Page 1
ANKA
GUAR
VO. 1 6 No. 9 September 1, 1993 Price RS.
PAX AMCRICs - the V. C
COMEC
UNDERSTANDING II
- Kumar R
lU (U. NT., 2aS tC
CREATIVITY, the
1983 : STATE ''ERROR
PremaClasa
J- FR- tamin
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

| O. OO Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/43/NEWS/93
RNR VS ROM6
). A. uUOr —
de Silva
)ENTITY OONPLIOTS
upesinghe talks to Thomas Abraham
Dol of U- S
- James Ridgeway, Sabine Guez
name of the game
- Laurel Shaper Walters
ISM, MOT RACERIOT
- Zesh HUSSCin
and the elite
— Chanaka Amaratunga
the judges
- Arden

Page 2
WITH THE BEST
ELEPHANT HOUS
OUALITY AT AFFC
NO 1 JUSTICE
CCLC)

COMPLIENTS
E SUPERMARKET
ORDABLE PRCES
A. Il-KEBAR MWAWWA THA
NMEBO 2.

Page 3
THENDS
Tea to Moscow
Now that the Red Capital too has gone consumerist they are setting up a Tea Board office in "Moscow, with a resident Tea CoIITissioner. Back from Russia a delegation headed by Plantation Industries Minister Rupa Karunatiake Was Confide ha Sri Larka could sell 25 million kilograms of tea this year to the former commu
isf sale.
EBRIEFLY. . .
Loans from Japan
Japan has loaned Rs 13.7 billion to Sri Lanka to develop telecommunications, the Colombo port, roads and bridges, the Water supply and power projects. The Ioan is repayable in 30 years and carries an interest rate of 2.6 per cent per annum. Japan is Sri Lanka's biggest aid giver and these loans signed on August 12 were part of aid pledged at the last Paris Aid Group meeting.
No need for UN
Foreign peace moves fronted by four Nobel Prize winners involving a UN Peace Keeping Force have found favourin Colombo, Prie Minister Rani Wickremasinghe rejected the move out of hand when it was first announced. The Govern lent-controlled Daily News then quoted unirlamed military "top brass" to endorse the Prime Minister's position,
Among the reasons quoted for the rejection:- Nothing can be achieved without the LTTE laying down arris; the UN cannot force the Tigers to a political settlement; no UN force can succeed where the IPKF failed.
They were not there
SLFP National Organiser Anura Bandaranaike, MP, was not present at the joint Opposition Hartal COmmernoration meetingat Nugegoda on August 12. Nor was there any official representative from the Democratice United National
Front (DUNF),
taken to be an notwithstanding its membership
SLFP (Geler: masiri Senama) DUNF was not Was not One of parties who had ther in protest ci ndara naike COU because he was from the party fo Sons, Mr Senan
But Mr Band: hig Would not even if he had be se it was "far br great cricketers India than sit on ple like K.P. Silwe Perera arid Dar ke."
Cabinet
In a minor Cab A.C. S. Ha Theed reign Ministry, E With Mr Harold H Justicē.
Among the oth cation and Highe by the Presider Lokubandara; th Tyronne Ferman ås Minister forff elevation of Mr als Minister of Li rtfolio was also dent).
Safe pass
Civilians Whor Crossing the Jaf away from the pe hawe safe pa! UNHCR-Sri La agreement to r linking the LTTE peninsula with mainland.
The governm accepted a draf has signalled th enter a separate the LTTE.
The child unpro
Mr Bernand S leader Who is als

which is also still opposition party moves by some of re-join the UNP.
| Secretary Dhaake Said that the nvited because it he six opposition lways been togempaigns. Mr Bad not participate Indersuspension r disciplinary reayake said.
ranaike said that lave participated er invited becautitler to Watch Our
playing against a Stage With pedi, Y.P. Silwa, Nihal masiri Senamaya
'eshuffled
inet reshuffle Mr. got back the Foxchanging place erat WF10 now has
er changes: Eduir Education (held it) to Mr W.J.M. e elevation of Mr do to the Cabinet ormation, and the M. J. M. Aboosally abour (which po|eld by the Presi
age Soon
OW risk their lives na lagoon to get ninsula may soon Sage under a ka, Government activate a ferry COrtrolled Jaffrla °oonery on the
ant has already agreement and 2 UN agency to agreement with
remains ected
oysa, the LSSP a minister in the
Western Provincial Council, told the 62nd Annual General meeting of the Child Protection Society that Seminars are held, resolutions passed, action plans drawn up but the child remains unprotected. The problem was getting bigger daily and it was Out of hand, he said.
To change Constitution
Prime Minister RailWickrellasinghe heads a parliamentary Seleict Committee on the Constitution. The other members are Messrs B. Sirisena Cooray, K.N. Choksy, S. Thondaman, Wijayapala Mendis, Wimal Wickremasinghe, A.C.S. Hameed, E.P. Paul Perera, Chandra Ramatunga, Haririldralathi Our Lu Wille, M.H.M. Ashraff, Dislesh (GUNewardena, D.M. Jayaratme, Stanley Tillekeratme, K. Premachandra, Athau da Seneviratne, Basheer SegudaWood and Dharmasiri Senanayake.
GUARDAN
Wol. 16 No. 9 September 1, 1993
Price Rs. 10.OO
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo - 2,
Editor. Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanariuttu Mawathiä, Colornbo 13, Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background Rarhasinghe FreITnadasa 5 A Tale of Two Tigers 7 Charging Nature of Conflicts 9 Conflict Resolution 11 The J. R. Years (9) 13 Powerty (2) 15 The UN - AI || 51Tigert of
Pax Americana |

Page 4
DRU
Doctors are aware that Market Oriente
The mirzairz rea.sorry is that our of a beMiladering scientifically validated compound, only one or tw.
means that many claims advanced for marketing I
Before this happens unfortunately irrepar
and medical terms.
Generic drugs that have entered the Pharm
test of line and have weathered the unreasing sea
Foroverathird of thiscentury wehave mac
hospitals and clinics, and to the private sector.
This great reliance is the biggest factor ir
the medical profession.
M. S. J. Indus
Factory
P.
Ο

FGS 2.
id Drug Policies are not always desirable.
variety of derivatives that proliferate from a single "o finally remain ir any Rational Formulary. This
Jurposes fail under extended scientific scrutiny.
able dannage has beеп done iп huппап, есопоппіс
acopoeia and ha 'e rennaired there have is food the
"rch for clinical excellence.
le and supplied Formulary drugs to the country's
our growth and our service to the people and
stries (Ceylon) Ltd.,
and Laboratories
O. Box 430
ՃlombÙ 15

Page 5
NEWS BACKGROUND
V. O. A VS PaX
Mervyn de Silva
ANDALAMA, the first successfully
politicised "environmental issue", is day-before-yesterday's news, hardly a blip on the Screen of an Opposition in eager search of ralling Cries.
IRANAWILA Of the other had as BCOThe Such a serious Confrontation at the US Embassy, official representative of the sole Superpower, has demanded a retraction from the Church-OWred CATHOLM MESSGEWIGE-F of Wat it SUggests are mis-state Tents, and falseFThOOdS.
In a statement signed by the Bishop of Chilaw and the Secretary of the Pastoral Council of the district, Mr. A.B. Fernando, the government is asked why it is using "an iron"fist to deprive the children of the soil of their elementary right, and acting like a Colony of a superpower.
The aggressive language as well as the high Toral tone reminds one of the Pope's historic visit to Latin America and his eSpousal of popular causes mixed with a pugnacious anti-ATlericanism. More and more, the Pope has been identifying hi
self with the Third World.
The polemics as well as the anti-AmeriCanism reminds one of the challenge that the US faced from the now defunct Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War. But it is now a unipolar World, the Soviet Collosus having collapsed, with its Tessianic ideology robbed of all magic. While the US seems to think that Khomeinisri has replaced Communist, the thesis was most succinctly presented by Israel's Shimon Peres as reported by a Sunday ISLAND columnist. Our foremost novelist and"Sinhala-Buddhist"polenicist, Gunadasa Amarasekera used the Peres quote quite adroitly in a recent ISLAND article Where he argued that "interwention", even by the UN, is in fact part of the historic Western grand strategy to subjugate the "poor" world,
ls a new Tilital Pope John Paul po: to PAX AMERICAN note that the regior Ctędto th WOAfOT intelligence gather SLubor Thrir träffic i rather a powerful p presenting the Am languages to the W:
Irla Chilaw DiCCE nature of the WOA", home-grown:
TRUE NATURE O
The Gowerient Om going protests W.O.A. work was ini that the full scope E Project began to E who, till the had ri clators, began to re. situation. The Cutt thousands of cocon the large scale infr; Sed presence of fo With the fishing rig strict Security meas from approachingth breakneck speed a are going on, make actual reality of W.O. the irri) Cet SOU Spoke of by parties ir
THE SAYING AND
The G. Welt the Media at its disp our Countrymentot is ricriTlal in Irama W nothing to fear. For spokesman, Minist ntly declared "The not be displaced in сted. No hotel, по а Ital hazards, no c dents, rid bårl On f News 23.07. 1993).

Vaticana
nt Catholicism Under sing a direct challenge NA? It is interesting to nal power, India, obje"security" reasonsing, "listening in" on in the Indian Ocean, ropaganda "base" for erican lie in different
St ASiar COr irret.
Se leaflet om "the true the charges are Tore
F.W.O.A.:
paid to heed to those and eventually the tiated. It was only then and implications of the |пег9e. Many people 2 mained passiwe Spealize the gravity of the ing down of Seweral uttrees in full bearing, astructure, the increareigners, interference its of the people, the ures barring outsiders her O-go Zore, and the t which the operations everyone feel that the .A. is farrer flowed froT ding "Relay Station" terestedith W.O.A.
| THE DONG:
, Taking ample use of Josal, evidently wants elieve that everything vila, and that there is instance, the Cabinet er Harold Herat receDeople of the area Will or their fishing restriirstripo, no enwirCommėdispola Car Tlent of resiishing" (Ceylon Daily
But, alas, the reality Is Just the opposite,
" On 27.07.1993, a top Americar Officia/ Of W.C.A. e F e Parish Prg SofTOdWa Waaf his mission house, ardasked Fir to inform his people that they should not Lise the Waterway leading from Thodu wawato Panbalalagoon as it was a security zone of W.O.A. and cables had been laid. (That is tie area used by Our porfishermer for fishing, and coming to Chilaw.)
A number of fisher an have complai. ned that while they were fishing in that агеa as !hey have a/ways done in the pasІ, Security personal fross W.O.A., had corrie so '79 SCër 72 a 7d asked TerTT so sea WÉ 'M') place as it was the security zone of W.O.A.
Wire sa TT Wes af Arara Willa 7a We complained that parts of their properties are going to be acquired (evidently to broaden The approach road to W.O.A.).
' A number of families have bilarly coImplained that 33 KW High Tension lines coming from MadarType ara to go ower their properties, causing them damage and раіл ofгліпd.
" There is a persisfer frumour(hasa Figh powered Plant for producing electricitywith environmental ill-effects - is going so besef Llp in Madampe area.
It is alleged that W.O.A. Authorities are taking Video pictures of the people ewen When they assembled for a religious բԱդ:ԱՏՅ.
" On 23.07. 1993, the Parisoners of Irarla Willa — 77 ostly worrier and childrer - Wanted to make an open air Way of the Cross, as they had done rary firings besore. A large Contingent of Police persoInre srca 77 the SL rroLrdirig Police Stations, ir su W battle gear, blocked their way, and fortade hem o Tave, fig Poice declard that they had been given orders to shoot if the people proceeded with the open air Way of the Cross. The people then era. red the Cemetery. There they made the Way of the Cross under the Watchful eye of the Police. In the days that followed the Certietary was guarded by the Police,

Page 6
The U.S. Embas
Dear Rew. Fr. Jayamamme. (Editor Massenger)
frust draw your attention to a series of factual errors contained in the article "The WOW and Iranawila," which appeared on the front page of the August 8 edition of the Messenger:
1. "On 21.07.1993, a top Arnerican official of WOA met the parish priest of Thodu WaWa at his mission house, and asked him to inform his people that they should not use the Waterway leading from ThoduWawa to Pambala lagoonas it was a security zone of WOA and cables had been laid."
On June 21, a Sri Lankan employee of the Colombo firm contracted to provide Security at the WCA site Wisited Fr. Alex Weerasooriya and mistakenly told him that fisher The could not use the Luna Oya canal. When he was informed of this misunderstandirig, Mr. Neal CreInshaw, the American officer in charge of the WOA construction project, profilptly acted to try to contact the parish priest and clarify the situation: fisheriter are Welcome to use the Waters of the Luma Oya camal and its eastern bank. They are requested not to land on the part of the Western bank tal li88 Wilhis Is WOA CCI StruIClig area, as Safety Concerns dictate that all visitors be esconted by Sorriere fa Tiliar with the Work going on. No cables have been or will be placed in the canal.
Mr. Crenshaw subsequently called on Fr. Wiras (Oriya åt the parish church irl ThC{duWaWäät l'oast Three tirTe8. C]] each 0CCaison Fr. Woeras OOriyaturned hirm a Way Without speaking to hir Ti, Mr. Cremshaw then wrote Fr. Weerasyariya a letter, dated July 26, 1993. Fr. Weerasooriya refused hand delivery of the letter twice. It was only when the letter was sent by registered mail that he accepted delivery.
0S SLLLL aaaLLLLL LL LLLLLLLL LLHCLK kLLuS mplained that while they were fishing in that area as they hawe always done in the past, security personnel from WOA had Cortle to the Scene and asked them to leave the place as it was the security zone of WOA."
WOA refuses entry to the construction site to Unescorted Wisitors because of safety concerns. The Luna Oya Canal
Tuns throLugh the
property leased i and others are fre and to Uso the isla easterr bank and area leased by W. OttO LJUSE the Wes: Construction area
WOA's instructions are that they are visitors they find in area to leave. Ther sions When gua theSB iStrLJCtİCIIS aCCESS to the Carna: gement learns tha improperly and as We the Canal, it aC access policy to th to assure the local friarharBabilĚ tÒLUS; is hawing sings mai the Calai is oper which will be post
of EIE WIDA. Sii.
3. "Mie faili: complained that pa are going to be ac broaden the appro
WOA is either W іп any property s dwork or any other ted piece of land W for the Construction NO OE Hlöd5 b3Tl
asked to move to :
4. "A number of complained that 33 coming from Mad: their properties, ca and pain of mind."
The Ceylon Electr installing 33 kwa la Madampe to Supp. WO, sit ät mmunities, which : electricity.
WOA THärlager Ten quent contact with always asks for fcc årld salabad HCliv mplaint they hav power limes was 1 a pylon Would b traditionally used t gious festivals. Th

