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LANKA
GUA
Vol. 16 No. 13 November 1, 1993 Price RS
SENSE OF
— Haris Hulugalle
Mervyn de Sil Va
CONFLICT AND CC
CAVBODA
PREMADASA's (MA EELAM AND CONSOCI
TARZIEVITTAC
O THE J. R.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

--
DAN
10.00 Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/43/NEWS/93
LD WAR THINKING
- Kumar Rupesinghe
A — Chanaka Amaratunga
Jeevan Thiagarajah
SE-MAKING – Mick Moore
ATIONAL DEMOCRACY
A. M. Navaratna and Sumanasiri Liyanage
HII — Chanchal Sarkar
YEARS - Arden

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WITH THE BEST
ELEPHANT HOUS
OUALITY AT AFFC
NO 1 JUSTICE
CCLC)

COMPLIENTS
E SUPERMARKET
ORDABLE PRCES
A. Il-KEBAR MWAWWA THA
NMEBO 2.

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First Among Ec
Haris Hulugalle
W one apply this description of British PrinTg Mini Stars to Artura Bandaranalike, now like Winston Churchill, Cast into the Wilderness in mid ca
EE.
Anura certainly has no equals in the Cabinet, in the Opposition or in Parliament, Coming closest to him are Ranil Wickremasinghe, the Prime Minister and Anura's sister Chandrika, the Chief MiniSter of the Western Province and a potential Opposition Leader. Ranil executive but unfortunately lacks the platform presence of the television personality to move the masses. Chandrika's day is hopelessly disorganised.
However, though he towers above his Parliапепtaгy colleаgшes, Aпшга remains one of us, sharing our virtues and Weaknesses, Anura's unique virtue is his inheritarice as an aristocrat. He has dedicated his life to public service in a country in which such commitment is rare. Many of our politicians are in it for the money and especially since 1977 have transmitted these vices to all of society, No one
Can acCLSE. Anurad born to generations though his mother deprived him of a inheritance, he still F enough to keep him long term however, ce to his Sense of equipped for this ta speaker in Parliame platform presence a Ctious Charm taldea by his boyish sense a WofäcIcus reader W
huts as Tuch as Ckish full as he WOL Archer for byzantin: nally, he has an en tacts and has the manner to interming equal terms with the
or Gadaffi in Libya
them. But Anura erij very ordinary peop below his own level rtheless, he sees de to Which he can rela
Mrs. Bandaranaike Speaks
Q: The leadership of the SLFP has been a family affair. Why don't you promote a person outside your family circles for leadership?
A: As I told you earlier in this interview can't produce leaders of the party. It is up to those who aspire to be leaders, and the people of this country. However, they can be given opportunities. I am sure everyone in the SLFP is allowed to prove himself or herself for leadership.
Q: Many in the SLFP seem to have a conspiracy against him or her. Do you also feel that there is one against you?
A: Yes. There is one to take Anuraaway from the party. You should hawe seen those who were demonstrating against me in front of my house recently. It is a UNP conspiracy to austime. Forthey fear me. They need a leadership in the SLFP
2
that could be man party. They hawe a' SEWE fall tiITES EOLJIt ir don't Seern to hawe bent om destroying Who claim to be meri are involved in this bEl Careful nó to Fal
O: Beside the int SLFP, how would Lankan politics wit on the post assas President Pre ITlad: de Llith At Luth
A: There Hlas bee Under the new : thought there Wou difference. But you
has not Ceased. Th bodies of youths be abandoned. Thera

|uals
such greed. He was of Wealth and even brand of Socialism greater part of his asa SSetSSubstantial in bonny style. In the |is life is Orne of Sacrifidestiny. He is well Sk, He Was the bost nt. He has a superb nd privately, an infeawen more endearing of hur Tour. Anura is no would enjoy "PeaJohn Mortimer for puIld Disraeli or Jeffrey 2 intrigue. Internatioormous range of coCOrfider Ce and the le Withease and On Gandhi family in India ecause he is one of by's himself more With le, intellectually far but in whom, newes cent human qualities tE.
Then why is he not leading the Country? One obvious reason is that his frank and open nature has been too vulnerable to the subtle treachery of the lesser men who Surround his mother, MrS Bandaranaike, now sadly deprived of her acumen by time and age. Anura is no hypocrite and has never concealed his contempt for such people as a clever politician should, in order to survive in a Party which is now devoid of policy or principles. Less ObVIOUS reaSOns Carlbe ObJSerWëd in ArlUfa's own character. He is too sensitive. He should perhaps reduce his indulgence in the good life. He needs to apply himself conscientiously to the mundane in political activity, to the organisation of his base, to the planning of his tactics, to the implementation of his strategy and above all, to defining his own political philosophy, No man can do all these things by himself. Anura's failure to date has been that he has not selected a team of Supporters who specialise in these skills. He has finally arrived at the flood in his tide, Which can either carry him effortlessly to the position he has always sought or drown him.
Og Lu Wred to Fuin the tempted to oust me wain. However, they given Lup, They are he SLFP, And Sofie bers of the SLFP to conspiracy. We Trust prey to the UNP.
2rnal politics of the (Ou Observe the Sri h special emphasis sinations (those of asa and DUNF leamudali) era?
in Very little change. dministration Schme ti be. SOTE kirld Of Will see that Wiolence ire are still reports of sing found killed and is very little demo
cracy. The whole nation witnessed how the UNP government made a mockery of OTTIS and traditions ande väl la WS of this Country where it illegally appointed two of its people as the Chief Ministers of the South and the North West. Despite the fact that the government had created the trouble by not complying with the court orders and the Will of the people, it had two people killed in Galle. They were two innocent people Who knew nothing about what was happening around thern, in the North and the East thousands of the Country's youths are sacrificed. Tens of thousands are bereaft. A War is said to be fought. People are kept in the dark as to What is happening in the North and the East. You the press are threatened When you try to tell the people the truth of what is happening in the Country. The public sector has been ruined. Despite cooked up figures and statistics the country's

Page 5
economy is crumbling. This is exactly the Saftleithat We experienced beforethe new administratio CäTTO irl.
Q: The SLFP is described by sceptics as an ailing giant for its failure to compaign hard and capture state power, They say the SLFP is patiently waiting state power to be offered on a platter. Your collments please?
A: Even if state power is offered to US on a platter We Wouldn't accept it unless it is given by the people of this Country. It is Wrong to say We are not campaigning hard. We are You should understand Our hardship under an administration induging in all sorts of Undemocratic acts. Bureaucracy has been politicised in faWour of the UNP. So hawe been many other institutions that are required to fuinction impartially. They are Tanoeuvring to disrupt the SLFP by promoting certain factions against the leadership.
Certain newspapers are hostile to us. They jump at stater Trents made by goWe= rnment politicians and some trouble-makers in the SLFP. But they don't publish our version of the issue, Can you say ever your newspapers are not guilty of this kind of violation of journalistic ethics? We on the other hand are facing a campaign against us by international forces that favour the UNP government which is "on a campaign to se || Sri Lanka" to foreigners. It is against all these forces that We are campaigning. Therefore our campaign mayappBartobel slow, WhaléVer our en emies Say about US We Will win!
Q: Because you say your version of the SLFP's problems is not published, is there any message for our readers?
A: The SLFP is a people's party. It doesn't depend on personalities for surviwal. Its policies are in favour of the people of this Country. It is true it has its problems the way other parties have theirs. But the problems in the SLFP are deliberately magnified by certain sections with Wested iterest.
Some Who claim to support the SLFP by forming certain groups in a subtle campaign attempt to portray it as a racist party so as to play it against the ethnic
irrities of the COL it of their votes, it is be that the UNP has alw'r
People must unde The UNP despite its aspertforce. This W Provincial Council el being restructured W.
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Intry and to deprive in mind. The party convention Will be held Cause of these votes before the end of this year, assure that laySWOl. there Will be no reprisals in the party
against anyone for their allegiance to rstand this situation. anyone of the SLFP leadership. Ours is media Campaign is a democratic party. Anyone can leave us
as evident in the last or join us. actions. The SLFPIs rith the next election
(SLAND)
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Page 6
Ranil meets Christop
Berta Gomez, Russell Dybvik
WASHINGTON
The experience of Sri Lanka "clearly demonstrates that there is no betterform of political and economic organization than a market democracy", Prime Minister Rani Wickremasinghe said during his first Visit to the United States since assuming that office.
In an address to the OverSeas Development Council (ODC), the prime minister strongly endorsed the global trend toward market democracy and urged leading economies and financial institutions to provide adequate backing.
"They must support democracy, good governance and human rights. We Tust create a healthier World political and economic environment that Would provide a stable foundation for the 21st century", he said.
Sri Lanka, he added, Welcomes the Clinton administration's policy of expainding the World's "free community of market de Tocracies" and "looks forward to active American leadership".
Wickremasinghe, held his first-ever meeting with Secretary Christopher.
It was also the first high-level dialogue between the two governments since the assassination of former President Ranasinghe Premadasa last May. Christopher Congratulated the prime minister on the smooth transition following that tragic EWBITL
Christopher told reporters before the meeting that he would discuss the human rights situation in SriLanka With the prime minister, which the secretary said is "improving, but leaves still some room for improvement".
"There's been real progress on the economic front in Sri Lanka", Christopher said, noting that during his visit, the prime Thinister Will sign an agreement between his government and OPIC, the U.S. OwerSeas Private Investment Corporation.
"The people of Sri Lanka deeply appreciate the Supportand the encouragement extended to the administration of Presi dent Wijetunge by President Clinton, Vice President Gore, and you, Mr. Secretary, during and after the traumatic events in my country recently", the prime minister said.
State Department sources described
4.
the half-hour teeti pherand Wickrema: and friendly". In add
they discussed the
Lankan eColomic prospects for resol flicts im Sri Laka.
The prime ministe ber 14 also included nal Security Adviser rSecretary of State fic: Cultural Affairs Joa ley, Speaker of the H. Wes; and Lee Hami House Committee O
Other Serior offici stant Secretary of S Affairs Robin Raphe SSadOrto SriLanka, attended his early m ODC.
His remarks there Lanka's experience ecoromic reform, ar гience compares to pirig much of the Wo
Sri Lankans, Wic Out, "Have enjoyed L. ge since the 1930's pior eers ir the Tarch zation 16 yearsago, i Others in South Ang and South Asia took
In contrast, "We democracy, the olde tra Wel ir the õigt d eCODmic reforms in in a democratic evi miniStĒGTSäild.
He described his War II experiment Wii myasa "costly mista the reform process beena clear SUCCBS
Jobless may
Prime Ministër Ra Warned Comron We Timentin Cyprustha blems in developing in revolt and the "a TeaSUFES".
"The failLTE to Te yment problem in may result in change

her
ng between Christosinghe as "productive lition to human rights,
expanding U.S.-Sri relationship and the wing the ongoing co
r's Schedule for Octomeetings with NatioAnthony Lake.; UndeDrEconomic and Agri| Spero; Thomas Foouse of Representatitol, ChairTarl of the n Foreign Affairs.
als — including AssiState for South Asian and the U.S. AmbaTeressita Schafferorning address at the
CONCEtrated Oil Sri With democracy and ld on how that expechanges now sweg
ld.
(remasinghe pointed IIIWETSäl EdLullt SLuffraand Were among the tC e Como TiCliberaliin 1977-long before rica, Eastern Europe the same path".
Were an established Stirl Asia. We Flad to irection, to carry out
a pluralistic Society, ronment", the prime
country's post-World tha State-run econokg", butStrESSEed that begun in 1977 has S.,
(USA)
lead reVOIt
Lmil Wickremesinghe alth heads of govetunemployment.procountries could result vocacy of extremist
solve the unemploleveloped countries of governments, but
in developing countries failure to do so means revolt, insurgency, and also advocacy of extremist measures, he said intervening in the executive session of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, a Foreign Ministry communique Said.
BRIEFLY,
China comes in too
China has bought a Sri Lankan state owned texile mill. A Chinese state Corporation has paid a total Rs 110 million for the Mattegama Textile Mills - RS 50 million for stock and Rs 60 million for Shares. Four Chinese nationals Wilbe om the new board. The Mattegama Mills supplies yarn to the handloom industry and cotton, polyester and Wiscose yarn to the power loom industry.
Refuge in the thotams
Police sources reported an exodus of LTTE activists from metropolitan areas into the up-country tea estates as a result of on-going cordon and search operations by the army and the police in Colombo and the suburbs. They had moved into areas in and around the Eliya district and Were offering large sums of money for shelter, police sources said.
End of CGR
The Ceylon Government Railway (CGR), a more than a century old goverrnment department, is to be converted into a Railway Authority by statute. Faced with trade union protests following the announcement, the Government has declared the railways an essential Service. TraInsport Minister Wijeyapala Mendistold a press briefing that the Government had decided to convert the department into an Authority because the Railway had been losing an annual Rs 400 million.
Airbus deal: no win
A committee appointed by Government to probe the controwersial multi-billion rupee Airlanka airbus deal has reported that a Cancellation of the deal now Would result in a loss to the airline of 90 million US dollars.
After entering into a contract to buy six aircraft it was found that Airlanka did not have the money to pay for them.

