கவனிக்க: இந்த மின்னூலைத் தனிப்பட்ட வாசிப்பு, உசாத்துணைத் தேவைகளுக்கு மட்டுமே பயன்படுத்தலாம். வேறு பயன்பாடுகளுக்கு ஆசிரியரின்/பதிப்புரிமையாளரின் அனுமதி பெறப்பட வேண்டும்.
இது கூகிள் எழுத்துணரியால் தானியக்கமாக உருவாக்கப்பட்ட கோப்பு. இந்த மின்னூல் மெய்ப்புப் பார்க்கப்படவில்லை.
இந்தப் படைப்பின் நூலகப் பக்கத்தினை பார்வையிட பின்வரும் இணைப்புக்குச் செல்லவும்: Lanka Guardian 1993.12.01

Page 1
O KNOW YOUR EAS" LANKA
GUAR
VO. 16 No. 15 December 1, 1993 Price RS
IS THE SLFP A
J. R.'s REFEREN
WAR AND POLITI
| MEDIA AND ETHI
MEDIA AND WAR
 

ASIA : new series O
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LOST CAUSE 2
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Page 2
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Page 3
TRENDS
North-East Stint for the
A/297 po/CGFTeri pushed up fr) the recent лпшch disputed promofors Will la Weg o Sewe fra 12 baie fолп МогӀлегп алd EasІагп provїrices. Thirty ASPs (Assistant Superintendents of Police), were proптоted SP, 773 Inspectors were pronofed ASP and 748 were promoted Chief Inspector.
Many senior hands who had been by-passed protested. The North EaSSEE 5 a LC2é mayfake of the heat
SUBSCRIPTION RATES
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事 事
U.K., Ger IIharny, New Zealand, Australia, Netherlands, France, Japan, Holland, Philippines, ALIStria, Norway, Sweden, China, Irelaqlıd, Switzerlanıldı, Nigeria, Belgium, Der I Ilark, Paris, Londol.
USS55/ for 1 year USS35W for 6 Inorths
車 靡
Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Balariil, Arabial Gulf, Syria, Singapore,
USS 45W for 1 year USS 25W for 6 months
Il dia, Pakista Ill.
USS 40W for 1 year USS 22W for 6 Ilonths
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Rs. 250/- for 1 year Rs. 150/-for6 Inonths
BRIEFL
EP electio
Elections to pal and Urban Elster Province district Will be hel Citions Corliss da de Silva arir tiOS Wil|| bere Ce CE TOT 1 DE
THE ICC Luth caloa Municipal ( Councils of Arn and Vavuniya at SåBlå S If IHE E aldTrilCOTalge
Chandrika a
Wester Prowi CHäldrik Ed H. lunga has gone to prohibit the C from re-definings Wici COUTCil CC Schools".
NO Victo
leade
Wars Carlott tical leadership : ment issued by including the D. Peran Tiurla and Wyers' Associati Pooneryn debac of going to War W
The Stätämel: is no Tinister of appointment of a alone cannot def malism backed El COITITIUTlalSIT) CE by having taпas|
No Israeli
There Were ries in the Tiger i пегупагппу саппр STi told the S Lankapuwath. He Barlier newspap Wouded officer hawe spotted Is among the Tiger Suffering from ba tary spokeппап s

Y. . .
in December
Cal bodies (MuniciCouncils) in the and the WaWUniya ld this month, ElaOrier Chadrata1OLinced. NominaWedi betWalem DE2CETTEDET F.
rities are the BattiCouncil, the Urban bara, Trinconnalee ld 36 Pradhesiya atticaloa, Ampara
districts.
pplies for Writ
CEC Mister aralaikE KUTlarato courts Seeking 2ntral government schools under poroIntrol S. "National
ry without ership e Won without polisays a joint statefiWest a550ciation 15 shaprami Bhikku the Sillala Laon. They cite the le as an example 'ithout a plan.
ssays, alSO: There defence; but the minister of defence aat Tamil Commuy terrorism. Tamil annot be defeated nas in the COLIntry.
s involved
Israeli Terceraattack on the Poo, a military spoke|ale пеws agency Was dismissing an er interview. With a WO called to ľaeli TErCEIlari ES S. The Officer was ttle stress, themiliaid.
ElectionS ina dwi Sable says Ashraff
SLMC leader M.H.M. Ashraf has asked President Wijetungatocal off the local bodieselections Scheduled for this Torth in the Easterm Pro Wince and the Wavuniya district, Mr Ashraf has told the President in a telegram that there is "a tremedous amount of teision" in the Country after the Poomeryn massaCre. Also, most of the LT TE cadres ki||Ed Wese TTOT. the Easter IPTOW|- TCe. Under the5e CircurT1Star CBS t0 announce elections in this province is "meaningless", the SLMC leader has said.
Productivity down
Sri Lanka's productivity level is falling says National Institute of Business Management Chairman Moksevi Prelis, according to the state controlled Daily News. Sri Lanka Was ahead of india and Pakistan five years ago; row We are at their level. Soon we shall befalling behind them LI rileSS CO Trective TeaSureSi are talken, Mr Prelis has said.
GUARDAN
Wol. 16 No. 15 December 1, 1993
PTICE FE. TJ.
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Placo COCTEDO - 2.
Editor Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Ma Watha, ColorTbO 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background Select Crittee 5 The North-East ProEle 구 E5 til SLFPH FILLIL B East Asia - Sri Lanka
Cetts 9. J. R. Years (15) 11 Media Ethics 15
PogT 19

