enormous cultur; veloped to enab solve conflicts W. to wiolencc. The eIndoLIS WAT WCä parts of the wo
I see wiclect mic. To preWel an epidemic ma and institution: There are exper ganisations, ord 11 kids of { same way with
The first thin criITinalisc Witle resolve disputes. do note work զuestion of mi the sale of eth particularly the small arms in ties. Framework need to be bui be able to ta such as self-dc.
We also nes action by NGC) tחטintergovernm populations to totally eradicate
If thic none in the internati to develop a r coalition to el as a means of can be sustain celerated, I firi epidemic can b the diseas tra next 20 years.

hins your belief
not going to Qədiyi 11 and Tet
humankind has many instill1. What Telthe minst diffig, problems, apand structural use of vile çe Tesolving Conady there's an
which has dele people to Telithout resorting
tre's also a tem.
riness in many Tld.
: as an epide1t ot eliminate пy, many people S Te involved. "Ls, doctors, li rinary people - Itities. It's the violenice.
g to do is to nCC as a Willy to We need to On the Whole litarisation and Lal Weapons and proliferation of arious communiis and institutions It for penple to lk about issues
crimination.
2d a decade of
'S, gWernments, all bodies and reduce and then
W.
1 tum Lhalt exists onal community new and effective iminate wiolence
resolving conflict ed and cwen acnly believe this e contained and dicated within the
Why Human. . . . . . (Canfred sram page 7)
for protecting human rights are subsidiary to the national system. Human rights are better protected at home subject to the system of outer-protection afforded by international bodies. We should, however, be careful to ensure that the existence of international Inlechanisms is not used as a pretext i for failu Te to
take appropriate mea Sillres at
natio Tina l lewell.
Stätes should eI15u Te: that ef
sective national remedics exist
in respect of human rights vio
lations. The incorporation of treaty standards into national law is one important way of
ensuring adequate judicial protection but also of contributing to the formation of a legal cultute more sensitive to human rights concerns. Judicial protection is, however, not enough. It needs to be supplemented by a variety of national agencies each with a | Imandate of promotion and protection.
On thic Cother hand, attentio II should be given to the nurturing of a human rights Culture which is indispensable for the proper operation of national laws änd institutions. The Tole of the actors of civil Society —- such as thc ITıedia, trade LInions, NGOs - so often the first targets of totalitarian regimes, - was considered essential to the formation of this culture and ultimately to the extent of human rights awareness. Of special inportance in this context is human rights education in Schools and in professional training especially for officials responsible for key sectors such as prisons or the sccurity forces. Assistance programmes for newly emerging democracies also play an importamt i role.
The World Conference should give a new inpetus to the national dimension and explore ways of generating financial Support for education initiatives and for the widest possible distribution of basic human rights texts in the different languages.

Page 13
АлилуEsтү REPoят (з)
Creating a climate
The HRTF is "willing to monitor, the safe release of detainees, but usually cannot do so because it is not generally given prior notification of releases. However, as mentioned above release procedures have generally improved anyway.
As mentioned above, the HRTF also maintains a list of "disappeared' prisoners. This list is compared with the names of those registered during Justice Soza's visits to places of detention in the hope that some may be traced. The annual report of the HRTF list 93 people who had reportedly 'disappeared' and who were subsequently found to be in detention. In some of these cases, however, Amnesty International understands that the prisoner's whereabouts was already known to relatives. Amnesty International believes that some reports of arrests made to the HRTF may have been presumed to be 'disappearances', when this was not the case. In other cases, however Justice Soza has intervened promptly on learning of a recent "disappearance' and quickly traced the whereabouts of the missing person.
Amnesty International again urged the Sri Lankan Government to abide by the Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions. These principles were endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly on 15 December 1989, and clearly state that extrajudicial executions cannot be justified by a state of war, internal political instability or public emergency. They prowide numerous safeguards to prevent extrajudicial executions, including deaths in custody, and set clear standards for the investigation of extrajudicial executions. Amnesty International also recommended that the government establish a review of the command and control structures in
the security for culaT attention
home guards an forces; that a tive control be
the issuing of lians font self-deadequate trainin that independent inquiry investig rights violations: hawe orde Ted, con red up human rig brought to justi that the results
into humän r should be made
Inquiries of have been held tances of extrau reported since Jill a new acknowl government th: human rights wi. deed been coli one case - the killings of Junt Commission of with powers to ses and compel that an adminis with lesser powe to reprisal kil guards in Polon and police inv reported into la reprisal killings. ment spokespersť International tha Inission of Ind appointed prima Kokkadlich cholai generated a lal publicity. Amne believes that all rights violations dependently and westigated. Amn nal was also inf legislation has b Create a HuTT1al mission which investigate futul this kind. The parently awaitin; Wä1 before bei parliament.

Ces, giving parti
to the use of d other ancillary system of effecestablished over weapons to civiifence, and that g be provided; t commissions of Hte all huItlan
that those who 1 Titted or coveghts violations be Ce; and finally, of investigations
ights violations
public,
different ki mids
into several insdicial executinns 1e 1991, marking 2dgment by the at these grave lations have in
mitted. In only Kikkadichcholai : 1991 - was a
nզաiry appointed Sll Til Inn witnesevidence. After trative inquiry, TS, was held illlings by home naruwa District, :stigations were ter instances of A senior governin told Amnesty t the full CTuiry had been ily because the Tässacre i Hidd ge am Count of ty International cases of hullan should be inimpartially in:sty Internatio. TI med that draft :en prepared to Rights Cornwould probably e incidents of raft text is apcabinet approg put before
Following the reprisal killing by soldiers in June 1991 of at least 67 civilians at Kokkadichcholai, Batticaloa District, the government took the welcone step of appointing an independent Commission of Inquiry. The Inquiry found that the deaths had not resulted from cross-fire, as the military had claimed, but from 'deliberate retaliatory action" by soldiers. The proceedings were public, but the procedures employed by the Commissioners did not fulfil the standards required by the Principles on the Effective Prevention and InWestigation of Extra legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions. The Cimmissioners did not sub.
ject the military suspects to crois examination, countrary to Principle 10 which states that
"The investigative authi rity shall ... have the authority to oblige officials allegedly involved in any such executions to appear and testify." Amnesty inter. national expressed concern to the government about this short. coming, and about the fact that the 20 military suspects would be fried by a military tribunal, not a civilian court. The trial proceded before a military tri. bunal. None of the suspects were found guilty of murder. The lieutenant in charge was conyicted on the lesser charges of failing to control his troops and disposing of bodies illegally at the site of the massacre. The nineteen other soldiers were acquitt cd.
The inquiry into the Killings of Muslim and Tamil Villagers Polonnaruwa Pistrict in April 1992 was more limited in Scope than the Commission of Inquiry Pointed to investigate the Kokkadicholai killings. A threeperson committe consisting of retired Supreme Court judge, a Senior army officer and a senior police officer was appointed to investigate. As explained to NTT Desty International by a

