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TRENDS
Rajapakse under attack
The Rajapakses are a leading political family in the South. So an atterTipted physical assia LYT irn public or Marinida Fajapakse, MP a scion of the clar did not go LI7r7oficed. The OCCasion] Was al public meeting of the People's Alliance (SLFP, CP, LSSP and other Sundry left of centre parties) Or tre Galle esparade. Also Under attack was an ally of Rajapakse, HerriakuirTara Narayakkara, MP. The aftemp was rebuffed by the young and sturdy Rajapakse with a flying kick.
MW Mairīdas fred Air Bandaranaike, MP, and National Organiser of the SLFP has professed to his II other Mrs Siri Tia WOBandararaike, Leader of flea SLIFP and Leader of the Opposition, against the attacks on his lieutenants, I was another incident in the ongoing intra-party ILSSle, apparently.
Briefly. . .
US bomb suspect in SL?
RarTizi Ahmed Yousef, a most Wanted man in the US is believed to hawe entered Sri Lanka. Yousef is Wanted in Connection with the February 26 bomb explosion at the World Trade Centre, New York. The FBI has sought from the Lanka police to mab the Tan.
Opposition wants systems changed
The Opposition in parliament Wants the Executive Presidential System and the Proportional Representation system out. The Opposition will recommend these
changes to the leict Coimissilittltt arid Parliament:
Tha Select C cled to old its first Week July. also press for th National Identity be made Corp. impersonation.
A THird WC
Where negoti ful Solutions are which opt for wi rism the state C dilerT T — POW, tic state, within framework and rrorist groups?" that human righ Compulsory fore States", Sri Lank World Confere Rights in Vienna Foreign Affairs, Complained.
THE Stalt-Mis the exception of all ethnic groups fOrSWorm WiolonC Lanka had also
tai the flow C SLIch as food 3 reāS i the OrT the country in W Were not yet free
C.
As a sign of S ETI ent to the Tes COferece Sr Lurdertake to rati against torture ( of the coming y said.
Undergrads
Mem tal illrmess;
duates is on th Mairl Cause: fea

Parliamentary Se} Orl Presidential ary elections.
опmittee is expefirst sittings in the The Opposition will eproduction of the Card by Woters to ulsory to mirnir Tılse
orld dilemma
ations and peacerejected by groups olence and terroonfronts a deadly dC) ES E, deToCra
its Constitutional laWS, deal with te"It is unacceptable ts. Criteria are only -Conomically weak a's delegate to the CE DI HLUTla State Minister for John Amaratunga
Ster Säilij tlat With One terrorist group in Sri Lanka hawe e. He said that Sri Continued to Taiif essential items and medicine to th and the east of which the citizens | Cf terorist doIII
riLanka's CommiSage of this World i Lanka would fy the Conwention juring the course "ear, the minister
under stress
among undergrae increase. The r of ragging and
the traumatic effects of being ragged. Among the other Causes are financial problems, language (English) problems, and inability to adjust to a rhew enwironment. These revelations were made by the Peradeniya University Medical Officer Dr S. P. Amarasiri at a Seminar organised by the Institute of Funda Tental Studies (IFS) and the Ladies College Old Girls' Association (Kandy Branch).
Dr Amarasirisaid that eight students suffered nervous breaKodo Wils after ragging in 1991. In al|| 123 students at Peradeniya Were treated for mental illness that year. More Would have sought treatment elsewhere, the doctor Said.
äÜARDIAN
Wol. 16 No. 5 July 1, 1993
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co.Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo -2.
Editor: Merwyn de Siwa Telephorie: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Ma Wälha, CollOfTE 13, Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background The Great Human Rights
DetalЕ 3 Heal the Rogues' Wounds A Casa for Public Morality Conflict Resolution (2) 1[] Letters 12 LT TE"S Cortinued Survival 13 S.W. R.D. (2) 15 The J. R. Years (5) 16
Regional Approaches 19

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NEWS BACKGROUND
The EaSt EBei
Mervyn de Silva
18 EaS IS Ed. In the SECOrld
phase of“Operation Muhudu Sulang", (Sea Breeze) the Army is moving into the jungle areas after Consolidating its sea-C0aStpresence. Ina major action, against an LTTE camp in Angodawila, east batticoloa, the Army killed 20 "Tigers" Inanother action close to Ampara, the Defence Tinistry, said that two "area Commasitiers", buth described as "hardcore terrorists" (Thangarasa Gopolapillai and NilaiZe), Were killed. While six policerTen and three Soldiers hawe been Wunded in the past ten days, the LTTE "resorted to its usual tactic", said a spokesman, "by kidnapping a senior official, an A.G.A." The LTTE is not confrontingus, and the terrorists are ni Col. TIOwing in large groups" a Senior officer comrTiented, adding "May be because of the helicopter gunships we are using freely."
While the army is trying to "liberate" the East and Take it reasonably secure for the referendum to be held before October, the immediate objective is to take BattiColoa and its environs secure for the Presidential Mobile Secretariat which Will See President D.B. Wijetunge Take his first visit to the battle-ton east. President Presiadasa's last visit to the East was earlier this year when he made a highly publicised trip to TrinCo - which is not just är important lndian Ocean port but a multi-ethnic town, and the neck between IF Tirth är id the 55.St. Th5 Tallil Clair 10 the TOrth AMD) the čäSt a S the "traditiQna|| homeland" added a new di Tension to Trinico's historical importance as the finest natural harbour in the East, far finer lham. Subic: Bay Ir1 |hẹ Philipings, It was Indian suspicion US designs on Trincothe US had to pull out of Subic Bay under the US-Philipine treaty - that sentalam bells ringing in Delhi.
PREMA DAS LINE
The Mobile Secretariat was as much a Contribution of Premadasaist populismas "Garm Udawa", For the past two Tonths Of TOre, there has been a not-So Silent inner-party battle ower the Premadasa legacies. In the old, Marxist analyats of such developments within the movement Would hawe called it "inner party ideologiCal Struggla". I this instal rice, it was a question of the Premadasa "personality" as distinct from his "populism" or what Bangladesh's Begum Khaleda Zia descri
2
bed as President Pr: ple" (Jutlook and pro
Whereas his Critic: opinion-makers den stration as "authori Lupper echelor UNP business" girl tick: "brassy". This is the classified under the Show" or "ShowWestern-educated found it offensive "wulgahi..."
By June however, Le SeerTS ÉQ häWe Clir richly Premadasaist ne" gradually asserti lie". Soul Ott) na Cooray is the political Career hadi mbo municipality W Mayor. It is from Sut til C.M.C. tilt Mr. Po into big-time politics. albitions Which Wei the Chinese slogan of surrounding the Intryside (Mao's rewC parlia Tentarist Premi the city to win over t after all has only one out therg. The rural balance of power in always in search of
AS junior minister in the Dudley Senan he hit upon the ide, (bridges) to improve rural areas. More in him to get Out of t remotest willages.
It helped hiri to - the Prer Tadasa With the reeds of the dvantaged, less Org: bridge was the brid the attention-getting media-Conscious po
GAM UD AWA
The Daily News, p. the leading English per, the papeг of Anglicised elite, was thinking than the F Al Thost instinctively,

ng Liberated
2madasa's "pro-peogram.
sas well as pro-UNP ounced his adminitarian", ewen SOITIE 'ers found his "show s too "vulgar" and Critique which can be i popular "One-Man Biz' category. The professional class Jecause it was 100
the inner-party debaTaxed, With the staLISirise ma Cooray "ling itself as the "party forgoltern that Sirisearly Secretary. His 5 Jos in The Colohere le TCSE to bod Jurtar i ColorTito and reradasa also broke But Mr. Presidiisi's e far grander turned upside down. Instead cities from the coututionary slogan) the madasa broke out of 1e willages, Sri Lanka : city. The votes Were masses decided the Prilia Tet, He was a "project".
of local gover IIT Crit ayake administration, a of "poottu palaan" transportation in the nportantly, it allowed he city and wisit the
Oroject a new image who was concerned 2 neglected, the disaarised rural poor. The ge. The project was gimmick of the highly iti Cil.
robably because it is -language newspathe Colombo-based Ore D. U. N. F. ir its 'rel 23 dedi:53, St. J.M.P.
it swung away from
Pren Tladasalist populism. Last week, it SWurlig back to the Cold Centre. Il a CLOSER LOOK AT GAMUDAWA, the Daily Me www editorialistied:
"What Mr. Cooray said on this occasion is worthy of reflection. There are those who over the years told the couintry that the GAM UDAWA was an extrawagant taпasha, a carпival in which millions of rupees of public funds were wasted to pander to the Vanity of one man who wanted the biggest birthday bash of them all..... People who are privileged to wing their Way to the four corners of the earth do not understand the pleasue a village family takes in sitting in a simulated aircraft cabin in the Gai Udawa grounds and enjoying a taste of paradiSe..."
So the Mobile Secretariat will travel to BattiColoa just as the GAM UDAWN was "celebrated in the absence of its creator and the main driving force...." in Mihintale.
But Security in the Eastis stilla problem. And the LTE Cannot ba trusted as the "negotiations" on the 39 police prisoners pr0Wed.
The high-level delegation fro Thailand, Philippines and Malaysia, (Buddhist scholar-monk, Filipino Catholic Bishop and Malaysian Tamil cleric) wadero it pression. On the basis of talks with the ICRC, the Sri Lankan authorities agreed Clift the Ernbargo on Tany items, including diesel and petrol, in return for the 39 policemen. Only 5 were released. 34 hostages remain in LTTE custody while 50 helpless relatives are still in Jaffnahoping the LT TE Will be SCOTIEWhat TOTë Luar and trustworthy.
Now that Tamil journals are confirming that tha Sri Lankan President was as much a victim of LTTE wengeance as President Prer Thadasa, the er Tiphasis of Colombo's strategy is likely from "peace talks" to military "containment" by making the east as secure as possible and limiting the "War" to the north,
if it is possible to contain the LTTE to the north, Who KIOWs whetherit can becoTeameaslertargetfor Indian Interwention after the Gandhi trial is over. A lightning punitive strike..... like the US in Iraq?.

Page 5
THE GREAT HUMAN RIGHTs DEB
Western Dominatic
Dr Chandra Muzaffar
he United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), in its Human Development Report for 1992, observes that for the first time in human history the World is close to creating a single, unified global system. In the last two decades or so, nations and communities allower the World hawe been drawn, willy-nilly, into a single Web spanning a whole variety of relationships.
What has been the impact of this global system upon nations and communities, especially those which are less powerful and less prosperous? What has been its impact upon human beings and human rights everywhere?
The existing - still evolving-global system has been unfair and unjust to the vast majority of the human race. Its inequities and its injustices are evidentin almost every facet of international affairs.
The Global Economy and Human Rights
The global economy, for instance, is Controlled and managed by a handful of elites, Corporations and states located in the North. They have done everything to ensure that their interests would be protected and enhanced ever if it is to the detriment of the rest of humanity. Any analysis, however cursory, of the Workings of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Which are all under the effective control of the Group of 7 (Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the USA) will TEW 23aith S.
This is one of the reasons why income disparities in the global economy have been growing wider and Wider. These disparities are reflected in the distribution of the World's Gross National Product (GNP) over the last 30 years.
"Between 1960 and 1989, the countries with the richest 20% of the World population increased their share of global Wealth from 70.2% to 82.7%. The countries with the poorest 20% of the World population Saw their share fal||from 2.3% to 14%. The consequences for income inequalities have been dramatic. In 1960, the top
Dr Chandra Muzaffar is a Malaysian social critic and fra Director of Just World Trust (JLST), an NGO basad 7 Perang, Malaysia.
20% received 30 bottom 20%, but by wing 60 times more
These disparities Whe one examin levels. "The North, of the World's popul of the World's ener! 85% of its Wood är
Contrast this wit South. Over Olebi in absolute poverty. people are depriv Care. About a billior
What this shows of the population in the Ostasic ecol The global econom rkets transmitting m day through interna has meant nothing ress human beings to Survive. Indeed, character of the glo One of the Tlain C: the poor not only i ir the North where " live below the power Tarket econorities' Conveniently forgott of the "free market".
Powerty is also question of political are in no position t of free expression especially if they ar international banks from the North.
The debt that natic the IMF, a case in p billio ir 1980 to S42 Was only apart of th So Luth owed the Nc the servicing of exte lows up a huge ch COUntless Countries been estimated tha Was bled out of the SC Luth) i debt Serwir
The UN Childre points out that as m |drer die a Cross the because of the debt res one Filipino chi a result of the Phili failure to limit debtp

ATE
itles more than the 1989 they were recei
become even Stärker as real consumption Nith about one fourth altior, CoSummes, 70% ly, 75% of its metals,
60% of its food".
the situation in the lion people are mired One and a half billion ld of primary health adults are illiterate.
is that a huge portion he South do not enjoy omic and social rights. y, with its "capital naOre than 300 billion a tional data networks', for these poor, poWei who are barely able tis this verylop-Sided bal economy which is auses of the plight of the South but also Iwer 100 million people ty line in the industrial - a fact that is often en by the high priests
directly linked to the | rights. Poor nations o exercise their right
in international fora e heavily indebted to and lending agencies
ls in the South owed pint, leaped from $9.5 .4 biliOrlin 1986!Thl5 e S12 trillion that the orth in 1986. Indeed, rial debotSalOrthe SWaunk of the budget of
in the South. It has til 1988 "132 billion se countries (in the ce'.
n's Fund (UNICEF) hany as 650,000 chiThird World each year 'And in the Philippi|d dies each hour as ppines government's ауment'.
How can one expect countries which are neck-deep indebt to articulate independent positions on global issues that impinge upon the interests of powerful nations in the North - lations which, seedless to say, possess immense political and economic clout over international lending agencies and lending policies,
It is not just the debt trap that nations in the South hawe gotinto Which limits their political rights and their political sovereignty. The South expects investments from the North. It wants access to markets in the North. It depends on technology transfers from the North. It employs consultants and so-called "experts' from the North.
The South, in other Words, has established a relationship of dependence upon the North. This, in one way or another, also impedes most countries in the South from speaking up, from dissenting - if it is going to incur the displeasure of Some powerful state in the North,
Global Politics and Human Rights
That the South as a whole has very little political freedom at the global level is underscored by the mechanics of decision-making in the most powerful international political organ in existence todaythe United Nations Security Council. Apart from the fact that only one of the five weto-carrying members is from the South (which incidentally has three-quarters of the world's population), the Security Council has, in the last two years in particular, totally sidelined the South and the interests it represents.
Of course, South Tembers in the Council speak but their speeches count for little. It is the United States and its allies who dominate, and dictate to, the Security Council.
The recent Gulf Crisis demonstrated US power over the Council-so much so that it was nicknamed the US Security Council. That power has continued unabated, as reflected in the continued imposition of Security Council sanctions upon Iraq even after it had been forced out of Kuwait. The Council's stand against Libya - the abstention of most South merTibers on Resolution 748 notwithstanding - was yet another illustration of how subservient it had become to US and Wester intefESS.