Page 7
Military stalks J
Richard Cowper
S. Lanka's military top brass, angered by months of political prevarication and the assassination in May of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, say they now have the go-ahead to regain the rebel-held northern peninsula of Jaffna.
Of course, no one will say when the rain offensive-across the War-torn area that is also hone to about 600,000 Tamil civilians - will be launched, but army commanders hint that it is likely to be in the new year.
The ower-stretched Sri Lankan army, Well below strength from casualties and injuries in a War that has claimed 32,000 lives since 1983, has been rapidly rebuiIdiпg. Some 10,000 пеw recгuils are iп training to join the 80,000 already under arms. The target is 100,000.
The military plans to purchase helicopter gunships, landing craft and fast patrol boats in preparation for the big push.
Setting off from their strategic army base at Elephant Pass - which seals off the largely guerrilla-held Jaffna Peninsula from the mainland - the government troops thrust north. But on the second day they were caught by surprise in a murderous crossfire from 1,000 Well-dug-in Tamil Tigers.
In a pitched battle, involving dozens of WOTE and SOTle of the fierC2Stand-to-hand fighting of the War, the army lost 118 men and killed at least 150 guerrillas. The soldiers held their ground and Went on to destroy the port of Kilaly before returning tObaSB.
Senior commanders are optimistic they Will be ready to take Jaffna soon-after all, they say, it is a comparatively tiny piece of land just 50 miles long and 20 miles wide.
Others believe this is wishful thinking. The Sri Lankar arried forces lost their
Tost experienced CC mine explosion more it is argued, is no T. and tightly organise:
The guerrillas, Wh trailed Tambar Sint to just a few thousan 120,000 Indian troop
They are So Singl combatant carries E the neck, which the |OW the TSGEWES LO
A number tactical thrust have begun, 4,0 nthםm backed by tar and gunboats operation to Tamil Tiger main port C lagoоп whic bypass the blockade.
The group is led b ra, an autoCrat, Or wanted terrorists a strategist who COmn OErediace frOfThis
Mr. S TordamE famous Tail and C5 i El Sir CE 1975 the army will go i saying they Will tak the latest offensi They withdrew", he
Many in the gove the impossibility O Prabhakar has

Jaffna
Tranders in a land
than ayearaga and, atch for the fanatical iTamil Tigers.
Iose Well arted and he north mayamount d, were able to defeat is in the late 1980s.
e-minded that every cyanide pill around | swallow rather tharl be taken alive.
of preparatory Es may already
Earlier this OO soldiers, nks, fighter jets s, launched an
destroy the (LTTE) rebels'
the Jaffna is used to army land
y Welupillai PrabhakaE of the World's Tost rid a brilliant military lands almost religious fighters.
ini, Sri Lanka's most
a minister in every is not convinced that m. "They hawe been e Jaffna for years. In re, what happened?
SayS.
Irnment, however, Say f negotiating with Mr. at last persuaded the
Cabinet it has no alternative but to go all-out for the military option.
The final stra W IS Said to hawE COITIE in May when a Tamil suicide bomber with explosive strapped round his waist, assassinated President Premadasa ata political rally in Colombo.
His successor, President D.B. Wijetunge, has publicly vowed to crush terrorisT1.
"There is no ethnic problem in the north, only terrorism", he says.
Success over the past 12 months in reducing terrorist control in the country's Eastern province could free thousands of Sri Lankan troops for operations in the
Ot.
In addition there is SOThe evidence of growing Tamil resentment of the LTTE's Iron grip on the lives and pockets of inhabita tsite Jaffa Peisula.
These hawe added to Colombo's belief that the time is right for military action. The fallout, should the army defeat the guerriIlas and regain control of the peninsula in a relatively short period, is unclear. The biggest fear is that the price which may have to be paid in terms of loss of life, foreign investor confidence and international opprobrium may be more than the country can bear.
Says one International Red Cross official who regularly goes to Jaffna: "if the army besieges the city of Jaffna. With its half-million citizens and leaves the Tigers no escape route it will be murderous hand-to-hand fighting with civilians caught in the middle. Many thousands of non-coTibatants Will die. The best We can hope for is that the population will be able to go to designated safe areas and that the LTTE Will be allowed to retreat Southward into the jungle".

Page 8
Strategies for Conflic
Text of a Public Lecture by Kumar Rupesinghe,
Director, International Alert
Reபerent Sirs Ladies and சோtemer,
It is a privilege to Lelcome you on behalf of the Band. and discussion. The capacity crowd this eering can be regu, Mr Ray Forbes, who has always argued for the BCIS to
firs and foreign policy I subject for public discussian r occasion for me, as the lecturer and I were present шћел || internationalist, and my our contribution consisted ofa pr Гї D Bшлdагалаїke.
1றய நresert DFRur Rபரesinghe Uth யhom that Research Institute where he was director and lately in L. International Alert. The organisation uas inspired and si OHLl TTGGG TTCG CCmmTHS CC CCCTCLuluLTTTG HCCCLL LLLCCLTLLL LHC LLH clearly, Lhich is the major post Cold War phenomenon, the CCCCTGGGGTC CTGCCCCTTCLL LCLlTTLL GGGT CCCL GTCCC LGTHLLLLH LLLGL integrity of nation states.
I am sure it will be dealt with adequately by Dr Rupe to the breakdown or restraints irrposed by the Cold War, and on the other hand, the determination of certain peopl the riame of sorre kiral of group identity. This is a very di, I am proudard feel privileged to presenta Sri Lankanuvio
My thanks to Mr Mervyn de Silva for his Words of Welcome and introduction and to the Bandaranaike Center for International Studies for giving me this opportunity to share with you some of the issues on Which I haWe Worked for the last ten years. My Congratulations to the Centre for its growth and development over the last few years, particularly in the study of international relations, the diploTha Course Which haS reachederminence, as Well as the series of lectures and research which it is undertaking particularly on issues arising after the end of the Cold War. After my departure from this country in 1982, served the International Peace Research Institute for ten years and had the opportunity of reflecting on, reading the relevant background literature and visiting some of the regions of conflicts, as well as becoming involved in peacemking efforts in several of these War torn countries. It gives me great pleasure to address this gathering.
The subject of my lecture is in a way deeply personal tous allWhetheras individuals, as families or as natiÕITIS. We hawe witnessed violence, been affected by it
and We are still in ther July 1983 is still with tions go across the bc to many cities where sides live now. The in of July 1983 and the unleashed then has different forms durin This Takes us ther fundamental questio nflict, War, resolution and how We can de: consider the subject as On of the funda global agenda for th presention is intende in nature and it Wil|| t of the Critical issues your attention and obvious that the end hawe fundamental Some of the Tore tr: nation, state, comm ples.
I would sugges War there has been ewolwing the paradi international relation!

Resolution
araike Centre for International Studies to a public lecture led as a corpiirrent to the persuasiue pourers of our Director, more in an academic institution, making international debate. In that connection, this evening is a doubly happy L YLLLGGGLLLLL LLL LGGLLLLLLL LLLL CL LCTTLTTTT LLL LLTTGLGGCGLLLLLLS LLLLT ject proposal sent to the then Prime Minister Mrs Sirinato
! shared happy occasions in Oslo at the International Peace ton, uhere he has the position of Secretary Gener of Inded by the legendary Martin Encils who used to visit flict resolution. The title of the lecture indicates the subject sudder and dramatic eruption of various forms of conflict, stic/regional perce, but even the souereignty and territorial
ingle as he explains the tension throughout the Lord due LLLLLL LLLLLLLTLLLLLLL LLL LLLL HTGGGLCH GLLL HMT LLLLCLCGTT rLmGGLTTLCLLS a groups of people assering their pur Electue பl in ficult, compler, subject debated throughout the world and
has achicLed greaterinence in this field to addressus,
midst of War Violence. us and its ramificaorders of this country refugees from both ernal repercussions Violence Which Was continued to exist in the last ten years. fore, reflect on the ns of ViolenCB, COand transformation With these issues. of violence and War. antal issuas in the з 21st centuгу. Му d to be conceptual y to examine some which, think, need consideration. It is of the Cold War Will repercussions on litional concepts of nity, War and peo
that after the Cold fundar Tental shift Ti Whether it is in political science of
all social science which deal With the evolution of nations and peoples. But whilst the Cold War has disappeared the institutions and thinking which governed Lihat era Continue to be With us and Old Ways of thinking haunt us when We reflect on the future, You may remember that immediately after the Cold Warthere were many theses of potimism which were backed by several important propositions. Will try to share very briefly some of those theses. Francis Fukuyama, for example, celebrated the end of the Cold War as the end of history. He saw the end of this War the deTiSeof COmm LuiSaS, the alternatiwe to the capitalist project and held that with the demise, the liberal democratic Western World view was triumphant. His Wie W. WaS that there Were no Contenders, no universal alternative thesis which Would challenge the hegemony of the capitalist project.
Another thesis which emerged was by Moeller and others who wrote several books celebrating the end of war. The argument was that humanity had developed a culture of abhorrence of War and that western democracies have expanded