Page 14
member of the committee, it was restricted to conducting an administrative inquiry and had no powers to summon witnesses and compel evidence. The conmittee found that home guards
had been responsible for killling 8 Tamil villagers at Muthugal and Karapola. This
attack was in response to the killing a few hours earlier by LTTE of 54 Muslim villagers at Alanchipothana. The committee criticised the local police for failing to take any revenLive action and for chasing away villagers who had come to them for protection. They also TeCOIIn Imended review of the h011e guard system and the issue of weapons to civilians (see below) They recommended that the police investigate the killings by the home guards and prosecute those responsible. A member of the committec told Amnesty International that about 17 people had been investigated, some of whom had absconded. Three have been charged with murder and are currently on bail pending trial.
In two further instances of reprisal killings police investigations were announced without any independent investigative body being appointed. The first took place at Mailanthanai in Batticala District on 8 August 1992, after northern commander Major General Denzil Kobbegalduwa a II, d nine other senior army and navy officers were killed by the LTTE on Kayts island, off the Jaffna peninsula, Sol djers from Promani C: Ilp, over 180 miles away from Kayts attacked and killed 39 Tamil mem, wo IThen and child Ten ait Maila Intha Thai. The Te h:1d bCCI) an attack on a local army and
police patrol about 10 days earlier resulting in the deaths of 33 servicemen. Amnesty In
Lernational was told that sixteen soldiers had been remanded to the custo ydy of the military
police following an identity parade, but that investigations were not yet complete. The
Soldiers were Impt known to hawe been charged by the end of the year. The second casc concer med
the reported ki of about 10 pe il Battical da October 1992. ter was reporte these killings gated by the p has been no ful about this.
Review of control struct
The inquiry
killings in Polic fund that the ргорег accountіг used by the h I10 prČOp) er i Wepons they u guards had b LTailed and i[1: t0 defend Willi attack by the LT recommended t control structur should be revie committee app er IIIT1 ent 0Il 30
landated to : and contral si to homeguards of anti-LTTE as Amnesty I recom Imeded. had not reache by the time of national's Wisit
Amnesty Inte Sri La Ilıka SaoT sacre by the L Muslim willage Polonna Tuwa Di The government navy commande Siliw to il Westi and to make on improving border areas. highlighted the government fac security to ci altea 5. Sonle Se munity were ca be issued more an 5 for use is mesty Internat the reponsibilit to provide secu an population, Weapons should Within a syste effective contit Uncontrolled is

lling by soldiers :ople at Welaveli
District on 24 The Prille Minis. d as saying that would be in Westiolice, but there rther i Ilfo II Thätico T
command and
TE8
into the reprisal innaruwa District Te had been mo ng of ammunition опne guards and control of the sed. The home een inadequately ufficiently armed ges against the ITE. The inquiry hat command and es of hollcguards wed. The review inted by the govJune 1992 was dון 1:Imוחסם שaminא ructures relating and armed cadres militant groups, International had The colliittee d any conclusions Amnesty Inter
rinational visited I after the misTTE of over 90 is in northern strict (see below). appointed retired r Admiral Ananda gate the killings recommendations security in thic The attack hal difficulties the tes in providing Willians in thics
tions of the colling for arms to widely to civilielf-defence. Amional recognises y of government rily to the civilibut believes that
only be issued in of strict and ol and L Talining.
sue of weaponry
could exacerbate violence and facilitate further gross violations of human rights, especially given the i çoIII Ilul Illi cha TaciteT of the present conflict.
Disappearances'
"Disappearances' have reduced both in number and in geographical spread during 1992. Nevertheless, the rate of "disappearances' remains high: govern
mental and non-governmental sources put the figure at 10 to 18 per month. "Disap
pearances" have only been reported from the east, to Arnnesty International's knowledge, especially Batticoloa District.
Almost all cases involye persons who 'disappeared in military custody. As in earlier years,
some prisoners "disappeared following cordon and search operations in villages; others
"disappeared" after being detai
ned in other circumstances. Examples are given below.
Amnesty International inter
viewed relatives of people who "disappeared' in 1992, as well as relatives of people who 'disappeared' in earlier years, some of whose cases were reported in Amnesty International's Sri Lanka - The Northeast. Hiiral rights violat fors ir a cortext of armed conflict. The government has not yet taken steps to investigate these earlier cases, even when there were thousands of witnesses I. the arrest in refugee camps of people who later "disappeared'. For example, 158 people Were reportedly arrested at the refugee camp at the Eastern University campus, Wantharamoolai, on 5 September 1990. The Ministry of Defence later said that only 31 na med people had been taken, all of whom had been released. According to a relative of two young men arrested that day, they were taken to the army camp at Wallaichenai. The casc falls outside the teTIS of reference of the Commission of Inquiry con the involuntary Removal of Persons, since it occurred before 11 January 1991. The case was. Teport til to the Chairman of the Human Rights Task Force, but he does. It

Page 15
actively investigate "disappearences'. Similarly, the relative of an eight-year-old boy complained to Amnesty International that the "disappearance' of this child and over 160 others from Saturlukondan and neighbouring villages on 9 September 1990 had not been fully and independently investigated. He said he had seen soldiers taking the prisoners towards the Boys Town as Iny camp, Saturukondan and that screams had been heard from the camp later on. He believed the prisoners had been transported elsewhere that night because he had heard Wehicles Ill Wing out from the camp in the night. The Ministry of Defence said it had investigated the incident and that there was no evidence that any outsiders had been brought into the camp. It said that 40 tu 60 willagers missing from Satu Tukondan had taken refuge in Batticaloa town. This young boy has not been found, however; nor have the relatives of another person Allnesty International interviewed, who had all "desappeared' in the same incident, including two brothers, aged 12 and 15, seen taken from their home together with their sister, aged 29, and her three children, aged six years and three Ino I this respectively.
Selected cases of **disappearance’o in 1992
Twenty-five young men were detained by the army in the Kiran area, Batticaloa District, in January and February. Eleven of them were later Tcl cased and the military denied that it had detained the remaining 14. Two of the 14 Were later und to be in cleten 1ion and two Inore were released, but nine young men a Tid a 12-year-old boy — Manik karılı SiWentlı İran - hayc not been accounted for.
Gregory Johnson, a 24-yeaгold radio II lechanic, Was detained following a Cordon and search operation by the army in Pankudaveli, Chenkaladi, on 24 September 1992. He and his wife were taken from their house to a playground at about 6am,
where they wer military and m the Tallil Eelam nization (TELO armed Tamil go Ses the LTTE : side the military released, but he along with 12 0. ficates of arres According to a of the 13 prison later that day, to Bitlicaloa p whereabouts of Gregory. Johnson known in early According to one the 13 prisoners Likel int0 & were assaulted. already suffered äi|Imielt. He st from thic mouth be taken to hy: cmoved hill fi and het was in Relativcsi hawe: i: gory Johnson at police station a Road calp in also visited Ko II in AII parai Dist: Tefused to let t hıc w:34, 5 not thleri
AIսlapբu Aloy: old fisherman, after being arre Ined soldiers at 29 August 1992 mQOläi. Accordi he was arrested friends as they from the cinem: came down the Ima til had run il W: sked thc three: the person who then detained th taken to the camp, and the released (in the 5t had bec () Arulappu Aloysiu two months later been told by the thara IIlolai that sent to Baltical): Titics; . ELL Enith the Piо псег Rua tical halwe said Relatives have ficial Sources th detailed Lt.-Ko