Page 6
Even the General Assembly, which in the 1960s and 1970s was that one organ in the UN system where the South exertad Some political influence, has degenerated into yet another area for the US to flex its muscles. The overwhelming endorsement by the Assembly (most of whose members are from the South) in December 1991 of a US-sponsored motion to revoke an earlier resolution equating Zionism with racism was proof of this. A large number of Assembly members, it is alleged, were bribed and blackmailed into supporting the US motion.
If the ability of a person to vote without fear or favouris one of the Tost important Criteria by which one judges the authentiCity of the democratic process Within a Country, then the UN General Assembly StardSCOrierTre da Salistitutio1 Were there is no genuine freedom of choice. The ASSembly, at this point in time, together with the Security Council, provides ample proof that there is no realder IocraCy in the global Syster T1, Chly the political rights of the US and its allies carry any Weight or value.
Global Military Power and Hunan Rights
In any case, What do political rights mean - how much Scope is there for auton OmlOLJS political action — ir a situalion Where devastating Fire pOWer is Concentrated in the hards of one military 'super state'. The US Defence Department itself, in a document called Deserce Parring Guidarica, leaked to the Press by some officials in March this year, Takes it abundantly clear that "it sees a World dominated by a single superpower whose military might would deter any challenger.
A high US Tilitary official has gone even further. He Wants the World to be 'Scared to death" of US pQWar. |farny der TIOTistration of that power was needed, it came in the form of the Gulf War. Indeed, there are analysts who argue that this was one of to Toti was of the War: to show COUntries of the South in particular what the US could do to them if any one of them tried to challenge its dominant power in the post-Cold War period.
In a World where lations and peoples live in fear of a military superpower, they cannot be expected to pursue their aspirations, however legitimate they may be, beyond a certain point. This must deter small nations of the South, and perhaps the North too, from seeking to develop political or economic initiatives indepedet of the U.S. HOW Carl Colle talk of freedom, of independence in such a World
— Third World, NeofWork Ferah PLNred5.
HUMAN
A Symposium ( in South Asia' o and Society Trust W. literational Centre Neelan TirUChelwar and Society Trust sta of the symposiurn is rights agenda for th regard to the prioritie need to be adopte institutions. He argu Society institutions Creative role in recC Asia as a region whi by a Common Commi as pluralism, demo and respect for diw prepared a detailedr ngale Report, which rights agenda in rel rights, socioeconom and gender issues, participants to rewie ask themselves a q. the ideological chal and de TOCratic Wa strategies to empow tions. The symposiu by Asma Jahangir, tr of the Human Rights Staf),
Dr. L.M., India's H United Kingdom refe cal and legal histor argued that the exist institutions, althoug strengthened and r grievances and to Added that Wille SOL ity in accepting the rights, this Uniwersal textualized if it Wa: with reality. The real refore to reconcile Walues. With the need Walues are rendered particularitics and sp. ad a lati Olal COT' non-govern Tental human rights group responsibility to ensl. tiOS Wor Ter and effective. He fe seed for an adversa. relationship betwee human rights group ngruence of interest ther to protect wa

RIGHTS (2)
In "Human Rights rganised by the Law as Field in the Wierra
on 15th Junie. Dr. 1 Direct 0s of the Law ited that the objective to develop a human e South Asia having is and strategies that by the civil Society Jed that it Was Civil which could play a Inceptualising South ch Was held logether itment to Walues. Such cracy, human rights ersity. The LST had "eport Called the Ahudeveloped a human ation to civil political ic rights, group rights He called upor the W this agedā ard to Jestion as O. Whether lenges to pluralistic |Les Caled for në W er civil Society instituIT was presided Ower le Secretary-General Commission of Paki
igh CorImissioner to irred to the long politiy of South Asia and irg legal arhid Jolitical imperfect, could be evitalised to redress resova COnflictŠ. HČ It Asia as to difficuniversality of human ity needed to be coS Col LC |}SE COs lact challenges was the22 Luliwės Salih Luar
to ensure that these meaningful given the |cificies of Ea regional text. He agreed that organisations and os hawe a particular Ire the politicalistituTOC a CCOLuntable at that there was no rial or Confrontatiola | th Stål ard Lh S and that was a cowhich should enable luas and institutions
which was mandated by their Constitutions. While he was willing to concede that the Courts System was not perfect in prewenting arbitrary arrests or discriminatory treatment, they had proved to be substantially effective and in his own professional experience, he was able to obtain redress On behalf of many persons and groups whose fundamental rights had been de
Tied.
Several human rights activists questicled the optilist that was implicit in Dr. L.M.'s presentation with regard to the Status of human rights in India. Mr. Rawi Nair of the South Asian Human Rights Documentation Centre pointed out that although human rights groups would wecome a non-adversarial relationship with the state, many hurrian rights activists had been exposed to arbitrary detention and in the Case of the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Union, 3 activists had been killed. Mr. K.G. Kannabiran, President of Aldhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Union pointed out that although he had been originally invited by the Andhra Pradesh Government to participate in a discussion on the draft Hur Tian Rights ConTITission Bill, this imwitation has been subsequently withdrawn or the directions of the Home Ministry. These WGr) not actions which Were Coinducive to a constructive relationship between the state ärid tha civil Society. He further pointed out that the legal and policy framework with regard to human rights organisations in India was unduly restrictiWe with regard to their ability to secure external funding or receive charitable contributions. Justice Rajindar Sacher who is a member of the UN Human Rights Sub-Commission also pointed out that there were long delays in the disposal of habeas Corpus applications and there was a progressive decline in public confidence in the effectiveness of judicial rest edies for the protection of human rights,
Dr. Kamal Hossain, former Foreign Minister of Bangladesh felt that it was important for the human rights groups to ask themselves the questions as to why the Conditions relations to huITan rights in many parts of South Asia were luch Worse than they were when the transition of political power took place Tore than four decades ago. The political leaderships in South Asia had failed two generations. This decline has been particularly

Page 7
marked in institutions such as bureaucracy, the party system, the administration of justice and the maintenace of law and Order.
Much of the human rights abuses in the sub-continent may be attributed to policing methods and the abuse of police powers. He added that if the next generation was to hawe a better future in ter ITS of individual freedom and respect for human dignity, civil society institutions Tust Workin close Concert across national boundaries. He particularly referred to the problems of Tulti-ethnicity and the need to devise structural arrangements and policies which will enable minority groups to protect the idem tities and equitably share political power. Bangaldesh was founded on the principles of self-determination but self-determination need not be equated with secessions. So long as there is no massive and gross abuse of huTan rights and the minimal willingness to co-e- xist, alternative solutions need to be explored. Dr. Nihal Jayawickrentna, the Ariel F Sallows Professor of Human Rights at the Univesity of Saskatchewan felt that Dr. Karnal Hossain's approach to self-deterimination Was too restrictive. He felt that the majority Community must recognise that they cannot be the sole arbiters of redefining Tmutlti-ethnic polities. Minorities must also hawe the right to determime their political status and their political destiny.
Justice Dorab Patel Concurred with the view that over the decades that the ninof and appellate judiciary in Pakistan had been progessively eroded of their legitimacy. He felt that within the Pakistan context, human rights groups had to struggle against forces of religious extremism who imposed restraints on the freedom of expression of those who did not necessarily share their beliefs. Secular and pluralistic values continue to be threatened by the forces of intolerance and the courts were often helpless and unable to provide meaningful relief. Ms Asma JahaIngir concluded that the protection of human rights called for human rights groups within the sub-continent to increasingly adopt a regional approach through Cooperation and exchange of information. She felt that the existing networks between human rights groups needs to be strengthened to enable them to address problems of internal conflict which were deeply linked to some of the more serious human rights abuses within the sub-conti
et.
HUWAN
Johan Jorgen
I want to express
to the people and ( for hosting this W Human Rights. It OutCCC E TE COTICS first är id foremost beings with little ack and whose daily live of brutal oppressio COCEIT to the Court and maltreat Tent, to from extreme pow World and to the Til displaced persons W to leave their homes
Not far from here, wia, We are witness in of human rights ant hur Tanitariam law. F and detention of civil tions, rape and tortu settleTents and the gious sites have bec rate and systernatic rising. Those who cc crities have left the civilization, Thade t For the We have anger. Their crimes standards, they are ( nity. It is part of the f to bring to justice th temptation to use inc
My Government a rway are deeply con building a just World respact for Uniwersal are talking about it rights We refuse to c gists of oppression CirCuT1StarCes and CauSe remains just unjust means.
Almost forty-five since the adoption ol ration dom HuTan F principle that huma in every individual ht Wer race, Sex, Cultur or belief. Unfortunat
Tře. Vyrifer 5, Ed M of Norway.

| RIGHTS (3)
Holst
Thy sincere gratitude Owern Tert of Austria brid Conferer CEE Con
deliberations and to all present, but o the many human ess to proper justice are haunted by fears 1. It is of particular ess victims of torture the people suffering arty throughout the ions of refugees and ho hawe been forced otheravages of War.
the former Yugoslagapopalling wiolations the basiC NOTTS of orced displacement ians, arbitrary execure, attacks on civilian destruction of reliome part ofa delibepolicy of ethnic cleaTimit such atrocious onfines of European er selves Outcasts. + but conter Tıpt and are appalling by any :rimes against hu malight for human rights ose who yield to the discriminate force.
ind the people of NoTitted to the task of order which includes human rights. As We |alienable, universal oncede to the apolo
who claim Special istorical justice. No
which depends on
years hawe passed the Uniwersal DeCläghts and the basis
rights are inherent man being of whate}, language, religion tly, the tenets of the
"isler of Foreign Affairs
declaration remain unrealized for Tillions of human beings. Many Societies of the international COTITIunity have been unable to guarantee the four freedoms of the Declaration; freedom of speech, freedom of belief, freedom front fear and freedom from Want. Grawe violations of the rights of Women, gender-based discrimination and rape as well as abuse and exploitation of children form part of the depressing and pressing problems which We cannot igno
.
This conference should provide a resounding reaffirmation of the principle of the universality of human rights. We need to fathom its consequences. Traditionally intemational la W rewolwed around the principle of the sovereignty of States and the inviolability of their borders. At the end of the twentieth century we are concerned about the sovereignty of man, about the inviolability of the indiwidual hur Tian being. The principle of State sovereignty may no longer be invoked for purposes of suppressing and violating the rights of the citizens of the state. State sovereignty is circumscribed. It does not include the right to wiolate the individual.
By focusing on the inherent and inalienable rights of all hur man beings we contradict those who claim exclusive rights for only some human beings chosen on the basis of ethnicity and religious belief. The emerging threats of ethnic nationaisin Constitutes a threat against human civilization, and certainly against the concept of universal human rights. Instead We Tust build inclusive human corn in unities based on the rights of man rather than Succumbing to notions of exclusive human associations based on myths of ethnicity. The pursuit of exclusive communities and pure race breed separation, estrangement, hostility, aggressiveness and callousness. It constitutes a denial of the values inherent in every human being. The battle of the oppressed for attention and justice is everyone's battle.
This conference should map out new goals and strategies. It should help govefrients Overcole obstacles to achieve progress in the fight for genuine protriction of human rights. Let me mention five
5