Page 9
and developed a Way of handling issues peacefully and that the democratic zone was expanding from a few countries to large numbers of countries where peoples Would find new Ways of resolving the issue of War and peace. A more pessimistic thesis was presented by Mershheimer and other's who suggested that we are emerging into a more turbulent period in history reflected by the shift from bi-polarity to multi-polarity. By multi-polarity | express the view that there is no single epicentre which can govern the World but there are many epicentres in the World between which there occur shifting alliances and coalitions, and these fluctuating aliances and Cöjäliticis, between SrTia|| and big states could not only lead to greater lurbulenCB but result in War. In terrils of research findings, all periods of multi-polarity have resulted in a greater LUTJEr of Warlike SituatiOS. Alter theory which is gaining currency is the thesis that Whilst Westernisation has triuтірhed for the Tтпаппапt theгe ага пеw Centres emerging which Would challenge Westernisation. It is argued here that fundamentalism would be a major challenge to the thesis of westernisation, whether it is islamic Or Hindu fundarnentalism orarly Other fundamentalism Which acts d5 a antithesis to the continuing project of WeSErflisaliol.
There are those Who Would argue that in the future Westernisation's greatest fĚa CofCCFfrÕitti Wil|| 5 i South East Asia and the Pacific regions where the peoples of the Confucian tradition, Whether Japanese or Chinese, are forming a new epicentre of economic growth which is likely to result in a greater escalation of confrontation and war with the Wester project. My own thesis however is that we will experience a major increase in internal Wars. I foreSee not so much an increase in the number of inter-state Wars, as in Wars within Countries and between their peoples. One of the challenges for humanity is to develop Ways whereby we can Stop Such WarS, TESOWE ard Tedu Cether, and alleviate the Suffering caused by the growing inhumanity of Warring groups. Before We elaborate on that particular thesis, Would like to talk for a few minutes on Some of the concepts of conflict. Conflicts are a civilisational motor of growth, the essence of civilisation. Conflicts are
See SoTetities as people see conflicts: a bowe, SoTTie aSre conflicts as a posity mati Withil idiv, Conflicts are the SS Not only has civilisat Ways through which relations and interact bLItalSO OWertime, ci ped extraordinary | TOTS ad TLIES Willi WOUT. Adit iSithİS Collict and its trails StrategiciSSUe, in the Will capture the dert EE CICES of WiCl peace?
Another issue reconsider is that the resolution has bee linear approach, Thi assures that lulla EFFt COnflicts a TE SO fact arī agreementb Want to resolve ap: literature Oil Conflictr this premise, that th climate of opinion in Wattoresveter recoming from the is wast, developed resolution, whether disputes between trE preneurs, and has that there is at Orhai COTiflict FE3Soluti0.
In Asia, a health particular linear app pplied by those wh process. The conflic of formation, matur, and finally, transform of a process of Confli de CortStrLCtilor of thil each conflict, and th series of conflict pha | Will expand later. A We need to redisco" Violence. Wicolen Ceir папyas:stгшctшгаІ. Л systematic denial needs. Whether throl Werty or deprivation. a Well KOW COCE the subject of War.

bad of good. Some as management from Sol Luticol. Other S. SEė area 1S Of tra 1SfOfiduals and society. епce of everyday ife. ion discovered many We can have peaceful tions with each other, Willisation has de VelOLu Tibers of Cultural ch govern Our behaaspect therefore that CITTlation tg:JITlB5 a from of deciding who ocratic space. Will it Eilce of the forces of
that We Wil|| Tawe to a dialogue on conflict doominated by a sparticшlaгарproach 1 beings are rational, wable, that there is in y all parties that they articular conflict. The esolution is based on Iere is an egalitarian which people really conflicts. The literatuUnited States, which a Culture of dispute t is family disputes or de Linions and entramade them a SSL ure ty in the discourse on
y contribution to this ITO Chl hla5.bEJ SLIo see conflict as a tprocess has stages ation, a static stage ation. Those who talk ict also talk about the 2 accepted history of ereconstruction of a Ses, a Concept Which lother concept which Ver is the Concept of las been defined by That is caused by the of humanity's basic ugh Conditions of poStructural Violer CBS pt. Direct Wiolence is Will go into the issue
LL LLLLLLL L C HHLHLLGLLS LLLLaLL LL0L LLLLL neglected in the literature on this subject IS CLUltLur WICIFICE. CultLJā| Wille C9 is the Way in which a culture mediates and legitimizes violence, whetheritis violence between Tarn and Woman, or Whëther it is violence between peoples. It is culture which legitimizes and gives force to violeince in any particular society. And would suggest that the denial of identity, the denial of another language, or the denial of another heritage constitutes Cultural violéric E. Or is thE fürldamental SGLIrCE of violence, The Way We reconceptualise the concept of violence must be applicable to peace too. Are We talking about peace as structural, as the absence of structural and Cultural violence, or of another type of peace?
One concept which has been in the news and Continues to do so is the concept of sovereignty. Sovereignty is not an age old concept and has a history of only about three hundred years. It has been associated with the development of the state and the Centralized State. After the Second World War the inter-state Systern which gre Wande wolwed out of this War introduced the concept of relative Sovereignty. States, is they Wanted to be The libers of a civilized club, the club of the United Nations, had to pool part of their Sovereignty in return of right to belong to that club. Memberstates therefore signed protocols and conventions agreeing to a minimum of civilized behaviour. The international community on the other handon the basis of those state obligations, therefore had a right to criticise those goveTrents or other actors Who did not adhere to those norts to Which these states hawe been Signatories. So Out of these new conditions a relative concept of sovereignty ewolved.
We can see in the evolution of the relative Sovereignty, particularly in the European Common Market, that many States are prepared to give up more and more of what they call sovereignty to a higher body which can begin to manage the affairs of Europe more competently. Whilst on the one side. We have development of largest states and units, we also hawe the fragrTentation and the decirTation of States Which number Orne hundred eighty five today. Given the proliferation

Page 10
of states one can ask the question whether in fifty years time we have one thousand states, five hundred states or fifty. But the factis that the concept of sovereignty is a major theoretical and political issue today. Under what circumstances can international obligations and international actors interwerle in the internal affairs of a country? The human rights domain has over the years developed a system of monitoring and accountability of state actors. Therefugeesystem of law has evolved a system of protection whether they are internally displaced or externally defined refugees. The concept of collective security implies that there are areas Where a states indiwidual Sowerelgrity or the peoples security is a latter for an international community rather than just an internal matter for a state. The subject of genocide and consistent human rights violations is no longer the internal monopoly of any single state. A new international system of accountability has evolved and these are its great achievements in the last forty years.
The second part of my presentation Will provide you with some empirical data of the changing nature of war. War is no longer necessarily inter-state War. Today Waris LJS LJally internal War Within existing state boundaries. From 1989 to 1992 if We take note of the many research studies done in this area, We Will COThe to Sorine Very surprising conclusions. An armed conflict is defined as a situation where you have casualty rate of twenty five battle related deaths a year. A minor armed Conflict is defined as a situation. Where there are less than one hundred Casuaties during the course of a conflict. Intemediate Conflicts are defined as Situations. Where there are one thousand casualites over a period of conflicts, and war is defined as where you have one thousand casualties a year. All the studies show very clearly that at the moment the World has about thirty-five internal Wars Where the casualty rate is over one thousand a year.
It is also clear to us that the plateau of War may increase from thirty five to forty five or fifty. Research regarding small Wars Which are still not classified as Wars but as armed conflicts raise the question which is, what are the conditions under
8
Which a SmalI Warb
| Would suggest tha of increasing volat
internal War, Euro We See a new the revealed in ex-Yug Teber that the
two countries. Which international Cornm. mples of modern de Sri Lanka ard til These two Countrie international COTTIL velopment. Both th belong to the thirty are torn by War. In
Yugoslavia that is at danger that this thea to Kosovo, Albania perhaps leading to a
It is only the inti Consequence to Ust concept of ethnic c become legitimized i Where the forceful rdredSarld thOLuSanC land has becomeres|| zed, Ethnic cleansing Cted to the borders ol repercussion are see the Neo-Right is artic of ethnic cleansing th lation, whether they ethnic groups, Certai area of turbulence. In On the internal War: Russians were, a na who had nigrated to Lithuania where they Without citizenship.T. of citizenship) is a sut isgoing to bein oroL In the former Soviet to be an extremely w new theatre of War that country. Not on Armenia, Azerbaijar there is likely to be w; Federation. People a disintegration of this ctor is that twenty five outside the bounda Federation. The (BW mass movement of p new independentre OWI nationhood and

comes a major one? We have a situation ty in the region of eafter the Cold War, tre of War Whitch is slavia. You may reeventies there Were were held up by the ity as shining exaelopment. One was other Yugoslavia. were hailed by the ity as models of dese countries today iwe Countries Which Europe it is not only risk. There is a great tre of Warwil|| spread and to Macedonia, Balkan War,
rnal War which is of ut also the fearSÖFTE leansing which has In that particular War, isplacement of huis of people from their jectable and legitimihas not been restri* Bosnia. Already the in in Germany where ulating its own form вlocal migrantipopшbe Turks, or other nly the Baltics arean the new light thrown in the Baltics, the tion building people Estonia, Latvia and are today, minorities herefore the concept ject for debate, Who in the New Europe. Jnion there is going latile situation. The an be any where in ir do We hawa War i
and Georgia, but Within the Russia te now talking of the Federation. One faTillior RLISSiams liwa es of the Russian iynamics Willcreate pulations. Once the ublics reassert their he concept of citize
nship, it would mean serious implications for the twenty five million Russians living outside its borders.
in Asia at the Torrent there are seven wars and there are eighteen potential Wars in the making. South Asia mayemerge as a new theatre of War. When Sri Lanka was in the throes of its present conflict, there were many friends in Delhi who reminded us that the conflict was very much a southern problem and that this would never be a part of Indian reality. As you all know, the upsurge and expanding concepts of Hindu fundamentalism have since given cause for concern, that in fact there is a likelihood of the disintegration of the Indian Empire. The landscape Lurder Which funda Tartalis thiriwgS and derives its nourishment in India is extremely alarming and disconcerting, And the reaction to Hindu fundamentalist. Whether it comes from the Muslims, or from other ethnic groups or other tribal groups is equally disconcerting.
In Africa too. We see an enlargement of theatre of War. Some of the old Wars derived from the Cold War may be disappearing as in Ethiopia, Mozambique and Angola. But new Wars emerge on stage and the old Wars do not pass away but re-invigorate themselves in new forms. feel that what We see now is only the disintegration of societies as in Somalia. But the question arises that with the disiintegration of some states, whom does one talk to Wher there is no state? Will there be dialogue when criminal armed bandits capture the terrain? My opinion is that this problem is not going to be confined to Somalia as there is already a likelihood of repetition of the Somali situation in other places.
The theatres of War Will increase and these Wars are those over rights of self-determination. Or to put it in another Way, over the question of state formation. How does one develop from strong centralized unitary states to Tulti-3ethnic plural states? This is the challenge which is on the global agenda. States which can develop a multi-ethnic plurality and democracy Will SurvW9.
(Next: UN Role)