Page 4
NEWS BACKGROUND
LTTE Military Capabil
Mervyn de Silva
hen Sir Ukwattie Jayasundera
proposed in Parliament in DeceTiber 1950 that Ceylon should have a navy, he told the House: "Now that We havean Army, we mustalsohave'a Navy". With what admirable innocence the postindependence leaders of Sri Lanka approached defence and military matters. The Bill was passed without debate, and hardly any discussion, Talking to three for Tier Sewice Colanders-Lt. General Denis Perera, Rear Adminiral Basil Gunasekera and Air Vice Marshal Harry Gunatillekelast Week, Wasa remninder of a Commonplace far too easily forgotten or neglected, Sri Lanka is an island.
"We are an island.... it is clear that there is an influx.... We apons andпnateriel, if not len. We simply Illust close the gaps and We must have spotters from the air, and make certain that nothing that supports the enemy's cause, lands on our shores' says foriner Army Chief Lt. General Denis Perera. In our overal strategy. We must have a place for a fulltime Taritime Commander says Rear Admiral Guna Sekera briefing
Ig On the growth of the nawy,
"It was only in the early sixties that Mrs. Bandaranaike's government obtained three Chinese gunboats. So that we could effectively combat the flourishing smuggling trade across the straits. I remember those days Well". he said. "No smuggler or illicit immigrant or "operator" dared to resist us. No aggressionatall, just surrendered. That was so right up to 1979 which was the time I retired. And then we already had a dockyard to build our own boats which remember gawe logistical Support to the Army. Before the LTTE threat, We had 350 officers and 4,000 tier. Well-marined and Well-equipped bases had been establi
2
shed in Colossibo - I'll -Karainagar—Trini |le. Finally, Wé had a a small engineering"
(Q) What precisely the context of "War",
Wise?
(A) Apart from the C cting our territorial ensure the safety of Flod Sassle. I TE Ele enemy capabilities a support to our force transport of troops, W not favourable by lar äir.
(Q) Has the Navy difficUit after LF10 || started to COOperate'
(A) Of course.
(Q) Are you Sugg: faces no probler Ins?
(A) Not at all. I hop I don't think so. land TOTal, the Wil|| tc serious problem, it r
Ε.Π.ΕE.
First of all, We mus minds on strategy" ( ra Said. What are W To Tē, hē asked, it i: the military capab Some people seem a la W and Order porC Inse, of course. Cuir to close "the gaps', if: and helicopterS mLJ: between the two, t force, We must de St ming in, or the arm

ity: The Target
Welisara - Kapitiya comalee and Tanganother shipyard and
Da5ta' irth Galle.
WETE it5 full Ctilo Sir :Conventiona! Orothe
bvious, that is proteintegrity, We had to
sea-lanes, denying Imy. Also to destroy nd provide logistical s, and provide safe remi CorditiorSwere d, or not so easy by
Stask become less
dian navy and Ours
sting that the Na Wy
JE || BIn II listaken but
UILE COTICETTE d'abOLut fight. If there is a List TETE HI Edit
tE0ECEF II OUT COW
General Des Peree trying to achieve s obvious-destroy bility of the LTTE, to believe that this is blan. That's On Segnawy must be asked any at Sea; our planes st be "spotters" and na nawy and the air roy the Weapons coy must destroy the
boats on arrival. It can also be done by air. In this overall strategy, would suggest a full-time maritine Commander.not just a ground commander.
(Q) General, are there any other points and constructive criticisms that you car offer....I believe there was a meeting with former Service chiefs to pick their
S."
Lt. Gen. Perera: I'd rather put som C2 points in the form of questions that need to be probed. Are there overall planning Weaknesses which need to be studied, and the situation corrected? Is there a delay in sending re-inforcements? Does the army have contingency plans? Do long defence lines lack depth?
(Q) General, you haven't mentioned Intelligence.
(A) | Was Corning to that, and there too, | hawe a question. Is there an intelligence failure or is there an unfortunate neglect of the intelligence received?
(Q) is there in the army as a matter of routine, inquiries into failures, lapses etc.?.
(A) Good question. There should be. At a high level, at that. Nothing must be glossed over Cor COWEered Lupo. Every institution learns from Tistakes... that is part of experience.
(Q) It is always said that LTTE infiltration is very good.
(A) Yes, We have heard stories. OgoMar Tra Luri eklerida ? But the a CCEarlit should betray the infiltrator, shouldn't it?
General, what of the command structuге... General GerгуSilvahas beenplaced in charge of the North.