Page 8
important aspects of a strategy for the protection of human rights:
First, ratification and implementation of the international COWearts and Other releWant instruments, Without reservationS which contradict their purpose and spirit.
Second, enactment of national legislation in conformity with the international law of human rights.
Third, establishment of national institutions for the protection and pro Totion of human rights, including a strong and independent judiciary.
Fourth, the Constitution of a network of freely functioning non-governmental organizations. They are indeed indispensable to the protection of human rights, to keeping governments honest and to fostering är ethos respect for hutan rights,
Fifth, introduction of specific programmes of education and hurTian rights training,
Democracy constitutes a necessary coindition for the protection of human rights. Hence, the principal task is building democracy, promoting the Walues of the open society and organizational structures designed to preserve pluralism, coherence and efficiency in the face of diversity. The international community must stand ready to support such efforts. The World Conferer"|Ce should is Wille d'Or 1Or COUmtries to increase their support for democratic development. Human rights Conditionalities d0 mot a TQuint to Urwärranted interfcrece, but to necessary insurance that funds are mot Wasted and the power they prowide
10 Sured.
We share a deep concern for people living in extreme powerly. We should rededicale ourse wes to the task of allewiating the plight of the pQQr in a spirit of true solidarity. Development and the eradication of powerty constitute necessary Corditons for human rights to flourish,
Regardless of economic obstacles, governments Tust comply with their obligation to respect the integrity of every human being. The World Conference should launchal all-out effort to eradicate torture, disappearances, rape and otherwiolations of basic human rights. It should give firm expression to the need for a more active
B
rol of the Unid N' Cea de for CETTEert rogable standards f human rights in al si in situations of inter HT]{j Elhfll: 5[Tỉf= HTTH
Racist in all its forms, including the rights of human bein шпacceptably, гасiSп sing its ugly head in ding Europe. Racial ethric hatred are irc wiable notion of hull: Conference should Li and the World COTIT Tijät äl|| for Tls of Ta and ethnic cleansing
Conflicts entail mot ler Ce, but alSO fractu and the Separation Col must striweto alle wiat of prolonged and er reuniting families. W Aung San Suu Kyi dignified fight for der rights Commands bri pport and admiration LuS thåll guris Carrol Will to be free.
Mimi Critis, är ofta nation, Myths of a pu tion of exclusiwe Cor to uniformity rather beCOrne Oppressive human spirit can thr Ethnic cleansing is ethnic cleansers. It [}Î 3 l{}lållãriăf1 ${}{:ĩẹ" duals prewented frc their fellow citizens of enhancing the p Protecting the rights cting the rights of all liri iriterraticorial SOCIE Lië.S. If I Thir"|CritiëS arë: rchy will prevail.
The Cultural and peoples requires () opportunity to flouri than uniformity enric år här"CeS srėėdosT. nobel and dignified to protect the religio) u ty of his people,
My government

tions in the ot;SEIswaof Tini Ilulos-deor the protection of tuations, particularly a disturbance, civil political emergency.
Tlailifestations and ugly practice of the gs. Regrettably and п is опce agaiп гаіTany places, inclu
discrimination and to Ipatible with any an rights. This World rge all governments |Unity at large to coCiss, arti-SfInitiST
destruction and vio
Ted hurman relations ffarnilies, Herce, We e the Consequences trenched conflict by Burge the release of
whose walient and mocracy and human "bad ir1 terrhatiOrhal SLII. Se F3S ETird : for (3Wer Siler CE: th) (3
n Subject to disCrimire race, the constitumunities dedicated
than diversity, will
to everyone. The iwe only in freedom. El tret als to the Ioints in the direction ly, of atomized indiwi3rt association. With except for purposes Iower of the rulers. of Tir horiti (35 is protemembers of a Society. ity We are all minorinot protected, ana
eligious identity of all ur respect and an ish, Diversity rather thes human life and Therefore We hail the effort by Dalai Lama s and Cultural integri
genuinely welcomes
1993 as the literrational Year of the World's Indigenous People. "A New Partnership" should meet the legitimTlate aspiTatiOS of the World's Torth 30C0|Ti|io indigenous people. Let metake this opportunity to pay warn tribute to the Nobel Peace Prize laureates present, among them Rigoberta Menchu, spokeswoITian for the indigenous peoples. We join in her plea for compassion and reason and for the elimination of racism, oppression, diScrimination and exploitation of all those who have been caught in a spiral of locowerty irid ħ Copeless ress.
We need to adopt an integrated, holistic approach to humani rights. It embrāCÉs i Wide range of activities spanning from development to peacemaking, confiderice building and peacekeeping. My government SuppoÖrts the refore Lhee establishrinent of a coordinating mechanism for a United Nations Human Rights Programme, under the auspices of the Centre for Human Rights,
Greater resources are needed. The World Conference should make a strong appeal to the General Assembly and goLLLLaLaLLLLL LLLaLLaCCLL LaaL LLLLLaLLLL LLLS cations to the human rights programmes of the United Nations, particularly to the Centre for Hutan Rights.
It should call on the General Assembly also to establish the office of a High Commissioner for Hur man Rights, not to replace existing Techanis Tis, which should be strengthened further, but rather to optimize the use of existing resources and give the protection of human rights in the United Nations a new identity and a face. A High Commissioner for Human Rights WOLuld signal a new beginning and a renewed commitment to the spirit which gave birth to the Universal Declaration om Human Rights.
This Conference should become a beaCO of light and hope also for those human rights activists who hawe beer depriwed of their right to defend the integrity of other human beings. Nobel Peace Prize Wimmers Dalai Lama, Aung San Suu Kyi and Rigoberta Menchu symbolize all those brawe individuals who deserve our full support and encouragement.
| trust that the conference will produce a major step forward on the road to freedom, equality and justice for all.

Page 9
Heal the Rogue
lndran Amirtharhayaga rTn
E
| loyers of that riot of rature,
that for Ter paradise known as Sri Lanka, Where 78,000 people hawa been killed in political violence since 1983, should resTer Iber the metaphor of the rogue elephant.
This elephant has been cast out of the herd. Perhaps it is mad;perhaps it harbors SOrne Wound that does not allow it tograze in peace with its brothers and sisters. So it caves the herd, or is forced out. And alone in the jungles it eats the dry leaves of loneliness. And when it spots a group of holiday travelers 50 yards down the dirt road - my family in a jeep - it charges.
We were lucky in 1965. The tracker who aCCompanied US Spoke SOITe Collands in a tongue that the elephant understood, and the bruised animal stopped its charge.
The tragedy of moderi Sri Lankans is that far too many of us, living in Colombo Or Jaffna, Toronto or New York, hawe forgotten the tongue that Will heal our differences.
That tongue is not Sinhalese, or Tamil, or English. It is all of these and Tuch Tore. It is rooting out the unfortunate link between ethnicity and the bogey Ten froT the books our children read.
We don't leed to hawe a Tamil willair and a Sinhales Fero. Ald We don't need to reverSe the te Tis either, Let our Willaims be people who commit acts against the Order of society, whoever they are.
One such act took place on May Day, When a young Tianbornbs strapped to his chest, Crashed his bicycle into President Ranasinghe Prema dasa. Апођher was the shooting of one of Mr. Permadasa's main rivals a Week earlier.
And these are just the latest public violations - by villains, bogeymen, Crazed boys, rogue elephants,
Wiolations, Rape, Murder. | Wonder what Prime Minister Solomon
Bandara naike thou lads. Sinalese the Tamil a Secondary
That was the begi from paradise, And Ole Of Lil8 BarlieSt by a fanatic,
| Worldgr What P. rdene thought whe Ouse While such bLited in the Sull SOldiers läd tee guerrillas in the nor
The night of thef Sel Out O BOLJfr 'W bLISingsS in the CE iderlified Orl WOtf TCes in the goverrir
Mr. JayawardenE KE "Thaid COr tribui They Were also ter| wing ther clans and of a Conracial, dem
\fl[]| W[]TICJgTwhẽ ran, the leader of th Boys", thinks today bush empire. How girls hawe died for state the Tigers Wä Critics of Tiger met TCE d'?
Oh, but can hear at a bachelor party Lanka. There was fight started. A clo: punched a friend oi the air-corTig, CO the Conciliatory voic just boys. They get their companions. pola CE. The SLUITI Will Everything will be a
Enough of these The Who Cole to drunk. If only for a could create a spaci there is no need fo

eS” WOUn CS
ght in 1956 when he ! official language and iOngua?
nning of the expulsion Mr. Bandaranaike Was WİCİTHS, ässassirated
"esident J. R. Jaya Wahe stayed inside his of Tair Til Sri Laika mer of 1983? Thirte
ambushed by Tamil tՒ1.
uneral gangs of thugs ery TarTil hOrne and Ipital. Ard teach Was lists Supplied by SOL
ërit.
and Mr. Bardaranaiions to the country. ibly human, oftensenot the larger interests (Cräti: Sri Laika.
it Welupillai Prabhakahe Tail Tigers, "The , holding court in his Tiany Tamil boys and
Eelam, the separate int? How mamy Tamil HOds have been sile
"the all'OWar CBST3 de On a recent Wisit to Sri a lot of drinking and a se friend of the Orida the groQT. Hands in e, let's Sortit Coult. Ad e of an adult: They are
drunk, play tricks on The Wedding will take shine in the Torning. | right.
denials. The boys and kill are not just rowdy Tinute, the Wedding in a Sri Lanka Where r the explanation that
SrTC)) this Ower the truth.
If only We could Wear our tropical suits a fhad Sing Our HyTI 15 and driwe Core to parties that admit our various bloods and the bords thät Limite US.
The British saw cricket as a savior, Sortiething they could offer to smooth over the harder aspects of their kingship over us poor native subjects.
And We adopted the genteel ideas of sportsmanship. But we also called ourseWes the Tartill Unior Cricket Club or the Ceylon Moors, or the Sinhalese Sports Club. Perhaps we were honest. Perhaps We thought that ever in Cricket we must acknowledge the hatreds that eat away at Our gestures of brotherh00d and Our adopted salutations — Good show, chap! Well done
Welldone, Sri Lankal Here We goagain! The new president, D.B. Wijetunga, has said that he will resume negotiations with the Tigers.
| Welcome these words. The nightmare rides upon sleep, said Yeats about reland. But the Weawake, as Wermust. Ard West List go about Our busine SS, and raise our children, and welcomeback the family that has dispersed to Canada, Europe, India, if only for a visit.
And let us have a roaring reunion. Let us have Bharata Natyam dancers and baila singers and pianos and tablas. Lel us have Hindu pujas and the rosary and the Four Noble Truths of Buddhist.
Let us invite the burghers to return from Australia and the Tamil stow-aways from the restaurants of Paris. Let us have a government of national unity. Let us care for the remaining herds of elephants. Let us develop potions to heal the wounds of the rogues.
This Sri Lankar writer's first book of poems "The Elephants of Reckoning" Was OLE Se is Orl. TFS COTTem was contributed to the New York Times.
7

Page 10
A Case for PU o
Izeth Hussain
s public morality really important?
Everyone will agree of course that public morality is something to which we should all make public obeisance. But many will argue that what is really important is to advance the Tale of our economic development, because that will lead to high standards of public Thorality and all else that is good in life will be added unto us. In the meanwhile the less We bother about windy abstractions like the Good, the Truth and Justice the better it Will be for all of us. It seems an eminently pragmatic point of view,
| Want to argue the opposite case. Unless the Government respects worthwhile standards of public Torality, and shows that it does So by punishing niScreants for criminal abuse of power, corruption, and violence, Sri Lanka wil||hāve to face further disasters. Economic development will also be jeopardised. This looks like a pre-eminently non-pragmatic approach to politics. The case I want to argue is that only the politics that takes public morality seriously is pragmatic.
The reason why public morality has to be regarded as crucially important raises the question of the relationship between morality and politics, a complex and difficult question requiring for its proper understanding a grasp of certain philosophical problems. I will not deal with that question at a theoretical level. Instead will make Some Commonsense observations poiriting to the connection between politics and morality.
Aita commonsense level we have firstify to note that every known human Society has had some kind of Timoral syster Tı, enjoining standards of good behaviour both in private and in public life. Secondly, We must note that every known human society has required punishment for crime. Whatever the explanations may be those are facts, universally valid facts, and consequently a pragmatic approach to politics has to take account of ther T. Those facts Suggest that when a government persists in showing Contempt for public morality, some kind of disaster can be expected to follow.
Sri Lanka's 1977 GowerTrTent seems to provide a convincing illustration. It began with nowhere to go but up, and was backed by an enormous fund of goodwill both local and foreign. Considerable eco
8
nomic developmentt Samo Sri Lanka face. that GOWern Taft rel
1988.
What went Wrong explanation in the tends to Corrupt, ab)SI absolutely". Significe has been for some ye quotation in Sri Lank ordinary folk under than the bigwigs who this country.
It is well-known th: unleashes two terri One of which is a weak and the Other a Cor Sense. Edmund Burk wisdom of the ages, the moral legitimation unbounded power pr until it has eradicate inciple". Such power "both the heart and that is to say the Comprehend moral "understanding" to E kind of reality.
The 1977 Gower Wirtually unbQunded started exhibiting th power as understood It exhibited its Weak by its spectacular Tiis problem and its eq shandling of our relat | Carl attest as a for officer, astonished t | Will not go into det: grasp of reality bëCE article is on the nor;
The other Conseq power, the Corrosior was exhibited in an form. The power-m: inability to distinguis wrong. What we 1977 GOWGrIlmet atrophy of the mori nged and grim atta an unus Lual thougt f ΠΠΕΠ. Π.-
A bulky volume ci Subject, chockful of this article || Wil|| TE statement made bo She spoke of the s

ic Morality
ok place, but all the disaster by the time nquished power in
We may find an Olign tilat "POW8r lute power COrrups ntly Acton's dictum ars a widely popular a showing that the tand power better hawe been Wrecking
It urbo Lundgd poWer ble Consequer CeS, ened grasp of reality rosion of the moral e who, reflecting the
always insisted on of power, wrote "But oceeds step by Step, d ewery laudable prihe thought corrupted the understanding", "Heart" to feel and
realities, and the be able to grasp any
ment certainly had power, and quickly e pathology of Such right down the ages. ened grasp of reality handling of our Tamil Jally spectacular miions. With India which, mer Foreign Service he rest of the World. ails of that Weakened ause my focus in this alfactor in politics.
ECesofubajurided i of the Toral serSe, Inusually spectacular ad usually display an 3F betwee right ard witnessed under the was not that familiar a sense but a prolock on public morality, Tot an unique pheno
an be COTipiled on the hair-raising horrors. In fer only to a reCent y Mrs Bandaranaike. stoning of the houses
of judges over the Wivienne Gunawardena case and the promotion of the convicted police officer, and then went on to speak of another unspeakable horror which has not been widely known to the public. A notorious criminal from Gonawela who was serving a sentence for rape was not only freed, but was actually made an all-island Justice of the Peace. (Island, 8/6/93). In all these cases what was shown was mot the usual hyp0Crisies of government; but ablatant Contempt for the law, conterTipt for the judiciary, and Contempt for moral noritis. It amounted to an attack on public morality.
The case of the 1977 Government is unusual but not unique. There hawe been several cases where excess of State power has led to a show of contempt for public morality, in Bokassa's Central African Empire for instance. Disaster has invariably followed. By 1988 We had in Sri Lanka the two Pol Potist rebellions of the JWP and the LTTE, the IPKF presence, loss of Government Control over a third of the national territory and almost half the coastline, hundreds of thousands of refugees, and an international image of Sri Lanka as an incorrigibly chronic case. It was a stupendous negative achievement. Pragmatic politics requires that We take note of what can be expected to happen When the GovernTient displays a weak grasp of reality and contempt for public morality, the Consequences of unbridled State power.
Pragmatic politics requires also that We take note of the fact that all human Societ ties have sanctions against crime. Primitiwe communities usually believe that only punishment can restore a balance that has been destroyed by crime, while the more sophisticated Societies have other ethical justifications for making punishmentarı irtiperative. The need topunish Crimeisnota matter ofuglyvindictiveness, but something integral to Our being human. Pragmatic politics therefore requires a recognition that a society in which Crime goes unpunished as a matter of course Ceases to be property hutan, at least to SOT18 8xl8nt.
Politics in Sri Lanka hawe becoTIE SC) peculiar that derlands for punishment for all the critinal abuse of power, Corruption and violence since 1977 do not figure too