Page 11
Ruralisation of
Mick Moore
O Tay approach an explanation of the ruralisation of the UNP Wote by highlighting two apparent puzzles arising from the information presented so far:
1) As is explained above, not only is there no pola Lusible “Woterinterest' explanation of the changing voting pattern, but some reason to see this pattern as a little perverse in the light of the relative prosperity of the Colombo area. One can add to this a related puzzle about the Solidity of Indian Tamil support for the CWC. One result of the CWC-UNP alliance Was that public-Wrīd stāt COTpanes agreed to provide a minimum number of days of work to each worker per month. This was greatly to the advantage of the Indian Tamil population. In 1992, the goVernment privatised the Tanagement of the estates to Consortia of foreign and local corrpanies, with the Support of the CWC leadership. Since they took control, the new private marnagements hawe been attempting to remove, formally and/or in practice, these employment guarantees. The CWC leadership has fought hard to retain them. This has become a significant national political issue. The CWC has Come under increasing challenge from a range of small political parties and trades unions seeking to cut into its large Ternbership and Wote bank on the grounds that it has 'sold out the Workforce by (a) agreeing to privatisation in the first place, and (b) continuing to support it. There is no doubt that the CWC membership is Very opposed to priwa tisation; CWC support for the policy arises from the fact that it is dominated by one man, S. Thondaman, who has not only been a (powerful) Minister since 1977 but is also himself from a plantation-owning family. It is then a little puzzling that, despite these major Concerns and intra-CWC differences, at the 1993 elections, the Indian Taiwoters gawe their Customary Tassive support to Thondaman and the CWC, and thus to te UNP.
2) Similarly, there are puzzles in the Connection between the ruralisation of the UNP vote and the symbolic dimensions of voting. Suppose one finds plausible the CaSEthlattiSruraliSati la SEGGla CCEntuated by the populist dirTensions of President Premadasa's image making despite his own very urban background. We then find at least two pieces of apparentlycontrary evidence, pointing to the apparent insignificance of symbolic identities in shaping changing Voting patterns. One
has already been IT the rufälisation oft in large part took (J.R. Jaya Wardene) inctly 'urban patrici. he becaThe Presid "imperial. This was Premadasas popul tij of the UNPVote Were in power. The nce concerns Jayay Wing of the image : for Silas
Country, as oppose in re-creating a que ITOSt TarkedilLIStr: ction of a new offic Colombo, which Wa ridhanapura after the Sinhalesekingdom rtiane, a marl of thitյլ of HİS CEL TET aբբealing to an dl, the LOW Country an lese, ole Which had earlier this century, all Sinhalese in the as recently as 1.97 the Kandyan Sinha note districts in ar. Kandyan hills, i.e. th classification of dist 1960s and 1970s, t electorally relatively tle UNFP in the Kard rship of the SLFPW a substantial degre of the UNP LOW Col.
Kandyan Woter
That J. R. Jayawa LO Celebrate the LOW the Kandyan 'inher Surprising. It howev fact that the rural electoral base, Whic in Wolved in Creasing Kandyan Sinhalese last time the Kandy, nction Was Thade if point, of the eightm ndyan Sinhalese C. ethnic group in six enfranchised group districtS Which hawt ched to the UNPOW
This all begins to - at least as long assumption implicit far... that woting choill genuine and autonic

the UNP (3)
entioned above: that le UNP Support base latg under a Gader Whose Style was disti1 In", and imdeed, after Bernt, to Some degree a great contrast With lism, yet the ruralisatook place while both other piece of evideWardene's Owent borroand symbolism of the kings of the Low ad to those of Kandy, si-imperial style. The tİOIT WES the ColStruial capital ] LISt Outside is named Sri Jayawaa historic Low Country of that name. JayawaOW Country, like most libers, Was potentially di distil Ctilor EETWEET d the Kandyan Sinhabeen politically salient and one imposed on CESUS Classification I. The "Oelands' of les are thig TOTE TEId around the central IOSE TOTÉ "TL fā'ithig ricts used here. In the 1e SLFP was generally | Tore powerful than lyan areas. The leadeas Correspondingly to !e Kandyan, and that Jntry.
rdene should attempt W. Country rather than itan Cg" is 10t is it|Self "er sits oddly with the Stilor of Lig UNP'S h started at this time, | depender CEO of the | WotèT. 1971 WE5 til an-Low Country disti
lē CēlŠu. At tā i) St Lura liStrictS Konstituted the largest cases, and the largest in One other. It is these 3 EDECOTE TOTE3 attae time,
look rather confusing as one clings to the in the discussion SÓ ces largely reflect the Tous preferences Of
Voters, But that assumption must be questioned. Let us do so by looking first at the figures at voter turnout. In the three decades leading up to 1977, rates of voter participation in Sri Lankan general ellections had become higher "than in almost any competitive democracy with voluntary Voting, "What is particularly remarkable about Ceylonese voters is that they vote in equally large proportions in municipal contests and at by-elections'. In the 1982 Presidential election, turtout feall för the first time for decades. This was also the first election which was substantially unfair: the SLFP was unable to field its IËåder, Mrs Bandaranalike, as a Candidate because retrospective legislation had been used to deprive her of her civic rights On the grounds of "abuse of power' during her previous Prime Ministership in 1970-1977. A few Weeks later, the golweTITTEE Ft CE ||Ed F. RefeTEdu to Extēmd för a further six years the life of the Parliament elected in 1977, and already more than five years old. The motivation was to enable the UNP to retain control of 80% of Parliamentary seats, and thus the ability lo arTeld the Constitution at WiII - El capacity liberally used at that time. The Referendum campaign was not free and fair, it was marked by considerable intimidation. Voter turnout fell very markedly colpared with the Presidential elections. AShas beenexplained above, the Presdential elections of November 1988 and the Parliamentary elections on February 1989 Were held during an insurrection and Complex patterns of intimidation and inter and intraparty violence. The turnout levels Were 55% and 64% respectively.
There was a partial reversal of this downward trend at the 1991 local and 1993 Provincial elections, With a turnout rate of 74% in each case. The turnout of Walid Wotes however reCOWE:red to a TLÜChi lesser extent: the proportion of votes found to be invalid became very high. The major reason for this big increase in invalid Voting is probably changes in the electoral system of a kind that makes voting difficult for poorly educated people. At the 1991 and 1993 elections, Woters were faced With a proportional representation system in which they had to both choose a party and cast preference votes for a number of individuals from the party list. Yet We cannot dismiss recurrent newspaper reports that these high rates of invalid voting also reflect deliberate spoilage of votes as a protest against the limited choices awailable. This latterinterpretation looks all the

Page 12
T1Core pola usible, While in 1982 the distribution of spoiled votes across districts was randon, in 1991 and 1993 it conforted to a Very clear pattern: it was high in districts. Where the rate of voter turnout Was high. The statistics extend this coinclusion. They show that, in 1991 and 1993, there Was a high, positive and, in most cases, statistically significant relationship between five variables at district lle WBl:
1) The proportion of votes cast that were declared in Valid.
2) The rate of turnout of registered votērS.
3) The proportion of the adult population With lowevels of formal education.
4) The proportion of the employed population working in agriculture.
5) The UNP share of the Wote.
The relatively uneducated rural Voters hawe the greatest difficulties coping With complex Voting forms is not surprising. What is interesting is that they should be the most assiduous in turming out to wote, and should hawe beCOT e SO OWET the Same period of time that they became relatively more attached to the ruling UNP. What this all seems to point to is the increasing importance in shaping electoral behaviour of the UNP/CWC - party machinery, supported most of the time by the state apparatus which the UNP co
tro|5,
It is difficult to identify precisely the mechanisrils at Work here. On the basis of the aggregate statistical patterns and fragmentary reports about what happens in party politics and elections at local level, |Suggest that the following processes may be the most significant
Significant Processes
1) A large proportion of the population hawe become disillusioned with and perhaps fearful of politics. Bear in mind the massive slaughter of JVP suspects in 1988 ard 1989 arld the Eldericature of political violence over the last decade. There are substantial populations uninterested in voting, but perhaps Willing to go to the polls to please the local cadres of the гulingpartу.
2) It is generally where the UNPCWC is strong — and Where the costs of displeasing the party's local cadres by not Voting are relatively high that relatively large numbers of the politically uninterested are being herded into the polling stations. It is they who are likely either to spoil ballot papers in protest against this coercion, or to lack the knowledge and Totivation to correctly complete the new and relatively complex voting forms.
3) In the mora refT Where Education le W difficult for the opposi the Cadre COITITitrTE Counter the Coer UNPCWC and their apparatus. There is Tal Taterial ard r independent profess the nucleus of resi Scope for local tyran
4) The UNP has b art Of T13S5 distribL SOUrCeStOiridividLJal: loans; inclusion in the ya anti-powerty prog uniforns for childrer Subsidised food rat does not depends E Conce again, this si support Will tend to
the refTdtEr areas IF to alterative doctric nature of politics, S "WesterT1" liberal Cor doctrines are fairly di Cof the Tore urbamise
It is in this gener understand the loyal Wote:S to the CWC di ty of the CWC to ch them over privatisati the relatively totalisti tea estates, it is diffic challenges, intellect to the entre CCN
A final piece of ey this general thesisi convincing. It conce ming of the ruralisE Support base. Theb two month period be December 1982. In dential election, the of its support in the Stricts. TWO TOlts Voter registration list: Ca The frOT these SE particularly districts V bstantial "left' votingTEdit aCCESS t0 a di Wely egalitarian alterr - that turned again: these two elections, r. ritarianism and repri. ming to characterise NWETSÉ WIS LE TEelati more remote populat Jayawardene's 'cons their inability to org: fend off the pressure party was bringing to ruralisation of the UN haS OCCUrred Sirice 1 Ef|Ect the inte SifiCE ргocesses: the iпcre the UNP'state appar
The Writer is a Sussex University lecturer whosp
10

10te and rural areas. Els arBloW, it is Tore ition partiestoSustain It that is needed to we forces of the Thembers in the state leSS aCCESS 10 exteOral support, fewer ionals Who Canform stance, and greater ny to flourish.
eCOThe skilled in the ion of patronage res: housing grants and a list for the Jarasawiramme free school 1; public sector jobs; ions etc. The party Intirely on coercion. mple purchasing of ble TTOTE Effective im at hawe little access as of the purpose and uch as Marxism or 1stitutionalism, Such eeply rooted in some
dTLIľäl district5.
a light that We can ty of the Indian Tail aspite the VulnerabiliLrges that it betrayed con of the Estates. In C environment of the cult to pose effective Jal Or Organisational, WCapparatus.
idence in support of Sperhaps the most mS the pace and tiLiOS of the UNFP'S ig shift Came ower a tween October and ctober, at the PresiUNP obtaillEd 37% eight most rural dilater, on the sa Te s, 42% of its support dfTed districts. It Was With a traditio of SLU— Wich ir Srī Lākā ET10Cfatic ard relatilative political culture st the UNP between epelled by the authoission that Were CONPL. The COWe Willingness of the ions to go along with titutional coup"– Or anise themselves to is that the dominant bear. The increasing Pelectora base tat hat time appears to tion of these same asing domination of atus Over local pol|-
tics in the more vulnerable rural areas.
Concluding Cornments
The Vulnerability of disperse dandunorganised"peasanť populationsto the political overtures of the state executive was explored most memorably in Karl Marx's study of the French peasantry under Louis Bonaparte in the mid-nimeteenth century, This was the Work that gawe us the famous 'sack of potatoes' metaphor for peasant political action. In contemporary Asia, 'peasant' Support for authoritariān regimes is more clearly the product of domi. rant party apparatuses. Indonesia, Jabar, So Luth Korea and Taiwan area|| examples of contemporary or recent regimes that have survived for long periods by exploiting a relatively passive rural Vote, having first introduced rural reform and some guarantee of the living standards of large sections of the rural population. It is appropriate to conclude with a few points of similarity between the Contemporary Sri Lankan polity and TaiWar, one of the most successful of the "guided democracy" models:
(a) Both have a do Tinant party of essentially urban origins well entrenched in the State apparatus.
(b) In both cases, the votes of the agricultural population are significantly more likely to go to the ruling party than to the opposition, while the opposition has its major base in the non-agricultural sector,
(c) The regime holds a wide variety of types of elections, using this discretion both to maximise its own electoral chances and to keep the opposition in a Continual state of tension, never knowing which electoral challenge it will face, and Wille.
(d) There is a complex voting system that focuses attention on the personal Characteristics of Cärld Clates father tham on general political issues and clear-cut policy choices, and advantages the weIl-organised ruling parties that are best able to deploy their resources in an effcent Way.
(e) While voter turnout tends to be relatively high because of the efforts of party organisations, significant proportions of the population are relatively apathetic about the Outcomes of elections.
This contrast With Taiwan is provocative. The ruling UNP party-state in Sri Lanka has much less effective control of election results than has the Guomindang in Taiwan Over recent decades; there refrain greater opportunities for the electoral Overthrow of the ruling party. Sri Lanka has however moved substantially in the direction of a 'guided democracy SICE 197ř.
Dcialists in development and South Asian issues)