e screened by embers of the Liberation Orga), one of the ups which oppoind works alongHis wife was was detained thers. Nocertiit were issued. relative, eight Its were released t W. W. E. S. Elt rison, and the three, including remained unNOWellber 1992. of those released had first been 1 all where they Gгсgогy Johnson from a chest arted to bleed and asked to spital. Soldiers "om the room, QL Seen again. nquired for Grethe prison, the
Ild the Pioneer Batticaloa, They Imathurai camp
rict, but sentries lel in and said
sius, а 17—year"disappeared' sted by uniforabout 2pm on im Walth Talng to a relative along with two were returning When soldiers Street : I10th CT ly. The soldiers friends about had fled, and Lem. They were Wantharamı Coolali tot het two weTe Ille day. There: liable lews of s, however, ower Relatives had : army at Wanhıc blad becn l, but the authothe prison and l camp in Bathe is not there. card from LII of at he may be 1 mathurai army
camp in Amparai District. A relative visited the camp but Was unable to get any inforImation.
Three prisoners died at Police Post II in Kaluwa nchikudy on 24 October 1992, according to relatives of one of the victims, Karthigesu Kulanderan. Their arrests by the Special Task Force (STF), a police cominando unit, Were later denied. The other Weic a carter and a worker at the co-operative whose names are not known. The Three Immen were among 11 arrested by the STF after a grenade had been thrown at their patrol. The STF took them to the police post, whicre they were assaulted with iron bars and poles by police personel. A gunshot was heard. The next day, the prisoners were taken by jeep to the Kaluwainchikudy STF camp. The Were dead. Prisoners who were later released had fractures and knife wounds. The STF denied that they had ever arresled the three dead men, and extended their sympathies to the bereaved families. They said the STF had found the three bodies, and they thought they had been killed by the LTTE. When relatives asked for the bodies, they denied they were at the camp. Released prisoners said they saw the bodies there, and that the STF had put then on a tractor with six other bodies that had been brought from the hospital taken them away and buried them.
"Disappearances' were also reported following detention by Muslim Home Guards in the Batticaloa District. Home Guards detained thirteen Tamil men, Women and children near Thiyayaddawan in April, apparently in retaliation for the killing by the LTTE that morning of Muslim villagers at Alanchipotana (see above). One boy escaped; the other twelve prisoners remain u maccolulited for.
Unacknowledged detention
As mention ed above, the mili. tary admitted to Amnesty International that it holds certain
3.

Page 16
prisoners in unacknowledged detention for periods varying from a few days to several weeks. Amnesty International learned of one case, however, in which a prisoner was released after spending ove a year in Batticaloa prison. In 1991 he was wrongly reported to have been killed in custody. During the year he reportedly spent in Batticaloa prison, he had apparently been Inoved to the changing rooms at Webber Stadium, which has been taken over by the army, visitors came to the prison. He is the brother of an LTTE arca leader, and was said not to have been har med while in prison.
Another person from Kaddaiparichchan in Trincomalee District was reportedly arrested by thc ar Lily con 2 January 1992 and released on 1 July 1992. He had apparently been held secretly in a bunker at an army campo located about one and a half hours' drive from Kaddaiparichchan for all of that time.
A former prisoner held in Trincoma lee in 1991. gawe detailed information about the systematic movement of an army camp there in order to conceal them from the ICRC during its periodic visits (see below).
Torture, ill-treatment and deaths in custody
Torture and ill-treatment of prisoners continued in military, Special Task Force (STF) and police custody. Members of TELO and the People's Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), both ancillary forces operating alongside the army, were also said to have tortured prisoners in the east. The methods of torture reported included severe beatings; electric shocks: buring with cigarettes or matches; pouring petrol into prisoners' nostirils and then placing a plastic bagi over their heads; suspending prisoners from their thumbs and beating them; beating with barbed Wire and Tepeatedly submerging prisoners' heads in water while they were
14
suspended from Women weTe - al hawe been Taped
One prisoner y COFF7F7F7ic{{lu clct army for a yea befo Te a relatiwc to see him. Thi been hield at T: Thallady army c first, accordiug t hic was strippcd upside down an Was also burned paper and polyt a damp cloth he Int11 he ""Confesו lady camp he sa blindfolded for
assaulted.
A man, impri: Cle e il 199
Annesty Internal tiple tortures he While being inte Patai Point hands had been back, petrol hac into his mose an put over his he bag had been re beaten in his threatened with a tyre, and the down från TTı his ; tem on the sole his body. He Sticks and with chilli Water wa Wounds. Amnest saw the deep sc: mains on his ba of this treatment with 14 people blindfolded for , Some of the naked. He said ósil el chil Tules ICRC wisited Ittri mer's Were chlaine taken deeper int
Point camp in place where only access. Only a remained at the detention in the ICRC i visit. weeks, he was shown to the after, until hi feiTTied to Tric
his chains were

their ankles. so reported to
by soldiers.
was held in inention by thc Lr and a day was permitted s prisoner had laimannar and amps. In the to his testimony L nakcd, hung assulted. He With burning henc, and häid ld over his face sed". At Thal. yes he was held six fillo Inths and
111ed in Trindescribed to ional the mulhad suffered. irrigated at the army camp his tied behind his been poured d a plastic bag di AfteT the Im Wed, he wä5 ead and body, beiTng buTTn ed mTn in hung upside ankles and beaOf his feet and Was hit with baTibed wiTe and s fut on the y International arring which reck as a result t. Hé "ris; he
chained and about a month.
prisoners were that at about lay, when the
st of the prisod together and o the Plantain a truck, to a the army had few prisoners usual place of camp for the After a few d'IT10ng those ICRC. THETEW3LS tal 15omalee prison, removed every
Week, and he was given additional clothing before seeing the ICRC. The clothing was remowed and the chains replaced after they had gone. Prisoners were threatened that they would be killed if they told the ICRC about their treatment. A relative had been permitted to visit him after hic had been i seen by the ICRC. Until that time, the relative had visited the camp daily, and daily been told that ble W:15 rlot imprisoned there.
At Plantain Point army camp also in 1991, this prisoner had seen bodies being burned. He had also seen two prisoners being killed: one was beaten and tllen held under Water util he drowed. Alther was subtler. ged, but then pulled out of the water and a soldier cut his throlt. The tW. Il el We Te a shop employеe froпn Sапnpur апd
a man called Kanthan, also
known as COT ut havai Kanthal,
from Eachchi lamp attai.
Amnesty International's delle
gates saw prisoners held in chilins at Pioneer Road police camp ill Batticaloa in NWeinber 1992. The organization also learned of a 73-year-old man who had been held from September 1991 for nearly a year at this camp, apparently as a hostage for the su render of his son. He, too, had reportedly been held in claill:5. Relatives Who had Wisi. ted pristiners there complained that they had bruises and Swelllings on their bodies, which apparently resulted from beatings,
Extrajudicial executions
Extrajudicial executions were reportedly committed in the northeast by military and ancillary forces, and home guards. Several instances in 1992 of Teprisal killings by soldiers and home guards Were outlined earlier: the killings of Tamil villagers at Karapola and Kuthugal by home guards after the LTTE had killed Musliin villagers at Alanchipothana: the killing of Tamil villagers by soldiers at Mailanthanai after the killing

Page 17
of northern comander Major General Denzil Kobbekaduwa and nine other senior army and navy officers were killed by the LTTE on Kayts island; and the reports that 0 people had been extrajudicially executed at Wellawell in October 1992.
There has been no official information - about the reported killings at Welaveli. People from that area told Amnesty International that Welaveli willage temains occupied by the army, that residents had been forced to move out and that they had been prohibited from cultivating the paddy fields since 1990. In Cctober 1992, they said the army had given permission for certain areas to be cultivated but had the driven the farmers away foll the fields. Numerous a Trests have been reported from the area, where the LTTE is active. Many of the prisoners were said to be working in the fields at the title of their arrest. Over 40 people arrested at nearby Kakkachchivaddai on 19 October 1992 were initially reported to have "disappeared' but then were found in custody, for example, and three further people were taken into custody on 23 October, the day before the reported killings. The whereabouts of these three were still
not known to relatives. When Amnesty International visited Batticaloa.
Reports of the number killed at Wela weli on 24 October wary from six to 10. According to some witnesses interviewed by Aesty International, nime Were killed, including a 52-year-old woman. These people said they were sowing paddy in fields at Paliyadivaddai, Welaveli, at 9 am. when they saw the army approaching. They took shelter in a neighbouring house, along with others. Soldiers surrounded the house and fired into it before they entered. Three people were injured, one of whom later died of gunshot injuries in the groin and face. The soldiers then forcibly removed the people, and look them to the Paliyadiwaddai army camp. Relatives followed behind. They waited near the
camp until midthey could hear ! Illing. They saw taken to Kaluwa pital in a tipper lowed. Relatives ment to Kalu Wal and thought the be given to them tell was held at but then the b, by the police, act relatives, and bu pcrson intervicwe International, ho' the bodies of si at Wela weli weri Kaluwanchi kudy tuary to thit STF tor, and that th added three II 1.)T ople who had di tody (see above) dies were then E. cluded place.
At MandLLT, Bilt in April a famil among eight pe members of the operates alongsi
the east, followi by the LTTE Imelbers. A1 ne
al's sources on that the army in these killings, tice: Sozia, Chairm did Int lea T1 i ment when he q' in the area.
Long-term det charge or tria
Some prisoner. long periods in being released prisons in the S can remain in di nitely under EIT tions, without c Mentil has alr of prisoners hf