Page 11
prominently in our political discourse. An ExCepotion Was the Stater ment of extrā Ordinary quality from the Fellowship of Christian University Students published in the Island 5/693. It asked the Government to "FEstorE public ConfidenCe in thé läWald the police by prosecuting all police offiCers, politicians and business tycoons against whom there is evidence of partici. pation in corruption and violence".
The kind of political pragmatism for which I am arguing may be challenged by What appears to be a more hard-headed and more persuasive pragmatism. The Counter-argument could proceed along the following lines.
Let us allow that the critial abuse of power, Corruption and violence of the 1977 GowerTent kicked the Sri Lankan people deep down into amabyss. Cor Tirinorisense requires a recognition that we need time to climb out of the abyss, and We have in fact been climbing. The 1988 Government was a distinct improvement On the 1977 one because it proceeded from anti-democracy to quasi-democracy, as shown by the indubitable fact that it allowed far more freedom of expression han was imaginable under the previous one. And the present Government looks like promising a further improvement. Should the Government now undertake a thorough ethical cleansing of the UNP, the Party can be badly shaken and chaos might follow. The climbing process might be reversed.
Above all, the counter-argument will proceed, it is only under the UNP that we can be certain of a rapid pace of economic development, and only that will lead to high standards of public morality and all the other good things of life being added Untous."Grub first, thernethics", as Bertolt Brecht put it.
The power of that counter-argument derives from a utilitarian conception of ethics which prevails in the bourgeois Secularized Societies. A hundred years ago Bradley subjected the ethics of utilitarianism to animpeccably logical and dewasting critique. But it survives and spreads in various forms, because utilitarian ethics are bourgeois ethics and there seems to be no Way of halting the bourgeois juggeTIlaԼIէ,
The basic principle underlying that kind of ethics is the greatest happiness of the greatest number. In its practical application to the politics of Sri Lanka it would mean that it does not really matter that the greatest crimes go unpunished, provided the UNP Government continues its economic policies which hold out the best prospects for promoting the greatest ha
ppiness of the gre Laikā.
it Ell SC Lurds COTT roughly plausible, mething mysterious re of Tam as noted and that fact seem by moral practice ir Contradicting the et rianism. || hawe pa Wester insisterce ndards of public To which figured in thi seem a derisory mi Ted to thekirld of hor Or less normal in Co But Nix or was o Earlier ATCriCJI PI Welt Were gLuilty of tf il COr15êquences fol public Seems to a a dangerous appet refore exceptionally to be applied to him
But what is One CENSO rius SS i E lics in high places? With pOW(er and abu: there hawe beë like de Tlalds for se: nge for jabs. Doctol and SC O Cam hawe, tion and yet be aCC Zes, ard vorpille Cabinet Ministers, el shown that their froli Way interferes with Ministerial responsi long tradition of T fornicated merrily, m of the British people today royal frolics pri journalists Who, we ther riselwes look for Cation every row a
The fuss ower w frolicsOneness can Effs of Lutilitaria el deter the growth of Sed flow of goods a to promote the grea greatest ruber. T. there is something which makes peop. primitive Communiti Sophisticated societi logo against What a the Tora|| Order.
It may be argued tling a simple and st nation for all the fuss Siness over the pec high places, which is people are jealous a

atest umber in Sri
Ton SemisiCal and thoOwever, there is SOabout the Toral natuly Aristotle long ago,
to be demonstrated
the West frequently lical syster of utilitaticularly in mind the
om the highest staality, Those wire-taps : Watergate scandal Sdemeamour Compaors accepted as Thore Intris like Sri Lanka. unded out of office, esidents like Roosele same thing, but no Owed. The AI Terican fe felt that Nixon had e for power, and the
strict standards had
to Take of Extremă iritain ower sexual fro
It has nothing to do Së Of power, because charges of anything cual favours in excha's, lawyers, scientists a motoriety for formicaepted as worthy citiĮrs of society. But mot wer though it might be cSome life-style in no the discharge of their bilities. Britain had a erry monarchs who Iuch to the the delight : in the old days. But woke theire of British I can be quite Sure, ward to a spot of for ni
d then,
fire-taps and sexual not be explained in thics. They in no Way the GNP, the increand Services required test happiness of the Le explanation is that about being human le feel, both in the es and in the most es, that it is perilous Society conceives as
that I am here forgetraightforward explainess and CelsoriouadilOS COTTited in
· hypocrisy. Ordinary nd therefore finickily
censorious over what is done by their betters. But hypocrisy cannot explain the scale of the American indignation over Watergate. I believe the explanation is to be found partly a commonsensical pragrnatism. There is a disjunction between private and public Torality, With stricter Standards for the latter in Some Ways, becauss of an understanding that when things go wrong in the public realm the damage is to the whole society, and not just a few individuals. The threat of more serious damage requires stricter standards to prevent it.
It will be convenient for the reader if briefly recapitulate my argument at this point. The question I am addressing is Whether public morality is really important, and whether Sri Lanka can come through Without punishment for crimes Committed in the post-1977 era. The Counter-argumet is that should the Gowernment undertake an ethical cleansing of the UNP, chaos could follow. What is really important is that the UNFP economic policies provide the most hopeful prospects for the promotion of the greatest happiness of the greatest number. High standards of public Thorality will follow after further economic development.
I have argued that the counter-argument derives the power it apparently has from the fact that it is based on a utilitarian conception of ethics, which is prevalent in the bourgeoissocieties of the West. But moral practice in those societies contradicts the requirer Ients of utilitarian ethics. That is seen most clearly in the insistance on high standards of public morality. And of course punishment follows crime, however powerful aperson may be in those SOCiietliğs.
I am arguing that only the politics that take public morality seriously should be regarded as pragmatic. The testis a sewerely practical One, what actually happens under governments which do or do not show respect for standards of public morality. The evidence Seems Conclusiwe. Om the one hand, We hawe the Westerm Countries and others such as Singapore. On the other We hawe Bokassa's Central African Er Tipire, ldi ArTnin's Uganda, Mobutu's Zaire, Papa Doc Duwalier’s Haiti, Marcos" Philippines, and Sri Lanka of the period 1977 to 1988. In the latter cases contempt for public morality has meant public mess, "
In should be instructive to ask, What Went wrong with the Philippines? Its economic performance Was creditable enough by Third World standards, which led the development economist Peter Bauer to write of it in the "sewenties as mot really a poor country. At the time of the
9

Page 12
imposition of the Marcos dictatorship in 1972 sortiethings certainly required correcti). THE ||Bwels of Wiolecte ard COrrLption Were too high, land reform was badly needed, the gap between rich and poor had to be narrowed, and so on. The Philippines was a satellite, and when the AITlericans decidad Oettison the derTOcracy that had served that country Well enough and impose the Marcos dictatorship, they must have expected him not only to stifle the nationalist outcry against the AI Terican bases but also take all the Corrective action required and make the Philippines approximate to something like South Korea's dazzling economic perfo
fTTTETICE
It seemed a reasonable enough expecitation. The economic performance did continue to be creditable for sor the time. But in the 'eighties the Philippines got into a mess and revolution was threatening. What went wrong can be conveyed by the term "crony capitalism" and all that it signifies by way of disregard or contempt for public morality.
think of the Marcosian Philippines as an A Tierican Tragedy. Sri Lanka is not quite a satellite of the Western aid donors, but the econotic policies followed since 1977 and the post-1977 UNP's capacity for creating a Thess has Certainly made Sri Lanka an economic dependency of the West. The aid-donors can call the shots, and a brief comment might be useful on their role in Sri Lanka.
Ashawe argued a utilitarian conception of ethics prevails in the Western Countries, even though it is contradicted by their own moral experience. According to that Coriception, What is crucially important for Sri Lanka is that the Government follow the correct economic strategies, which will lead to everything else being added unto us. I have argued that what is crucially important is that the Government undertake an ethical cleansing of the UNP and enforce standards of public Torality.
Otherwise we hawe to dread a MarCOsian
future for Sri Lanka. Perhaps the aid donors should prod the Government into undertaking that cleansing, extending their notion of "good governance" for the purpose.
We Tust realize that "Grub first, ther ethics" is all Wrong. Brecht Was Sometimes brilliantly superficial. Not however the Brecht who was one of the great Writers of this century, who Wrote The Caucasian Chalk Circle, or The Resistable Rise of Arturo Ui which car be read as an attack on utilitarian bourgeois ethics. The great Brecht Would hawe agreed With the pres Tnise behind the argument of this article, "No ethics, no grub".
O
CONFLICT RE
Proposa the UN S
Kumar Rupesir
a. An Agenda for F
Strengthening the protect hur Tan rights V as the use of its prewe early Warning functic components of a cort which would in CorpOr ceful management of rrnination. In Ar Age Secretary General BC leaves to doubl that the World body has r to recognise the reali tion clair T1S aS a SOl nation-state ra Tain5 Constituercy.
T3 fou dati CT-St Work is and Tus! Respect for its fund and integrity are Cri international prog absolute and exclu Wewer, has passed matched by realit leaders of States this aid to find a needs of good inte the requirements ( rodependent World.
CatiOS is ar hyd 2 IT' tramSCd äldrTiris inside those bord duals carry out th economic, political United Nations ha Yet if every ethnic, group claimed sta bemolimit to fragrt security and econc Would be sewer TO
The Secretary Gel requirement for Soli ble T1s lies ir Commit with a special sensiti" ties..." Referring to Minority Rights, he a ment, together With ctive machinery of dealing with human mCe the Situation Of the stability of State:
The sovereignty, t
independence of blished internatio

ESOLUTION (2)
IS for Reform Within
System
ghe
P25 C2
UN's capability t0 within states, as Well ntive diplomacy and ins, are песessary relensive strategy, ate tools for the peaclaims for self-detada for PEāĖ, UN LOSBOutrOS-Gali while thinking within Towed considerably ty of self-determinaIrce of Conflict, the ; the UN's primary
one of (the UN's) retain the State. amental sovereignty ucial to any common ress. The time of sive sovereignty, ho; its theory was newer y. It is the task of today to understand alancB between the rnal governance and of al ewer Tore inteCOITITIerce, CCITITILIwirflITEllal fslaltBTS strative borders, but ers is Where in diwie first order of their and Social lives. The s not closed its door. religious or linguistic tehood, there WOLuld ientation, and peace, mic well-being foral "e difficult to achieve.
lerälstateSthat "Olg Јtions to these proment to human rights wity tothose of minQri
the Declaration Oil dds that that "instruthe increasingly effethe United Nations rights, should enhaminorities, as Well as
erritorial integrity and States Within the estanal system, and the
principle of self-determination for peoples, both of great value and importamice, must mot be permitted to Work against each other in the period ahead.
While signalling a new-found recognition of the importance of self-determination clairns for international peace ard security and the protection of human rights, the Secretary General also emphasises the use of preventive diplomacy and early warning, particularly the use of fact-finding missions, his good offices, the increased use of the International Court of Justice to mediate and adjudicate disputes and the recommendation that the Secretary General be authorised to seek advisory opinions from the CCurt. An Ageda for Peace als OstrESSES beller CO-Opêration with regional international organisations in preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping, peacemaking and post-conflict peace-building.
b. Other Proposals
Il relatio lo Self-deter Tiration, the SECretary General's approach is essentially one of improving existing Techanisms for the protection of huTan rights Within states, as a means of preventing abuses against minorities within those states. In this area there are a number of initiatives stemming from the non-governmental SEctor which should be explored further with the goal of affording minorities the maximum amount of protection within existing States, including:
— the er har CETTEt of Co-OrdinātiOr within and between UN departments and organisations engaged in the political and security elements of conflict prevention and those in the human rights, humanitarians and development fields, so that information on extensive human rights abuses reaches the Security Council and allows it to engage in more preventive Work,
- greater use of the Secretary General's good offices function;
- NGO support for the Secretary Gemeral's proposal to be able 10 request advisory opinions of the International Court of Justice and his encouragement of all UN The TiberS tO Sub Tit l'O Elle mandatory jurisdiction of the Court.