Page 13
Sihan Ouk”S Rem
Chanaka Amaratuпgа
t is a hackneyed Wisdom that
politics in the art of the possible. My observation of the development of politics, here in Sri Lanka and in the Wider World has convinced me that politics can more aptly be characterised as the art of the improbable.
Notlong ago Cambodia (or Kampuchea as its Communist rulers of both the proChinese and the pro-Soviet pro-Vietnamese variety insisted on referring to it) was known as a land ravaged by civil War, a place first destroyed by its belated involvement in the American Warin Indochina and subsequently as the land of the killing fields of Pol Pot. It did not seem likely that Caribodia Would ever rid itself of the ruthless ravages of the Khmer Rouge or of the Vietnamese-installed pro-Soviet Heng Samrin regime. Yet in this world that has seen so many unpleasant surprises, miracles do sometimes happen, and it Was such a miracle, the climax of which was witnessed on 24th September 1993, When the Prince Norodo Ti Sihanouk, Was once more proclaimed the King of Cambodia, once again ascending a throne on Which he had first sat as far back as in 1941.
Ewer since the late 1960s Cambodian affairs have exercised a great fascination on me. This fascination reached a high point following the CIA-backed coupled by General Lon Nol which over threw Prince Sihanouk on 18th March 1970. The coup was the result of the Prince's unWillingress to commit the Royal Cambodian Army into the War against North Vietnamese and Wiet Congforces which Were operating sometimes from bases in areas near the Cambodian-Vietnamese border. He had been consistently committed to a policy of Cambodian neutrality which had permitted the combattants on both sides of the ideological divide to make incursions into Cambodian territory provided they confined themselves to areas close to the border.
Although this policy had for awhile
proved acceptable longer convenients his National Securi ntly Secretary of S nger, Who Wanted th Cambodiari Army ti faced by the Americ TIESe forces i Sout that GeneralLOn N{ of Stafandhad Sub ited Printa Ministe along with his own C Sirik Matak, led it against him which r. of the Cambodian
When Sihanouk Tıbadla Was a TTOTE Head of State but previously that he he of Cambodia in 194' this is rather comple the rather unique ro played in the life of
| 1 1941. Sihanouk the French Colonial Cambodia, Whar he years of age, as ti maternal grandfathe niwong. His mothe Cueen Sisowath F deеппесi aпappropr a reign of 14 years, S play a more effectiv Tibodian affairs that of the monarch perst he took the extraor ting in favour of hisp: Suranslarit and (OLJE were proclaimed joi Sihanouk (as he bec own political party Niyum and having parliamentary electi TİStGr.
| 1960, Siharco Lu|| dÕT Sura Tärit died, the throne, leaving assuming the additic which allowed him
The Liberal party leader

arkable Return
it was by 1970 no President Nixon and "Adviser (subsequeate) Dr. Henry Kissisupport of the Royal relieve the pressure an and South VietnaWietnam. TFLSIt W35 Who had been Chief equently been appoiby Prince Sihanouk, usin Prince SiSOWath a successful coup Sulted in the abolition Ionarchy.
Was Overthrown Carchy of which he was ot King, yet I did say d been crowned King |.The explanation for x and helps to convey le that Sihanouk has his country.
was designated (by authorities), King of was not quite twenty TE SUCCESSOT to hiS r King Sisowath Mof, subsequently the Cossamak, Was not late successor. After lianoLuk feltha Could a political role in Cathe neutral position itted in Tardir 1955 inary step of abdicarents, King Norodor en Kossamak, who t sovereigns. Prince ime) then formed his 1e Sangkum Raestr on the subsequent ThbeCastle PrinThe M|-
s father, King NoroLuthe did not resume is Tother on it and a title Head of State ) carry out his no
a reg Llar L. G. Coluriminist)
ther's functions as monarch, in her name.
After his Overthrow and that of the TOmarchy in 1970, Sihanouk formedia gowGrnment in exile which received Wide diplomatic recognition. He also formed an alliace With the Cortunist Guerrillas, the Khmer Rouge who had been a small group of little influence when Sihanouk ruled Cambodia. The corruption, incompetence and dictatorial nature of the Lon Nol regime and the immense prestige of Sihanouk's name greatly enhanced the strength of the Khmer Rouge. By 1975, some months before the collapse of South Vietnam itself, the Khmer Republic of Lon Nol was totally defeated and Sihanouk Was once against proclaimed Head of State of the new regime which was insta|lgd. Just before his return to Phnom Penh. Sihlaľ10uk'S ITOther Clueen KOSSaľTlak died. Sihanouk again did not proclaim himself King but retained the concept of Cambodia as a monarchy which had a "Vacant throne".
This was however, soon merely academic for the Khmer Rouge, which had in 1970 been the junior partner of the coalition against the Lon Nol regime, had taken full control and reduced Sihanouk to a figurehead under virtual house arrest, paraded in public only when it suited his Communist captors, and sometimes not even provided with food for several days.
When, as part of the rivalry between Moscow and Peking, Pol Pot, the "Kampuchean' dictator took a strong anti-Vietnamese lineand Vietnam in response inva
ded Cambodia, Sihanouk was released
to act as an international propagandist against the invasion. Further coalition goWernments in exile followed, and many rounds of talk and even more of armed conflict all of which Were, one Tore futile than the other.
Sihanouk was back on the international stage and became a powerful spokesman for the restoration of a free and neutral Cambodia. The Vietnamese invasion took
11

Page 14
place in 1979, but until 1992 there seemed little hope when, as a consequence of the global collapse of Communism and perhaps a general war-weariness, the United Nations-sponsored agreement took place.
Once more Sillanouk Was in Phnom Penh, as Head of State in the transitional regime consisting of the four parties to the Caribodian conflict. In the elections held some months ago, despite a cell for a boycott from the Khmer Rouge, a massive 90% of the voters of Cambodia Woted in thair first freg electio in deCades. The result produced a narrow victory for the royalist party FUNCINPEC, led by Sihanouk's eldest Sol Prince Norodom Ramariddh, The Cambodian People's Party of the refoist ex-Communist leadership Under Hun Sen CaThea ClOSg Secorld.
When the outcome of the election appeared to be disputed by the Cambodian People's Party, fearful of their future if consigned to the Opposition, Sihanouk, was able to use his immense moral authority to persuade the victorious Prince Raariddh to compromise and accept a power sharing agreement which made hirim and the CPPleader Hurn, Sier, Co-Pri
TE MIStETS.
In characteristic style Sihanouk appeared "reluctant to accept the throne but allowed himself to be persuaded, by an overwhelming Wote of the Cambodian National Assembly which voted by 113 votes to 5, to declare Cambodia once more to be a constitutional, parliamentary mo
larchy.
On 24th September 1993, twenty three years after the military regime of Lon Nol abolished the monarchy, thirty eight years after his abdication and fifty two years after his previous accession to the throne, Norodot Sihanouk, once more took his oath as King of Cambodia.
The Khmer Rouge is deserting to the new Royal Army in large numbers and its own leadership has accepted Sihanouk as Cambodia's King
The wheel has turned full circle, and a nation once called the "smiling country' seems to be smiling again.
12
ΡΑΡΤ 3
Camb OC Rights a
Jeevan Thia gal
Training Election M
In early may, resp. more recently active group of trainers from
8 May - LIC. 10 May - Wigil 11 May-Out 15 May - ADH 18 May-LCD
During election WE tors, under the Supel rvisors, proceeded nationally, using acc on any substantial a The Supervisors Coll Sign the to Philo T will be used in repor
gFOUp.
The training Series a large number of exercise which like a Chieve Tlent S:
1) the participati of CTE dial electoral procl stered by an E
2) the compleme local ad EL | || |IETE
TWETS.
Planning Long-Ter Support for Camb.
To address this, organized various m to enlist the Suppoi strengthening the NGO sector in Ca human rights situal general,
In late March, the ēd tē Vt of Ca

dia: Polls, Human and NGO’S
rajah
OnitOrs
onding to requests from the four human rights groups plus the LCDHC, the Task Force Conducted training Sessions for a core
each organization:
IADHC) -42 trainers W10 the trained 700 monitors; 3|CE -ED -do- 100 חסוחIIטrs: 'éach - O -do- .40 חסוחitסrsו HOC -3) -do- 7000itš OHC -97 ITitյrillors
ek, the 1,650 monivision of their Supeto each polling site Incise formito report BOUSE at hig. Mhar Sitē, Bitted the forms and Penh. These reports is produced by each
effectively mobilized Catars in a d to two important
on of a large number TOritors in their OW ess that Was admini2xternal body; and
Entary support from a tral monitoring force tical Electio obJSC
Il literati Oral
dia LE TSK FOTCE HIS issils/conferences it of Asi NGOS in development of the mbodia, and on the iO in Cambodia in
TaskForICE COOrdinaBüdı NGC)5 to the
Asian Pacific Conference on Human Rights in Bangkok held in Connection With the Regional Preparatory Meeting for the UN World Conference on Human Rights (see above). At that meeting, the Task Force successfully pioneered an "NGO adoption" strategy to enlist Asian partners into undertaking projects in Cambodia and developing links With their Cambodial COunterparts.
In April, the Task Force organized a mission of Asian NGOs and legal expers to Cambodia for the purpose of identifying the Cambodians' concerns needs and priorities; and eWolwing an Ongoing program of international support. The mission was led by, Justice P.N. Bhagwati, former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of India, and included Dr. Clarence J. Dias, President of the International Centre for Law and Development (ICLD); Helia Hai from Asian Regional Resource Centre for Human Rights Education (ARRC); Gwird Kelkar of Lilla Asia PacifiC FOLIIT on Women, Law and Development (APWLD); and M.A. Sabur, Coordinator of the ASiam Cultural For LIIT O DE WE|0= pment (ACFOD).
The delegation met with various Cambodian hu Tian rights NGOs, women's groups, journalists and officials from the UN Development Program and UNTAC "Human Rights and Electoral Components). Its five major recommendations for

Page 15
long-term programs include: reconciliation and healing; building the legal infrastructure for human rights, development and democracy de Weloping and strengthening the human rights community and the NGOsector in Cambodia, demoCratizing development activities in CaTibodia; and ensuring the UN's continued Support to Caribodian NGOs.
In the context of building the legal infraStructure, the delegates identified a need for an in-depth and focused discussion about the new Cambodian Constitution. Hence, on 13-14 May, the Task Force organized, in addition to a meeting betWeen Cambodian and Thai human rights grOUPS, arméeting "Dialogue on Constitutionalism" at Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, The participants included the leaders of the four Caribodian human rights NGOs, the Cambodian Women's group Khemara, Khmer student leader the head of the nascent Cambodian Human Rights Institute, two community leaders, and foreign legal and constitutional eXpertS, These experts included the dellegates of the April mission; Nimalka Fernaindo, Asia Pacific Women, LaWand Development-Malaysia; M. Diokno, Coordinator Arena -Philippines, Ratna Kapur, Gender Justice Specialist of ICLD; and Dr. Suthy Prasarset from Chulalongkorn UniVersity. Senior representatives from UNTAC Human Rights responsible for Education, Information and Training and for Monitoring and Investigations also attended the dialogue.
The issues examined included the iTipe dirTimernts to the Carmbodian Constitutional drafting process; the relevant Asian comparative experience; and the constitutional principles for human rights protection, namely, the Bill of Rights, the Judicial Independence, the Rule of Law, and the Separation of Powers.
During the dialogue, the participants reiterated the importance of having a constitution with "practical" impact. In this respect, they highlighted the essence of Understanding the unique situation in CaImbodia and adjusting suitable experience from other countries, especially, other Asian Countries who share similar background and have developed many ideas throughout their history, in particu
i
lar, during this cent
The Task Force ngkok internationa the hope of develo "country program" and its NGOs. It Foundation, SIDA, I des Hor Times, NCOF Om the basis of through the Wario, Task Force is Sew the development assistance projects
1. Reconciliatio
2. Tra urma Wici
Rehabilitatio
STLICLIFE
DCCLITErltat
a) hurian r
b) monitorir
WLII-era
c) Tonitorir
In addition FOR launched in Decert collaboration among Sations in ASIA Se 1993 to specifically ra-legal training an for Cambodian grou mees of Philipines, inducted two training Tibodian Human Rig Pacific Foru On W lopment (APWLD), hoping to initiate pment related progi diar NGO'S. The Rights Task Forcer its regional program dia, is undertaking tra Luria VictiTS USi from Philipines. As nal programmean ngladesh, Pakistan dian activists is plan THE ASIAN CULTU|| VELOPMENT (ACF |laborating in this ini
AS this article IS ssions are taking
==== Pas-r =