Page 5
"A full-tie field commander is a good idea. But I would have the Chief of Staff Concentrate On Strategy and coordination. The work of the ground connander, the Taritine Commander etc needs to be more closely linked.
(Q) The heavily guarded camps have been over-run so easily.
(A) They have left gaps... especially in Poloneryn Which has Wide a reas... there should be land-nines, trip-wire and illumination'... as soon as an infiltrator trips, the light signals the defender...these devices are available. Once you have dug in. your FDL must be strong ..., good Use must be made of anti-personnel mines.
AIR FORCE
The Kilali operation had one wital target - the main Tiger Pier. Surely that's not a land target that needs the Army it is the Air Force that should have done the job, says Air Vice Marshal Harry Goonetilleke, Who expreSSed utter surprise about the neglect of the Air Force in operations where its coIntribution could hawa Taldea|| the differe
TCE
"How long did it take the LTTE to Use the same route that the AITyclaimed was no longer available to the Tigers?.... was it for this WEB Sacrificed T18 mer? Or the first day, no resistance, so the army advanced. The LTTE was watching. On the Second day, the Tigers pounced, Wiping OL | IE Te'.
The target Was the main LTTE pier, the vital link between the peninsula and the
Tainland.
Air Vice Marshal Goonetileka: "There are two considerations here. The target and the timing. This was NOT a land target. So why use the army 2 Why not give the job to the Air Force?"
(The same point about timing was made by the other ex-Commanders interviewed too).
Air Vice Marshal Goonetileke: "We now know the LTTE has a strong army. quite Small but highly motivated, Well trained and tough... after all, young women are on the frontline. Now the Tigers are quite good at sea too. But We hawe a
monopoly of the ski: on the Air Force Superiority from daw
(Q). Precisely beca poly of the skies, dor may be an LTTE Squads?
Air Vice Marshal course. They'll use to deny us that mo blems go deeper.
morale. There is to
The ThO
The Oppositions F. DUNFS, ran high le Was a strong likeliho ciating itself from the provincial Councils, COLIIlci|WaSE ma the governing UNPWotes of which 17 air tion Carl ni Lustet 25-2: Peoples' Alliance DUNF .
The CWC Wot
On Nov. 12, the S stry of Touris T1 and F lopment receiwed a li gowler riment's attent to a project to est Training Institute with trades included Ca Electrical, Refrige Engineering etc. Or Conterplated. The E million rupees. The N suspend Work until a CoTi Tittee looked in
Orl the 16||Mr.TH! to the Prie Ministë na Cooray MP, Minis ral Secretary, Mr. TE that the terts of refe tlee read like an Op grill the governmen reference of a Cori about the matter, Mr toleaveforndia, Sait rstanding' and sectic