sy Response
eastern edge of the by WOA. Fishermen e to fish in the canal, nd that COITprises its
that falls withir 1 hig 3A. They are asked terr bank, where the Egirls.
to its Security guards
to ask Une Scorted Side the COrnstruction "É WETE SEWEľal CCCAirds misS Linderstood
to include refusing l. Wher WÒA Tt a guard has acted ked Somerne lo leats promptly to clarify e guard involved and COTTunity thatfisheethe Luna Cya, WCA de which explain that to the public, and ed on the boundary
5 at Iräffa Willa hawe irts of their properties 2Guired (evidently to ach road to WOW)."
ware of lor in Wolwed Elizures tied to roaactivity. An uninhabias purposely sought of the WOA station. or Will be evicted or accommodate it.
families have bitterly kWhigh tension lines ample are to go over Iusing the IT damage
icity Board (CEB) is Wtension lines from ly power both to the the surrounding coare presently without
has regular and fre| C)Cal ria:Siderts ad dback on the project ities. The only coe heard about the hat, as plans stood, 2 placed in a spot by the willage for reliI e CEB irTriTimediately
changed the plans when it was informed of this so that the pylon will be placed elsewhere.
5. "There is a persistent rumour that a high powered plant for producing electricity - with environmental ill-e- ffects - is going to be set up in Mada. пре агеa."
The only facility being set up at Madampe is a CEB substation which will step down electric power from already existing lines for service at the WOA station and in the surrounding Community. Substations like these are corTonly f) LI rħid iri urbani amid resideritial areas afdp056? 10 en Wironmental hazard,
6. "It is alleged that WOW authoritics are taking video pictures of the people even when they are assembled for a religious purpose."
WOA staff periodically videotape activity at the COinStrLJCtilor Sitë ärid the SLITOUriding area to document work conditions for their supervisors in Washington. These videos are useful to WOA in documenting conditions that affect the job performance of Contractors and subcontractors. For example, if a subcotractor claims that he was unable to fulfill the work specified in his contract by the due date because access to the Site Was cut off, a wideo showing that the roads were unobstructed during that period would be used to Counter the Subcontractor's clairt, Whereas a wideo showing that roads were blocked by a Way of the Cross protest would act to Support it.
This article seriously Tisrepresents the facts abOLt WCA's presence in ranawila. By lending its credibility to these distortions, the Messenger has not only misled its readers, but has done the Iranawila Community a disservice by encouraging Unwarranted anxiety,
suggest that the Messengeract as any responsible publication would in these Circumstances and print a retraction of the Staterillerills cited bowC ir its next isSSE,
| Am Available CarlsWer any questions yOLJ hawe about the WOA site2. || Can be reached at the phone numbers given in the letterhead from 8:00 until 5:00, Moriday through Friday.
ADrisco Infortation Officer

Page 7
Ranasinghe Premadasa:
Chanaka Amaratunga
En One looks On the life of
a great public personality with whom One Was reas Ormably well acquainted, a detached, impersonal treatment of that life, can be rather misleading, perhaps even dishonest, and certainly would be difficult to Sustain. My assessment of the life of Ranasinghe Premadasa, as indeed my assessment of many other Sri Lankan politiciaris, dead and alive, is based both on public record and private revelation of character. It is therefore only reasonable that both these elements go to shape my wiew of President Premadasa.
I first friette future Fresidestald dirl15r of a Tutual friend, when he was First Member of Parliarlet for Colombo CeIntral and Chief Opposition Whip. I was then seventeen. He plunged into a political conversation and was full of an enthusiasm that was infectious. The Opposition Wasab Out to TOWea motion 01Q-Confiderice in the the Prire Minister, Mrs. SirimawO Bandaranaike. When I questioned himabout this heimrnediately asked whether I would like to attend the debate in Parliament on that subject and having received an affirmative response, he promised to send me the required passes. put this down to politeness, a promise like all politicians' promises. He had, after all, not even asked for my address or
telephone number or means whereby
might be Contacted. A Premada sa promiSe, hoWever, as I and so many of our De Opole WETE to disCO weer, was not of that flimsy material. On the evening before the appointed day the passes were delivered from Mr. Premadasa inviting me to tea. His conversation, which was, of course, entirely about the debate in progress, was dewOled to disCOwering TTly impressions of the speeches which had been made. The idea of him, put about by his critics, of an over bearing and autocratic man, totally unwillingtolistento, stillless to recognize, another point of wiew, Bears to relationship to the man knew.
Shortly after, he invited me on apolitical trip to Balapitiya and Welligama, travelled with him in his car and on the way there and or the return to ColorTibo which took place the same night, We talked almost Continuously. This was the first of six significant conversations I was to hawe With Mr. pretadasa. The second in 1978 when he was Prime Minister took place at TransWorks House where he then had his office, the third in 1980 at the Waldorf Astoria in New York, When he had arrived to address the United Nations, the fourth in 1990 at his office at the Presidential Secretariat when I sought a private meeting with him to pursuade him to agree to a Commission of Inquiry into the murder of Richard de Zoysa, the fifth, also in his
office at the Presi 1991 two days aft attempted iTıpCach rtained by the Spe: Sri Kota o 25 A before the launch at the Pro Wicial C days after the assa Athulathmudali. The Weyed to Tie a unir of Ranasinghe Prer the politician. I sa belwer the Tatar led in his public act. sations at which ex til of Ole of the poreSert. But it is Lurii Who ermerged from Eriphasised, compli SOT etimes even ex carried out the publ
The public acts Premadasa's politi ir TITICS hard Wol Single-mindeddevo and deprivation, ad to pluralism, racial, and a clear a CCLIr, reCognizing the bes rQ3perOUS e COOT hours than any oth|| He had a sense of p. had organizational : Citiūristic of thing Sri L. was the first Sri LE whose first langua Siri hala and who tru the Sinhala Buddhi: cause of that wery the language ofraci race,
The ranks of the C stronger since 1970 dency nor was critic as Widespread in E WS papers thar duri The two elections t held after the rest Order outside the N aCCepled by all poli free and fair, a thing not be said of any the term of his pre including) the refer 1982. During the years of the J.R. riment, the Liberal that Sri Lankawas o Would end in the imp State. It is Preside Thade Such fears a til All this is related til tions with him succ me beyond a shadow 1973 politics of Sri L righ Premadasa alc
Dr Ararafurīga is ea

A Personal Impression
ential Secretariat in ir tha Totion for his Tant had been Enteker and the sixth, at Joril 1993, the evening f the UNP campaign Incil election and two ssination of Mr. Lalith se conversations, COmistakable impression madasa, the man and W little Contradiction ld the politician reveas and in these Conveicept for a small propom, no longe glse Was driable that the man these Conversations 3mented, Clarified and plained, the man who C acts. which form President Cal Career speak of k and dedication, a tion to combat powerty terlined adhérence religious and political acy of judgerпепt in t means of creating a ly. He worked longer er Sri Lanka leader. ersonal discipline and skills, highly uncharaārka race. While ha nkan political leader ge and Culture was ly was comfortable in it milieu, perhaps befact, he never spoke Sm or religious intole
}pposition Were newer than under his presiism of a Government | wide variety of neng his term of office. hat hie Caused to be ration of peace and orth and East Were tical forces as being which could certainly Foll conducted during decessor since (and aridum of December terrible authoritarian Jayewardene GoveParly greatly feared a slippery slope that osition of a one-party nt Premada sa Who ning of the past.
D What Thy conversaeeded in convincing W of doubt. In the post anka it was Ranasiine who had a vision,
der of the Liberal Party
for Sri Lanka. I have spoken to all our leading political personalities, both in retiresent and in active public life today, and it has been possible for me to form an impression of their priorities. I find that people reveal their true priorities quite easily when one draws them out in conversation. Every other leading politician. I hawe spokento, it seems to me, is primarily motivated by office. To them office is an end in itself, they seem supremely disinterested in What they can do with it. They seem quite content to enjoy, in Graham Greene's phrase "the power and the glory; of office and devote themselves Wholly to its preservation once having obtained it.
Ranasinghe Premadasa Was engagingly, endearingly, different. He too wanted office. He had sought it with massiwe determination and drive of which a lesser mortal would have been incapable — but hie Wärted office as a Tears to an end- to alleviate poverty, to generate prosperity, to encourage national unity, to preserve the basic fabric of freedom - in a Word he wanted, as his friend and disciple, the UNP General Secretary and Minisler, Sirisena CoOray, put it in flis speech on the Wote of Condolence in Parliament on President Premadasa, power to serve the people, to serve his Country as he saw best.
To me this burning sense of Tission was very evident. It was there when he spoke to me of the future of Sri Lanka as | rode With hit in his car in 1975. It was burning bright even at his hour of galland winegar during the attempted impeachment. It shone through the darkness of his last Week on this earth, When he heard the rau Colus Cries of the de Ceitful and the misled who called him a murderer. He believed passionately in creating a social and economic transformation.
The attitude of politicians to the impeachment Was a superb study in contrast. Mr. Premadasa's leading opponents were obsessed with tactics to get to power, and seemed totally indifferent to a programme of action, My attempts to get them to address political reform were wholly futile. While President Premadasa too, showed no interest in our preferred solution of a Way out of the impeachment crisis wia constitutional reform, when spoke to him he sounded concerned not only about himself but the absence of a programme of vision on the part of his opponents. He spoke as a man inspired, of what he was trying to do, to Take sure that no occurence such as the JVP uprising would again occur, to make liberal democracy and the market economy issues that Were accepted by all and outside the area of political controversy. To me it was evident that he believed in something larger than himself
5

Page 8
fomething Which Wil|| SLUwiwig HiS COW E.
The accuracy of his vision was not in doubt. He Was determined to make the Lur Wanted feall Wanted and bring, some Sunshine into peoples' lives. He drew the Correct les Som from the JWP uprising - that it was a revolt against the greed of UNP politicians and the brutal application of the notion that the ruling party and the state Were Orle and the Sare. It is this realisation, which led to his Curt5 on the privileges and abuses of UNP MPs, not their lowe for a democracy that they had earlier helped to Weaker, which made them ripe for Supporting the impeachment. It was the same realisation which led to greater respect for the Opposition - any are the SLFP MPs who ဒြို့၌ told me ruefully that they had fareasier access to President Premadasa than to their own leader.
This accuracy of vision had another Thärinifesta, tion Which T. Lucht gnidga regd President Premadasa to me. He had no sympathy for the fashionable third World elite belief in socialism, recognizing wery Bärlỵ, lflãl IF1g pJ[]{}f Flad their bEst CharlCE for prosperity in astrong market economy. In the 1970s when Sri Lanka was ruled EW E dLT1-ltic SLC-St GWErfolfslêl of
S. Bandaranaike and her Marxist allies, when Mr. J. R. Jayewardene declared the UNP to be a socialist party and ridiculously ever Styled Sri Lanka a "Democratic Socialist Republic' and when Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali, (then Minister of Trade, in 1978) declared in Parliatent, "east of Suez, Everybody is socialist", Mr. Premadasa Campaigned at the 1977 General Election On the slogan "Socialisrn is a SOCialmenäCe'' (Sarajawaadaya SaTajawadayak). Whereas his predecessor Could increase the ratio ဝါ”မျိုးခြိ private sector of the economy in relation to the pLublic Sector in Eleven years by only 4%, Presidert Prer Taddasa i CrCS Edit rati) of the private sector irrelation to the public sector within 4 years by over 29%.
He had great faith in the electoral strength that his work for the people would bring him. This reinforced his commitment to free elections. I was presentat Sri Kotha When he addressed the UNP's candidates at that election. He called upon them to Scrupulously observe the election laws and emphasised that although there was d tirThe Whler Ehle UNP had WOII g|GctiOS by unfair means that was because it then had a leadership which had no faith in the people. He said that he, or the other hand knew what goodwork he had done for the people and had every Confidence that the people, recognizing his Work, Would support him. He insisted that the people's werdict should not be starred by electoral malpractise, I have always believed that it is not difficult to judge the sincerely of a person's Words. What he said that day he said froT the heart.
It should not ble Thisunderstod thait Ranasinghe Premadasa was faultless.
This Was far from st kness, from which : errors great and st ndOUS 5 Erise OfirYSE Crisis, he was unflap. SLJspicio Luis of people turn led him to pur personaliSed style ol value the blind loy ādTiTTS ad so Tetir nistic sycophants. T accompanied a Rom sper continually in indeed Tortal, is des political leaders in th Was not sufficiently a This insecurity car hard struggle throug reach the Walls of insensitive elitg, to re it car The are Tarkable lists arrazing On the and so intelligent a t:0 shUt hisTISelf Off fr His outlook on the discomfort, except W Tediu T. AS || told hir Was EXCBedingly unft had the best case, Which would haws he permitted their fr points of view. If he to all to the electronic greater diversity of op introlled newspaper: robbed his opponent: which they used wi Ccess against him.
Presidert Plaid the journalists he hac Tedia which Owersta presenting other wiew Thiddle Cla SSe:S he h: as being anyway his (BVer kriOW 1O Wlat to hir Th Wäs Self-fulfill gree accurate, proph
But that they we every Wild rumour air dar, hat toléir dou shameless in the ext Many are the occasi people in Colombos objected to the partis se in the Jaweward intimidation of other singly dismissed me reattur Tned friori Britair unattainable British S to Sri Lanka, a third needed, "strong Triflert 3 la LėE KLJ3|| nately denounced P for "lack of press free there Were far short hä1 Er E FläWE Eyêr far more Criticism of had been allowed Si began in 1970.
To the charge of di Prer Tadasa used to that he knew of Illo d