Page 13
C. A Special Human Rights
CoTTiSSioner
The recent proposal by Amnesty Intenational for the establishment of a Special Commissioner for Human Rights also merits Close examination by the UN. The Amnesty proposal Suggests the appoirtment of a Comissioner "as a new high-level authority with a sole and specific human rights mandate covering the full range of rights in the economic, social, Cultural, civil and political spheres".
The task of the Special Commissioner Would be to maintain an Overview of the UN's human rights activities and their relationship to other program areas; to take initiatives and co-ordinate UN action in response to human rights emergencies; to ensure that appropriate attention is given to human rights concerns in any country of the world; to develop programs in areas which have been neglected or insufficiently developed; to formulate and oversee the human rights components of other UN operations, such as in the area of peace-keeping and peace-bшilding, and to facilitate the in wolwerment of the UN human rights mechanisms and experts in these activities; and to ensure the integration of human rights issues and concerns in the full range of other UN activities and progгапт15.
PEACEFULLY MANAGING SELF-DETERMINATION CLAIMS
While the above-mentioned improveTėmis Would hawe a Luseful iTpact Cr The ability of the UN to deal indirectly with conflicts arising from claims for self-determination, further steps are needed, including the development of specialised functional mechanis is for the peacefulmanagement of such clairns.
a. The Declaration on the Rights of
Minorities
Copliance with the principles of the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities must be strongly encouraged by both the UN an NGOs and a more binding instrument should be developed. Clearly, assured protection of Tinority rights within states will go a long way in defusing demands for outright independence and the fragmentation feared by opponents of self-determinatio .
b. Reviving the International
Trusteeship System
As a means of strengthening preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peacekeeping, it has been suggested that a resusciLated international Trusteeship System should enable progressive development
towards self-governs TCB. A. Te Wiwed Trušti HE LISEdirl CaSESSLIC the disintegration of and order put millior from Warfare and S cases, an aggrieves quest becoming a T UN, ad ari interna such as the Internatic Would deter Thire, if t outweigh the interest and national unity. T would hawe final apop shment of a trust te ľBCOITIT1Endation 0 Court of Justice. Or granted, the UN peac ping and peace-buil. lO bear.
C. Reactivation of COTittee
Another proposal COTTittaa Orl DeC0 the Committee of 24, t t)g &able t() eXarTir" cases of claims for SE a new High Commis rimination. The High receive clair Sir E those Which Were ill-founded, analyze om Criteria set by the report to the CCm| recommendation to mbly on the clair,
d. Regional High Miriorities
Regional High C. Oritis, based orth High Commissioner serwe as important prevention instrume tham Europe where r in potential conflicts tion costponent. As Commissioner, they to Tediate disputes Wiolel.
THE ROLE OF NG
It would be politi that without COC NGOs and "We the NatiOS" at UNT aside their concer. fragmentation, gras expeditiously to de processes which e degrees of greater lor Ty and even ir managed peacefull of mechanisms is to Carl, and Tust, St:

ment or independe2eship system Could has Somalia, where government and law is of civilians at risk tarwation. In others i Illinority could rerust Territory of the tional judicial body, Jnal Court of Justice, le rTherits of the Claim of territorial integrity Le General ASSembly PrOWall On the establi"ritory, based on the f the interTlational ce trust status WaS :emaking, peacekeeling could be brought
the Decolonisation
is that the Special lonisation, known as Could be redelled Ie reports on specific |f-dater Tinatir frOfT isioner for Self-DeteCOTimissioner Would a first instance, reject clearly frivolous or the retailder based a General Assembly, mittee, and Take a tle Geral ASSE
CoIITissioners. On
TITISSIOTTS Örl MiB TOdel Of the CSCE for Minorities, could : early Warning and 2nts in regions other inorities are involved With a Self-dgtgrmira
with the CSCE High Would be lar dated before they become
Os
cally naive to expect arted pressure from peoples of the United tember States Will pLIl sover the dangers of p the nettle and Work twelop the necessary SLC that clai Ts for representation, auto|dependence can be y. If an effective raпge be developed, NGOs rve as a catalyst for
launching the process and as the "honest broker" between the inter-govern Tental community and minorities Worldwide.
Both the NGO Community and the UN should play Tore forceful and innovative roles in improving all human rights treaty Copliance. For NGOs, development of a Co-ordinated strategy on human rights monitoring, improved networking, CO-Ordination of representations made to the appropriate UN. bodies, and disSerTination of infortation to the parties to conflicts and the public need to be developed.
a. A Global Consortium
To do this job effectively, a global CoInsortium of like-Ilinded NGOs concerned with the protection of human rights and conflict resolution is needed to develop and advance realistic approaches, encourage their adoption by states and inter-governmental organisations and to co-ordinate efforts to ensure their implementation. Such organisations as the Minority Rights Group, International Alert, АППеsty International, the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization and the Interational Co Tission of Jurist as Well as organisations concerned with development, and refugees Would be useful participants in such a consortium. Part of the Tandate of the Colsortius T. Could be to develop a comprehensive strategy for the international community for conflict prawntion.
b. Consultative Mechanisms
NGOS active in COnflict reSolution aid human rights should also develop consu|tative mechanisms for the timely communication Qf inforTTlation OrlaCLIalarld Brflérging conflicts to regional inter-governmental organisations, the UN Secretariat, the Secretary General's Office, and other offices and agencies of the UN. They should also Work to Ward the establishment of regional consultatiwe fora in which NGOs, inter-governmental organisations and local actors can participate in Creative dialogue in an non-adversarial manner. Further, greater use can be used of the various tribunals which periodically hear cases of self-determination and assist in the global awareness of issues.
c. Improving Information Flows
Finally, the development of databases and the exchange of information a Tong NGOS on issues of Self-deter Tiination should be accelerated. Currently, there are a number of non-governmental efforts to monitor the discrimination of minorities, others working and building data bases om minorities atrisk and Tonitoring Cases of potential genocide. International Alert has recently proposed a co-operative

Page 14
effort amongst relevant NGO's for an early Warning Information Service,
d. An Independent Commission on
Self-DieterrTination
An independent commission compoSed of erinent persons and experts should be given the task of defining the terms of the debate and developing criteria for claims for self-determination. Such a Commission should include a cross-section of highly-respected individuals, as Well as Commissioners with expert knoWledge of international law, the current international political system and varying rational, sub-national and supra-national political systems. A major component of the Commission's Work should in Wolve Selling Out as Colplete a range as possible of political options available to parties to conflict over the issue of self-determinatiČrl.
An adjunct to the Commission could be the establishment of regional or sub-regional Consultative mechanisms which include local parties to conflicts or potential Cornflicts ower Self-deters Tnirnation, as we|| as relevant NGOs. The regional consultative mechanisms should hawe access to outside expertise. In these fora, issues of self-determination could be discussed in a non-adversarial climate. The sustained work of UNESCO in elaborating the concept of Peoples Rights should be recognised and its recommendations and Work be considered by the Commission.
Conclusio
By the early 1980s, Aureliu Cristecu, Special Rapporteur for the UN's Human Rights Sub Commission on the Prewertion of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, Was able to conclude that it is generally recognised "that the concept of Self-determination entails legal rights and obligations and that a right to self-determination definitely exists". Yet, 12 years later, self-deter Iliation retains one of the most complex and fra Lught problems
facing the internatior cause of Contentior human suffering, it rT1EeritLurr Wit Fth tha C. Sowiet Unicom and thil slaviä.
Without wiable pro challenge, the intel Will Continue respon adhoc basis and Ir aWert Widespread w tions Of human right cial devastation, and lity.
There is an urgent pment of a global C. папа9e change prt for greater self-deter befrig for Cid to real Consequences. Not priate Techanismst diverse peoples to E Introl over their politic mic development CE potential for the Wik tion feared by mamy.
Mamy States hawa and great sensitivity attempting to dece increăs: the Collect|\ bOitarhtS, aS WelH a5 th and shape policies W and aspirations. Th for is devolution of degrees of autoor self-gow errent, fer lism, consociational pendence, supra-na afford many possibili lution of conflicts.
While there arg ni rrning the internation å CICLUL of de Tard: tion, the greater da corrtunity lies in cli msiwe status quo.
1ழு Ci
13
ISHMAEL
Every Ullere file LISË Tre sig. EYE''Y''yi'lere fire de'er tilley Treslinying.
AL lig Voices stre signfirst IIIe agai i Tie LVoices ir f'ħiet political p I u lpil The L'Ulices ir edifor's si rakeyif The UZJites ir!! the Corspviring Cr7 bi tie! The Josi teges's rolledes. But TY ry breytis f is apie to fleir Lillef feed lill:7de My spirit shall live in the quested shade. And they fou slafall be subject tu det til Wid, high and righty, III ruler il pasture and herit
Patrick Jayasuri

al Community. A past , War ard ir TrTlCrS2 has now gained mOlapse of the former e break-up of Yugo
ICEdures to Teet this mational conunity ding to Crises on an lost often too late to iolence, gross Violas, econotic and so
interTlationaliristä bi
need for the develoapacity to peасеfully mpted by demands mination, rather that it to Willer CE and its developing approhaterial: the World's attain more direct coal SOcialid CCOOan only increase the despread fragmenta
a shown Willingness and imagination in intralise power and e rights of their inhaeir ability to influence hich affect their lives a variety of different
POWLr Carl take – 1 y, regiOrhal ()T lojCal derālis TI, Confederaarranger rents, indetional institutions - ties for peaceful reso
sks in Wolwerd in refo-- a system to take into S for Self-determinaInger for the global ngiring to a un respoo
iyalı
LETTERS
North/East Referendum
Now that the referend Lu Con the NorthEast merger appears to have been finally decided on, We hope President J. R. Will honour his solemn undertaking to lead the Campaign against permanent merger. According to reports he expects to be around for the next twenty years, SO obviously he is fit to undergo the rigours of such a campaingn.
Wijaya Perera CCC TD 3
TULF and the Sixth Amendment
refer to the article by Dr. Neelam Tiruchelvam titled "A tragedy in two acts" appearing at page 3 of your issue of the 1 St Of Juli 1993.
In the Second Column of that article, the author Says that "the Sixth Amendment expelled the TULF from Parliament".
This is not a correct state tent of fact and the authoris persisting with this type of propaganda for obvious reasons. Such är incorrect statement Carmot be allowed to pass by without a challenge.
The truth of the Tatter is that the TULF took a decision at their Mannar Convention, on the 23rd of July 1983, that they Would not attend Parliarrier after the 21st of July 1983. This decision was taken because the TULF, quite rightly, was against the extension of the life of Parliament consequent to the Referendum of December 1982 in this matter, The life of the 1977 Pariament Was dug to end om the 21st of July 1983 after its six-year period.
The sixth Arend Test to the Constitution Was passed in August 1983. This Law stipulated that an oath Tust be taken eschewing a separate state.
Since the TULF had taken a decision mot to go to Parliament after the 21st of July 1983, What didit Tatter to the T1 What happened in Parliament after such a decisic)n, and hOW COLuld it be said that the Sixth Amendment that was passed on the 8th of August 1983 "expelled the TULF from Farid"
G. G. Ponna mbalam (Jr.) Ger TEra/ SCcretary All-Ceylon Tamil Congress

Page 15
LTTE’s Continu
S. Murari
t was a dog day afternoon in
October 1987. Palaly airfield in Jaffna was quite. There was little indication that it was about to witness an incident that Would eventually seal the fate of the coIntroversial Indo-Sri Lanka peace agreeTest.
A. Sri Lankan air force plane was on the tarmac, getting ready to take 17 Tamil Tigers to Colombo. They were caught off Point Pedro with heavy calibre weapons by a Sri Lankan naval patrol a few days earlier.
What worried the Liberation Tigers of TamilEelam (LTTE) was not so much the prospect of its cadres being tried for violation of a provision in the peace agreement regarding the surrender of Weapons, but the fact that two of the prisoners-KurTiarappa and Pulendran-Were its Commalders in Jaffna and TrinCOTlalee before the Indian army landed. And Pulendran Waswanted in connection with the massacre of bus passengers on Habarana on the TriCoralee border in 1986.
That day, as on other days, food was brought to the prisoners by the LTTE's No.2, Mahattaya. Along with the food, a note was slipped in and, possibly, cyanide capsules.
The Indian peace-keeping force (IPKF) was told to stard off, despite a warning by top commanders that if any untoward incident happened, The Consequences Would be disastrous. "The honour of India is more important than the lives of a few LTTE men," the then Indian High Commissioner J. N. Dixit reportedly told IPKF.
Around 1 p.m., Sri Lankan army men Towed into the induction cell in a bid to forcibly take the prisoners to the plane, but backed off after the prisoners threatened to commit suicide. The prisoners then locked themselves in.
An IPKF officer, who was witness to the Tlacabre drama that folloWed, deSCribeS the scène thUS: "Around 3 p.IT)., COTITTlados smashed through the glass pales, Immediately the boys formeda ringround Kumarappa and Pulendran. With a smile, the two leaders bit into their cyanide capsules, followed by others. My blood froze and raised my hat in salute. The next day, the bodies of nine Sri Lankan policeren and soldiers held captive by the LTTE were found dumped at the Jaffna bus stand, with their entrails sCooped Out. | thought no true soldier would treat another like this and I saw the LTTE for what it was - a bloodthirsty group."
The Palaly incide like the rimaSSa Creof ngers near Batticalo: Tlation of the LT TE COIT Thittig d tO 3 3 TT we an independent E rewellBd in mind|ESS
The first acknowl LT TE Was that of Doraiappa. But the landmile attack in July 1983, in which 1
So many Tigers lives for a cause th ten years, Sc) man blond ir rril-ASS-Cre: dehumanised and for terst of their lliw
a s extended froT Jaffna to Rajiv Gan and now the late : Ranasinghe Prerma yet, Eelam remains
TE TIEWE DIE the death of (wer 2, de riots and the EX: Tarmil Nadu, only re the argument of oth killing a policeman in hit-and-run attack purpose as it would civilians to the Wrath
The rationale giv gue Anton Balasin the group's mindse Could be aroused objective condition Words, repressive measures like forcii Sinhala or denying universitis, LurhlĖS: Tlaskg that the Sir themselves pro Wol as Ted forces shoul So that there WOLul. loot and plunder. ( be a mass uprising
Essentially är Lur LTTE - as part of objective Condition up the stiffest of res areas Where the Ci large, as in Wadar jor Libération afld the battle for Jaffna
Until the direct ntion in July 1987, by the LTTE for its that guerilla Warfar resist State-spons.