-day and said sounds of screabodies being Anchikudy hostruck and fol. gave a statechikudy police bdies would 1. A post-mothe hospital, lies were taken carding to these ned. Another d by Amnesty wever, said that x people killed taken fril hospital mor' camp by traccre the STF had bodies of petd in their cusThe mine b0iuriled in a se
ticaloa District, y of seven were ople killed by
TELO, which de the army in ng the killing OT tvo TELO sty Internationthis incident say was also involved However, Jusan of the HRTF, army involveuestioned people
ention without l
5 are held for
the east before ir transferred to outh, where they Letention indieffIergency Regulaharge or trial, 'eady been made :ild for OWeT a
year in military or police clustody before being released without charge.
Figures are not generally issued on the numbers in military custody. However, the Commander of the Army told Amnesty International that at the time of their visit 50 prisoners werc in military custody in Batticaloa and 175 in Trincomalee.
Figures provided by the Committee to Process, Classify and Recommend Rehabilitation ånd Release of Suspects and Surrendecis showed that Il 10 Octo)- bc. 1992 there were 826 Tamil detainees in prisons in the south, an unknown number of Whom would hawc beel transfeTTed from thic east. Somc of these prisoners hawe been im i detention for owcr two years without trial. Thc general issue of the longterm detention of political prisoricts is discussed more fully ווbgl
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15

Page 18
Reform of the
Gamani Corea
UN: A
The formar Secretary-Gалвra/ of UWICTAD Os on the restructuring of the UW system.
feel enormously privileged to have been asked to be bere this afternoon to lead off your debate and I discussion on this big issue of the relationship between thic operational activities of the (UN) system and the restructuring of the organisation. I feel handicapped in performing this task because I have not
had much acquaintance in the Iecent past with the various trends, proposals and thoughts
pertaining to the restructuring of the United Nations. Moreover, I have not had, even in the distant past, much familiarity with the operational side of the system because, as you know, in UNCTAD we spent our efforts and our energies in Connection with negotiating activities and various inter-governmental processes with but little inwolvement in the field.
So I have some trepidation in being here today. But I am encouraged by the fact that a few days ago the South Centre, which is the continuing part of the South Commission's secretariat, held a brief meeting on this subject of restructuring the UN. I was privileged to chair that meeting and to be able to hear something of what is happening and something of the reactions of the participants.-- in this case -essentially participants from the South. So what I am going to do today is really to share some thoughts with yoi, thoughts of a very general character, in the hope that this might provide some kind of a back-drop to the discussions thät Will follo W.
LLLCL S LLLLLCS S CHCLL S ClLMMTS General of the Wifred Nafforts Corference or Trade and Developrierr (UN. CTAD), preferred the above speech ar a serrainar or the UN I syfterr7.
16
The changing urse, at the he Tewiwed il te Test and restructurin Nations. There With the end of confrontation a has been created Natio 15 to bc : play a role that ed from playing role that was time of its es reflected in the
The impact o! I the UN 5 marily on the po have made it p UN to be mðrt ing to preserve bility, to resolve 5 Cl. We Wii sed the revital Security Council field. In recent been able to ac number of a reas the past when it prevented from of the Cold Wä er Tiwalric3.
sensc that it ral acceptance o consequences of effective ScCurity one would subsc to strengthen it United Nations al peace, in solvi flicts, and im In1 in various parts To the cxtemt til ready been happ it has been rece tETC.
There are als the samle tille, the new role e: Security Council, miliar with these hawe been expre: quarters. One () feeling that the

Southern View
ers his WieW5
world is, of coTt Of 1 til 5 in the refrill g of the United is a feeling that the superpower new opportunity | fo T te United :ffective in to t it was preventin the past, a 2nvisaged at the tablishment and
Charter.
f these changes
so far been prilitical side. They SSible foT; the : active in help.
peace and staconflicts and e already witnesisation" of the
in the political : Imonths it has t decisively in a in contrast to he Council was
acting because r and superprw
here is a genef the beneficial a strong and Council. Everyribe to the need he hall of the in keeping globng regional conLitting out fires
if the world. hat this has alening, I think ived with accep
(), however, at anxieties about xercised by the You a Te fa: anxieties. They ssed in various f these is the 5 t TLC lil reti to the
Security Council is not as democratic as Imany of the members of the United Nations would like it to be and that the preponderant influence of the big powers is excessive at the present stage. This has been behind various proposals for change, the most recent by Mr. Gorbachew on the need to reconstitute and expand the Security Council so as to make it more representative and its processes Illo Te democratic.
This is donc set of anxicities. Another I clates to the feeling that the new role of the Security Council might, in one way or another, be at the expense of the General Assembly. Some have feared that there is something of a zero sum'' game inWolved where the more active and effective the Security Council becomes the less significant and effective will be the General Assembly, I do not think that such a result is desired by anybody or by any member state. But there is nevertheless this feeling that some kind of a trade-off is possible and that it would not be a Welcome develupTent.
And then again, in the context of the new political and peace-keeping activities of the United Nations, fears have been expressed that there might be some diversion of financial resources away from the non-political activities of the United Nations, particularly in the :C{J= nomic and social fields, towards these newly assumed functions of peace-keeping. So these are Some hesitations which in a way qualify, though they do not me. gate, the general acceptance of the new role and new vitality of the United Nations in the political field.
Now in respect of the econo- - mic and social fields, I am not sure that the changes that have caused the UN to be revitalised

Page 19
in the political area have contributed with equal force to strengthening its future role in these fields as well. It is hardly the Cold war that prevented the United Nations from becoming more effective in the economic field. The Cold War Imay hawe had some impact on that. It might have diverted resources that might have been used for other purposes to armaments and it may have weakened national cconomies. But in the context of the dialogue and the intergovernmental processes of the United Nations in the econdmic- and social-area, it Would be an exaggeration to say that the Cold War played the same restrictive role that it did in the political area.
And this implies that the end of thic Cold WaT does In0t n Ccessarily mean that doors will open in the economic area as they have done in the political field. In the political field doors were opened by the collapse of communism and the end of the veto power of the Soviet Union. Nobody would want a parallel where doors open in the economic field because of some kind of political collapse of the deweloping countries. Their use of their voting Ilmajority may hawe been seen by some to be unrealistic but if this were to disappear it would hardly pave the
way for a more effective role for the United Nations.
The impulses for the reform
of the economic and social activities of the UN in the context of a changing world are morc complex, more diffused and less obvious than the impuls es f. r reform in the political area. There are even different perceptions hf the Tolle that thc UN has played in the past in the economic and social fields.
Sometimes you will see in the press expressions of the view that the UN has been relatively in
effective all round-in the ecnomic and social als much als the political field. You hear
complaints about the cumbersome character of inter-governmental
processes and ( and rhetorical cussions and d. taken place. A denigrate the p United Nations ficlid.
But I do not limited and me performance of by i all. It is tI nomic and Soci mot fulfil the T it in the Chart providing overa and guidance fi nomy and for the whole syster institutions. Th been a shortcor not think that the efficacy of tions could rest alone.
Nor could it trast with the the internation a tutions in movi developing coun ing them in thc tcd Nations was to be an agent of nassive res short te Tm , or li developing cour a task Set Out Woods institutic terpoise the Un inst these inst basis of which developing coun a false juxtapo
The fact is t played an extre and Tema Tkable nomic and soci say this becaus in the economi of my own ci came to the Ul to UNCTAD. supported in work that Unit been doing - in resources but it lems, offering identifying the ween processe5 that helped gi task of econon ministrators an