p. His greatest Weasprang all his other all, Was his trer Tiecurity. Although in a able, he was deeply 's riotives, which in Sue a 1 ex CESSiwely government and to alty of unreasoning mes even ofopportuhe young boy who an conqueror to Whiis ear that he was sperately needed by è rThOKdèrr Wrd. Hg Wär of this, ne || believe from the gh which he had to an often cruel and ach high office. With a shyness of journapart of so articulate m131, Which led HirT Om open Comment. Tedia Was one of ith a totally uncritical T. Several times, this rturate, because he the best arguinents, cored considerably if ad clash with other allowed free access Tedia and permitted inion in the state-co5, HE WOLuld hawa s of a potent weapon th Considerable SL
asa Was the Wictis I of d mot Cultivated of the ited his case by not WS and the ElitĖS är id ad chosento ignore, opponents. We shall degree the hostility ing and to What de|есу.
Willing to believe id e Very vicious slaJle standards, Were reme, is undeniable. ÕS Whér th Sär Society, Who, Wher" | al use of Lake Houene years, and the newspaperS, patronias someone recently Who Was applying tandards of freedom world Country which authoritarian goveṁ Yew, hawe passio= resident Prg TiadaSa -jOf" al 3 tir The Whel Coppositior päperS betisil asit there Was a Government than nce authoritarianism
ctatorship, President be fond of replying ictators who held as
many elections in which large numbers of members of opposition parties were elected. A human being must be judged not by the standards of an unrealised perfection, but in relation to his context. Did President Premadasa deprive his opponents of their civic rights? Did he manipulate the constitution for his partisan convenience? Did he meaningfully obstruct critiCismi? Did he prevent a very hostille opposition press from emerging? Did he extend the life of Parliament by a referendum ? Did he par der to racistin and Commumā-- isrn? Did he Cause MerTbers of Parliament from ethnic minorities to be driven from Parliament? Did he obtain undated letters of resignation from MPs?
The answer is NO.
Did he personally sanction murder (as distinct front excesses, Committed in the course of Counter insurgency operations, which cannot be attributed to him)
The report of Scotland Yard gives us a clear and una Tbiguous answer. The proof of the pudding is truly in the eating.
The man we lost on 1st May 1993 was like most of US a flawed, it perfect man. But unlike Thost of Lusha Was an extraordinarynan, his nation's only leader in contemporary times of consistent and determinêd Vision, his nation's greatest mam of action, insuperably bold, unfinching and of intense courage, a man who knew his work and his life will be the object of Scrutiny by generations yet unborn, an Orator of incomparable power, even perhaps the Saviour of his country,
Before him, a nation at peace, eagerly awaiting the promise of prosperity and freedom had been taken charge of in 1977, and becueathed to him, in ruins, With twin civil Wars, a foreign army of DCCLupation Jr. Oluf Soil the Whole liberal democratic fabric corrupted and suborned from within, about to be brutally destroyed from without. Although a solution to the crisis in the North East eluded him, he left a CILJ try OTCE TO FC Secure in the essence (though not the detail) of freedom and pursuing a path of economic freedom and social reconciliation. It was Tonstrous that he was denied the opportunity to complete
iiS Work.
The last days of his life were like the last act of a Greek or Shakespearea tragedy, Cruelty Wilified and slandered, his star Who had done so much, who COLuld hawe yet don SO TLCh, that wäsi fine and enduring, was brutally killed.
Quite often, I did mot agree with Hilir Tı. He was not a liberal. His priorities Were Often mot mine nor Time his. But despille his imperfections believe with all my mind and with all my heart that Ranasinghe PrerTmadas a Was agreat, anda good, rTman, His death was a cruel injustice to him and an appalling blow to our country. The only Consolation now is that I am supremely confident, that history's justice will fully ಗ್ಧರೆCate hiri as it has already began to
.

Page 9
1983 - 993
A Tale of Two
Izeth Hussain
en years after 1983 the ethnic
imbroglio continues, without either the Government or the major opposition parties having the faintest clue about how to get out of it. This situation cries out for What is called a "paradigm shift", that is a new conceptualization of the problem and a new framework within which to view it.
The project of a "paradigit shift" is an Obviously ambitious one, requiring indepth analysis of several complex issues. Within the space of this article, Will attEITipt no more thar a smere atILmbration of what seems to be required for a "paradigm shift" which could help us to getto grips with the ethmic problem.
The case I Want to argue is as follows. The ethnic problem in its present form, that is to say in its present militant form, is the creation of the post 1977 State. It is not the Creation of the pre- 1977 Stalee, rıdır. Öf the Sinhalese people the great majority of whom are not chauvinist or racist or COf Tualist.
The ethnic problem has been peculiarly intractable because We hawa misconceiVed it or Over-sir Tiplified it. We end to believe that it is intractable only because of the intransigence and undependability of the LTTE, and the excessive claims Tade by the other Tamil parties which are SupplOSed to be Lunacceptable to the Sinhalese people. We have been ignoring the greater problem of the undependability of the State, which is the consequence Of the COm te 11pt shownfor hemost elerthentary standards of public morality by the post-1977 UNP. I believe that contempt is in turn the consequence of a vicious hierarchical drive in the State, which became quite mad with the savaging of democracy after 1977. In any case, whatever the explanation might be, it will be very difficult for the Tamils to reach a CComodation with the State as long as it cannot be trusted to respect the principle of the sanctity and inviolability of agreements.
Since the major part of the ethnic probleľT1 is the State and flot the SinhalčSe or Tamil people, the pre-condition for a Solution requires that the people control the State. That will require the restoration
of a fully-functioning We had before 197 ghtened authoritaria respect for public
further that a lasting problern will be grea is called "Tited G. the functions of the restricted as possibl
| Will now try to est: Tilitat for IT of the the LTTE organize is the creation of the shot of the Sirhales for this purpose to c TWEET I COTITILITäl a COITim Lufthall riot thCT of people's particip: of CCITTural hatred Coluiti ES. THE S may initially organize it COTT185 to hlave a pogrom on the other massa Cre, LJS LJally Col the term having its of of the Jews organize in Russia. It is the læTT{ITISTT1, TF1ETC CC| of popular participat it is mainly an affa distinction between lly clear Černic):Lugh, and for a proper understa rhed bJC force and after
COUr ethnic proble nineteenth century, ring the entire perio up to 1977 there wer CommLunal riots. Tht siri riots of 1915 a. of 1956 and 1958. passing that Cortin Der ETC. Sri
Shortly after the came into power the the Tamils took pla phase in the ethnic ched its apogee in seriously disputed t TITLula riots of 19 OgfOTI, It Was cari.
popular participation
burnt Tamil property Tamils, including est

Tigers
der T10 Cracy of the sort , or at least an eliIisriT which Wil|| ShoW standards. I believe Solution of the ethnic tly facilitated by what Wernment", in which State are as narrowly E.
ablish that the present ethnic probler, with as a fighting force, post-1977 State and 2 people. It is Crucial raw a distinction beriot and a pogrom. In 'e is a significantlewel ation, the expression betweer Jrle Ormore tate, or a ruling Party, 2 a commural riot, but pop Lular Character. A hand is an organized ganized by the State, igin in the massacres d by the Czarist State expression of State uld be some degree ion in a pogrom, but if Of the Stig, TE ha two is Conceptuait is one that is crucial Inding of what happe.77פ1 -
ms began in the late (1Ol in 1956, àrd duld of seven decades "e rO rTCre th131 tree By Were the anti-MLd the anti-Tail riots ... We might note in unal rioting has not La Tika Lurlikt i1|dia.
1977 Government first pogrom against Ice, initiating a new problem which rea1933. It Carlot be "at the So-Called CO77 Were in reality a 3d Out With little Orlo by UNP bravos who and killed 100 to 300 late Tamils who had
nBWer asked for Eelam. It was in no Way comparable to the 1958 Communal riots.
The new phase should be regarded as One of State terrorism against the Tamils. If it is objected that the Cabinet made no decision to Linleash terror. On the Tarils and that the State as such was not inwowed, then it has to be regarded as UNP Lerrori ST1.
In any case, leaving aside problems of nomenclature, the 1977 pogrom has to be seen as a turning point, as thereafter the ethnic problem became totally transformed in character. Hither to the Tamils had seen themselves as subject to discrimination, but after 1977 they perceived thesmselves as Subject to a State which could burn their property and kill them with irl punity. Since death unlike discrimination is not easily negotiable, increased support for the militant LTTE and its later ascendency over the Tamil moderates had to be expected. The ethnic problem in its present militant form is a creation of the post-1977 UNP,
LTTE militancy led to the dispatch of troops to the North in the latter half of 1979, with orders to put an end to the LTTE nuisance within six months. The operations began with the killing of Tamils and the arraying of their bodies in a public place, which was taken by the Tamils as exemplary killings meant to show what they could expectat the hands of the State unless they stopped their nonsense forth With. What followed in the next six months led to an aggrawation of the ethnic problem. It was an aggravation to which the Sinhalese people and their supposed Communalis T1 Contributed in mo Way, It Was an affair of the State versus the TaTiS.
About the next important landmark in the progress of the ethnic problem, the 1981 burning of the Jaffna Library by police officers, We can be brief. It was a straightforward case of State terrorism.
It can be questioned whether the 1983 "COTITUna riots" can be fitted into the paradigrin of State or UNP terrorism. They do have a rather ambiguous character, They certainly began as a straightforward

Page 10
pogrom, a meticulously organized one with UNP braves going around with voters lists to identify Tamil property detailed for burning. They were assisted by the lumpenpatriots of Colombo who had quickly Sniffe dan Copportunity for loot. All that was Clearly part of a pogrom. What has to be explained is the massacre that took place on Black Friday.
The subject has not been properly investigated, but art inclined to believe that Black Friday was the result of a fear psychosis among the Sinhalese, Jonathan Spencer, an English scholar who was living in a Sinhalese village in the South in 1983, Wrote about the paranoid condition to which the people of that area had been brought by the Government's statements about the terrorist Tigers, so Tuch so that the simple matter of a car back-firing was given a sinister interpretation. It is known that reactions provoked by a fear psychosis can take a frenziedly murderous for II. I believe that the rurlour about the Tigers having come into Colombo triggered off that kind of reaction because of an already prevailing fear psychosis.
What happened on Black Friday therefore was not strictly comparable to the 1958 riots. I that Cast tire Was the assertion of the power of the dominant majority against a minority. Black Friday on the other hand was the expression of a sense of Wulnerability among the imajiority. The so-called "Communal riots" of 1983 Were in reality a pogrom, a Tanifestation of State or UNP terrorism, which got out of hand on Black Friday.
The above sketch of the development of our ethnic problem between 1977 and 1983 shows that the actions of the State, mot of the Sinhalese people as such, led to the ethnic problem acquiring its present militant form. This view is fully supported by Something that has come to loom large in Sri Lankan consciousness ten years after 1983, namely the peaceful interaLLLLLLLLCLLLL LLLaLLLL LLLaLLLCLL CLLLH
peoples level in spite of all provocations.
Shortly after the 1983 pogroma Cabinet Minister advised the Sinhalese people againstengaging inany further comTLInal riots because that Would provoke Indian interwention. His advice was superfluous, and Certainly Trisdirected. It should hawe been directed to the likes of himself in the State and the UNP who had been respoisible for anti-Tail terrorist, and not to the Sinhalese people.
The Kent and Do dhapura massacres cres of helpless Sin eyer of Buddhist ted by the Cor Tirion the Pettah OTTO OU til of President F them has provoked: the Sinhalese peopl Stadt) hawe beer dr urlControllable, Sinh Over the LTTE ki||ir in 1983. Strangely t against the LTTE killi of our security forces 1983. The explana paradox is that after ble took the foT 0 rism against the T: Organized Tilitancy cess which had no great majority of the
That argument po. between the post-1 Sinhalese people. In COIT1 IT16eltS OF1 that (d clarify my argument.
My position is that the Simhalese peopl Or racist or Corrimur Which can acCOTO, minority among ther Sinhala Buddhist ch COTThurialists. It is a te T15 of a "Maha WE tilltiSat that til: SinhadlESE TE COTT ITITunalist. Thatnoti. |ed With the fact of pe iteractic is the S years after 1983 de hawe been prowaCat is conceivable that again take to comm past, but that does innately communalis Carl tăcurile CGITITL. the situation in whic |wes, a point On Whic
It would obviously interms of a dichotor Trlajority of the Siml CÓTTILJalist åt ällä minority who are. It" stic, since group prej Univer SG || || '''WÈT IF Critis of a continuu that the Sinhalese expected to hawe g arbe CJITITI LJ1alat Ilea5 point, however, is th;