Jed Survival
It aid its aftermath, Ower 100 train passea, Tarked the transfofrom a guerilla outfit led struggle to achieEelam to a group that
Violence.
adged murder by the Jaffna mayor Alfred turning point was the Tirin Eweli in Jaffna in 3 soldiers were killed.
Fld We Sacrified their ey beliewe in the last y more hawe tasted S and have beCorne perhaps traumatised E5. TELTE'5 reach
Alfred Doraiappa in dhi in SriperLumpudur Sri Lankam President dasa in Colombo. Ad as elusive as ever,
ast, which resulted in OO Tails island Widus (of chwiler a lakhto) inforced the Walidity of Ĉar militant groups that here or a soldier there Swould not serve their Only expose innocent of the security forces.
en by LTTE's ideologham gives a clue to . He said the TESSES unless you Created s of terror. In other and discriminatory ng the Tamils to learn them admissions in s they scored higher halese, Would not by ke the Tasses. The d be forced to retaliate, I be massa Cres, rape, Dnly then would there
ban guerilla outfit, the his strategy of Creating s of terror - has put istance ir li b]al tleS OW Br 'Williar1 COrhCerhtratiOr iS harachi during OperaChavakacheri during With the IPKF.
Indian military intervethe justification given 5 military Strategy Was e Was the only Way to
red terrorism.
A close look at the progress of the struggle would show that each strike only brought in more troops and more camps in the loft and the east. The LTTE and other groups were still able to sustain the struggle from July 1983 to July 1987 because the Timme weli incident and its after Tath secured for the IT a base in Ta Til Nadu.
In June-July 1985, when the Rajiv Gandhi administration in India Sought to give indirect recognition to the militant groups by trying to involve them in the Thimpu talks, Colombo resisted. The Tigers bared their claws and the result was the Anuradhapuramassacre in which over 100 civilians, including children and Buddhist Tonks, Were killed in come fel|| Swoop. This was the first massacre by the LTTE; it was also their first strike outside the north and the east. Colombo relented. The talks may have failed, but they gave legitimacy to militancy. From ther on, there was no looking back for the LTTE.
By then, what began as a freedom struggle had become a multimillion dollar racket with India giving arms, Sanctuary and training and expatriate TaTils fu Inding various groups on the basis of their track record, judged by the number of soldiers they had killed. The result was biterinternecine feuds and thefallout Was the Tassacre of nearly 100 Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) boys by lē LTTE i 1986. Jaff residiritS WÈrE horrified when TELO boys were thrown alive into burning houses. Since then, they hawe either beCOITIE ir SeriSiti SC Or TESİgned to the brutality.
The LTTE also has an infinite capacity forself-flagellation, whichit hasused selectively wheneverit feelsalienated from the people, its ego is bruished Or its image is down. Operation Liberation is a typical example. The operation, directed by the then Minister for Internal Security, Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali, Was no doubt Tmarked by indis Criminate air strikes and dropping of tar bombs, resulting in the death of hundreds of civilians. But the ground forces also inflicted heavy casualties om the LTTE in the battle for Wadarsharachi, the region from where LTTE chief W. Pirabhakaran hails. But for the Indian interventiom, Jaffna Would hawe fallen.
For the first time, residents of Jaffna Tealised the limitations of the LT TE as their sole protector. This was a humiliation the LTTE could not stomach and it had to do something spectacular to salvage its image. The result was a suicide attack on a
13

Page 16
Sri Lankan army camp a few days after a truce was brought about.
Black Tiger Miller, a Jaffna university student who drove a truck laden With explosives into the Camp, has since been made a Tartyr and the story goes that his last Wish Was to have a bottle of Coke.
Thile epan was another leader ordered to die so that the LTTE COuld live. He began his fast unto death in Jaffna a few days after the LTTE, in a blitzkrieg, killed over 100 mer Tibers of rival groups in BattiCalloa, Luch to the Eibarrassr Ternt of the IPKF. The ostensible objectives of the fast were an end to Colonisation, Which the LTTE had alleged had resumed in Well Oya, the dismantling of Sri Lankan army camps in schools, etc. Thile epan died on Sept. 26, 1987.
Three days later, the LT TE reachedan agreement with India on the setting up of an interim a drinistration in the north and the east. None of the Causes for which Thileepan undertook his fast find a place in the agreement. What did he die for, then? The objective was to drive a Wedge between the IPKF and the people of Jaffna, who had said in effect that the boys could go back to their schools and colleges now that the Indian army was there to took after thern. Thileepan's life was expendable to prove that the Indian army was there to protect only India's geo-political interests. It was also Teant to pressuriSe India as the eventual agreement, in which the Tigers got a lion's share of the seats in the interinadministration, shows. But, as irony Would have it, the agreement floundered on the point of who should head the adriinistration.
The collapse of the agreement triggered a chain of events leading to the arrest of Kumarappa, Pulendran and others by the Sri Lankan nawy. They had to die, so that it could be proved again that the Indian army would not protect the Tamils - and the Tigers, who were getting used to relative peace, could be Tade battle-fit again. As a result, a reluctant IPKF was drawn into a confrontation with the LTTE, which lasted the next two years.
No doubt, the prolonged conflict led to a no-win situation, but the fact remains that the Tigers suffered heavy losses they could ill-afford and were stretched to their limits by the concentrated presence of the |поlian army.
Therefore, Wher Presidet Premadasa offered the olive branch to the Janata Vimukti Perumana (JVP) insurgents, the LTTE grabbed it, much to his surprise. But he quickly saw in this an opportunity to get rid of the IPKF. Once the two main antagonists came together, the IPKF had no leg to stand on and had to eventually pack up and go.
14
But whatever gair by this shrewd To bolunders it made lat mple, the assassin: Liberation Front (TI rthalingam in the hea 1989, barely amont started its honeymo Sa administration. T cation was the spee rthalingam in Parlie IFP KF Withdra Wall LI arrangements for thi Ce. SinCe the three a were shot dead by the LT TE 100 had Premadasa adminis look the other way, for it latter.
OC the IPKF W little to hold the LT TI government togethe what has come to be lil ii JLI I 1990) With 300 policernen in the them Tariil Muslim: have been manymo slits. The entire Mu: rhorth has been dri which, like the other ders the east a Sarı İı Tamil homeland, ha alienated the Muslim the population in the by hold the balance
When the war start that since it had with rgestart Thy in the Wi Would make ThinCem forces. Sri Lankan d njan Wijeratne was that the IPKF had di the LTTE and What baby brigade.
Three years into been prowed Wron forces have learnt as as the LTTE hlas. T hurry to hasten the Secured the east and their gripe in the nort
The LTTE would, better if it had not CC assassinating Mr. R might have been mo nge as she Was alle the IPKF. But, for t irrational fear that M. vene militarily or p groups if he returned
A look at the patter in the last two years car bomb attack om M mbo in March 1991, is increasingly resort to take the heat offiti Mr. Wieratng's asse

; the LT TE achieved e Were lost by the }r on. Take, for exaion of Tamil United LF) leader A. Amirt of Colombo in July OTSO. after the LT TE ni With the Presla da|e immediate provoh made by Mr. Amiment, opposing the alternative security | Tamils were in plassassins themselves security guards and lisowned them, the tration preferred to only to pay the price
as gone, there was ad the Sri Lankan r. The LTTE started known as Eela War he Thassacre of ower
east, the majority of . Since ther, there re ITassacres of Muslim population in the well Out. The LT TE Tamil groups, consialienable part of the is thus permanently is who form a third of province and there of power.
ed, the LTTE thought stod the fourth laprld for two years, it ent of the Sri Larnkar efenCe Minister RädOn record as Saying altar Ortal blow to was left was only a
the war, both hawe J. The Sri Lankan Tuch from the IPKF he fOrCes are in 10 : pace. They hawe are slowly tightening
1.
10 do Lubot, hawe fared inmitted hara kiri by ajiv Gandhi. Dhanu, ivated by pure revegedly gangraped by e LTTE, it was the . Gandhi might inteop up rival militant to power,
of LTTE operations beginning with the r. Wijeratner ColohOWS that the LT TE ng to Suicide attacks the north and east. ssination has been
followed by another car bomb attack on army headquarters in Colombo, the assassination of Navy chief Clancy Fernando by a motorcycle-borne suicide bomber and, finally, the assassination of Mr. PreTadasa by a 14-year-old boy at a May Day rally in the capital.
No doubt, the army suffered a grievous blow when several top brass, including the Orther T Comrader General Denzil Kobbekaduwa, were killed in a landmire blast in the Kayts island off the Jaffna peninsula last August. But, to this day, it is not known whetherit was an old landmine or a new one activated by the LTTE, There are even reports that the jeep in which Genl. Kobbigkadu Wa and Other Officers travelled was specially flown in from Colombo, and there was a bomb planted in it. Whoewer was responsible, the incident had the most demoralising effect on the armed forces, leading even to desertions, Possibly to hasten the process, the LTTE struck at Navy Commander Clancy Fernardo and rhyw President.
Where does all this leave a 14-year-old boy who straps explosives round his body and, with Coldblooded precision, rarTs his bicycle into the presidential parade? How is Pirabhakaran able to motivate young boys to die for him, when the goal of Eelam still looks a mirage?
The fact is that a whole new generation has come up in the last ten years, a generation which has seen so muchdeath and destruction that it has developed a cynical disregard for human life, a generation moved by peer pressure to believe that power flows from the barrel of a gun. To this generation, Pirabhakaran is a mystic figure, a demi-god, aking who can do no wrong.
Indian intelligence could not successfuly penetrate the LTTE even during the IPKF operations, though one of its topmost leaders, Sathasiwam Krishnakumar alias Kittu, was in the custody of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) for nearly a year. Finally, he was taken back to Jaffna and let loose in the jungles to join Pirabhakaran. The fact that he was accepted shows that RAW had failed to Win him over. But the establishment of the identity of Rajiv Gandhi's killers as Dhanu, Subha and Siwa rasān and the successful interception of an LTTE arms vessel comrmanded by Kittu, leadingto his Committing suicide off the Madras coast, show that the LTTE is no longer an ultra-secret Organisation.
But the LTTE will survive Kittu, and even Pirabhakaran, and continue to strike terror So long as the Causes which made the Tamil youths take to arms remain. And India and Sri Lanka will continue to pay
the price for it.
— CCar) Harald

Page 17
Bandaranaike — (2)
SWRD and Tar
A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
the COTTula questil, Barda
ranaike was far from being the obSCurantist. It will be a Surprise to thany tilal he opposed the formation of the homogeneous Board of (Sinhalese) Ministers in 1936. He walked Out of the meeting COnvened by D.S.Senanayake or the score that "in the case of sole of the ministries" they "should vote for minority men". (Jane Russell, Corl7777 ural Politics L7 der the DCnoughmore Constitution (1982, p. 204). Again, it was he who convened confererices of representatives of the majority and minority communities in the State Council to work out a compromise or G. G.P.Onnambalan's demand for fifty-fifty represestation. After the 1944 Conference, Bandaranaike thanked "those minority rembers for their great patience, forbearaIce and real goodwill" though it was not possible to come to "an agreement Capable of satisfying all sections" (Russell, Cop). cit., p. 316). In desperation, Om One OCCasion when leaving the State Council, he called G. G. Ponal bala I a "Drawidian Cad".
Bandaranaike was much alive to the ethnic divisions in the island's polity and in 1926, on his return from England, he advocated a federal syster (Russell, C. Cit, p. 191). He dropped the idea by 1928. But the concept of decentralisation and devolution of powers died hard in his mind. Here again he was obfuscated by D. S's ideas. He had advanced a proposal to decentralise powers to Regional Councils (italics ours). There were defects in it which Could hawe been Corrected with tirT1g. D. S. hoWeyer sent hisT1 a T1CITIOraduri which estated: "lawe read the details of the scheme for the establishment of Regional Councils contained in the Terticorar dum and I am definitely of the opinion" that such a bili "will be a complete negation of democracy..." (sic), Ceylon Daily News, 3 April 1952, reproduced by the paper's Political Correspondent, J. L. Fernando).
Ewell federalis Was Tot är alir COncept in theose times. It was considered as a way out of the communal impasse by the premierlow-country Sinhalese political organisation, the Ceylon National Congress. Michael Roberts in his DocuTiants of the Ceylon National Congress
ard Nationalist (Sic; 7929-1950, Wol. 1 (1 Teeting of the Work Ceylon National Con 1944 reported that was asked to Submit a Federal Constitut 819). The minutes C Cor Trittee. O 12-10 Keule 1 TETO TE ffiti afld il WH5 deci would be substitted ngress CurT1millee si thing thereafter hap!
B-C PACT
In power, Banda revived his Regiona WięW to de Centralisi) Colombo administra Wit Considerable as tiate the Banda ran: Pact (1957) of halloy possible that had chance to impleme Countgr-productive C rary titles Could Instead his adversi UNP led by a trinity ke, J. R. Jaye Wardę Perisdid everything are the Ways of politi nayake signed mol agreement, the DC
Bandaranaike WEL Crisis on the languag the UNP which dill nting the original po Tri 35 oficial al general election B: for the implementa Tamil but it failed to the UNP bour EOs, seize on making Sir language, Then the TEt OWETLIJKk, EWE hawe Coolly gone Will TOWertment WäS in S offered the positio dithering Dudley de Bandaranaike to hour. Again he had issue. Just beforeth aforestfire, he l'Old : University students the general election