of the un Tealistic nature of the disialogues that have ll this tcmds to ast role of the
in the economic
I think that this gative view of the
the UN is shred 'u e that the Eco.
all Council did ble set ollut for er, the Table of
lil Co-ordination Dr the global ecothe activilies CF in of international is has certainly ning. But I do a judgment on the United Na
On that failu Te
rest (nany coneffectiveness of li financial instiПЕ Гesources to tries or in help. fi:ld. The Uinewer intended for the transfer Ources, whether 3 Tng terril, to the tries. That was for the Bretton in s tid tC - counted Nations agaitutions on the did more for the tries is, I think, ition,
hat the UN has mely important role in the ecoil arca, 1 could I was involved administration untry before I ited Nations and felt wery much lat role by the di Nations had it in providing analysing probguidelines and interaction bet. and issues. All e clarity to thc C planners, adpolicy makers.
The UN has played an enormous role in bringing the development issue into sharp focus and in drawing the attention of world public opinion to its urgency and its importance. So many aspects of the development problem from population to trade and development, from industrialisation to the environIn ent have gained visibility because of the cfforts of the UN and its agencies. That is a contribution that cannot be denied.
But that is not all. I feel One should not under rate the impact of the United Nations processes on govern Inc. Ints. The impact of what the United Nations has been doing is not to be measured by the decisions taken in the UN itself or by the extent to which the UN system has been able to implement those decisions. The dialogue in the United Nations has influenced other actors - the governments of both developed and developing countries, and various agencies and institutions. One needs to assess the value of the United Nations process in terms of its impact on opinion forming and policy making not just within its own confines but in the world at large.
I would like also to highlight the intellectual contribution of the UN towards the understanding of issues, particularly the interrelationship between issues in the area of economic and social development. This intellectual contribution has been rich and is something that the UN can be proud of. It has varied Over the years, has Cover el dif. ferent topics and has not sought to impose any single vicw. There has been a degree of pluralism in that research and intellectual contribution and that in itself is something of significance and value.
I do not believe that it is correct to judge the efficacy of the UN as an institution by the reSults achieved through its procedures. So IIc times it is the substantive factor rather than the
17

Page 20
institutional factor that stands in the way of progress. You will remember the efforts in the 70s and il the 80s to CiTcu Tilvent the complexities of the UN system in the area of NorthSouth issues by establishing other fora,
There was the Conference on International Economic Cooperation in Paris (CIEC) which brought selected developed and developing countries into a dialogue outside the UNIt was hoped that by short-circuiting the UN machinery results could be produced. But CleC did not produce results and the reasons were substantive rather than institutional.
And then again, there was the Cancun Sull it when it was thought that decisions were not made because issues were not addressed at a sufficiently high level. So heads of State and governments were brought together in Cancun to try to end thc impasse in the North-South dialogue. But they too did not succeed.
So these arc very good ex a IIples that show that it is not the institut jo al Wickmess of the UN that is the cause of the lack of progress but factors that are essentially substantive. And it would follow f’TOT 1 this Lihat institutional reforms by themselves Will not succeed in bridging substantive gaps if the will on the political side to address them is not in existence.
One of thc complexities of present Imo incIt is that we are addressing the issue of restructuring the United Nations in the economic and social field at a time of much uncer. tainty; at a time when there is a lack of clarity in respect of many of the substantive areas concerned with world developIllent. As you know, the NorthSouth dialogue has been deadlocked for a long period. It is this deadlock which lies at the the heart of the failure to move forward. And it is this deadlock which has led so many people
S.
to - propose апd things as a me Ç0 Iš esus" T " a ship', or a new All this because sensus or parner: exists today.
And yet we the effort to reform the inst of the United background of rel and lack of agr surely a handic the tä5k - Ofili the restructuring difficult. And a ground of confu taiinty there aris ties and suspicic on the part of countries, which concerns about the trends and present day.
One of these to the econ) Illi apparent i lo Werin afforded to the d because of the the industrialise Eastern Europe, ling that develo) being marginalis to a second orde Parallel to thi fгопn iп a way, creasing tendenc national dialogu the domestic aci ping countries I Exte TI al e C1. DIT which should b such actions.
The debate II cies wersus the mic environment steTile debate. " tion that progr ment requires su On the fronts policies and th economic environ point is proved approach to the of Eastern Euro Strong emphasis liberalisation poli tern European c; a clear recognit policies need to by the cham melli

aldw Calte Stuch W 'development | "new partnerglobal compact'. no Such Conship or compact
are engaged in restructure and
itutional set-up Nations in this ative uncertainty eerilent. This is
ap that I makes concerned with exercise Inc. gainst this backision and uncere certain anxieins, particularly the developing reflect their what they see as signals of the
:oncerns, relating ic - field, li is the g of the priority evelopment issue preoccupation of
countries with
There is a feepment issues are ed or relegated r of importance. 5, and flowing
the Te is alim iliy in the intere to emphasise ions of develo"alther thall the Lic en vironment 2 supportive of
-liנים SLICטmטl) או ex terma ecolo
is, in fact, a There is Ino ques2ss in developIpportive actions both dolestic Le i[1 LeTIl:ltic).Il:11 ment. This very forcefully in the : Tcconstruction pe. Despitic the: di Lhic inte:Tnal cies of the EasJu I tries t lere is ill that these be supported ing of external
resources - a new bank has even been set up - by debt cancellation, by improved access to markets, and by cooperation in the transfer of technology.
One cannot help noticing the similarity between these things and the platform of the dicyclo
ping countries in the NorthSouth dialogue. All these - resource flows, debt relief, trade
accommodation and the transfer of technology - were the essentials of the platform of the developing countries but they have been taken over and applied, underständå bly of course, to Eastern Europe. For the developing countries, on the other hand, the focus is on what they should do themselves and less on a supp Jrtive external econoIllic el Wii TD IICI, t.
Thc anxieties of the developing countries do not stop there. There is also concern that matters concerning domestic economic policies themselves would be left to the international financial institutins, the World Bank and the (International Monetary) Fund, while the UN änd its agencies would concentrate on other issues, no doubt urgent and important, but different, to the hard core issues of trade, money and finance-issues such as powerty alleviation, human resource development, the enviTom II1cmit and so II. These latter issues are currently fashionable, but to confine the UN to these issues reflects a philosophy that the content of macro-economic development policies should be the exclusive business of the multilateral financial institutions.
This, I think, is a false juxtaposition.
The United Nations cannot
usurp the functions of the international financial institutions in channelling resources to the developing countries. But what the UN cam do is, through its research and its debates and discussions, to highlight probels and to exert ar kild of influence in what the other insLitutions a Te doing. It has done precisely that in the past in
(Солrfлшғd ол раge – 84)