|lar FaT ad Ari Lura, and further massahalese villagers, and BrkSWh åre Welerapeople of Sri Lanka, rage, hE assassina'remādasa, Orne of inti-Tamil rioting from e. They were suppoWel t0 år insenSat, lala nationalist fury g of thirteen soldiers ley hawe not reacted ng of overathousand in the ten years after tion for this strange 1977 the ethnic prof Sato Of LNPETCaTmils, proWoking the of the LTTE, a prothing to do with the Siпhalese people.
stulates a disjunction 1977 State ard the must OWr lake sorte isjunction in order to
the great majority of e, are not Chauvinist alist. It is a position date the fact that a can be regarded as au Willists or Sir Fala Tistake to speak in imsa mentality" if by : great majority of the igibly or innately coOn Camflot bJere CONC|- acceful Sinhala-Tamil outh during the ten espite outrages that iwetà irħi the extra T13. It the Sinhalese may unal rioting as in the not mean they are 1. It means that they Inalist depending on :h they find themseh| will expand later.
be a mistake to think my between the great als Who are not da STlal Simhal Se WOLuldbe more realiLudices are practically le. World, to think in In and acknowledge as a Whole can be roup prejudices and itt: SOTE: Extert. The at communal prejudi
Ces do not necessarily translate into coIn Tunal discrimination and Communal conflict. If the Sinhalese people as a whole are corrir ruralist to some extent, it has not Constituted a problem in the post-1977 period. The problem has been that of the post-1977 State.
ln trying to Lunderstand Cor T1 Turnalismir Sri Lanka we must draw distinctions between different kinds of group prejudices, Which are by no means identical or more Or less the Same. I hawe in mind particularly the distinction between forms of racism and the communalism that erupted in the 1958 riots. In the case of racist a dominant group can regard another group as genetically or Culturallyor in sorte sense lower, and believe that it Tust be kept OWer. Thlät äpplias O 5OmE Western attitudes towards Asian immigrants today, and it applies also to Sinhala chauvinist attitudes towards the Sri Lankan minorities, but I do not believe it applies to the broad mass of the Sinhalese people.
The communalism that erupted in 1958 Was the result of a perception that the Tamils Were ower-privileged while the SIinhala Buddhist majority was peculiarly under-privileged. That perception may hawe been all Wrong, but the point is that there is a vast difference between objeсtion to privilege and racism. The objection to privilege has behind it basically Cagalitarian and dem CCratic Totiwations which are the polar opposite of the attitudes behind racis T1.
The distinction i arri making can help us to understand why there Were no coTriural riots between 1958 and 1977. After 1956 the position of the Sinhalese as the dominant majority was asserted, and in Subsequent years thoroughly consolidated, The term "dorminant majority" describes one of the obvious facts of political life in Sri Lanka and is mot meant to suggest that the Sinhalese people as a Whole Wanted to dominate and push the Thinorities d'OWm, That dormirharice Could not be challenged, andary Sinhalese who believed in 1977 that the Tamils were priwiligead Would hawe been far gare in Tental derangement. The motivation for Communal riots had therefore disappeared by 1977. What followed were assentially pogroms, as I have argued, the expression of State of UNP terrorist without significant participation by the Simhalese people, except for the problematic case of Black Friday.
(Солтілшесі ол page 12)

Page 11
KUMMAR FLWPESINGHE -- INTER WIEW
Changing Nature
Thomas Abraham
A distinctive feature of contemporary history fastegri the changing nature L LYCGGLCuaLaaCGH L0LHLLLLLLLSLLLLLLLLlLLLLLLS GHLCS rarely involve States going to war with each O'F7Er, TFAJLugh the Gulf War Was är) exCepfia", ELITā resir77a/Iersfruggles which aTTH LCut aLCL GGttaLCM LLCLTLLLLS LLLLL large rajority of these conflicts, whether it Is irti III e for Tner Yugoslawia or in Fine CaLCaSLs are identity-based struggles, arOLVIT CES for Self-deteratori. Often, these conflicts are fueled by resgious fundamentalism. Efricity, identity, fundarrierialism, are no longer mere 55 LJES WF7CF7 social SCserfists study foi HaaCCCaKLCCCaCau uKLaLaLLaLaC LLLLLL HLLLtGtLLYLLLLL L0LS celles, butare a major factorin iriternaţional Conflicts today. The struggle between La LLL KaT CaK aattLLL SLLLHLH LLtLL d'OrT7iriased (Fir 7 kirg 07 war and peace in f'79 post-war years, Pas now been replaced by a few kind of war which involves not the clash of States and ideologies, but rater the clash of peoples within existing States, The Ir Terria tiaria Il political systemi, gag:red a 77edia ing in Corific's figf wegri States, has no real reclaris to deal Wr is type of Cofflict, as has beer rad clear in to the forer Yugoslavia and Sormalia. Dr. KUTar Fupesingfie, a Srí Laikā Social Scieris: Wfi gāds līgIslational Alert, a London-based Organisafor 7 which specialisēs ir Cor 7 flict reso/L- flor7, speaks (o Thomas Abraham abou! (FeSeer 77erging isSLI es cor the global politiCallagenda. Dr. Rupesinghe also provides a South Asian perspective by looking at the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, and the rise of religious fundamentalism in India, and draws sorre paralels betweet Fier. EXCCDS fro 77 7e2 ir Ter We W.
Question: How do you see the changing nature of conflict in the World today, and what are its roots?
Dr. Rupe Singhe: Let UStake Fig grld of the cold War as the point of departure. There was a great optimism at that was reflected in the Francis Fukuyama thesis about the end of history, celebrating the heger Tony of neo-liberalism Which Would mot en Courter uniwersal opposition. There Were also books about the end of War. Some of us strongly disagreed with this thesis because we felt that the nature of Conflict and War had significantly changed after the cold war and this has something to do with the kind of analysis We can talk about. We have at the moment 35 arried conflicts defined in terms of the SIPRI (Stockholm International Peace ReSearch Institute) year book as having a Casually rate of over 1,000, and another |listing Would suggest that We hawa about 150 and Conflicts Which ar below tha 1,000 Tark. I would suggest that the
tres of the 35 about 45-50 and reasons Why the lo might becostle big subject of research. hiëf is that hite Was based and de' of inter-State conflic to deal With Conflict: cter. And I think irportant paradigm relations. Not onlyd U.N. Cannot deal Wil in terr Tils of a unipol that is emerging,th ntity, the way in whi ted, becomes probl WEr iké Hé J.S. blundering in Yugo Si Talia. TiS reflg. rtainty of how to deal identity conflicts.
You see identity in global conflict ti
Let's get on to th; idcirility. Pola talk E and everything that World is Cal||3 ja E: like to go a bit beyor the Centrality of ide formilisati, Wit Cal talk about three are likely to emerge ideological Cornflict. | tWeen Classes exist: has been replaced headquarters either Therefore the utopia mist Wision is dead. that ideological conf dangerous form. Be be regulated by an TOWements such as Peranular Serli IT1LICf Thùre of ä tarr h3 WĖ raccountabil body. And then we ( ted togovernance. G Societies are ruled, ble T1s of governenc ties Whetheritis in th or in Africa, the trans State to a multi-part rice issues such as Nigeria hawe becoT particular phase. Ar is resource-based cc me very, very signifi ration. Resource-ba rger sense is the W. and the Crisis oft translated into deple
the greater scarcity (
it is the forests, the reSQurces, for luria
Dr. Rupesinghe is Secretary-Gar

of Conflicts
is likely to go up to hat there are strong Wèr hr-ShOld Of 150
Wars arid that is a The interesting factor national regime which veloped or the basis it has now got largely 3 Cof an inter Täll Charahät is an Extremély Shift in iterational Oes this mean that the th lhälissuE, but Ewell as or multipolar World e Whole issue of idech identity is articulaBrmatic for a superpoAs you can see it is islawia, b'kundering in its basically its unceWith pro tracted ethnic
as a Crucial factor Doday? at question of What is about ethnic conflicts, happens in the Third thnic conflict. I would "I'd Lihat ad talk about ntity as a focal point in this framework, We types of conflicts that today. The first is the deological conflict beS, EJ tutumiwersal visio
because it has in Moscow or Beijing. ideal of the COTT LBut this only means iCt taksa uchora Cause since it wi|| Ut international regime, SJāslätfläWTukti to Lullinosa will have ristic object which will ity to any international :Omme to Cornflicts relaiO"Wörmance, aSin FoW particularly the proin transitional Socio8 forfTer 50viet Union ition from a one-party y State and governaWhat We now Stig im he wery critical in this other for of conflict }nflict which will becocant in the next geneSed Conflict in the lahole ecological crisis le OZOne layer, but tion of resources, into fresources, Whether rivers, oil and other ronkind. This Wi|| tigreg
fore lead, I think to conflicts over the Control of rivers, river basins, water, oil and So no. why I am suggesting all this, is that When mobilising people around these issues, identity is a focal point.
Many of the conflicts in the World today are fuelled either by ethnic idontities or fundamentalist. This is especially so in South Asia. Based on your experience of Sri Lanka, and your study in India, do you see parallels between what is happening now in India and what had happened earlier in Sri Lanka.
| Would say that when the Sri Lankan Conflict emerged and took its particular form, marily friends in India were in a position to look at the problem very dispassionately and were able to say that this was not a problem that would occur in India, this was something very much in the south and I think the ridian Concern WAS LO SEE, that there was no de TT101 stration effect in terms of India. India could take the disassionate role of an Orest broker. That was the first phase, and we know that the second phase was the signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka accord, and from a dispassionate position India became a party to the conflict. That is the background, But What Were the eles Tients of the Sinhala majority and Tamil minority issues which we need to look at again. One is the feeling of a majority Sinhala Community that it was in fact a minority, that it was a minority within the larger Context of India relation to the large Tamil population across the border, The Second element is the indifference of the middle classes in Sri Lanka to the pogroms that Were partially encouraged by the Government against the Tamils in 1983.
There are many lessons one can draw from the Sri Lankan experience in terms of looking at what is happening in India. What is critical is that the Sri Lankan intelligentsia never really reflected on the ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka.The Sri Länkan intellegentsia Was Tore Concerried with the political economy of the country, with underdevelopment, with imperialism, but nobody really expected an ethnic explosion to come from within. I think that this is also the case with the Indian intellectuals in general. And I think the current events basically mean that the space that should have been captured by the Indian intelligentsia in terms of the great changes that are happening in India, the search for identity that was emerging in the Indian situation, the search for a more decentraliSed forrn of governance Which Was emerging in India was actually captured by the fundamentalist movement rather than by the secular movement. Therefore today
Era frise-arrāficara Alegr, Llorida.

Page 12
the more secular intelligentsia is running after the event to try and cope, to begin to understand this pherior Tenon. That is the first important lesson that has to be learned when it comes to ethnicity, identity and fur)darTentalism. It is always betterta have more preventive capability, to be able to build up those linkages armong Communities which can prevent conflict. But I think what is extremely heartening in the Indiari experience, which has mot been reflected in the international press, is of Course the response of large sections of the Indian people who have tried to defend the secular concept of India, who hawe organised themselves to address the issue of escalating fundamentatism and violence and who are giving serious thought to that.
One of the features of the rise of fundamentalism sees to be the role that the middle class plays, or its changing role in society.
think We also need to relate this to the revolution of rising expectations, and the rise of Consumerism. I would argue that Once the neo-liberal economy begins to take over, when market forces begin to take over, as happened in 1977 in Sri Lanka, there is an EnOrmIOLIS increase in the so-called revolution of expectation brought about by powerful television which begins to advertise various consuTier goods. In Such a rapid transition to the market, one of the things that happens is that the middle classes, and the lower middle classes begin to be seriously affecled. All fixed income groups begin to be seriously affected during the transition, they face a drop in income and this leads to what call the concept of relative depriWätilor.
It is not absolute deprivation that leads to a desire for change, but relative deprivation in relation to another group which is just close to you. And I think this is a very Very important thing in the Indian context as well. Once you open up the economy more and more to foreign influence and Consumerism, the sense of relative depriwation and the revolution of expectations becomes so intense in the psyche of individuals that there is a displacement froTi Tore SgCular Walue:S to Tore fundamentalist values. One could begin to explain that from psychological studies when there is greater uncertainty, when there is greaterinsecurity, when the sense of deprivation to the other becomes more intense, I Would suggest that there is mechanist of breakdown. The psyche or the collective psyches are unable to cope With the complexity of modernity. It is ther that fundamentalism thrives, it provides a vision of purity, it provides a vision of clear, Tore simple, a more clear cut way Out from this complexity and therefore this is the other intersting challenge of modeInity. It is in the process of transformation to modernity that fundamentalism has its greatest attaction.
1)
Do you See paral fascism in pre-war
We need to stud IMOre and slot DC IIInC to the Sri Lankan exp that the Sinhales ch the ideology of Si from around the S There was a small been building itselful la Only, and trying to CBritre, In the Sri Lan red the political Centr MEP-SLFP, CCITbili what happened the phases in the evolu list. The first phase tion, the formation of and it takes in our so: anti-imperialist form, the myth of origin, myths of origin, it go approach, the ques religion is revived. mover Ten, The SE Lanka Was to actual wer, and the third ph tion of the hegemo ower the State appar army. This is a proc the Other. Fundamen dernity, it thrives ol Todernity it has a wi. its own and it does r rida. It Continues to gather more and ri vision. The India. It aware of the project lists, and be prepare There cannot be any and thĒTE Cälilo bi Whole issue because SOCial Spa C2, It is a going to take the are mocratic space is goi Le Citiz Els and tE Whether it Will be c:: violent and more fun
As a Solution to Conflict 5 that arce : suggested the not So wereignty, a cha the State. Could yo
The first point is t urder siege, and her Liris ir LFE SELE, TH) of a particular hist today there are Ço| Thands on the State. there has to be a stric mean that a strong CantraliSed Stätg. Th is its ability to devolv give Tore and Tore organs. So that the nship) is mot just State the State and citizen: tions of governan, strong Society. Wha but strong civic ins