LI IW.
El SO C3TVenedil BaIfuпdiпg agencies iп ping a comprehensive to support Cambodia attBadan C3 WETE ASia F. Ebert Stiftung, Terre AD andJRC (Japan). tE EERS LITE Is consultations, the ing as intermediary in of interatiorial NGO)
irl four areäs.
T1S
of the judicial
on and fact-finding
ights violations
"g the protection of le groups
ng the environment
UM-ASA which was liber 1991 to facilitate jhuman rights organia mission in August, assess needs for pad fact-finding training pS. Task Force Detai(TFDP) has also coprogrammes for Caghts Groups. The Asia OThe LaWard DeveMalaysia is believe Worther and develoartimes With Caribo
CaTibodian HUTä eferred earlier, under TE Effort for CarTboa rapid appraisal of 1g reSQUrce perSons part of the same regioexposure Visit to Baand India for Camboned for later this year. RAL FORUMONDEFCD). Thailand is COtiti WE.
being written, discuplace in Pyongyang,
-
*
ཟ"ir F --i
between Prince Norodom Sihanouk and a team of persons from the 12 member drafting Committee of the new constitution. It is said that the options being discussed are a Republican Constitution with Prince Norodom Sihanouk as Head of State and the other the 1947 Monarchical Constitution. Input from the rest of the populace towards the new Constitution has been limited to a three page letter sent to the new Cambodian Gower rent and to Mr. Akashi the Special Representative, by a 14 member Coalition of NGO in Cambodia named "Pongou Khmer". In part it say, "We have the right to ask all the elected representatives about what they are going to include in the constitution. They should let us know openly what their intentions are. The drawing up of the Constitution is nota secret..."The primary concern of this group relates to individual and group rights. Notwithstanding this representation, the drafting cornimittee met behind closed doors. No open discussions or dialogues with people as it happened in Nepal during the transition to democracy hastaken place in Cambodia.
Whatever may be the form of Constitution, the condition of the traumatised populace Would need a lot of Sensitive assistance in their task of rebuilding a new nation, in this task. I believe that a generation of new children who have been born over the last decade Would riotivate the adults to keep the family units together in their quest for a better life.
The question is asked now whether, Cambodia Would slide back to War, espeCially With the recent clashes that hawa taken place between Khemer Rouge and Government forces. My reasoning is that they are more politically oriented clashes Which Would not spread into a large Scale civil War. For the Khmer Rouge, Govermment and the UN, Carbodia's NEW destiny was personified by the over 90% turnout of people during election Week. It Was an expression of popular Will for a "break from the past".
Note
The author, Jagyar. Thiagarajah is Assistant Director I.C.E.S. Colorbo was co-ordinator of the Caribodian Hurian Rights Task Force from Fe. bruary Jundards at present Regional PrograTrTE Ofigra Task Fora.
13

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Page 17
THE J. R. YEARS (13)
Kalawana,
Arden
Mr. A.B.H. Pilapitiya was declared elected to the Kalawana seat in the July 1977 general election. He was appointed Deputy Minister of Posts and Telecommunications. An election petition was filed by Certain parties challenging the legality of Mr. Pilapitiya's election on the grounds of corrupt practice by his supporters. On 24 September 1978 Mr. Pilapitiya met with a serious motorcaraccident. He absented himself from parliament. Although it is Customary for the party whip to keep ап eye on such matters, Pilapitiya did not seek leave of absence from the house nor did any party colleague do so on his behalf. When he had absented himself Without leave for 3 months his parliamentary seat automatically fell vacant, on 5 January 1979. The Secretary-General of the U.N.P. then nominated the same Mr. Pilapitiya as the new M.P. for Kalawana. and on 10 January he took his oaths in parliarient.
On 28 January the election judge declared Mr. Pilapitiya's election to parliament in July 1977 null and void, Mr. Pilapitiya Wasallowed leave to appeal, which he did.
On 9 October 1980 the SLUJITETE COLUt upheld the election judge's order and held that there had been no due election to the Kalawana seat. Mr. Pilapitiya continued to attend parliament as nominated member for Kalawana. The 0000Sition Chiālenged him as "a stranger in the House" and the Deputy Speaker, who was presding, asked Mr. Pilapitiya to withdraw.
Following the supreme court's decision, Mr. M.A. Plyasekera, the Commissioner of Elections, made arrangements to hold a by-election for Kalawana and directed the Government Agent Ratnapura to accept nominations on 10 December 1980. In the meantime Mr. Pilapitiya petitioned Mr. Speaker: "The judgment of the Supreme Court contains no decision that sy nomination to the seat on O Јапшаry
Pana
1979 Was ir Walid WalCancy in the Kal to hold to my po Kalawana electora
On 9 December, day, Mr. Speaker that Mr. Pilapitiya Kala Wāna constitu
losinatio.
On 10 Decembe, Elections announc for the Kalawanas 12. Јапшагу 1981.
Mr. Speaker and Elections were app Course. The SUN ted: "After thig TesL announced, the C ctions is expected ry-General of Parlia Who is duly elected Out that it is at thi situation would aris Candidate would himself sworn in be Seat in parliament is
On 10 Decembe rdene, speaking at Human Rights Day "there Was no othe Lanka or outside it have such high id human rights as the its Manifesto of a Society". On 17. De Of State, A. de Alwi spokesman, said th: Would move a specie ment to enable the mbers to represent til tuency, at a specials 1981. (SUN of 18 DE
The opposition p asked Mr. Speaker January 1981 for de

ura and PottuVi.
There is today no Wana seat. Il Continue tio as M. P. for the district".
he ewe of normiration Bakeer Markar) ruled WIS TETTber for the ancy by virtue of his
the Commissioner of ld that the by-election eat Would be held on
the Commissioner of arently on a collision f 11 December repoilt of the by-election is OT1missione of Eleo inform the Secretament of the Candidata ... Political circles point s stage that a crisis e. The newly elected |ot be able to hawe Cause the Kala Wana
occupied".
", President Jayewathe inauguration of a seminar, said that political party in Sri that could profess to eals with regard to U.N.P. had dong With Free and Righteous Cember the Minister is, Who Was Cabinet at the prime minister Li resolutionin partiaseating of two meTe Kala Wara Constiession on 6 January Icember 1980).
arliamentary group för a date in late bating a Wote of no
confidence in him.
It was next announced that the goveTiment Would introduce the third arneIdretto the Constitution to enable Kalawana to be represented by two members. On 27 December, before a five-judge bench presided over by the chief justice, the attorney-general argued that the proposed constitutional amendment was to acCOmmodate WhornBWer Was Blected to the Kalawana seat at the 12 January by-election, since there existed no vacancy for him in parliament.
The supreme court held that parliament had no right to accommodate an extra Thember over and above 168 Without the consent of the people. The proposed third amendment Would therefore heed both a two-thirds votein parlamentanda referendum. The amendment bill was passed in parliament with the required two-thirds Wote.
On 12 January Mr. S. Muttetuwagama of the Communist Party was elected to the Kalawana seat. The U.N.P. had fielded no Candidate. There Were noW tWO members for Kalawana, which the supreme court had ruled was contrary to the constitution.
On 17 January Mr. Pilapitiya resolved the impasse by resigning his seat. He was appointed chairman of the State Distilleries Corporation.
The government now was under constitutional obligation to holda referendumas ruled by the Supreme Court, since the amendment bill had been passed in parliament with the required number of votes, The Civil Rights Movement urged the government to regularise the position with a constitutional amendment empowering parliament to authorise the president not to proceed with the referendum. The government simply ignored the problemand held no referendull The Whole exercise had been a barefaced attempt by the
15

Page 18
government to abuse its great powers and it failed. The president did not seem overly upset.
According to the parliamentary democracy of the variety Lankans had become accustomed to, a government held office While it enjoyed the confidence of parliament. With crossing the floor turned into a one-way street there was noway for any loss of confidence in the government to be registered by parliament. Any rebels Would be sacked by the ruling party and replaced by more docile nominees. Since the ruling party itself was controlled with an iron hand by the president, What the 85% wote in parliament the U.N.P. had arTOLInted to Was that One man, not himself a Tertibar of parliament, decided what parliament should and should not do.
Kalawara ended in a loss of face for the government. To avoid further loss of face it evaded its constitutional obligation to hold a referendul. Corrented the Lanka Guardian (1 February 1981): "Rarely (before) has a ruling party tried to fool some of the people most of the time and only succeeded in making a monumental fool of itself".
A further loss of face awaited the government, once more obliging it to defy the COStituti.
Dr. Neville Fernando, U.N.P. Tember for Panadura, Was expelled front the party to which he belonged in September 1981.
Ulderthe SECOlda Tieldmenthe Could have chalenged the expulsion in the Supreme court; but Dr. Fernando got clever. Instead of challenging the expulsion, he sat in parliament as an independent TieIber and continued to do so for three Tots,
Ulder le ETElded COStitution the speaker then appointed a select committee to inquire into his expulsion from the U.N.P. and to report to the house. Once the select Committee had done this, a resolution was introduced in parliament calling for Dr. Fernando's expulsion. Dr. Fernando made his parting speech and, before the resolution could be put to the vote, submitted his resignation. When he resigned from parliament he was not a
16
Tember of the U.N.P. The government Wa: by-election.
The Lanka Guardia posed the question: a by-election which D ntally, can contest? CO15titutiOloncETO rdian perceived only t tives. The governmer red the constitutional For Seka to the Saat, U.N.P. Seattata away with it. Mr. For in parliament on 21 J
The government's wention of an appeal the Pottuvil Writ appli
Mr. M. Canagarat M.P. for Potuwill Cl LJ.N.F. in DECETHEr in his COOTE TE rists on 24 January April 1980.
The T.U.L.F. applic fOT Writ5 of Tarda against the Comini and the Secretary of for a direction that a appointed to the Wac T.U.L.F. averred that been elected to parl candidate, that he resigned from the been expelled from Cretary of the U.N.P ntary evidence that joined the U.N.P. anc of the U.N.P. at the ti Courtheld, integralia, 110t be isSUed in the that Canagaratnan" U.N.P. ättlietimehe point about the CaSE settle that in Takin vacantparlamentar to which the previot. at HE tiIIE hE CEas that was relevant, which he belonged original election. W ruling party made i Paladura Seal, il W this constitutional poc