Page 21
PROTEST
Man, river and enginee
Douglas Kulatilleke
one question's by a Southern
Farner. The water flowing under the bridge at Ambalan tota is now very nuddy, and flowing fast, out to the Indian Ocean which is only a mile away. Could this also be the rain water which Ice fell do In the Saba Tal
gamuwa hills, situated on the borders of our wet and dry climatic zones, of the central
Hill Country? Waters which were supposed to be stored away in the ill-fated Saman ala. We Wa which is now being built for (and supervised by?) the Minist try of Power, to meet Shri Lanka's increasing demand for electricity.
This is a National Project, which atyarying times, comes under different governments,
various Ministries, and under dif. ferent Departments. I has Lhe refore been very badly investigated, studied, co-ordinated, constructed, and supervised lits foundation is faulty. The very valuable Yala (South West Monsoon) water for us, (we get very little Yala rain here), was them fortunately released in November to be stored again, and used for irrigation and generation of a little electricity, down below at the Jadwill We Re5 TWiT. WHY? and HOW was this laidmade calamity - (leaks in the scientifically selected allotinents and man-made bunds) - at Samanala Wewa, occur? It was NO ACT OF GOD. Answers to this wital, question is not at all clear. The — Til edia with all their resources at their disposal has yet been unable to probe and discover the correct reasons for this National disaster, costing millions of rupees. The Ministry’s reaction to this collosal blunder has been to quietly plug away millions of tons of concrete and billions of rupees,
to seal the leak baIk of the Sa remain silent, r. Se5 of this til blunder! The pi to why the info from the studi holes drilled b Department in and again in 19 also studied, an by an American assisted by our . E.S.O., in 1973, the Russians in parently secrets WPS. Will Commission, rea into what has will it white-w Illatter?, 0 ““Tjx entity for the in
It is we the f
Whle liveli cing our nation rice, with this tion Water, who by such badly jects. We loos months income, spent on One W Season. All thi most totally ali Engineers, who CO 1struct, Store, able irrigation W tinue to draw sal la Ties and all foT Work Int : we thousands of Te theref Te u for their collo 5a
Fidling around on the taming
great rivers b modern “intelec "know-all'', and Engineers, - whi. Wrld famous in engineering field mechanics, and neering, which

rS
is on the Right than alawewa and egarding the caragic man-made Jssible a115W er als mation revealed of the borey the Irrigation 1958 and 1959, 60, which were di commented on, Engineering firm Irrigation Dept., and again by 1978, arc apknown only to he Presidential lly probc dceply happen ned'? Or ash the whole '' sole oneational crime.
arliers who base lood on produall staple food, 1 incertain lurrigasuffer the lost, constructed proe not only six but also money hole cultivation 5 while this alenated high up are supposed to distribute, waluater for Luis Contheir monthly }WHIlce, ttt: ttt:. line well. It is peasants, who 1justly penalised | blurlde TS.
and pontificating
of Our : little" sole of our tually arragant" “Meglomania c'' are certainly certain specialist S- not in soil geological engieals with Dam
Construction - hawe low cost so much hardship and suffering to us small paddy cultivators, down below in the plains. Like the economic and social dispa. rity (gap) between the "Haves' and "hawe-nots', there is now developing and yawning gap between those who "know' and ."t muchiסוח "הי0חth05& Whit) "kt especially our Technocrats in the ruling circles. They are tightly confined, each to his specialist field, with just one or two favoured, highly respected ones, speaking for all: keeping out young, clever, talented ones' straining at the Leash for experience in new challenging fields of engineering. For example I personally know of a young, Peradeniya Engineering Graduate, qualified in France in Geological Engineering, working now with the Americans to build an under -ground Subway in Singapore, sixty feet below ground.
So the present prevalent tendency is for these our clever ones, to serve in foreign countries seeking job satisfaction in Other clies, where their abilities and skills are more recognised. What steps have taken in this age of Democracy, enlightened general and higher education, and now a more wirile media to correct these maladies?
Closer home at Magama Tissa, we saw a few years ago, how some of these technocrats tried to build the spill of the now useless Lunugamveheral reservoir om a fractured Tock. Our boys who were drilling this rock for dynamiting, (to lower its height) told us, in pithy Sinhala, it was like trying to blast a Pittu Gediya. A World famous Canadian Engineering Firm was contracted to “sew up the rock'', strengthening the weak rock with steel rods, cables and concrete.
(Солflлцed бол page 24)
19

Page 22
PART 3
Democracy and the So
Sumit Chakra varty
When Russians were asked what kind of society they wanted., of those expressing an opinion, 12 per cent chose “a socialist society along the lines we have had in the past, and 42 per cent chose “a more democratic type of socialism'. Thus a majority of 54 per cent chose some type of socialism. Another 27 per cent selected "a modified form of capitalism such as found in Sweden', and only 20 per cent chose “a free market form of capitalisin such as found in the US or Germany." (Actually 14 per cent of all the respondents expressed no opinion on the question. Thus if responses are calculated as a per cent of all respondents including those expressing no opinion, then 10 per cent favoured a socialist society along the lines we have had in the past, 36 per cent favoured a more democratic type of socialism'. 23
per cent favoured "a modified form of capitalism such as found in Sweden, and 17 per
favoured a free market form of capitalism such as found in the US or Germany'.)
The same poll, according to Kotz, also found strong support among the Russian public for government ownership of business. When asked which of a list of activities should be run by the state only, run only by private companies, or run by both, they replied as follows. A majority favoured fully state run banking (52 per cent), heavy industry (79 per cent) and radio and ITW (53 per cent). A majority favoured having consumer goods manufacturing either fully state run (25 per Cent) or run by a combination of state and private activity (53 per i cent). The only economic acrivity that a majority wanted to be run only privately was farming (75 per cent); even for restaurants only 42 per cent favoured only
()
privately run
The Pulse of E. of Political and
Affirades -- Ti Illes for the People : 1991)
During my wi last month Bori: articulate expot cratic Socialism a leading func recently formed F informed me: survey by a Russian TW news conducted about (that is, in Sep that fi7 per cen' surveyed were socialism, and ill negative about 15 per Celt ". Since Viesti is this was list Psesti Wa.5 very the result of th that the Russi deserve freed011 is a reflection In ind in Russia,
Helice it is move towards C in response tc) in that directil is proceeding i popular opposit that Ieither ti teers following Gaidar un der I benign patrional Stalinists of the Nina Andreyew majority suppor
Thus whic th shock therapy' mic sphere has spread impowe: people accomp. inflation, the Te to the State si past. First of around will en crisis. Secondly able to reprod associated with

viet collapse
cstablishments." rope: A Survey Social Valles sard Mirror Centre and the Press,
sit to Moscow s Kagarlitsky, an 1 ent of demoin Russia being tionary of the Party is of Labour, "An opinion very Right-wing programme Wiessi a month ago tember) showed t of the people positive about 8 per cent were socialism while were undecided, ery anti-socialist striking. And negative about el survey, saying in people don't ... But this to
of the public
cel T that the apitalism it not popular pressure 1, but rather it in the face of ion. It is ills ne free marke
Prime Minister |resident Yeltsin's e mor the ne - Wictor Panfilwbrand enjoy t in Russia.
e Yeltsin-Gaidair in the econresulted in wideishment of the inied by hyper can be iho Tetu Tin cialism of the all, this til ITender a graver it will not be ce the stability the Brezhnev
period. So what is possible is a prolonged, gradual transition to capitalism with the government maintaining a high degree of planning, public ownership and control ower international trade while introducing gradually competition and market forces into the economy; or a return to the attempt to build democratic socialism. The last possibility at present appears remote but what is anticipated is that democratic socialists could join hands with the militaryindustrial complex favouring a slow transition to capitalism to prevent the Yeltsin-Gaidar 'shack therapy' assume a more serious dimension manifest in largescale unemployment. Already negotiations are going on between the Civic Union (led by WicePresident of Russia, Alcxander Rutskoi, Arkady Wolsky of the Party of Entrepreneurs and backed by the military-industrial complex as well as Gorbachev - he is likely to succeed Gaidar
as the next Russian Prime MinisticT in the In ea T future — and Nikolai Travkin of the
Democratic Party) and the Party of Labour and the trade unions owing allegience to it. The latter have placed three conditions for support to the Civic Union to form a government: (i) holding if fresh elections countrywide within three months of assuming power; (ii) limiting privatisation and renationalising some industrics like those connected with raw materials and high tech; and (iii) organising international solidarity with the
the Third World against IMF Tmanipulations.
What is un mista kable is the
growing anti-IMF and anti-US feelings in Russia, particularly Moscow. As Kagarlitsky disclosed, anti-IMF speeches at public rallies in Moscow are met with spontaneous warm"and prolonged applause while none