ni Issue
) Politics in Ceylon 977) reported that a ng Committee of the gress on 16 October P. G. E. KeulerTla
a memoraldurTh. Ori iom for Ceylon" (p. if the meeting of the -44 reported that the du IT WES CONSİdeded tilät resolutio1s to the All-Ceylon Comeeting (p. 280). NoDengd.
ranaike once again | CO LII Cii5 bill with a g the overcentralised tirl. He trên Used it, Tiplifications to negoaike-Chelwanayakam Wedi memory. It is just he been giver the it it, the sterile and :ivil War of contempolawe been avoided. aries, especially the of Dudley Senanaya:Thig ar 1 (d Dr. M. W. P. til Wreckit. And SUCh ics that Dudley Sena"E or SS til E SELITE Pact of 1965.
S faced with a similar ge issue. Again it was y-dallied in impletelicy of Sinhalese and guages. At the 1952 andaranaike agitated tio | Of Sinhalál and have any impact on . In 1952, he did not hala the Only official Sinhala Only moveS. TE UNP WOLld Il th Tħass trid.Tle+ earch of a leader and to Dudley. But the :Cllir hed. It thern fel|tc) Come the Tam of the no Colwictions of the le MOWerTent beCartle a delegation of Ceylor
a few weeks prior to of 1956 that his obje
ctive Wasto introduce Sirihala a la Certair level of administration but that he did not want to go all the Way. Here he miscalculaled. He was Swapt by a tidal Way, not a mere ripple as he might have thought. Furthermore he did not plan om doing away with the English language.
What Was more, Bandaranaiketacked om the proviso "the reasonable LuSE of the Tamil language" to the Sinhala Only issue, widric of his WareBSS that hE WES dealing with a multiethnic polity. Whereas his UNP rivals opted for "Sinhala Only" ard Tlade 10 reference to the Tasiil language and even dismissed the request for a Bill of Rights put forward by S. Natesan and other UNP Tamils.
Thus as one part of the BC Pact, BandaLLLLLLLLLaLLLLLLLaLLL LLaLLLLaaa0 S LLLL Tamil Language (Special Provisions) AC which broadly provided for Tamil as an administrative language in the Northern and Easter Prowinces among other proWissCris.
BUDDHIST REWIWAL
On the question of Buddhism, Bandaramaike was again calumniated by the hostile national press. The latter tried to make QLut that Bandaralaike Was Stěking C inaugurate a Buddhist theocratic state. Bandaranaike himself Wrote a letter to the Ceylon Daily News, published in its issue of 3 May 1952 contradicting these charges. The letter was published under the caption "State Religion". He refuted Where he was reported to hawe stated: "| wish to make Buddhism the state religion of Ceylon". He explained that "state religion connotes certain particular legal implications" and he added "I certainly did Tot hawe in Tind reçESS&arily SLCh, a legal position". He concluded that "revival of BuddhiSITI" for him COUld. De affaired WÉhout such a position" (italics Qurs). Baridaranaike adhered to this position. It was his wife who with the Marxist, Dr. ColWir R. de Silva, introduced the provision in the 1972 constitution that Buddhism should be given "the foremost place" and that it shall be the duty of the state "to protect
did f'Ster" i L.
Bandaramaike manipulated the da FK forces of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism
15

Page 18
but had he not done this, his UNP adversaries would have stolen the victory that was his due. It was the UNP who drove hit to the Wall. His Sinhala Buddhism was a counterpoise to the UNP's posturings e.g. their Sanchi Relics affair and the elaborate state preparations for the Buddha Jayanti. In many ways it was fortunate that this leader With a modernizing outlook became under pressure circumstances, the instrument of the obscurantism represented by the Sinhala-Buddhist movement. He refrained wisely from going to the extremes that they demanded, for that would have darnaged the less tham perfect legitimacy of the flew State. His solution to the language proble T1 was pragmatic and he may hawe resolved the thorny question through his twin formula of regional councils and "the reasonable use of the Tamil language" (already referred to). "Step on it lightly" he once told Wilmot Perera "for this is my solution to the Tai Ouestion'.
Bandaranaike acted with political foresight when overnight he postponed for five years the full implementation of the Sinhala Only Act. In the interim he hoped to resolve the Tamil question in the way he had told Wilmot Perera. By his action in putting off the implementation of the SiInhala Only Act, he successfully dammed the communal tide. However, during this phase, he gawe populistic expression to the anti-Tamil Views of his Sinhala-Buddhist supporters. It is doubtful that he believed in any of these articulations. To Iny mind he seemed more keen on making is Contribution to international affairs. It looked as if he desired to Todel himself on the lines of his enlightened Indian counterpart, Jawaharlal Nehru.
WORLD AFFAIRS
Thus, in his foreign policy, Bandaranaike had his own Todified Version of Nehiru's non-alignment, Which he called dynamic neutralism. The part he played in the non-aligned movement reflected his way of thinking. He did not walk in Nehru's shadow. From a reading of his speeches, and information I received from former students who joined the diplomatic service, I drew the inference that he planned Om dewising his own Strand of a non-aligned foreign policy.Jшdging froпhis pronouncements on the latter subject, think that had he lived, he would hawe attempted to forge a bloc of the smaller Third World states, supportive of the great Nehru-Nasser-Soekarno-Tito-Chou En-Lai combine but not necessarily subservient to their dictates,
(To be continued)
16
THE J. H. ΥΕ
The Na
Arden
o, "Similarly und N.S.A. Cannot should be paid School. The filt to the public rew
p. "The very first ci which Was heart extremely short illustration of the te e W ETT powers to the persons to fine c. arried ent wh thout the beef Criticism should
That was the Atto li exter Luatiori, it is fi: U.F. government's 1 removed all the Cons that existed to prote cials in doing their ( of political victimisal wardene had, in his COndermined this Thea to restore the previo promise he had no and did not keep,
More than two ye. Offence, the latter five-judge bench of Attorney H.L. de Sil submitted, inter alia ,
"Parliament is not We Tust stand in
10t an Oracle WhC and decrees We demur. Nor is it a has to be sheltere the Winds of outsp to comrand there intelligent men it
public Scrutiny, to of fair-Thirded mer rding to the criter which all publicins It would be a wholl if we regarded the ryprivilegeasa kir which protected m from unfriendly crit of Lules which ha'w ensure that parlie function Without ul nce and Unfair att of speech and e, constitution guar simply the freedo

ARS — (5)
desan Case (continued)
Section 32, the tյrder that the firit the Deaf amd Blij
imposed should go 3nue".
Se before the N.S.A. and concluded in an time affords a telling dangers inherent in ment giving punitive I.S.A. of sentencing r imprisonment. This ch was enacted Wit of informed public ое герealed".
ney-General's case. ir to mention that the 9 F2 Constitutior här titutional Safeguards ct senior public offiluty Without any risk tion. Although Jayes election campaign Sura and undertaken Ius position, it was a intention of keeping,
ars after the alleged
came up before a the Supreme Court. wa, for Mr Nadasan,
an idol before which Silent adoration. It is se pronouncer Tents must accept without othouse plant which i and protected from okci Criticism. If it is spect and esteel of Tust be exposed to the critical appraisal and be judged accoa and standards by itutions are judged. mistaken approach "ules of parliamentadfrīdsarāfre imbers of parliament cism. Etis only abody 2 been developed to ment is enabled to warranted interferecks. The freedom pression which the intees to Luis is not 1 to sing praises, to
eulogise and to applaud. It includes the right to criticise, and to correct. Otherwise it would mean that we hawe only the freedom to support but not to oppose, to approve but not to disapprove, to accept but not to reject, to affirm but not toprotest. That Would be the wery negation of freedorn for freedom contemplates the possibility of contrary action and Contradiction... To think that We are enjoined against criticism is to assurine that We are all Sychophants, given to fawning and flattery, seeking to ingratiate ourselves with those in the seats of power. To point out errors and mistakes on the part of parliaTent is not defamation because parliament has no prerogative of perfection, mo intimmunity from falling into error and is not endoWed With Of Thniscience, It has no claims to infallibility or to our sustained admiration in all circumstances. It must earn our respect by the wisdom of its deliberations and decisions, by its knowledge and understanding of the problems it has to deal with. Parliamentary privilege was not meant to insulate parliamentarians against criticissil and the considered judgment of the people. By virtue of their election to that high office and membership of that august assembly they did not acquire a right to our perpetual respect. By their own conduct they may forfeit it, in certain circutstances. The proceedings and conduct of the people's elected representatives must always be subject to the surveillance and scrutiny of the people. They must learn to endure adverse comment and fair criticism and not be unduly sensitive to it. To react to criticism with annoyance, resent ment of pique shows an infantile attitude and is not what is expected of nature and responsible men.
To stigmatise criticism or fair comment as contempt of parliament or a breach of privilege is to misunderstand parliamentary privilege. What is prohibited is the scandalisation of parliament, To criticise We have the right - to Scandalise We are forbidden. We Tust Tot mistake the one for the other,
Parliamentary privilege was not intended to be a coercive instrufrient for the elimination of dissent.
Me Tibers Of Parliant hawe freedorn of speech. They do not have freedom from criticism. Immunity from

Page 19
criticism is not part of the doctrine of parliamentary privilege".
Mr. Nadesan was acquitted, but it had been a traumatic experience for seriousminded citizens, Concermed for the integrity of their rulers. It was a matter for grave disquiet as to what these quite unprecedeinted developments might portend for the future.
THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS
Almost the first official act of J.R. Jaygwardene as prime minister was to take over the pro-S.L.F.P. Times Group of Newspapers. He claimed it was done because the company was in a bad Way financially. After some half-hearted attempts to run these papers with the help of a "competent authority" he closed down the papers altogether. The anti-S.L.F.P. SUN group of papers was left alone. A new newspaper group, the Island group, started by Jayewardene's cousin and the SUN group maintained a Tildly indepeindent line. The government's riposte was to withhold government advertising from these two groups. Govern Tient advertising had always been a fruitful SOUrce of revenue for newspapers and withholding government advertising (a device inveinted by the previous government) was used by President Jayewardene's government, while the president never ceased to extol the virtues of a free and indepeindent press.
In 1972 the United Front government introduced the Press Council Bill. This bill was challenged in the constitutional Court by the Leader of the Opposition Mr. J.R. Jayewardene of the United National Party. His lawyers urged, interalia:
"Clause 16(1) absolutely prohibits pUblication in a newspaper of the whole or part of the proceedings of a cabinet meeting. Clause 16(2) prohibits the publication in a newspaper all documents passing between Ministers and the seCretary to the cabinet and the publication of the whole or part of the cabinet decision, unless approwed for publication by the secretary to the cabinet. This provision constitutes a flagrant violation of the freedor of speech and expression. Douglas J. said in the Pentagon Papers case: 'Secrecy in government is fundamentally anti-demÚČratic perpetuating bureaucratic errors. Open disCLISSiOn and debate Of pLublic SSLIES are vital to our national health. On public issues there should be opem and roboList debate". The essential aspect of freedom of speech involves the right of free criticism of the bureaucracy and the government. It is thus seen that the inwolwerment of the press in the discu
ssion of Calilet T. rtial part of the de a free society. Any fEric IVE from LisC is fundamentally dom of speech : deTCracy".
The U.N. P. lawye printed in booklet fo U.N. P. propaganda
The billi was paSSI Laka Pres5 Cur: What the bill was tae the U.N.P. led by staged a protest Wa
The U.N.P. gover the Press CO Lur:Il Li rdene appointed his Council. To headi relative.
LOTg : TITI Ft
BarbLr Af lí. Fi
Greek
Persio BujZCIrl Tilso I Lil
SILC II le 11:ரபு TE: AT Tri Lao Far Sa
FKE'L} & THгошg MorgC To Akl.
Willi Lu
EdLLL LLY. Urழிப்ட் Ecolol.
Rosé CI

atterS is but al ESSEmocratic structure in atterTipt therefore to LISSion SLC1 TatterS opposed to the freeand discussion in a
ss' SLubffllSSiOS WEsE III did distributed at meetings.
ed into law as the Sri il Law No. 5 of 1973. ken up in parliament J.R. Jayewardene Ik-out.
nment did not repeal aw. Instead, JayewaOWI hominees to the t hē närmed a close
On 11 November 1980 Mr. Amirthalingam, Leader of the Opposition, referred in parliament to a report by a SUN Columinist of some matters that Were discussed at a cabinet meeting held on 5 November, a few hours before the budget was to be presented. The Finance Minister was incensed. The Wery next day the government drew public attention to the fact that the publication of matters coming Lurder Sectio 15 of the PTE5S: CuCill LaW Was a punishable Offer Co.
In October 1982 the government instituted a prosecution against the SUN group of newspapers and the editors of the SUN and the WEEKEND for the Contra wenti) of Section 16 of the Press Council LaW. The prosecution was in Consequence of the publication of a news story headed: "Foreign aid gives first aid to balance Lanka's budget—Explosive cabimet meeting om Thursday".
To be continued)
The Scholar’s Tale
Prologue
re? The Wikings balı titleTed LLi Thı Their geri Les aks, Cels, Saxols, Slaus II Arctic Irbes Tial ordes suced rided fragile Greece Ime Las raUished bu Lild Gothic IUpes
seed sprouted far in India's plains tides floured back to Byzai Li Lil Eine bedded Bulgar (II dJierce Tirk a Sassculids diluted old Babylor
| carld betrayal stalked proLIC QLee l Carld Trictirl pt (ar ld Larik(I Too) Crld Sad Carthage abs straddled Africa (II ud Spain LUS, Elle Chirl (I Seels, Ért Cara UCLIls
Turkiold, LI JFL ile (Ger yllis razed Peking rld Warsa LU, purs Lilly Carpatial Kings
the ill starTed Balkars. iапd Moghul Zig-zagged East-West Curld back parald Llefirir su ling of the pack ului te geries or Lyello LJ, brol Url, quid black.
Lille tulis (Tagic Lirlerding Story is LLUÏLL (le Carca LJCI, 15; 2/ Tirt le CLld toT? Et i o Ir Scholar, the Fuero costhuis Tale rcf rare Truy this to clearlse Luis Eric ser Treilf
(CTLiL1L
U. Karl Latilake
17

Page 20
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CCESS from Selected stands
Our doorstep