butan independent. s obliged to hold a
n (15 January 1982) WII the U.N.P. risk IT, FerTaldo, irċidO Wi|| strert "e? The Larka (GulaWo possible alternait had a third. It ignodolinated Mr. P. just as if it had been fallen Wacant. It got Iska took his Oaths anuary 1982.
Ctilo WälSir CÖstracourt ruling given in cation.
arr, T. U. L. F. second OSsed over to the 1977; he was shot 3 by separatist ter To1978; he died on 20
ad to the appeal court Imus and certiorari SSIOrEr of Electio 15 he U.N.P. and asked T.U.L.F. TOTIE Eja ant POttUWil Seat. The Canagaratar I had arrent as a T.U.L.F. iad not alt any stage TULF TOT HE || 3 Fig T.U.L.F.. The SEproduced do Cume
Canaga ratnam had had been a member Imé OfhiS dBath. The FlatmandarTlLISCOLild face of the evidence Was a member of the died. The interesting is that it seemed to g a nomination to a seat, it was the party is member belonged sed to be a member and not the party to | åt the time of his her much later the tS OThirhatiCrh to th3 as obliged to ignore Sition.
A Witti Cis-GT that WaS CLITTÉtat thleti TE was that the difference between the 1972 Constitution and the 1978. One Was that in 1972 there was an appointed president and an elected parliament While in 1978 there was an elected president an appoiinted parliament. The number of appointed M.P.'s was certainly increasing rapidly.
CORRESPONDENCE
Federalism - Then and NOW
| rgfēr to your commentary entitled, "The End of Jaw-Ja'W-andri ÖW?" (LG, Oct. 7). There is no comparison between the 1956 federalism proposal by S.J.W. Chelwanayakam and the current federalism proposal by K. Srinivasan, the purported "MP for Jaffna". Then, Chelwanayakam as the leader of the Federal Party received a majority mandate for his proposal from the Tamil Speaking Wolters in the Northern and Eastern provinces in the 1956 general election. A couple of Muslim MPs were also elected on the federalist ticket. Weg did Sri Wa Sal TECEWE LHi5 type of cort parable mandate from the Tartill speaking voters for his federalism proposal? Only gullibles can be convinced that Srinivasamis on par With ChelwanayaKaril.
The current Tamil MPs representing the Northern and Eastern provinces resemble the aging Chinese mainlanders Who Were elected in 1947 to represent mainland ConstituenCies and Who COntinued to Taintain their seats in the National Assembly of Taiwan following their retreat form mainland China in 1949. Though they were given labels such as "Hon. The Tiber of Manchuria", "Hon. member of Fukien" aid "Harı, Tiller Tiber of Hunları" and S0 forth, they never set foot in mainland China after their escape in 1949. In his "Urgent Appeal" (LG, Oct.1), K. SrinivaSan Tientions that" have di SCLSSed in detail at Ole and abroad With lost of the concerned people about the deteriorating situation in Sri Lanka". Well, may know when did Srinivasan pay last visit to his "Jaffna constituency", and how many people did he hear from directly?
SChi Sri Kha
Osaka. BioScience Institule, մaբan,

Page 19
PART (2)
Consociational Dem C
A. M. Navaratna and Sumanasiri Liyanage
r. N. M. Perera a leader of the Lamka Sama Samja Party (LSSP) said:
thought racialism of this type had died With Houston Chamberlain and Adolf Hilter. I do not believe that anyone claiming to be a statesman Would ask us to accede to a bill of this nature... We cannot proceed as if we were God's chosen race apart from the rest of the World: that We ard We alle hawe the right to be citizens of this country. (Parliament of Ceylon, 1948)
When a treat from the left and the working class were removed, the grand coalition began to collapse gradually. In 1949, S. J. W. Chevarayakam, E. M. W. Naganathan and C. Wannisingham left the Tamil Congress to forma new party Called the |lankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK). TAK stood for a Tamil linguistic state Within the fastlawork of a Federal Union of Ceylon'. The Resolution adopted at the first National Cowanition Halldin Tricomalee in 1951 recognized that "the Tamil speaking people constitute a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese by every fundamental test of nationhood" (Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi, 1974). S. W. R.D. Bandaranaike also left the United National Party (UNP) government in 1951 om the issue of succession. The UNP-Tamil Congress coalition was now challenged not only by the left parties but also by the ITAK (popularly known as the Federal Party (FP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. However, the Tamil community continued to support the UNP-ACTC coalition, and refused to elect the FP candidates in 1952 election in Tamil a reas except in Trincomalee and Kopay. As Kadiragamaľ poiled Out "the 1962 election result could be interpreted as a rejection by the Tamil people of the Federal Party's assertion that the Tails constituted a nation. With the right to self-determination' (1989: 188). Although it had been Weakened by the splits, D. S. Senanayake's grand coalition existed until the UNP adopted 'Sinhala Only' policy just before "The UNP lost its electoral base in Tamil areas, which it never regained. In fact, it ceased to be a party.' (Kadirgartnar, 1988, 189). WhateVer the limitations of Signanayake's pro
ject, it included part of Working classp. extent, one Consoci ly the idea of a "g outside the constit.
C. Confrontator
Bardaramaike's marked the turning OftFg Board of Minis: of the Similala Mah: Cated the View that Lākā rīti. Ir unity of the Sinha achieved. (State C 1939). This implied fa Cethe Other COTT of strength, Banc l-Only' policy was ir policies extending til of com Thon peopleg ge a "progressive the Sinhala-Only impression that the go to the Sinhalese fear in the minds of Teaction to the "Sirih adherence to the HOTTigland".
The Tallis a Easter| POVince of TinCor Illa||E. W cated harbours LITET Wit Note Unit entitled to
framework of afE{ has become the every attempt at foundered, be Bandararia ike-CF 1957, (Kadirgam
The Bandara Pact of 1957 was Could hlä WE bleem Luis ntationalist politics Sinhala politicians rest in solving the a Sri Lanka nation. ble the amalgamat Eastern Provinces also recognized Ta. we language of the abrogation of the F

cracy
because of the threat litics, at least to Some ational element, namiand coalition' though tion.
al Politi CS
Sinhala Only' policy point. As a member ters and the President Sabba, he had advoin Order tO bLullod a Sri the first instal CE the a people had to be ouncil of Sri Lanka, Hat SinflaléSB Should unities from a position laranaike's 'Sinhalacluded together with le rights and interests |ivinghispolicypackacharacter. However, Jolicy had given the ! E:enefits should first Thajority thus arousing the Trils. The Tari|| ala policy'was strong concept of a Tamil
claimed that the including the district ith its strategically loould constitute toge1 Province one single autonomy. Within the eral Constitution, This key issue on which | political solution has ginning with the elwanayagam Pact in |r, 1989: 190-91)
like-Chelwanayagan compromise which idtO end the Confrot the very outset had 1OWin a genuine inteiroblem and building The Pact made possiIn of the North and Inder One COUT1CIl it illas the administratitwo provinces. The act was a victory for
the Sinhala Communalist forces and Tarked the beginning of a new era of communal politics. The Dudley Senanayake-Chelwanaygam Pact in 1966 also ended in failure.
The 1972 Constitution made the Situation Worse, The demand by the Federal Party for autonomy was rejected and Tamil representatives protested by boycotting the Constituent Assembly proceedings.
Far from meeting the aspirations of the Tamils, things were made Worse by enshrining 'Sinhala Only' in the Constitution. In addition, an entirely new provision Was Written into the Constitution, giving Buddhism a special place in the State. (Kadirgammar, 1959: 196)
Having failed to arrive at negotiated settlements. Tamil political parties and groups which had formed the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) decided in favour of a separate Tamil Eelam . At the first national convention held at Pannakam, Waddukkodai: in May 1976, the following decision Was taken:
The restoration and recognition of the free, Sovereign, secular, socialist state of Tamil Eelam based on the right of self-determination inherent to every nation, has become inevitable in Order to safeguard the very existence of the Tamil nation in this country. (quoted in Kadirgamar:1989:198)
This was the turning point. Tamil youth thoroughly dissatisfied with the politics of moderation and faced with many problems decided to take up arms and to Confront the Sinhala state and its forces and the process of Sinhalization of Sri Lankan state. (Akram-Lodhi, 1987). After 1977, the Sri Lankan government had hardened in the attitude in the i na The of politieal stability especially because of its new economic imperatives, and passed repressive legislation followed by repreSSive interWentions to Teet the Tiltent Tamil movement. In the late '70s, government action had become relatively
17

Page 20
easier owing to the fact that the Sinhala masses in general were openly or tacitly ready to endorse such anti-democratic actions by the government. Separatism is not only a Tamil phenomenon. It is at the heart of Sinhala politics as Well. The Way the demands for "national unity' and "territorial integrity" were posed by the Sinhala politicians anda Substantial Section of the Sinhala masses reveal that they too are really separatist in their political practice. "Separatist tendencies once allowed to arise and develop can culminate readily in the direction of the country into two separate states' (Santasar last, 1955). For further understanding of this separatist coneciousness and the Weakening of de Ticratic CultLIITE, WE2 ha WEP to l0ok at, even though briefly, the role of the left in Sri Lankan politics.
D.Left PärtỉE5 L]T1 thE Ethmith-Nationällst
PTOEEIT)
The left parties had stood for ethnic harmony and equality. As Kadirgamar points out the Youth Congress was one elementarTong several othere that led to the formation of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) in 1935" (1989; 185). The left parties were the first to organize plantation Workers in trade Unions and to challenge the communal, anti-Indian politics of A. E. Gunasinghe in the urban Working class movement. As the name suggests the principal airn of the LSSP was to build an equal and egalitarian society. The left (LSSP and CP) seemed ) haw JalileWeed that SocialiSrT WOL li finally remove not only class contradictions in Society but also the contradictions based on caste, race and religion. THIS LEJTEtiCal abSoluti ST ||gd to their underestimating the gravity of the ethno-nationaliet problem and prevented them from finding concrete Ways to solve the ethnic problem. They did not accept either balanced representatior cor the federal constitution nordid they propose alternatiwe constitutional safeguards for the natioLaL LLHHLLLLLLLS LL L LLaLaLLL LLaaLLL With the issue when he spoke in the debalte Of Constitutional refort T] Sin 1939. The left parties accepted the Federal Party's demand for parity of status for Tamil and citizenship rights of the plantatil WorkTS. DIT CJ|Will R DE SiWa Wa:S prophetic. When he posed the alternatives bEfOE Sri LankalS In the Pariianlentin 1956. He said "two languages, one nation or one language, two nations'. Although, most of their demands and struggles are associated With generaldemocratic rights and mot With particular der TOCratic Safeguards for minorities, the left parties were
18
able to Tobilize a SL people in the Northar and also the Tamil pl: had become truly na
ThiSSitLJatir Chan Cratic er Tiphasis of "" Subordinated to their In 1964, their unprinci SLFP and the subse ties led the left parties Wgs froJIT the Tirol the TarTills. Their opp. Senanayake-Chelva 1965, the TamilLang sions) Act of 1986, t 'Sinhala-Only' policy Pact and especially til 1972 Costituto generation into parti rhalabia S. COITIITLIT masses was adequa campaign of the left ir 1960s, but after 19 appeагs iп thв Sгі L: tositiiSVacUUT.T. The of the degenera Lankan politics,
Section 3: A
Solution: ,
In this section, WE COISOciational leas EEOULE COTSEISLISO to manage the ethni rt-run and to defuS tween the major cc proposing an Outline
di SCLISSOT WHICH dĒā5. CSCCāti necessarily сопсlliat ng W to Sri Lanka. Ba lism in the 1920s, P. sty or balanced repr yake's grand Coaliti and der Tlocretic poli Uriti 1964 are Some i Baldara laike-Chelv, 1956, the Dudley Se yagam Pact of 1965, rtional representatio Accord of 1987 Wr though mot properly direction.
An attempt to SI if the Existi TITent into a COilSOC be an easy task m conflicting ethno-na territory, deep-roote powersharіпg, andп rceptions of Sinha