Page 23
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Page 24
comes forward to wipe off antiUS graffiti on walls today, a striking departure from the experience a yearago.
The Te is a thTeat of national
chauvinists and neo-Stalinists making a joint bid for power. But they do not hawe much
potentiality to seize power al
though the dangers on that score should not be underestimated. However, too much
publicity has been given to such a possibility. As Algis Prazauskas, a Well-known specialist on ethnic problems, told me in Moscow, the danger on this count was being exaggerated by those free-marketeers wh) are
interested in raising the bogey of Russian challwinism to safeguard their positions and pre
went the Civic Union from acquiring power. On the other hand, there is a real possibibility of the Civic Union coming to power in Russia in the near future with the backing of the
Party of Labour and the trade unions.
The changes on the global
planc have been lately marked by a spurt in nationalism bordering on chauvinism. Ethnic conflicts hawe led to blood baths in Yugoslavia culminating in the dismemberment of the country. For this consequence one caill not but blastle both external interference from the side of Germany in particular as well as the strong arm methods employed by the Serbian leader. Stobodan Milosevic. The trauma of Yugoslavia is a slur on world politics in general ad constitutes the most negative feature of the global changes.
While assailing the US and the European Community's role in assisting the Yugoslav dismemberment, Robert M. Hayden wrote in an article 'Dissecting Yugoslavia's Disintegration": The international community's ratifi. cation of the destruction of Yugoslavia may be seen as 'a cynical, ominous betrayal of any commitment to the development of democratic regimes in the formerly socialist countries. It may be that the death of Yugoslvia was preordained by
2.
the realpolitic the Ilhajor pow; tragic consequer lavia's dissolutit the Yugoslaw pli
Howe Wer, eve for Inities in the Union have b sharp increase i in Russia, the
ence there Tem in tolerable li GữTbachev. Thị blad Golbächey Wer, ethnic con been faT 1ess i[] What they are So’Wiet UnioT , preserved in sor
That wiew is perts likc Pra 1989 had predi break-up while parative study subject of ethn the two countri th en and des envisage such India, however, democracy and bed as the Indi cthos abjuring force to settle Be that as it II flicts in Nagorno thern caucasus hawe led and bloodshed thoug as in Yugoslavi no gå insaying t lapse of ideolo and religion har fore in a big w tries of Eastern fo TIme T Soviet U
The is of erating with i foreigners — mai Third World still ern part of reu und the prosp fragmentation o ändl Rui la nia : plorable develop indicative of th of eth Ilf-natini changing world. Tiruchelvamı M. delivered in this Prof Stanley J. yard University fact while quoti Who had rema modern age, na

considerations of irs, despite the ices that Yugos. 11 II Cant for 11 eoples."
1 if Stali list dieformę Sowiet Tought about a lethnic conflicts scale of such with. ains as yet withmits thanks to : Te is a wiew that Temained in pi). flicts would hawe Imagnitude than today, and the wմuld have been
1ę form. disputed by exauskas Who in ited the Soviet doing a camwith India on the ic problems in es. He did Ilt Tot i EWF EI LWY a possibility in Örı ilçÇourit of what he descrilan civilisational allrմund use of ethnic problems. lay, ethnic ción. — Karabakh, Norand Tajikistan are leading to !h mỡt CT1 a st:1le a. But there is hat with the col. gy both ethnicity, CC) il le ay in many couпEurope und the Jinion. racist gangs opmplnity against inly from the les — il the castnified Germany, ects of further f Czechoslovakia *e also highly delents. These are e growing force alism in today's III his Punit han eil Till Lecture city last August, Tambiah of Harreferred to this ng Isaiah Berlin rked: In our tionalism is not
resurgent; it never died. Neither did racism. They are the Imost powerful movements in the World today, cutting across many social syste Tills.”
The collapse of statist socialisim in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union accompanying the burial of the Cold War resulted in a Worldwide spurt in ultra-Right conservatism which drew the maximum possible Tileage from such changes. However, L10 W the situation See Ins tij be changing. In Lithuania old Cimmunists desiring closer ties with Moscow hawe recorded a striking obstural success. These old Communists are not neoStaliniits. Their success is ol the lines of the results of the October 1991 poll in Poland when after two years of 'shock thcrapy' resulting in inflation, unemployment and a steep fall in production, the Polish electoratic gave a sizeable majority of votes co parties demanding a shift in ec in nic policy, there. by repudiating the shock therapy approach. In the US, George Bush — the American supTetil) who ower wiewed the 198 ) transformation – has been decisively defeated on acc) unt of the burgeoning economic crisis in that country. Bush's successor in the White House, Bill Clinton, has declared in public that he docs in it want to tread a path substantially different from his predecess, in the realm of international affairs. But still it is arrogance of power inherent in the US President's new World order which will hopefully be missing once Clinton takes ower. Owcirall therefore the prospects of realising a genui. nely multipolar global arrangement to replace the old bipolar world hawe brightened lately notwith standing persisting pressures and pulls from various directions. Nonetheless, one should be vigilant against any designs to impose a "new world order'
Bush.
In this setting South Asia Inust draw the necessary lessons from these changes. The countries of South Asia were sought Lo bic suck cd into the Cold War confrontation but attempts in

Page 25
that direction did not fully succeed precisely because countries like India and Sri Lanka rebuffed them and unfurled the banner of non-align Trent which became popular in the Third World at a much later stage. Their refusal to adopt state socialism with Stalinist regimentation by giving a go-by to democratic values also kept the countries of South Asia in good stead, (It is of no mean significane that all South Asian states tday are functional democracies and none is under Martial law.) As one of the tallest figures of South Asia, India's first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, perceptively declared in his article. "The Basic Approach", in 1958, "Communism comes in the wake of... disillusionment and offers soTTInc kind of faithlı almd some kind of discipline... But in spite
of its apparant success, it fails, partly because of its rigidity, but even more so, because it
ignores certain essential needs of hullan natu Te. The Te is Illuch talk in communism of the contradictions of capitalist society and there is truth in that analysis. But we see the growing contradictions within the rigid framework of communism itself. Its suppression of individual free
The last . . .
(Cராtigued from தage ) for centuries with each other,
were now coming together as a federal or con-federal Unity.
(Constitutions, he thought, were meant to solve problems. not compond them; and if a particular Constitution did the aller. Lhen it had to be carefully looked at.
Eight, in this sense too, the path to a solution with honour to all sides, lay in,
(a) the recognition of Tamil identity and area, as a fact;
(b) a trully federal or confederal relationship as no more than a de fact situation; and
(c) eventually, evolving prefectly foreseeable systems of even functioning together as one country.
As if to underscore the first point made at the very beginning, he emphasised the number
do II brings ab action. Its coi Imight be calle spiritual side ignores someth in Iman, but al behaviour of s ues. Its unfort with violence tain cwill tende ings. . .
Con Inunisin lied itself to violence. Ewen indulge norma violence, its la lence, its thoug it docs mot See persuasion or tic pressures, t and indeed by extermination. ...,
"I find this unscientific, un un civilised. . . w! think about it, at a stage in t when an attem! position of ide section of peop mately to sail.' dicated by the as they have Our Very eyes.
Of Course elle cratis in that
of things the TE lese hawe i In çoIII ciuld not decla be one when it then force it to
At the sa In emphatic that N LL LII ) WW S0) open thic way ti
Nine, in a fil rather question to ask hirm, na the difficulties war and the on
the time, whet that the LTT After a palu:
“Si long as Pra We cannot lose even if we lost as the causes
would be others umbo Tin ton CåTTy