Page 21
Regional Approaches - The P
Jayantha Dhanapala
From "Regional Approaches to Dsалпаллелt. Secшгїїу алd SIabiїу" Edited by Jayantha Dhanapala and Published by Darriouth (U.K) for LTL LaaLLLLLLLaLaLLLLLLLaLLLLLLL0S rmament Research (UNIDIR)
introduction
This introductory chapter will examinethe emergence of strong pressures for regional approaches to disarmament, Security and Stability that hawe arisen in the Wake of the progress achieved in bilateral US-Soviet arms negotiations and European disarmament. This impetus comes especially after the diminution of the threat perception regarding the former USSR and the end of the Cold War, and the perceptions in the North about threats of arms proliferation in the South. It traces the evolution of regional approaches and their complementarity to global approaches. It will attempt to analyse the transition after the end of the Cold War and the impact of the Gulf War on global disar Tanent and security in general and Weapons proliferation in developing countries in particular. The actual facts of arms expenditure, purchases, development and exports and the details of arms supplies in the various regions outside Europe will be presented and viewed in the context of the global and regional Eflwir Ilmelt With a wieW tL LII1 der StalInding why these countries seek to arm themselves. In a highly interdependent World political and economic system, the linkages of the various regions with the rest of the global community der Tard that We Wiew ar ITS CO Introll li its global perspective while We Work to achieve regional disar IThament and seCurity.
The discussion about regional approaches is not of recent origin. Regional and global approaches are not mutually exclusive. They are in fact complementary and mutually-reinforcing. They must therefore be pursued in tandern, Disarmament efforts confined to particular geographical regions Certainly hawe a more ancient lineage than global disarmament. Imperial dominance through power projections beyond national territorial limits,
Jaya.Tiffa Järäpäälld Wäs Lirector of L'INVLJIH frdfl TSHF ky fSS.
geographical discow the 15th century A.I |ISIT) alt fllerfläll. tradig and the TerTmar COITIITLITications te gradual integration
More recent globala may be traced to the if|Et|WE) that disarmament trLi in Scope and multil with the awesomes Weapon threat, the
Powers, the enor process, especially i the Citiw III WOIWEET til Siri iSTITIHT1Er The CrĒä til filtr for World disar Tarth : tated the foCLIS Gr efforts. Acute Conce effects of nuclear
Weapons of mass sharper this focus firS UN Gelierä| AS5 Orm global disa rT TaTi
Notwithstanding t pre OCCLIpation With apprČachēs, a nurTi taken at regional le rmament, security a the 1959 Antarctic specific region, it is Cannot be regardec approach to disam tiatiWesare als 0 exC ssion because of U Search programme because it has be East-West global C tions. However, Sol Europeaп experient ghout this research purposes. Included CCCssful initiatives a the Polition of Latin America (Tre; the 1985 SCLP: Treaty (Treaty of R ti83. 3. ree thée - OLUCIO efforts of Countries nuclear Weapons fri LC) cols, WESTE E5tabolis nuclear Weapor st their respect for thi these zones.
in addition to the of initiatives hawe b of Countries in the
e diSCUSSE il ritÉ initiatives, which will

'arameters of the Discussion
"eries, especially after 0., the era of Coloniarhai COPTITT19:TC9 and kable development of chnology all led to a of the global systern. pproaches to security a Congress of Vienna World War II, however, ly became Worldwide ateralin participation, spectre of the nuclear emergence of Super TOLIS deColorhizatiOrl Asia and Africa, and ent of the United Nait and scCurity issues. hati Orhält TechaliSTS ent and Security facili
global disar (Tarinent erns about the global weapons and other destruction helped to . Unsurprisingly, the Ger Tibly resolution Was te,
his post-World War ||
global disarmament ber of initiatives Were Wels to achieve disaLid Stability, Although Treaty demilitarized a uninhabited. Thus it as a strictly regional ament. European iniLudd fror this di SCUMIIDIR's separate TgIn this region and also Er. CrTibrtyilgj in the lisarmament negotiaThe Efrr:SG to til ce Will be made throureport for comparative апопg the поге ѕшre the 1967 Treaty for Nuclear Weapons in aty of Tlatelolco) and fic NLJ Clear-Free Zore arCotonga). Both treaThe of the Collective of the regions to bar Jm their regions. Prohed for extra-regional äGS L dérkonstrate e der Luclearization of
Se trĖatis, a rhur Tiber een made by groups past and Continue to ermiati(Orhä | frå... Th g5e be di SČu SSėdiri dtail
in the following chapters, include the DeClaration on the Deuclearization of Africa adopted by the Assertibly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its first ordinary session held in Cairo in July 1964 and repeatedly endorsed by the UN General Assembly, the 1971 United Nations Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace which has been endorsed arını Lually; the Ayacucho Declaration of 1974 regarding non-use of force, arms |iTiiitatio ad peaceful Settler mert of disputes by a group of Latin American counitries; the resolution repeated at the UN General Assembly since 1974 on the establishment of a nuclear Weapon-free ZOne in the Middle East; a similar resolution repeated since 1974 on the establishment of a nuclear weapon-free zone in South Asia; a propios alto strengthenseCurity and Co-operation in the Mediterranean region Containedfor example in UN General Assembly Resolution 44.125; the Kuala Lumpur Declaration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) On the Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) in Southeast Asia and the Proposal for the de nuclearization
of the Koreal PE 15 Luli.
A number of regional organizations hawe been established throughout the World, Which either already hawe the mechanisms to set in motion regional arrarigerTents for disarmament, security and Stability of have the capacity to design them. In Latin America, there is the Organization of American States (OAS) and to implement the Treaty of Tlatelolco there is COPANAL; in Africa there is the OAU as Well as Subregional bodies like SACEP which have been mainly economic in character; in Asia there are the predominantly economic organizations of ASEAN and SAARC, Ind in the Pacific thare is the South Pacific Forum. The chapters to follow will discuss these organizations and Others by examining their efficacy in the past and their potential for the future.
The Charter of the United Nations has ample provisions for regional approaches in the task of Taintaining international peace and security, Chapter WIll contains Article:S 52-54, Wich FläW tFlg Bffect 0 per Initting regional arrangements and agencies to Work in accordance With UN objectives and achieve the peaceful setitler Tient of regional disputes. The language of Article 52:1 "for dealing with such matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and Security as are
19

Page 22
appropriate for regional action" (the emphasis is mine) could be interpreted as being restrictive. On the other hand, it is important that regional approaches should not seek to Ower-reach their limits, whether geographical or in terms of their mandate. The Security Council is required to encourage such approaches, with the initiative coming either from the region or the Security Council itself. Enforcement action has to be authorized by the Security
end of World War II. The Security Council has also to be kept informed of activities Undertaken or conte Tiplated under regional arrangements. The present Crisis SLrrounding the break-up of Yugoslavia is an interesting challenge for the regional bodies and the UN to work out a de Thascation of responsibilities. The outcome could establish a precedent to follow in future Conflicts.
The Fila|| DOCLIII et of the 19 FB First Special Session of the General Assembly devoted to Disarmament (SSODI) remains the high-water Tark of the internalional consersus that has been achieved Orl disarITårnefl SSLIBS, It assested the Central role and primary responsibility of the United Nations in disarmament and affirmed that the UN should be kept appropriately informed of all steps in disarmament negotitations, including regional ones. The establish Tent of nuclear Weapon-free Zones was considered to be ап ппportant measure (paragraphs 33 and 60-63). Reference was also made to regional Zones of Peace and the need for disarmament in Europe. The pursuit of both agreements or other measures, including on a regional basis, and of regional consultations Was encouraged. Paragraph 121 stated that "Bilateral and regional disarmament negotiations may also play an important role and could facilitate negotiations of multilateral agreements in the field of disarmament".
It is clear that the focus of SSOD was On global efforts to achieve disarmament while regional initiatives were mentioned almost en passant. This was despite the considerableachievements (the Treaty of Tlatelolco and the Helsinki. Accords) and ongoing initiatives that were being discussed in the field foregional disarmament and Security. The emphasis On global disarlament, as stated earlier, was ertirely appropriate at this historical stage, given the Cold War situation and the nuclear arms race. The perception also existed that regional Teasures would only be aimed at the least armed nations, leaving the arsenals of the Great Powers for bilateral negotiation and the global disarmament machinery. However, there appears to hawe been a tacit acknowledgment that the global agenda was vast in scope, making pargmatic steps at the
2O
regional level also fe
In the same year General Assembly I all aspects of regiona was completed in 19 to summarize the C. Nations study; it is in view the study in th of геgional approac The Curreril rese: twelve years later, going over the sar TI the study. Suffice tı comprehensivel y su nce and ongoing ir regional in scope, at concept, the terms regiorhåll disarmamĘ SOfThe TTleasures whi feasible. The study, gnized the need for to be suppleTiented of individual regions measures possible i the present report E Context of the revive approaches.
At the outset it w; participants of this even with the exclus has been explained nsive coverage of th was not possible. adopted a flexibleap of a "region" since nded Or indiwidual i of application of r: TSSLJES W efe 10tif of the current repo identify regions in mmunities or grou share Certain geo-p so as to place th OTOgereous SeC. Could ercompaSS areas. Thus, WE SE Security region dist East, and the Sol distic from the No. so the Countries will zirne. Tie rati. tion of these regior indiwidual authorS pters, it is also be Current events that thern Selves are Sut
Resolutions on after the 1980) UN : duced in the Gen 1982 with a view to initiatives. In the la nsformation in US-l global Consequenc regional disarmam importance and ga At the 1990 sessio on Regional Dis

āsible.
TE SÜluti Cs if the quested a study of disarmament which O. ltis Totnec:SSary tets of this United portant, however, to historical evolution Es to diSH FT TEt. rich report, Written will also refrain front : ground covered by say that the study veyed past experieitiatives which Were eTipted to define the and the principles of it, and to Set Out chwere regarded as in conclusion, recoits general approach by detailed analyses de dise Tia Tolt | F. THİS İSG Wat itempts to do in the !d interest in regional
as recognized by the research project that ion of Europe (which above), a comprehee regions of the World The 1980 UN study proach to the Concept regional limits depeinitiatives; also areas agional disarmament igid, For the purposes rt, it was decided to erms of Security COps of countries that olitical characteristics em in one relatively urity zone. This zone Jupith a rhod and 0.082 a The e the Maghreb as a ict for Til thČ. Middle uth Pacific as being orth Pacific. Inevitably fall Withis i Mose thal јпale for the delimitais is explained by the in the following Chaing demonstrated by regional demarcations ject to change.
'egional disa Tament study hawe been introeral Assembly since
encouraging regional e 1980s, With the traJSSR relations and its :es the resolution or ent acquired greater thered more Suppo Cort. n, Resolution 45/58M armament including
confiderice-buildirng meaSureS Was a do)- pted without a vote, but Resolution 45/58 P had 142 states Woting for, none against and tem abstaining. The resolution, in its operative part, called for agreements on nuclear non-proliferation, disa Talent and Confidence-building measures at regional and sub-regional levels. At the 1991 session, Resolution 46/36 F also affirmed the basic principles of regional disarmament including confidence-building measures, adding significantly in a preambularparagraphthta "disarnament measures in one region should not lead LO in Creased El FTS transfers tO Other regions". While this resolution was adopted Without a wole, Resolution 4635 had 154 voting for and four abstentions (Bhutan, Cuba, India and Laos). The Specialized deliberative body - the Disar Tarrent Commission which agreed in 1990 Om ways and means to enhance its functioning - has a "Regional approach to disarmament within the context of global security" as one of the four substantive items om its agenda. The di SCLUSsions began in 1991 and will conclude in May 1993. The iter has generated considerable iterest and a number of Working papers have been submitted. A consensus-building process has begun on general principles and guidelines.
A further development, indicative of the Current trend to focus on regional approaches, is the establishment of United Nations regional Centres for disarmament in Lome, Liri la and Katmandu I. These Certres, which are financed out of Voluntary Contributions, are intended as focal points for regional co-operation not only in the practical implementation of the World Disarmament Campaign, but also "to facilitate the development of effective measures of confidence-building, arms limitation and disarmament" (Resolution 45/59E). Financial constraints have preWested the regional centres from being as effective as they were intended to be, but they function for the benefit of the regions and are a nucleus of Which to build.
Apart from the growing Consensus Within the UN system in favour of regional approaches, a number of influential reports outside the framework of the UN have also advocated regional disa Tament, The Stockholm Initiative, for exaTiple, recommends a series of regional security conferences patterned on the CSCE process.“
(To be continued)
Notes
1 AMR 35'S-12 il 30 JULJIC 19 FEB.
2. Cornton Responsibility in the 1990s, Prime
Minister’s OHC, Six:ckholt, 1991.

Page 23
Why there's sc in this rustic
LLLLLL LL aMLLLLLLLL GLLL Ta LHHLLLuL uHHLHHLHSuu CLaLLLL rural di Tsils, ĻĻho ar bLIS, SIÇOrti Tg. Cut båCČIJI leaf in a barri, It is the cit the hundreds of such
barns spread Qul in th4: mid arid [[:fr:Unff}} LLLLkuLLL KLLK LHuLLL LlL LLuLLLlL uL LLHtLLHeS dall, during the Off SeaSOL
Here, with careful nurturing, tol-3CCC grows. Fis a
LLLeOLLL LLGLLL LLLLCHC HLLL LLHLHu uCHCH tLLtglLHHLaL LHHL LL gold, to the value for Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ಸ್ಪ್ರತ್ಯ ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter tobacco barn.
Trabacca is the industry that brings er TıplayLTEmt tro the second highest number of people, And these people are the { collixia." CC, barn Cowners, the tribx^2 CCC) growers and thise who work for the IT, on the land anti in the barris.
For them, the Ecb7eccc, lEaf Tegang Tia:Tiiriigful Work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A tood
erugh reason for laught ET,
Ceylon Tobacco Co.Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people,

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating I
C Dynamic
In 1961. People's Bank ventured out in the of Only 46... and a few hundred Customers,
Today, just 30 years later
People Resource exceeds 1 Customer ListingS at a Sta. Bran Ch NetWOIrk in exKCeSS
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has g in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spec resources at their Command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
"hree DeCadeS
f
: Growth
challenging World of Banking with a staff
0,000 ggering 5.5 Million of 328, THE LARGEST
rown to become a highly respected leader stacular growth is a reflection of the massive to the Service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'