|lels with the rise of Germany?
ly this phenomenon JCent to it. To go back erience, I Would think auvinists had built up hall se exclusivism Second World War. low tent Which had o, agitating for Sinhacapture the political Кап case they captшg in 1956 through the =atio0n and We knJW fl. Then | 558 tilfES tion of fundarrièritais the phas 3 of attrihe social Towerment, tieties an anti-British, It begins to look at and to rewise those tes in for a nationalist tion of language, of t is in an agitational cond phase in Sri ly capture State poase is the Consolidany of the Sinhalese atus, taking over the ess of Targinalising Italism thrives. On 10the complexity of sion and a project of lot give up that ageievelop the agenda, Ore space for that hiddle class must be of the funda Tetadi for those projects. Sérlsé öfirls1ccgnce, a bystalders in this - this is a struggle for struggle for who is na. Whether the deng to be regained by 2 secular forces, or potuired by the Tore da Tental SlfOCES.
Tarly of the new пerging, you have ion of associative Inge in the form of ս expand on that?
at the State is OW "e are many expectae State is the product irical evolutiol, ärld siderable new deThe first point is that Ing State. But it does
State has to be a e strength of a State e to confederate, to : interns of popular conception of citize3 and the people, but and different instituce, a Tultifaceted, t is a strong society titutions, and many
peoples' institutions. In the discourse on the State. We must now go away from talking about State security and national Security. We must also begin to talk about peoples' security, peoples' identity, and peoples' sense of their own identity. How does one balance the requirements of the State and the requirements of the preservation and evolution of identity and the Security of people. This is thinka Central issue. Can the State accommodate the new identities that are emerging, and provide the With a framework for their expression, or Will the State deny those claims and through that process of denial develop the national security State. This is the problem. At a global level, the United Nations dČeslote wen hawe a Tchais to address the issue of self-determination after de Colonisation. Namibia Was org case, after that there is Palestine, but Other thar that there are na Mechar istills to adress the issue. What Wii äre dW beginning to see is the emergence of new people, new definitions of people, and it is extremely important that there is a mechanisT which can begin to enable new people to address their issues, present their claims in such away that it does not result in a bloody War as happens at present.
lf humanity has found civilised means of arbitration between capital and labour, if humanity has found civilised means of arbitration between man and Woman in divorce, Surely the time has corne that We need an arbitration mechanism for addressing this issue. We have to make a distinction between minority claims within an existing State, and the claim of people for self-determination. Both these need to ble done, but We need a body that ca begin 10 lock at the Criteria of what Constitutes a minority and What constitutes a people. We need to think through a series of mechanisms at the regional level. One of the things that Europa has dome ower a period of years is to appoint a High Commissioner for Tinoritics Linder the CSCE which has been entrusted with the task of preventive diplomacy, of addreSsing Tinority issues before they come up. I think this is a very very important Techanism, and a measure of the Taturity of the EC. There are no mechanisms under the OAU, certainly no such mechani Srn under SAARC and ASEAN. It is important that a preventive capability be built up in the region. What I am arguing is that the globe must evolve into a system of States, from a reactive system to a preventive syster, that is not merely a System of States, but a system of States With a system of non-governmental orgarisations, and a system of people's organisations. We are evolving to a much more multi-faceted global system, and that systern should be a preventive system. This is the only Way We can address the
issue of prevention of War.
-

Page 13
Conflict Resoluti
Laurel Shaper Walters
Cಂಗ್ಲ: iS Uniwersal and tirTeleSS.
"People have always had fights, and they've always tried to settle ther," says LC) Luis Kriesberg, director of the Program on the Analysis and Resolution of Conflicts at Syracuse University in SyraCLUSE, NEW York,
Although informal efforts to resolve coriflict date back to the beginning of human society, the organized field of conflict resolution hålls taken shape over the past Several de Cades.
Some credit the University of Michigan with initiating the study of conflict following World War Il... lril 1956, Schola rS at the University established the Journal of Coinflict Resolution, which is still published today.
Conflict resolution refers to a broad range of strategies for dealing with clashes betwerer matioris, iridiwidu Jalis Or Orgamizations, The field SnCompasses ewerything from treaty negotiations between superpowers to mediation of child-Custody and divorce cases. It draws on years of experience and study of the negotiation process in an effort to minimize wiolence and promote peace.
"Conflict has been With LIS SITCE the beginning," says I. William Zartman, professor of international organization and conflict resolution at the School of Advaced international Studies. The Johns Hopkins University in Washington. "But we now hawe a much more SCiel tific understanding of the components of CoLL LLLLLLLHHS LLL LLaaLLL LLaaLLLL LLLLLLLL0L what works and what doesn't Work so We Car teach people about it."
Training and application of conflict-resolution techniques are on the increase not only in the United States but also in Canada, Australia, Russia, Europe, and a few Asia and Middle Eastern Countries. The international aspect of conflict resoLLLHCH LLL aLLLLL LLHHLLaL HLaLLaLL aLaL LCL deeper roots than Tore recent and burgeoning domestic applications,
"There's a growing recognition that adversarial confrontation may not be the best way to resolve all our problems, "Says Roger Fisher, author of the bestseller Geffirg so Yas:Nagolia fing WtioLf Giving
.
However, the term "conflict resolution" is sometimes rejected in favor of "conflict management" or "dispute settlement." Experts who favor the latter two terms argue that conflict is inevitable and is
rarely resolved COT,
Despite the di Wars di E Colfi:- af Certa ir 3 TES O is not wie WB das an a problem ripe for Conflict is redefined be solved according of the adversarigs. C are rejected by peop
Negotiation and IT LOS - Lu Sed in CofiC management Or re sults," explains Pro! diation, negotiation, tion are the Tears."
The goal in resol retreat froll a "zeroWlich Öflé Side Wir losas, to a Win-Win ! outcome is mutually
Intermediaries W engaged in a confli to participate in third tion. These third-par COITIITLJIllication är ground between the they usually do not
Tipose a Solution LJ reach апаgreemen
Altermaliwe disput refers to Cor Ciliā ir mediation rather t Courts. This area Col growing rapidly as States Court syste! Weight of increasing
As the field of CO, nues to expand, "W general Concepts t board in labor meg
negotiations, trade personal-injury. Пeg Fisher says.
"It's bgCCTIE: is i there are SCrne gË relewant Whether yol matic Conflict Orfa TT
Fisher recentlyga tiating with the So Spouse: Is There answer, he says, is difference as youth Want to listen, you W. other party's intere separate the relatio substantive ones."
Fisher helped di "principled negotia

On : An Overview
pletely or finally. L WieWp Cirls represeesolution field, ther
agreement. Conflict egative but rather as resolution. CCE a as a problem, it can to the basic interests orcio and Violence le Working inthisfield. ediation are the basic tresolution. "Conflict SutİO are El TeSSOr Zartman. "Mgard disputė resolu
wing any conflict is to -Sun" assumption, in S and the other side SOILIlion, ir Whsch he
beneficial.
ho are not directly Ct āT Ofte Calldir |-party conflict resoluty mediators facilitate d look for COIT TO
conflicting positions; hawe the authority to It try to help the parties
B resolution generally of disputes through lar resorting to the Conflict resolution is lfff} []WerfãX#{j |Jfllf}{} Til groans under the
litigation.
flict reSolution Cotie're trying to develop 1ät apply äCrOSS he gotiations, diplomatic a negotiations and otiations," Professor
creasingly clear that Heral ideas that are J're dealing with diploily Conflict," he says, weatak titled: "NegoWiel Urids af Your a Difference?" The "there's Tot as much ink. In each case you "at to understand the sts, and you Want to 1ship issues froT the
avelop the theory of til" at the Här Wafd
Negotiation Project. Principled negotiation refers to deciding issues on their merits rather than through a haggling process focused on What each side says they will or will mot do.
The idea of common negotiaton procedures is a relatively recent de Welopment in conflict resolution, Fisher says. Howewer, some experts in the field question whether general negotiation principles can be applied across disciplines. "Some people stress the similarities and others Would stress the differences in the settings and the need to modify what you're doing to the specific circumstances", Professor Kriesberg says,
International Conflict Resolution
High-level diplomatic negotiations in the 1970s helped raise the profile of Conflct-resolution principles and techniques in the international arena, U.S.-Soviet negotitations on the strategic arms limitations treaty and the CarTip David accords between Israel and Egypt gave Worldwide visibility to the principles of conflict resolution.
"If you look at the Kissinger negotiations in the Middle East, there were some pretty in aginative solutions that came up over Some knotty problers", Zartial says. "It's hard to say that never in history was anything like that done before. But now there's a greater panoply of ways to get Out of problems".
Countries in the clutches of Conflict ofen Call on Conflict-resolution expertsto LHLHLLL H CLL LLLLLLLHOLHHL L LLLLL LLaLLLLSLLLtmLa Was invited to El Salvador several years ago to work with both the FMLN guerrillas adlıd the Salvadorları GüVerilir Tilleri t.
"We heldworkshops for the negotiating team for the guerrillas and then separately for the government before they ever came together for meetings. When the two sides met, they finally negotiated an agreement", Fisher says. He remembers one of the military Commandants saying that the two sides had accomplished more in One year of negotiation than in 12 years of fighting.
Cross-Cultural negotiations can get even more complex than civil conflicts. "If you have differences of language, it Takes Comunicatio Tore difficult", Fisher says. "You hawe differences of Walues and per Cepotions, and frequently differences in title scale. We Americans often are in a great hurry to get something done if Trnadiately. Japanese, Arabs and

Page 14
Africans tend to take a longer-term view Of the World',
The end of the cold war has changed global dynamics and had an impact or both Conflicts and the role of conflict resolution. "The lid is off", Zartman says, "We are now realizing - somewhat to our horror - that the Cold War was a system of World Order. It kept down small conflicts. The Small|| conflicts don't hawe arly restraints on them anymore. That makes Conflict resolution all the more difficult".
Zart Tan also sees relatively small nations — such as Togo, Algeria, Tunisia and Jordan - playing a larger Tole in the conflict resolution process. "We pay more attention to smaller rations as cor Tipared to big ones than We ever did before in World history", he says.
"The name of the game in negotiations is creativity. You're Continually trying to find Ways to get out of or Cover the protlem". Zastrian says. "The old studies of negotiations assumed no creativity, The differing parties just flowed toward each Utgr".
Track Il diplomacy, involving nongowgIITiental organizations (NGOs), also is havingan influence on conflictiresolution. And the peacekeeping efforts of the United Nations are playing a larger role than they hawe in thČ past. "We're digyeloping meW mechanistris cor agericigs for conflict resolution", Zartman says, Foudations and NGOs around the World are offering financial and academic assistaTICE LOttlefield.
The Processes of International Negotiation Project within tha International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis in Laxenberg, Austria, is conducting research and providing Support to conflict-resolution practitioners.
Former U.S. presidnet Jimmy Carter hä5 EStäblished the Carter CEnter in Allarta, Georgia, which hosts conferences on thisStJce of Conflict Frid Conflict resolutior. Carter || 135 a50 bG8IIITWOlygdin efforts to resolve Several regional and intra-national Conflicts, such as the Ethiopia-Eritrea ԱtiT
In 1990, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe set up a Conflict Prewention Centre in Wien na toprowide help in resolving international conflicts іп Euгоре,
But situations such as the continuing
Violence in the former Yugoslavia show
that COnflict resolution is mot always a SUCCESS.
So what keeps those involved in conflict resolution going? "Sunrise", Zartman ans Wers simply. "The need of a job to bg
done and the hopes that they may be able to do it".
PART2: LorgSssa Corset
12
A Tale. . .
(СолIіпшеd fготпраgа 8)
What followed aft explained interms of and pathological post-1977 UNP State be argued in full with article, I will riterely pr about what appears
At E3 til 3: THE LIJN, 1977 it Was Corfii. ethnic problem Woul much difficulty becaL sto itself had ackCW did have legitimate was required was a grievances and a rea dew Colution1.
Ouick disillusions TULF - Mr. So been recently remind sident JayeWardene" Parliament, "If you wi. war. If you want pg peace." It was transl. broadcast every half the historic pronounc behind it FläS Ile Wgr not marny Sri Lankar ned in 1977 that any the Tamils, who h; artial people for C L:arhkäa ärlcir 1 T:i [T|| M, War against tha Sinh course the LTTE, bl. killed only about six Tamil, and that hardly down the gauntlet fo clear that the 1977 a NECESSāry', or ąd Wis: Se en Ted ilex Cusable
What really were Of UNP terrorist it logist Eric Fromm wo itin terms of a necrop post-1977 UNP, a d bolo Old Which Wär Lua|| South as well as th Lanka, killing even Tamils. It was not pris passion that seized bLIt nécrophilia, a. Sich corpses, Fromm WOl nkan Who, while tryir what happened to th 1977, reads From':

ar TFF FES I peculiar filoliwations
drives behind the
. ASF e CES Callot lin the space of this 'OWide so The pointers o have goпe wгопg.
|P came to power in tly assumed that the d bJë S0|Wëd With Out Settle UNP ligleged that the Tamils grievances. All that Settlefilent of those SClable. TeāSLJrė Čif
et ft||W. TI Wasithariparam has ing us of former PreS 197F stata Tertir Ant War you can hawe ace, you can hawe td into Sinhala and '-hour on the day of CITIt, The rationale beg Clear beca USe s Would hawe imagisubstantial group of ad ceased being a Lurie Sol II Sri adu, were raring for alese. There Wäs of ut up to 1977 it had persons, all of thern Warranted throwing War. It is not at all ti-Tamil po Og for T1 was able in any way. It
he ITOtives for State r 1977? The psychould probably explain hiliac complex in the eath-driven rage for ly came to deluge the North-East of Sri Ore Sirhalesa triar marily a communalist the post-1977 UNP : delight in death and Julid Say. Ar y Sri Lang to make Sense of eparadise isle after S analysis of the ne
Crophiliac drive in Hitler's Germany, wiH be a little disturbed.
There could be many legitimate Ways of trying to understand the post-1977 hl orTCor, which ThakeS S0T12 kind of SenSEü. | myself believe that it is best understood in terms of a mad hierarchical drive compounded by post-1977 anti-democracy. Let me briefly indicate what have in mind.
All complex Societies, that is to say Societies which are developed enough to have a division of labour, are hierarchically Structured. It Thak:S San Sa to beligWe that L LLLL LaLLLLL LLLLH LLLLLL LLL LLLL L LLaS Lanka, the hierarchical drive Can be partiCularly vicious, The caste-system is of COLIIrS3 being er Oded both in India, and Sri
Lanka, but the casts mentality can be
expected to flourish regardless, and it Certainly does in both countries. The Indian Casle-System is much flastier tham ours, but for Centuries there have been Counter-Wailing egalitarian or democratic factors in Indian society which hawe bleem notably absent or much weaker in Sri Lanka. In any case, the hierarchical drive is very powerful in Sri Lanka and finds its T105 Wicious Embodilat ir til Sri Laskäl State.
The problem ofan exceptionally Vicious hierarchical drive in Sri Lanka was CCmpounded by the Collapse of derTIocracy after 1977, it meant that State power was virtually uncontrolled, and the predictable result was the Very serious erosion of standards of public morality and the seriously Weakened grasp of reality shown by the 1977 Govern Tent. The vicious hiararchiCal driwig SWT in the Stat and anti-iderTIUCracy Was a heady mIX. The power of the post-1977 UNP State car be best imaged in Orwell's description of absolute power, a boot Crashing om a
Listian face.
| believe that what happened after 1977 has to be explained more or less along the lines set out above. The ethnic problert Eicquired a militart form after 1977 because of the madly hierarchical and anti-democratic characteristics of the post-1977 UNP State, and not because of "Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism" or the alleged Communalist of the Sinhalese masses. I will argue in the remainder of this article that the solution of the ethnic problem requires as a pre-condition the solution of the probler of the State in Sri Länka.