ut powerful re
empt for what the moral and life not only
ng that is basic o deprites human andards and walnate association 1C0'lu Tages II a. Ce Tcy in human be
has definitely althe approach of if it does not ly in physicial guage is of viohit is violent and k to change by eaceful democraut by coегcіоп destruction and
approach wholly reasonable and lateWer. We may we have arrived he modern World pt at forcible imas oп any large le is bound ultiHe stands wincu TSC of eWe TLS un folded bc foTe
ments of bureaucrept into the
mils and Sinhamon. But one e a country to
was not, and be 5th.
time, he was
e should work utions, and not
outsiders.
all comment, or that l happened nely considering of the guerilla going travails at Ler he thought would win. 2, he replied bakaran is alive and then added, him, so long rennain, the Te even as yet his task,
functioning of the public sector espoused by Nehru and other
South Asian leaders are now being sought to be removed through economic reforms in
this part of the world. Whatever the pace and nature of those reforms in different South Asian states, a realisation is generally dawning that a laissez faire approach alone cannot be the guiding principle of the economies of developing countries. At the same time it is becoming increasingly evident that only a state regulated market is viable in such states. This is brilliantly manifested as much from the success of South Korea as from the spectacular economic recovery of China.
Moreover, as the latest reports from the for TIme T Sowjet Union indicate, socialism has yet to be decisively defeated there. This is becoming all the more apparent in the absence of the US inability to draw up another Marshall Plan for Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States, as well as the meagre supply of aid to those needy countries. South Asia needs to draw the obvious conclusions from these developments.
I can only conclude by recalling what I wrote in one of my Articles as long ago as 1983/’84 (re-published in my Book "The Anguish of '83) that, ''The Tamils will never win; but the Sinhalese will losc; and all will lose thereby." History between '83 and '93 can only bear these thoughts out, with perhaps just a little more time bcfore finally doing sol.
It is now only a matter of olur mutual Courage, and honesty to each other, whether we shall prevail and succeed; or just all lose. The lissues, are just two, and simple. For the Sinhalese, that the Country must be one (they should learn to separate this from a given Constitution); and for the Tamils, that their Security cannot be “Assured', but must be built on abiding Arrangements", and the Means to ensurc i t.
23

Page 26
Reform. . .
(Coriாபசர் ரீரா தரgச் 8)
In any areas such as the Part IW of the GATT, the compensatory finance facility of the IMF, the adoption of aid targets, and the creation of SDRs. The contributions of the UN on these issues were, I believe, helpful to the multilateral financial institutions themselves.
And then again another problem in the social and humanitarian area itself is the concern that thic work of the UN Would be di Tected Imore towards technical assistance and operational activities than to diagnosis, analysis, and policy formulation. This would give the appearance of another division of labour which many, particularly in the developing countries, Wyuld view with concern.
The leveloping countries have attached value to the analytical and research functions of the UN and whilc they would wellcome the enhancement of its role in the technical and operational field I do not think they would like to see a dilution of the enormous contribution the UN has made in the intellectual area. Similarly, there is also thic fear that in the name efficiency, co-ordination, and the avoidance of duplication, som cthing of the intellectual pluralism scc.n within the United Nations may be lost and that a kind of common philosophy of development - which can never be valid - may in one way or another come to be imposed on the system.
Now all these fears and anxietics may not be a reaction to specific proposals by any governIncInts. They may in fact be responses to caricatures of what some governments may have been saying. But, all the same, you find them echo cd in discussions and dialogues even within intergovernmental processes and they add to the concern that thic restructuring exercise of the UN might take place in the absence of any consensus, the absence of any philosophy, of what kind
24
of role the UN the economic a
I do not was Tema Tik S. Bult : I wish to mak ment on the C to which you have argued, a that security s not merely in teгпnъ, such : and the avoida as a wider co des cconomic, lopment dimens
I Wish mert observation tha: ween military s nomic and Soci just a relations in theory. It i is becoming pr ger in the curr the tire the U. the link was, Wious. But tod to be di Tect an and will probat so in the futur a compelling ri whole approach to be a dynar interwoven with sions of econo vironmental au problems.
And this meca: a more compre more holistic ap to underpin the tructuring the l there is the ri and reforms II one-sided.
1 feel also it turing must pr enhance the bi the United Nati ter envisages, as institution whic principle of th tes — despite t t many a reas sta fact, equal. It cause the Unit des a frum and weakest th cular value.
I should als the restructuri

should play ill di social arenas.
to extend my fore I conclude
ã h:Tief cũI11cept of security referred. Many di 1 fully agree, ould be viewed arrowly military peece-keeping Ce Of War, but cept that incluocial and deve
S.
ly to add the this lik bet:curity and ecoall issues is not hip that is valid a linkage that gressively stronent comtext. At N was established berhaps, less obay it has come d intimate and bly become Timore e. And this is eason while the til Security has micone that is the wital dimenmic, social, endi technológical
Lins, in tu Tin, that hensive Wiew, à broach, is needed : excercise of resN. Without that isk that changes .ay keil J. L vr be
hat any restrucescrve and even sic character of ons, als the Char; an international ch embodies the e equality di atale reality that in tes are not, in
is precisely bc
ed Nations provi
for the poorest at it is of parti
Lihat in Lhe
2 hape l proccs:
intellectual independence of the secretariat will be preserved at all costs. If you look at the Charter, the Secretary-General of the United Nations is required to study and bring problems to the attention of governments and to propose solutions. He can only do that if he has the support of a vibrant, competent and independent secretariat.
- THFrd Pord Neifswork Fearres
Man riwer". . . .
(Солгїпшеd fголi page І9)
Much earlier, the World famous Maligawila Buddha Statue at close-by. Buttala, broke into pieces, destroyed by Treasure Hu Citers. When it was repaired and was being lifted on to its pedestal, by these 'KnowAll'Engineers, it was broken again. Fortunately, they learnt from their own mistakes, and now this Statue stands again.
Why can't our pundits be a little more humble, ånd in å spirit of real humility, pool all their specialist knowledge, at east in Wital fields of national Endeavour, discuss in depth be. fore thcy Wenture out on big spectacular projects such as the above
Scientific, knowledge must therefore be made available through papers and magazines, to the large Imass of Sinhala and Tamil peoples. Small men directly involved in productive con struction call then be in Wolved in these national projects, and may be even prevent these totally alienated somewhat "intellectually a Tragonit”, Kultur elites from making collosal blunders. In Samanalawewa too, it is now being said in SINHALA that there is a reservoir full of Water deep down, below these bore holes, drilled, and studied, by local and foreign geologists. Isn't it time therefore for sus to make education seep down and Imake it relevent and meaning
u for l'11

Page 27
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STILL LEADING
Mr. William Thompson o and established the first
in this island on 01st June 1841.
He called it “ Bank of Ceylon ' That was 150 years ago, but that was not We. We opened our doors in 193 only to capture our rightful place in Banking and are proud to say tha
LEAD
Over the years banking profession shared our expertise and BANK OF CEYLON became Sri Lanka’s " SANDHURST TO BANK
 

btained a Royal Charter
Jont Stock Commerical Bank
9
Oy
at we still
KERS.
k of Ceylon
kers to the Nation