bstantial Uber of ESt Pro WiiCES itatior WorkerS ar Cid tional parties.
gedwhen the demothe left parties was Socialist absolutiST. pled alliance With the quent political activiStO dista CetheriSeties, particularly With Iosition to the Dudley nayagam Pact of |шаge (SpecialProvile acceptance of the Erld the Siri Tal-SāStr| their role in drafting 1 resultad if their dees With a Strong SialsmamĐng Simhälä tely countered by the the 1950s, and early 61, no strong force ankan political Scene is Wasatragic outcotil of the East i Sri
Consociational AII OLItling
з suggestпесеSSагу ures which TTlaybring What has to be done C: COft i te 509 Bithic te SIO JE3JITTLUniti535. WE TE
O for the DESS Of
Tay generate new |al politics which is ory in approachisnot Indaranaike'sfederaɔnnar Tibalam's fifty-fiSentatior, Senaraon in the late 1940s tics of the left parties examples of this. The anayagam Pact of nanayake-Chelwanathe system of propothe Indo-Sri Lanka definite steps, even implemented, in this
Jggest measures to ng system of goveciational form may not airly because of the tionalist clairIS OWer ld disagreements on mLutually exclusive pe|a ald Tartlil EtırılC
groups. The problem has economic, social, political and psychological dimerisions which require an in-depth examination to identify the consociational features that may suit the situation in Sri Lanka. Hewever, a detailed analysis is not attempted here and the essay will confine itself to giving a brief outline.
The experience of the past decade or So demonstrates that extreme solutions i.e. secession and ethnic cleansing and repression envisaged by the contending forces för both sides of the ethnic-diwide агепоtpossibleiпthe curтепtiпternational and regional context and Would only lead to further loss of human life and the disruption of society.
In our opinion, a power-sharing democratic framework may reduce the tension and intensity of violent politics and the CLITrent SeCBSSiOrist Situatior, ard Create an institutional framework for a fresh attempt at nation building. It is in this belief that we wish to start a new dialogue on how to redesign and structure the very basis of the democratic political system i Sri Lanka.
A DOWOLutOT Of POWIAT
Since the contending forces have been engaged in a prolonged secessioniet civil War for nearly a decade, and a claim by a LLL LL LLL LLLLLLLOLL LHHL LHHLCCL0LS and is at the heart of the Conflict, "devolution of Power" or "territorial autonomy" is the central focus of any amicable settlement. Hence, We may begin with the problem of power-sharing and devising a Consociational power-sharing Structure at the provincial level.
In the political discourse, devolution is defined as a political and organisational агтапgement by which a сепtral government Within a Lunitary systern, or within states or regions of a regions of a federal system sets up new units of government With defined boundaries at the regional or provincial lewel, Carstrengthens the powers and functions of already existing regional governments (MacMahon 1969; 19-20; Տherwood 1969:55, Smith 1985, 11-17: Rondinelli 1984: 138).
A system of power-sharing in Sri Lanka may include many options. A first option is to implement fully the existing devolutionary package as envisaged by the 13th Allendent to the Constitution, and make fresh efforts to enhance the powers of the

Page 21
provincial governments. In doing so, leaders of the minority Communities may be invited to submit their proposals. This may be less revolutionary, but has the advantage of commencing a dialogue to develop a more acceptable devolution system starting from the system which has been now operating, though with serious weaknesses for half a decade. A second option is to follow the general principles suggested by the Parliamentary Select Committee chaired by Mr. Mangala Munasinghe, Wiz, the establishment of a governmental system simi-lar to the Indian system with an acceptable solution for North-Eastme
rger. A third optioni government with mo tures. Since the pre Subject of a long Cor done by convening Tıbly through a gei Tati Ost-Wide debate
fOFT,
However, a most should be appreci. parties at the centre а сопpromise agen a devolutionary Syst the centre belongin
monthly stipen.
to
as Visiting Lecturers.
31st December 1993.
WISITING FELLOWSHIPSIN
The Bandaranalike Centre for Internation reputed scholars within the South Asiar Fellowships of 3-6 months duration, with
The Visiting Fellows will be required to en
"ASLA IN A CHANGINGWORLD' or "SRI LANKAIN A CHANGINGWORLD
They will also be required to contribute by of the BCIS by writing research papers and
The Monthly Stipendi will be determined a in Sri Lanka. Secretarial Facilities and H
Application forms could be obtained from
Closing Date for receipt of applications

s a federal system of re COSOC:latorial fidSent COn Stituti01is a troversy, this can be
a Constituent assedral election and a on Constitutional re
mportant point which ited by the political 2 is the necessity for da for the Creation of ETT by the leaders at g to political parties
representing different ethnic interests in our society. Every effort must be taken to reach a consensus by compromise, viz "following the principle of give and take" or "of the giving of concessions to the Weaker by the stronger", and to avoid taking any decision which may lead to the Suppression of the minority by the majority. Any attempt to impose even a "powdr-sharing" system by majority decision cannot SUCCEde as it may lead to the minority leaders going back to confrontational politics.
Max E5fe Pro WrCE
INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
al Studies (BCIS) invites applications from region including Sri Lanka for Visiting return air passage, where applicable, and a
gage in research on selected issues relating
way of inputs to the Research Programme l to the teaching programme by functioning
2cording to University salary scales obtaining sealth Insurance cover will be provided.
the Director, BCIS, BMICH, Colombo 7.
19

Page 22
Tar-Zie Vita Cn
Chancha Sarkar
ery, very seldom does one come
across a figure who influences people not simply by sparking talent but a gift for friendship and estpathy. In the World of journalists such persons are as rare as the Unicorn.
Tarzzie Wittachi Wasi EDON'T Withink On his fingers. D. R. Wijewardene and Lake House recognised that early enough to give him editorial responsibility. But circumstances pushed him out of Sri Lanka into the Wider of South, South-East Asia and very soon all the notable owners, managers, editors and journalists the young no less than the old, in this wide parish were his friends. He was able to persuade many of the in that they could turn out much better papers and that journalist needed training in the craft and in ideas. His Tethods Were"landson' and there was hardly a major paper in this country that he didn't visit. Even those who thouhigt that he was un necessarily shaking things up remained his friends because of his charm, open-hearted generosity and his unparalleled gift as a
EEÕter.
But those who had the immense good fortune to KOW hit Well and dra W is affection had their professional and personal lives changed. He symbolised the 0bSOLESCETICE (OffTO tigris. Whethrin Pakistan, India, Thailand, Malaysia, Burma, Hong Kong, the Philippines, Korea and only a little less in Japan he was accepted as a native. This Iulticulturalism he managed to pass on to his colleagues. Throughout the region he was able to transmit a vision of better papers, better editing and better journalism which sustained those who worked with him, often in establishments which he had made accessible by Winning over the owners and editors.
S S L LLLL L LLLLHLLLLLLL LLLLL LL Worked, crisscrossing the region time and адап пеwspapers were tolerated but adverSaria fregdOT Wa5 10t. Tazie Wittachi itself Was a total libertarian but he realised, and convinced his colleagues that Ole häStO WOrk Within thEliTitätilJIS and prepare for better days. His own view
2O
of ownership Wasaki as an editor he him Interference. But instinctS he Was not influence the Craft of PapBTS OWed Conservative fair Inities
At hoe in Sri La frustration. In the las hic Wa5 fetEd änd " Jayawardene and i time | Teet you | le: hypocriticalyaskedf allowed to do a controlled press that
WHATEWER: the bu International Press Foundation of Asia Fund for Populat UNICEF, his fingers Write he did in note and dak bungaloW: Constant flow of : Always a gifted Write acquired a simplicity er Wiable.
When the lights of out one by one Singapore, Malaysi: Pakistan hem0Wedt a very atypical inter Beginning with the UI
Te Wittle UNC rank of är A5 sistant the UN, he pioneer fOITTISand Tethods C stucktohis roots ofs of good commmuni the World's Children in fact he started it W it was imitated by mi viewswere еagery: were fresh, non-conf Orı target.
Though he made Wasmewer Tarzie's p. seach for his Tystik to many places an Krishnamurti, Indiar

to stewardship and Self did not brook espite his strong always able fully to
newspaper making y interests and by
ka Efaed Oc tdozen years or So consulted" by J. R. Premadasa ("Every arm something") and Orad WiCBE)Lut WaSmöt ything about the exists there.
Tider Of WOrk in the Institute, the Press
and, later, the UN Ativitis ärid |ԱՒltitl lt, Write. Arլt | rooms, aeroplanes and there Was a rticles and books. ar. With time his style and sheen that Was
freedom beganto go in the Philippines, d, Burma, India arld the UNand beca The lational civil Servant. NFPA ad the TTLICH EFWrite the la City = Secretary General of ed Tany innovative if (COITIITLICätilor ärld upporting the training CatOTS. THB State of reports Washis idea, With UNE PAF te iny UN agencies. His sought because they ormistand very much
his work absorbing it Irincipal concern. The : Iris leis self took him d sources, Gurdjieff, siddhapurushas in
remote Corners, and Pak Subuh in aLaaLLLLLLLS LLLLLLa LLLLL LLLLHHLLLL LLLLLLLa fail to sence the inspiration and serenity he drew from the spiritual Wellspring. In his last grave illness this was shiningly apparent.
His friends Were in every continent, he was at home everywhere and he will be greatly missed. Most perhaps by those whom he drew to himself with forgiving affection and to World Was teacher, leader, kindly critic and friend. His home was their home, his family and theirs often merged, his time was their time and all
he had Was generously theirs.
Thg writer was Director of the Press Institute of ld)
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Rs. 250/- for 1 year Rs. 150/- for 6 months

Page 23
s
Why there's sc in this rustici
There is laughter and light baiter Titlist the:
LLLLLL LLLLLLLlLM gLLLLm GmmL LLLLLL 0LLLLLLLLD LLL LLrrClLL leaf in a bir TI, IT IS, CITIE: If the hundreds of such
barns spread tytut in thị: Tid artici Lipmuntry LLLLLLLLH KLLK HuuLLLLLL LlL aBLaLlL uLLLLL LLLLHa LS dallimi, di Iring the Coff 5:2:15 Cor.
Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows Fis a LLLLeOLL LLL LLLLCHC HLL LHLHL uuuLGLCL LtgtLLLLLaL LLLLLLLHHL L gold, to the value of Jir Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRCHING FRURAL LIFESTYLE
tobacco barn.
Tobaccan is the industry that brings er TıployTIEmil tra
hic scienci highest numbe T uf people. Artici ThE:52 people are the colbarra barr, IowTiers, thia' trab.: CCC growers and those who work for the IT, on the land ariri irl, the barms.
For thern, the tobacco leaf means rearingful work,
a carnfortable hife àTird a ocure futura. s. FC
rough reason for laught ET,
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people,

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating T
O
Dynamic
In 1961. People's Bank ventured Out in the of only 46... and a few hundred Customers,
Today, just 32 years later
People Resource exceeds 1 Customer ListingS at a Sta. Branch NetWork in excess
in Sri Lanka -
In just three decades People's Bank has g in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their Spec resources at their Command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
three DeCadeS
if
Growth
challenging World of Banking with a staff
A.
0,000 ggering 5.5 Million of 328, THE LARGEST
rown to become a highly respected leader tacular growthis a reflection of the massive to the Service of the Common man - a "Banker to the Millions'