Page 15
THE J.R. YEARS - (9)
SLFP hate C n
Arder
n an angry retort Wimalaratne J.
Sāid: "lirikā ČāSĒāS bēr Tādē u to review all the judgments given by this judge in his Wayward career. It is a pity that under the cover of privilege this man is permitted even to suggest this kind of libellous falsehoodo". Sarmarakoon C. J. and Willalarate J. both retired Soon after these events, having reached retire Tient age. But Colin-Thome J. had several years left and he seerTed deters mined not ld allow de AWis to damage his Career. In order to do this, he appears to hawe imagined that it was incumbent on him to establish (1) that he was the contrary of friendly with Felix Dias Bandaranaike and the S.L.F.P. and (2) that he was a loyal supporter of the U.N.P. and an admirer of J.R. Jayewardene. He set about doing this with a Will.
Justice Colin-Thorne turned up before tha Select COITII Tittee With a list of Cases Where the state Was a party, in which he had held with the state. The select Committee had not sought such information). Among the oral submissions LHHL LLLL HH LLH LLLHHHHa0 LLLLL LL following:
SLLLLLLLL LLaaLLLL LL LLCLLLLL LaLLLLL LL previous U.N.P. government of the late Mr. Dudley Senanayake before the C.W.E. Commission of Inquiry in 1967, I have been a marked Tian by the S.L.F.P. I was hand-picked to lead evidence ... Of the rackets of S.L.F.P. bigwigs and their henchmen. One of the highlights of the evidence I led before the Commission was that expensive Sarges Were specially flown fron Madras, and these Were taken to Tertiple Trees' (the Prime Minister's official residence), to the house of Mr. Felix Bandaranaike, Mr. T.B. langaratne, Mr. Mahamārā
Sагтлагаweeга, М (all S.L.F.P. cat others and sold thers. They were they told me to lea: they came back to tF3At il 13 1977' { The greater pleast Fl Dr Tipe Bandaramaike's C lost).
| Want to say til His Excellency the very cordial. In fa kiloWil tit Prasic hawe had wery Cor We hawe a CITIT | a dTlist his Cullus it was newer my lo do a rything personally. We function15 at Pri private dinners, a me and my wife at President's H höfldurgd".
Justice Colin-The
that. Het Wêrt Orl:
"My Cor TImunit family, are his trac fåthår Wäs ä W AmaraSuriya (a fic for years in Galle
joined the departnerit, | usi E Presider'5 Abbey wardeme, Wickremasinghe Select Committe induction of Mr. (the president's b the Bar ASSOciali of two or three. Welt to that fu

ny guts
- Juu,Silice Colin-Thomme
r. Badiuddir1 Mahrm1Lud linet Tinisters) and Linder the Counter to SC) Tiāld With Te that we the country before 2 power. I Wish to Say election nothing gawe ure than listening to...
reas Lult. (Felix onstituency, which he
his: My relations with 2 presidènt hawg bern Ct I know him. I have et froT 1948, 5 || dial relations with him. non interest in history. e his refine ent, and intention at any time hartiful to him la WÉ TÉt at Sgwefäl asident's House, at rd | 19B1 inwi ġdid for his birthday party ouse. We Were wery
me did not stop with
y (the Burghers), Ty litional supporters. My orker for Mr. Henry armer U.N.P. Tinister) and actually, before Attorney-General's ed to Work with Rick, brother-in-law, Rick tirik Mr. (a Tember of the e) wil res Tember the Harry Jayewardene rother) as president of Os in 1976. I Wä5 OB iudges who specially nction and got very
unpopular with Felix. I had a long Conversation about the state of affairs in the country at that tire with His Excellency the President.
| Would like to hand in 12 matters in LLLLLaLLLLLLLL LLLLL LLaaLLSLLL a P.C.T.B.
There are four Wolutes of the C.W.E. Cormission, loads about the S.L.F.P. They hated my guts.
When Mr. Harry Jayewardene's induction took place in Kandy... there were Only three Supreme Court judges who made it a point to go and I was one of those three judges. My Wife and I made a Special point of attending that function. There is a witness here who, I think, would have seen methere, the Hon. Minister of EduCălir. My Wife and | Tlade ita Special point".
Tha C0LJntry was aghast to see a Supreme Court judge reduced to such straits by the president's meddling.
The select committee's findings were:
1. There Was Tot Sufficient e Widerica
of a conspiracy between Messrs. Felix Bandaranalke, A.H.M. Fowzie and/or any other persons conspiring to deceive or induce Mr.
de All WiS 10 ET E Tirto its Secti With Mr. Fowzie and thereby
di SCredith S.P.C.
2. It Wäs tot BStablished that tharC Circunstances חסון חייו rendered it improper for Wirnalaratne J. to have agreed to haar S.C. Reference No. 1 of 1982.
3. There was not sufficient evidence that the decision in that case of Wimalaratne J. Was influenced by
13

Page 16
any improper considerations of bias against Mr. de Alwis.
4. It Was mot Stablished that there
WETE Circurtista CBS կաիichi rendered it improper for Colin-Thome J. to hawe agreed to hear S.C. Reference No. 1 of 1982.
5. There was not sufficient evidence that the decision of Colin-Thorne J, in that case was influenced by any considerations of bias against Mr. de AlWis,
6. The committee were "completely satisfied" that there was no evidence that pleadings filed by or on behalf of Mr. Bandaranaike were prepared in the Chambers of Colis-Thor the J.
7. The Committee had Corte to the conclusion that there was "no justification for the failure of the judges to afford an opportunity to the Attorney-General to address them or behalf of the State" ald Were of the Wiew that "if the Court had the benefit of full and complete Sub Tissios froחז tg Attorney-General the court may hawe arriwed at a different decision in regard to the issue of a Writ of Cuo Warranto which materially affected the Warrant issued by His Excellency the President".
8. The committee thought there was Weight to the argument that the affidawit of the two Comis Tnissioners Weeraratne J. and Sharyananda J. had been disbelieved by the Supreme Court. They could not agree that this "cast no reflection On the judges"
In March 1986. Justice P. Colin-Thome was appointed chairman of a Special Presidential Commission to probe Complaints of bribery and corruption against Ministers, M.P.'s, government officials, Tender Board officials etc. In announcing this appointment, in a speech he made at the Sri Dharmapalaramaya, a Buddhist temple in Mt. Lawinia, on 27 February 1986, President Jayewardene stressed that "administrators should lead a clean public life". The president added that "Democracy should be preserved
14
and protected in thes after its egg". (The 1986)
Jayewardene like then, to make such ge reasons. It is possible that a judge who hac Con po Lublic record as admiration for hin C. executing his comr anything that migh politically, The inundated with compl against a rlLumber o Orice the Commissi allegations against officials, President J. it Lup. His ministers We Seriously expected per Tiit his ministers' a by the Colin-ThomE president offered no Country forhis decisi
The final report oft published as a sessie that, Lup) to 20 Sept Complaints had beer 634 were being inw COITIITission WS WOL 25 March 1988).
Jaye Wardene had,
in his presidential carE HC Plädo intention of | of allegations of corrl. his Tinisters and M.P Speaking at the he Sucharita Movement, in the Daily News): " ministers or of a
gower Tur Terht's parlia brought to my notic before accepting t denial or explanati forth with". (What he
planking style, Was F impropriety made a ministers or backbe referred by hirm tot Whom it had beer T denied the charge he further in the matter.) that it Was his ex approach "contribute functioning of the whe He explained that this with the principle of Bri

ame Waya hen lookS Island 28 February
d, every поу. and astures, for COSmetic a that he considered | not hesitated to go having expressed puld be relied om, ir mission, not to do
it eTibarrass hir Commission Was aints includingsorte f Cabinet ministers. in had disposed of IWO I of tre rTli) ayewardene Wound re Safed. No og Had Jayewardene to ctivities to be probed - Corrifission. The explanation to the նI1,
ha CCITITission Was a paper. It stated er Tiber 1987, 1973 received of which stigated when the Jmd Lup). (Daily News
Comparatively early Ef, flade illEarthat aking serious notice Iption made against 's. In January 1981, adquarters of the he said (as reported "If any action of Tly IETEer of the mentary party is 2 I Will inquire first IC allegation, Army Ön i Will accept Was saying, in his at any allegation of gainst any of his Eric cris Would be he person against lade. If that person Would proceed no He Went Oil to add perier Ce that this d Othe Stig St els of government". Was irla CCOrdan Ce tish jLIstice that"one
is presuTled to be innocent until found guilty". A columnist in the S.L.F.P. paper Commented: "Even a schoolchild knows that the presumption of innocence in British jurisprudence does not rear that a man's plea of "not guilty' is forthwith accepted and that no trial takes place". (The Nation: 13 February 1981). Jayewardene's political foes found planking of this high order difficult to counter effectively.
-
SUBSCRIPTION RATES
Air Mail
Canada WU.S.A.
USS 65/ for 1 year USS 45W for 6 months
Ε
L.F. Gei Inally. New Zealand, Alustralia, Netherlands. France, Japan, Holland, Philippines, Austria, Norway, Sweden, China, Ireland, Switzerland, Nigeria, Belgiu III Den 11ark, Paris, LOTidon.
US$55, for 1 year USS 35W for 6 Iloths
車 率
Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Baharin, Arabian Gulf, Syria. Singapore.
USS 45W for 1 year USS 25W for 6 Ilonths
罩
Il dia. Pakistan.
USS 40/ for 1 year USS 22W for 6 months
車
Local
Rs. 250/- for 1 year Rs. 150/- for 6 months

Page 17
PoVERTY (2)
Tine SAARC R
Problem and Setting
1.
Poverty in the Region in the year 1991 based or the COwentional "Poverty Line" estimates in most COLUltri ES, WOLuld be betwee 330 to 440 million. It is more likely to be in the higher range.
Given the present trends in population and economic growth and in the absence of a concerted plan of action at powerly allewiation, the numbers are likely to increase substantially.
The problems of powerty are further aggravated by various other social deprivations and discriminations from which the por suffer as we|| as by the spatial inaccessibility of Outlying, remote and distant terrain which prevent the delivery of social goods and Services.
The Structural Adjustment policies, which aCCompany le open-economy-industrialisation strategy currently being adopted by T1Cst SAARC countries, are likely im the shorter terri, to put further strains On the poor.
The Report reinforces the conclusion that the magnitude and corplexity of the problem of poverty in South Asia is staggering. When coupled with the multifaceted crisis curently facing South Asian Countries, the problem is becoming unmanageable, not only putting democracy at risk but also posing a threat to the fabric of South Asia Societies.
Inadequacy of Past Interventions
է3,
The conventional development interwentions over the past fifty years has resulted in a growth rate too low to hawe ar ir Tipact on the lewels of living and human development of the large number of poor, Though South Asia has achieved an average growth rate of 3.1 per cent over the past ten years while several other regions in the South have had negative growth, such growth has failed to "trickle down" or be administratively redistributed to the poor, except in a limited Tanner. The magritude of powerty refTains unacceptably high,
Excessive dependence on the State for every leadin development curtailed initiatives of the people. Obsessi
Vергеоссшpali mulation, as the norTic progres ctiпg the capa TTSElựBS. Cỡr. Striä lisätilor WrT) dominant para Created dualitic Wide gaps bety levels of living polarization wit poor, wherewer Worst conseque 55ÉS.
Iп makingапо the results of th to convertion sdom by South WEWer, there is side, albeit a li the por are CO ted positive eff
(). Some of th down" to the there was a sys agricultural de' production,
(ii) In a few St or States With there Was Cor: social develop significant lewa prTernt Wa5 ac poor, at low law
(iii) Where ma ľCeS Weľ8 a Wail: CraCY. WEIS COTT powerty was a T. "delivery of in Si Elected S:t Or
In the past thre Countries in Si. tentativelyatte overal develop that Social poli. reproductionar their economie adjusted inpur. Ortly industr SOTIC är atterT Intralise the pro decisio-Takin' greater er Tipha pment, and s mptingtofurthe ry of inputs lo ciently, streaml redistributior systems and ir A f'W Häwe rgic
(ExCAFEf fra T2 fe Executive SLUTT TIgny af fifte SAAF

SeSpOn Se
on with capital accua driving force in ecoS, resulted in neglecity of the poor theCentration On indudernisation, as the ig T of development, as in the system and Wee1 TLJ al 3rd Lurt)
ES Well as further hin these areas. Tfle they lived, faced the ances of these proce
Werali SsSsSr Ternit bf he adaptations Tade al development Wi
Asian Countries, howidence of a positive Inited One, as far as me Fried. These liri
S ir:
eterhofits did "trickle XOO r iiri areas Where tematic e Tiphasis on velop tent and food
Luth Asian CK) Lurries, in Countries, where sisterit investmernt irn ment programmės, a of human develohieved even by the els of incorTe; and
SSiWE finläri Cial re SOLBiblE. Bf1[ỉ thị: F}LIreäLJlitted and efficient, eliorated through the Juts" to the poor in S and areas.
e to four years, all the JULh ASİ3 h 3 WÜ EĞr mpting to adapt their ment plans to er sure arisation and powerly e Tot ex a CÉrbätad 3S S af lit) rå lisad gäld Suit of the Open-Ecoialisation Strategy. тpting to further dececess of development Ig, some are placing sis on Social develotil Olhers åra atles3rincrease the delive
the poor more effiimetheadministrative machinery and food troduce safety nets. ently begun to initiate
O.
bolder new programmes of social mobilisation, which fall broadly within a new pattern of development, that enable the poor to contribute to growth and human development and alsOassert the righttoresources intended for ther.
However, T1Bre Contin Latior of the Conventional development pattern with marginal variations, greater efficiency in achieving these limited gains and ad hoc Consultation with the poor in the name of participation Would not be adequate to reverse the process of poverty reproduction. The sheer Tagnitude and complexily tas suldīt be understimated. The eradication of poverty in South Asia would require a major political approach in which participation of the poor plays a critical role. A There technocratic approach is ina de quate.
Learning from the Ground
11.
In the past ten to fifteen years, a Sufficient body of new experience has matured at the micro-level in the South Asian countries which deronstrates that Where the poor participate as subjects and not as objects of the development process, it is possible to generate growth, human development ard Equity, not as mutually exclusive trade-offs but as complementary elements in the same process. An in-depth analysis Tade of the hundreds of participatory proCESS es on the ground confirm that the poor have contributed to growth Fird hi uTlal development sir Lullaneously under varying socio-political circumstances. They also demonstrate that, at relatively lower levels of income, it is possible for the poor to achieve a high level of human development. These experiences provide a material basis for the assertion that a qualitatively and quantitatively significant new element can be added to the strategic options for OWerty eradication in South Asia. The few success Cases thät Hawa been presented in the Report are merely illustrative of how powerty is being alleviated, Sawings and inveSt Tent are being increased, assets are being Created cost effectively. There are thousands of these in various stages of maturation in South Asia. There is also evidence
RC Report. The first part appeared in our last issue)
15

Page 18
12,
3.
16
that where this process is supported Sensitively with adequate resources and mechanisms, the process can be expanded cost effectively.
A closer look into the experiences On the ground points to a number of COmmon and specific lessons om What has been achieved through Social mobilisation and participation of the poor in development. The lESSOS 31 da ChigWCTertS include the following:
Building organisations of the poor is an essential prerequisite for poWerty alleviation. Through these Organisations, the poor can sawe and invest efficiently.
EmpowerTent of the poor is the means to powerty eradication. Through empowerment, the poor can also assert the right to resources intended for them and enhance their dignity and self respect.
Poor Women can effectively overcote their double burden through the same process.
The need for sensitive support TIEchanisms to Catalyse the proCess Of Social mobilisation. A new kind of animator/facilitator who is identified with the poor and committed to powerty eradication needs to be a part of these supop Cort Thechanisms.
Participatory monitoring and evaluation hawe to be built into the process So that self-corrective action Can take place as the proCESS EWOWĖS.
The experiences indicates the need to Consciously expand existing orgaInisations of the poor and createnew institutions through which they can participate in development. They need their own institutions as Well as the Support mechanists because there are serious systemic obstacles to their becoming the mainstream. How this can be done is now clearer. The Report elaborates in detail on "How" the poor hawe contributed to growth, human development and equity in the same process. In this process of Social mobilisation, organisations of the poor and new kinds of sensitive support mechanists Would implement the strategic options. The sensitive support me. chanisms could be varied, e.g. nongoWernmental organisations, banks for the poor, Cooperatives and even decentralised governmentagencies Working with new norms. The State Would provide the enabling policy framework, resources and devolve Power to the poor.
A Pro-Poor Perspec New Preises for A
14. The inadequacy
5.
pment response results at the T lessons frort thé combined to pro Ses for action for ry i.
The Perspectiv inform these new should be unar and culturally rel: misés für äctio lopment which in equally Strong fri
(a) The open-e sation front.
(b) The poverty
These two paral having longer an fra ITBS, Carl Be
WO proCESSes e'
The Report has articulating the el inform the Powel They are:
". Powerty Cambe Asia by the ye a ten-year time a residual Ur WOLuld reed Soi Tings. Ti5 || kept within Tar be carried by sc Carl become
Stre of , hutan termis.
This Wouldi, GDP per cap n-year plan fra 3OO to USS SO аргojected pор Cof1.8 per Cent) growth rate C arrLJT fort B F rale of 9 per ci tāfget, but achi upon the grow Celt in the Schigved Ulde raditions. Each Car phase its larg215 a CCOrdi
til.
Such arm ir Cree produced by a development expolicit political leadership and the poor in di political Commi to focus On the targets of grow the irti Crememta tio for 4:1 to

tive and
:tion
of the past develo, the limited positive acro level and the : ground hawe been wide the new premia strategy of powe
i'e Which Should 'prertises for action biguously pro-poor awant. The new preSapattern of deveitially moves on two
15.
Conomy industriali
f alle Wiati fot.
el strategic thrusts, dshorter terrn timeharriorised Els the VilV e.
5 COICentrated Ol ET ES that should ty. Aleviation front.
eradicated in South a 2002, i.e. Within fra re, leaving only mber of poor Who cial Welfare prograer Category Canbe lageable limits and Iciety until they, too, part of the Taicloprent in Wider
folve a doubling of ita during this teIT) ifle CLrrer USS Oper capita (given Julation growth rate This flgaris a GDF if 9 per Cent per egion. This growth Ent İS, 3 arribitipuS evable. It can build th rate of 3.1 per 1980s which was i'r WBry adwerse coI SAARC Country indicative planning ng lo its own pote
SE will hawe to be different pattern of which requires an COT. Tittent of the the participation of evelopment. Such tsT12It Would hawe 2 two Corwentional rth policy: lowering | Capital-output ra3:1 or less and
increasing the marginal saving rates frOIT) thë CUrrent le Wels t027 per Cent Ormore. Such a large shift Would also require the involvement and participation of the poor through their own institutions and mobilisation of their own savings and that of the non-poor. Lowering of the Capital-output ratio would in Wolwe a growth strategy based Con labour-intensive development, with high productivity and human development.
A key element of the strategy has to be to mobilise the savings of the poor themselves as a first step. South Asiam Countries hawe little choice but to use labour, the factor in Surplus. The investment activity of the poor is effected mainly not in the form of monetary instruments butas asset creation by transforming labour into Capital. Combined with proper organisation, it can help unleash neWforCes leadingto efficientasse Creation. The "sharing and caring" characteristics of the poor in South Asia and the values of "simplicity and frugality" can reinforce such an effort. Thus, in addition to the conventional accumulation process by the State and the private sector, there is a compulsion for a new accumulation process.
Lastly, this process must include a net transfer of resources to the poor, Apart from increasing their savings and having access to capital, such a resource transfer can also take the form of improving the social and physical infrastructure for the poor, Önce again through theiro Wrı participation. All this requires a major effort at Social Tobilisation leading to the release of the creative energies of the poor and the building of their Organisations,
"Most of the poor in South Asia live in rural areas and depend directly of indirectly on agriculture; food Security is an important component, not only of Survival but also of the basic dignity and Well-being of the poor. Thus a foremost element of the development pattern isto give a new priority to agriculture With efTphasis om food production and a household food securily programrne. The State needsto make an explicit political guarantee of the right of the poor to food Security.
The designing of a strategy for Small-scale, labour-intensive industrialisation for which South Asia has a comparative advantage, forms a third element. This

Page 19
Strategy Would absorb the uneTiployed and Underemployed poor, including youth, into productive activities. Labour-intensive industrialisation is a function of the product mix, technology choice, Scale of activity, plant size and Supporting institutions.
An essential prerequisite of the poverty eradication strategy is human development which guarantees the right of the poor to participate in decisions that affect their lives, the right to food as a basic human right, the right to work and the right to all information services. Literacy, primary education, health, shelter and prolection of childre hawe also been included in this list of priorities. Defining and promoting the role and StätLIS of Women in SOCiety and ensuring the full participation of all strata and groups in development decision-making is necessary to make human development holistic. The ultimate objective of economic growth is to bring a higher level of human development within the reach of the poor and thus to expand the range of their choices. In this way development itself is made more participatory and equitable, where growth and human developriment need not be trade OffS.
Although, initially, Such a pro-poor strategy can be designed and implemented independently of the longer-term open-economy industrialisation and the associated programme of structural adjustment - adopted by most countries, eventually the two strands of the overal development pattern WOLuld häWE to be har Toised with each other, Since they have different time frames, this harmonisation could take place as the two process es unfold South Asia regional COOpération to Create a One billiom strOng märket and a South Asian COmmunity Cår further reiinforce the harmonisation process.
An Agenda for Action: A Plan for the Poor
Using the Perspective and the Premises for Action as the point of departure, the States in South Asia need to articulate a New Clear Wision for the Poor.
The Commission strongly recoTrT1CI (ds that each SAAFC COUnlry should prepare immediately, a national-level Plan for the Poor using the Pro-Poor Perspective and the Premises for Action ide
tified is Testation of FP ii hgjf should build On the groun We macro being initiate rtries, New ppOrt mécha of the irTiples The Whole pr ritored With participatory "" || Orr ) ; Cor Cretë ard Action by thi El EEl TECCT of the Repor
Success in pr 31rT1ritori would require the Dhaka Si rlying assuTp a deep politic: t 1חסוחtוחחחחסC ANSİT (G) WETT task of Power the given time
Consen SuS 01 Era in South Asia
O.
COI scious that de and comple powerty Consci magnitude and Asian powenty
political and e tle Heads of S fěilêräté Héir JE LO ACCČrd
e radication fror shortest possibi
They pledged te |lenge through t appropriate pric strategies atma In this context, Lor GwBrTimEn port of the Inder COTThission Or established at The Report insight and illu; successful pow grammes in ind էք:
Acknowledging hur Tial qualitie: and productive by chronic pos State or Gower COITII Tiit Tiit te poor for enhar Steflt With hLIT; Equity.
The Heads of S C0Tittad Hii

Report. The impleSuch d Part for the respective countries in the SUCCeSS Cases dand OtheringwatiDr OceSSes currently 20 in all these COuinds of Sensitive Sunisms should be part lmentation process. Ocess should be T0) Lilit ir Self-Corre Citiwe ITTE55UFE5.
chie We this end, a practical Agenda for e Gowerfrients has mended in chapter 4
eparing, Carrying Out g this Pro-Poor Plan : a re-affirmation, at Jrrit, of the Lrdtion in the Report of al and administrative ly each of the South IITiants to the urgent ty Eradication within
fra TB.
dication of Poverty
the Sheer magnituExity of South Asian OUS that the SFNT complexity of South Constituted a major Conomic challenge, il te or Goyer et COTThitetto Contia high priority to its m the region in the le title.
O OWESTCOTT LİS :T'aiHei TipleTentation Of J-poor development CroadThiCro lewels.
the Hads of State
WE|COITES tFle Fúendent South Asian 1 Powerty Aleviation Te ColorTibOSurTimit. pro Wided waluable strative examples of erty alle Wiatiom proividual MTor Sta
that the abiding s of dignity, creativity potential, are eroded verty, the Heads of The treiterated their empowering the ced growth, consian development and
State of Government r Governments Ung
2.
3.
quivocally to the eradication of powerty in South Asia, preferably by the Year 2002 A.D. through an Agenda of Action, which Would, inter-a/a, embody:
a strategy of social mobilization, involving the building of organizations of the poor, and their epoWerment through appropriate natirhal SL upp Ort Techanisms, with the assistance of respective GoνErΓΙΠΠΕΠtS,
a policy of decentralized agricultural development and sharply focLssed household level food security through universal provision of "Daal-Bhaat' or basic nutritional needs;
a policy of decentralized small scale labour intensive industriatization, with the choice of efficient and cost effective technology;
a policy of human development, including the enhancement of the Social role and status of poor women, the provision of universal primary education, skill development, primary health care, sheiter for the poor and protection of children,
a pČli CytO Support the abowe initiatives with adequate financial reSOTSS
The Heads of State or Government Stressed that Within the Weral CoCeptual approach of "Daal-Bhaat', the right to work and the right to primary education should receive priority.
The Leaders also underscored the Critical lirik betwee the SUCCeSS, of national efforts aimed at powerty allowiatio and the external factors affecting growth and development. They urged all major actors in the World eComornic scene, particularly the industrialized countries and muItialateral and regional financial institutions and Non-Governmental Organizations to create an enabling international atmosphere that is supportive of powerty alleviation progra TTC's in South Asia. This would require a new dialogue with donors.
■
The Heads of State or Gowerment agreed to the follow-up action indicated below:
a national level of pro-poor plan to be drawn up by each Member State, This polam is to be harmonized with the open economy and structural adjustment strategies,
to share during the next Summit information regarding the progress achliewed.
17

Page 20
Ace Radio
" Computerised meters " Can be summoned to y No call up charqe within city limits " Wehicle : Receipts issued on request " Company credit a
CaII 50 1502 50 1503 ,
éệAset
Another Aitken Spem
 
 
 
 

four doorste
ccess from selected stands Wailable
Ce Service

Page 21
The UN - An instrum
James Ridgeway and Sabine Guez
New York
here Was a title when the United
Nations was the last best hope for all makind. No more. In May this year UN negotiator sold out all those who had hoped the environmental conference in Rio would, at the very least, win agreement for reducing greenhouse gases by a certain date. Instead, answering to the dictates of US policies and Sounding like a representative of the American Management Association, the negotiator dropped the timelines that make the agreerTent meaningful and Substituted a Wishy-washy, generally Worded resolution to reduce the gases.
It was symbolic of what the United Nations is fast becoming. The international organisation that stood between the Sowiel Union and the Western allies for 45 years is emerging from the shadow of the Cold War as a new, unexpected, and potentially disastrous presence in World politics - the instrument of Pax AmericaIla in the NEW World Order.
In addition, since he took over in January, the new secretary-general, Boutros Boutros-Ghali of Egypt, has moved to downsize the bulky bureaucracy and completed the process for an unimpeded embrace of free-Tarket e COrior thics. Arter
In the minds of Thost people the United Nations functions at two different levels. First, it is är instrument of Westerri power -with, until recently, enough of a correctiwe nudge from the Soviet Union to give it more than the appearance of a true international organisation. Second, since the end of Colonialis in from the early 1960's On, the UN has been a for LIIT for the dabate and promulgation of a set of high principles concerning humanitarian, health, and environmental concerns that it struggles to persuade the governments of the World to heed. In the latter capacity, over the last 20 years it has been a kind of arbiter for a spirit of cooperation and decency, moderating the excesses of colonial capitalism, racism, and dictatorship. |ts economic role has been Targinal JLut through bodies such as the World Heath Organisation it held forth the prospect of Le international Cooperation against diseases - AIDS, water-borne epidemics - and gave context to the sort of broad international policymaking that is simply impossible to achieve on any other level.
The United Nations has fought for its existence from the beginning. Since Reagan's election, Conserwatiwes hawe tried,
With SOTE SUCCBSS, i later to change the private enterprise. compromise on the for example, follow Heritage Foundatior Stration.
At the same-time, to stop the organisa nomic independenci Take sure serious were decided by under US Control - and the internationa rmany and Japan a their own priorities te the UN afEla, ad 1 wers, like Brazil ar. small to make a diff Since May this y close to 45,000 UN Countries around the dor, where they are || ra, to Yugoslavia, Y to separate the S Carmbodia, Where t end up administerir The UN Charter say use peacek Eleping f ssion, but increasin into internal conflict
The year the pro operations Will COsti than twice the regu That's ol. Tuch, 'c people acroSS the (Particularly when Sert StCrTT1 COSt S1. Brian Urquhart, the Wat ad underSÉČI cial political affairs fr Works at the Ford is a ThäjOr pOrO pOOrtho peacekeeping force Wars before they st Of the Cost of the tions, and Gwen th every sign of acting to pay шр.
Over the lagt tyWC sought to avoid the Wars. After ending Reagan era A Theric rilla operations with irregulars in Nicara wing through on th| With hili||trib) ESTI gres in the disastro, of CLub. TETE Wd5 days of Reaganism Clubā 15, är dATEeri into an American

ent Of PaX Americana
to cutoff funding, and UN's attitude tOWard The UN negotiators environment in May, ed the advice of the 1 to the Bush dr Tiri
the Right has worked tion of What little ecoeit possessed and to economic Tatters prganisations clearly - lika the World Bank | Monetary Fund, Gee too consLIrried With begin to intrude into he nascent SuperpTaiwan, are still too
EECE.
els, thir hawe beer
troops deployed in World, from El Salvamonitoring a cease-fiwhere they are trying erts and Croats, to e UN will essentially ng the entire country. s the organisation Can orces to resist aggregly the UN is plunging s to stop Wiolence. jected peacekeeping ower S2. W billiol, Thore lar budget of the UN. onsidering millions of World are is Wolved you consider that De5 billion a day), says Veteran UN civil Seretary-general for spe"Orn 1974-BG Who ICW Foundation. Urquhart ent of employing UN as as a tripwire to stop art. The US pays 30% реacekeеріпg орегаough the UN shows as its lackey, it is slow
I de C3 de:S the US 35 price offighting foreign
the draft, during the atried combiningguea force of mercenary igua, They were folloa experiments in Laos and With Cuba eliIs Bay of Pigs invasion ; even talk in the heady of turning the contras, Carl soldiers of forture foreign legion to fight
irregular wars in the Third World (with the redeemingwirtue that there'd never be any American casualties). The sudden interest in expanding the UN's peacekeeping role brought the unkind suggestion that in this new era the UN can provide that mercenary force for the US, Great Britain and France (three permanent Tembers of the Security Council). To pay for all UN activities - the organisation is already S1.95 billion indebt-Urquhart says, "You could puta S5 surcharge on all intermational airline tickels. Nobody Would notice. There's already a S36 security-tax on at airline tickets, and nobody even noticed that. That's one way. We cleared the Suez Canal by a 3% surcharge on canal tolls paid by the shipping business in 1957. There's an arms register now, which is supposed to register international arms transactions. You Could plut a 1% lewy 01 that and you would easily raise S2 billion a year. The arms trade is the most productive in the World. It makes more money gWe than drugs, Why not Cash in on il?"
But at a time when the Bush administration is resolutely pushing free Tarket economies, the US is against any Tore taxes - not just at home, but everywhere in the World. The Charter readly doesn't provide the UN With taxing authority and you would hawa to HāWEE 5) Te kird of CÓWritish Or treaty, Dick Thornburgh, Bush's former attorney general who row, as Undersecretary-general for Administration and Management, is the US point man at the UN, Said i a recent interwig W. "I thirik (the members) would be a little leery of ceding taking power."
Rather tham taxes, Thornburgh locks to the private sector. "I think that certainly one of the options that would be looked at Would be privatė COntributions to help, maybe to create an initial peacekeeping fund that could respond to emergency situations." He thinks a fund might be set up for "humanitarian' aid, and while initially the UN looked for support from member countries, Thornburgh now says, "I think that it's entirely possible that private contributions Could be received froT1 Corporations, foundations around the World, They hawe ar interest, particularly Tullinational Corporations hawe am interest in peace and stability interms of their own participatiom in economic development..." PICE
SimCE the Iraq War, the UN's beefeld-up peacekeeping apparatus has looked like a Western mercenary force. "We had to pay quite a price for being independent." explained Abdalla S Al-Ashtar, Yelen's
19

Page 22
ambassador to the UN. Right after Yemen and Cuba voted in the Security Council against the use of force in the Persian Gulf, "We were told We were going to payaprice for the wote. || Was infor Thed in the COUṁcil chambers by one American official that our vote Would cost us dearly. And they delivered. One Tillion Yemeni workers were expelled from Saudi Arabia in one month. Economic assistance from the gulf countries and the US was completely Stopped"
"I think that idea (that the UN has becoThe the West's foreign legion) is nonsense." says Urquhart. "I think that every government from the largest to the smallest tries to use the UN as an instrument of its policy, including tiny little countries. But obviously the most powerful countries are the most successful in doing it. But it seems to me that, because of the financial factor, there will beatendency to cut down om UN actiwities in Countries Which ar Of less interest to the industrialised World."
When, for example, Somalia asked for UN peacekeepers to monitor a truce in its civil War, the US balked at the prospect of shouldering the cost a time when it already is committed to paying for UN forces in both Yugoslavia and Cambodia, two more popular causes. After all, who ever heard of Somalia?
The fundamental question which eveyone avoids addressing is the limits of sovereignty,' argues Stephen Lewis, Canadas former UN abassador Who has assailed the UN's in wolwerment in the Persian Gulf. "But the UN as an organisation simply hasn't cor me to grips with it so it's a highly ad hoc lurching proposition. In the 21st century there's going to have to be a redefinition of sovereignty which gets some countries to relinquish some sovereignty for the sake of keeping peace, and in the interim it's strictly ad hoc. But to say there is anything fundamental or long-term in it is pushing it.
"Ironically, I don't think the peacekeeping role is easily Sullied, because too Tiany countries have too much interest," Lewis continues. Take a country like Canada. We've been peacekeepers from day one. We've been involved in every single UN peackeeping activity from the beginning. Even Canadians, surrorgates to American policy as we tend be, would bridle if they saw a real abuse of peackeeբing." Corporation executives
Of course, in the New World Order it's butter, not guns, that will win the hearts and minds of Consumers everywhere. During the Cold War, when the US saw itself locked in battle with the Soviet Union for influence in Africa -inde ed alla CTOSS the periphery of the 'Soviet Empire' - Americans used to argue the Third World should take up economic pragmatism
2O
against the suffoci t-style есопomic c pursuing the 'rollba engine, the Right pluralism in such pl. Angola.
On the econo I were aimed at the W hard of statist ent Foundation, with it inner Councils of Bush adrimistrati Tost active Critics, and books promoti the UN.
With the Cold W. gone, these calls fic cracy have been r ideologicaldemanc
"| hirik te TOS:t UNis to balanCelht the industrialised C. loping World," Urquh intergovernmental i in the fields of enw pment, I don't belie very relevant to wha: Se the forCBS in tho. rn Tental, they are r ntal, private sector. which are going tos the UN Will shortly at its own politicals ther it dočas not ha' dirTigristom. Ether tl Qul ofbusiness Ir s
The new Secre Tipting to reform th of the UN. He Hä5 ties and merged tot organisation, putin new unit, headed by se diplomal, a move downgrading the ec
The basic idea econostic activities dressing the balan strial Northarid und past, the UN has at how to obtain better tioral CorTTIOdities ports that attack cig name for their exp all been shuffled of
At the San The time widen the import of tions within the orga specialised econor US are Often stafi corporations. Nontions Such as the II of Comerce pro mpanies with builta UN agency, jointl and the Food and tion, that developsir for food additives, di cides, and food CO

ing dictates of SowieTirand structures. In :k' of the imperial Red ushed for democratic Cesas Nicaragua and
front these attacks ere aimed at the dead rprise. The Heritage close access to the oth the Reagan and ns, was among the publishing pamphlets ng a pro-US reform of
raid the Soviet Union r pluralism and derTnoaplaced by a strident
for the free Tarket. important thing in the relationship between Julries and the dWEart says. "If it's a purely organisation, let's say |rConnemt ad dewe||C- we it's going to remain it is happening bacauSe fields are not govemostly non-governmeThese are the forces hape the future. I think havē to hawe a look tructure and see whewe to build in another hat, or I think it will go Cre of these fields."
tary-general is attee economic functions abolished Crtain entihers into one existing g the whole under a la littlg-known Chine! widely interpreted as :ComComic functidors,
s to strip the UN of that tend toward rece between the induaveloped South. In the Wised Srial Countries deals from big internafirms and Written rearette companies by Jrt policies. This has into a Corner.
the reformers aim to International Corporanisation. As it stands, lic missions froTn the 2d by executives of overnment organisatermational Cha Tiber ide international COlobbies. CODEX is supervised by WHO Agriculture Organisaternational standards Jgs, Chemicals, pestitaminants. Corpora
tion executives generally sit as members of the Country delegations, and beyond that CODEX Welcomes corporate views om standard setting in general. The stafldards are harTirriered OLilin CCITsflitteds, whose activities are sponsored by countries that agree to fund ther. The US sponsors several committees and it asks business for advice and counsel on What the standards should be. They night as Well hawe been written by the companies the Tselves.
This standard-setting mechanism has far-reaching consequences. The CODEX standards are accepted by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the Woridwide forus in for erecting trade policy, as the existing international standards. These standards can be used to Weaken generally tougher US standards in, say, pesticide tolerances. This is a fiendish apparatus that provides the UN stamp of approval to standards that seriously endanger the health and well-being of people everywhere.
It's this sort of thing that Boutros-Ghali has signed onto. To make it absolutely clear to the Western public,'Boutros-Ghali lold Die Zeff of Hamburg last Winter, "I arT mot all that Concerned about financial Or technical assistance to the Third World. Your citizens, in any case, are sick and tired of Constantly being asked to donate food or money. There is a more important role for the North - that of mediator...For the South, What Tatters is that the North pay attention, on a political level, to events there. That is mare important than fina
cial and technical aid."
Second cha Tiber
"I don't think that it is a good idea to have private Corporations having a large influence on things that are done, but I do think that their advice and experience could be used," says Urquhart, who more than anyone is an architect of what is to come. "And I think in some cases, because they benefit greatly from some of the things the UN does, that people should at least consider whether (the corporations) shouldn't take part in financing them."
It's a little hard to See just how corporations could have Tuch more of a free hand in the operations of the United Nations, since they permeate its life blood as it is. But Urquhart suggests private enterprise conceivably could be accommodated in a 'second chamber of the General Assembly," or in 'a non-governmental and private gathering of some kind."
What that WOuld Ilean is that international policy in the global village Would be set by many Corporations working together through different nation states - frank acknowledgement of the ideals of the New World Order.
- The Willage Voice

Page 23
s
Why there's sc in this rustici
There is laughter and light baiter Titlist the:
rural di TT1:sils ĻĻho arg2 : List; Sorting put kåCCI) leaf in a bir TI, IT IS, CITIE: If the hundreds of such
barns spread tytut in thị: Tid artici Lipmuntry LLLLLLLLH KLLK HuuLLLLLL LlL aBLaLlL uLLLLL LLLLHa LS dallimi, di Iring the Coff 5:2:15 Cor.
Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows Fis a LLLLeOLL LLL LLLLCHC HLL LHLHL uuuLGLCL LtgtLLLLLaL LLLLLLLHHL L gold, to the value of Jir Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRCHING FRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter tobacco barn.
Tobaccan is the industry that brings er TıployTIEmil tra
hic scienci highest numbe T uf people. Artici ThE:52 people are the colbarra barr, IowTiers, thia' trab.: CCC growers and those who work for the IT, on the land ariri irl, the barms.
For thern, the tobacco leaf means rearingful work,
a carnfortable hife àTird a ocure futura. s. FC
rough reason for laught ET,
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people,

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating T
C
Dynamic
In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in the of only 46... and a few hundred Customers
Today, just 30 years later
People Resource exceeds 1 Customer Listings at a sta Branch NetWork in exCeSS
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has g in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spec resources at their Command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
Three DeCades
f
: Growth
challenging World of Banking With a staff
0,000 ggering 5.5Million of 328, THE LARGEST
rown to become a highly respected leader ;tacular growth is a reflection of the massive to the Service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'