s. Why didn't Werely The We hawe total
tÒ du5k.
JSC We hawe am OrOtyou think that Palaly op priority? Suicide
Goonetilleke: Of very means possible nopoly. But the proI am Worried about much "Let me look
after my lifa ... untillcan find some other Work.... the feeling that they are cannon fodder MUST not spread. We must mot allow any demoralisation. We need to inject new confidence and vitality. We must have a Well-knit Joint COTIland.... reduce extensions to a Tini TUT1 ... 3 G0ITTlalders årld GF TUst Thakes alfTOst ALL the strategic decisions, With least interference froT1 non-service Ten. Arts purchases must be strictly professional. There should be a WAR COUNCIL, a recruitment drive ... a campaign to raise mOTale.
daman Factor
opes, particularly the st Week. When there Od of the CWC dissoUNP, at least in the The Central Pro Wince m a rela. In the CPC, CWC Coalition has 32 e CWC. The Opposi26, with the SLFP-led having 15 and the
Secretary of the MiniRura || dustrial Deveetter Which Stated the ion had been drawn ablish a Wocational Norwegian aid. The spentry, Electronics, ration, AutoTobile le year training Was roject Would cost70 Ministry was asked to six-member officials to the matter.
опdaman sent letters "a1dthe HOr1. SiriSE9ster, and UNP Genehondaman protested rence of the Commiposition question to t than the terms of Tittaa. Wher asked : Thondaman, about ditWaSalla This Lundeons of the press had
made "a big sensation" and "political Cri
sis".
But sources close to the CWC said there Was a line in Mr. Thondarian's letter that was "politically significant" and should be interpreted in the context of reported CWC-Opposition "contacts". The letter referred to "a policy that does not recognise the aspirations of a people who hawe manifested their support for the government through the CWC.."
Mr. Gamini Jayasuriya, for Tiner Tinister and UNP general secretary, said that Mr. Thondaman was trying to hold the governmenttoransom, Mr. Jayasuriyais President of the SAS, the Sinhala Defence League. The other Gamini, the former Tinister and DUNF leader, accused the government of clinging to "Premadasa policies".
In the Cabinet, nobody can match Mr. Thondaman as an unabashed admirer of President PremadaSa!
The press has speculated on pressure building up against Mr. Thondaman from a so-called "Sellasamy Wing". True, Mr. Sellasamy MP considers himself as natural Successor, and there may be tensions in the CWChetrarchy but doubt whether there is a serious challenge to Mr. Thondaman's leadership. What is likely to happen is "an understanding with the Opposition onan issue-by-issue agenda at the proviincial level, with a compromise at the Centre on privatisation of the plantations.

Page 6
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Page 7
SELECT COMMITΤΕΕ
The TULF CaS
F. The dire III-Effects on the Tamil People of the Post
1977 Dispensation
To the people of the North and East, land is an indispensably invaluable resource; it also provides the essential base that sustains their culture. Yet successive Sri Lankan Governments, since the days of the State Councils, have pursued a process of State sponsored and aided colonisation with Sinhalese people and the settlement of Sinhalese people in the North and East thereby. Besides, the State has encouraged the usurspation of lands by the Sinhalese people mostly in the Eastern Province. As a resulti
(a) a vibrant self-reliant Tamil peasantry has got impoveri
shed and is left devoid of cultivable land;
(b) the linguistic, cultural and occupational homogeneity of the Tamil people in the North and East has been fractured;
(c) the territorial continguity of the North and East and the cultural commonality of the Tamil people hawe been гuptured,
(d) the peace and harmonious existence of a people Welded together by a common language and heritage has been seriously shattered by the interspersion along them of linguistically and culturally different peoples;
(e) the demographic composition and pattern of the Eastern Province hawe been significantly and substantially changed; and
E.g.
Yer Tifi ТагтЛ|| MLIGT SiriaEGG
Pautafiri Popularaw, a Population 鹫 Populator) %
1945 27,11로 135,05g 4B.74 1Cig, 3,06 27,556 9.87 1953 354,41마 TSF, EIE 47.37 135322 3.B.B. 45,47D 13.11 THE3 54E:130 245,120 45.06 185,750 34, 19 103,690 1990 1971 717571 315555 43.97 248557 34.6 148,572 2.7 15E1 75.475 411,451 43-13 31,0호 2.27 55, 2. 로
(f) the elective power and representation of the Tamil people have been adversely reduced while those of the Sinhala people hawe in turn got even more enhanced.
On the one hand, while our land resources thus was largely utilised to cater to serve the interests of the Sinhala people, on the other hand no serious attempt was made to advance the Social and economic well-being of the Tamil people.
a No Worthwhile or fruitful industrial development has been initiated by the State for over three decades. In the field of the fishing industry too the State left the Tamil fishing community virtually neglected.

e (2)
in the allocation of financial resources, both local and foreign, the North and East were superciliously ignored.
o infra-structural development such as in the form of schools, hospitals, roads, electricity, transport and communication has received only scant if any attention.
O Employment opportunities of the Tamil people in the State Sector Were depleted. Simultaneously facilities to set themselves up in self-employment too were denied.
Thus the socio-economic position of the Tamils deteriorated deplorably so much. So that it is now at rather low ebb; and the Tamils drift around aimlessly or survive in helpless misery.
The threat to the safety and security of the Tamils, their lives and properties had first arisen from the mayhem, murder and looting begun by Sinhala hoodlums in 1956 and has been continued time and again on the pretext of protecting the Sinhala Language (and Buddhism) wheneverthere was a non violent protest staged against discrimination and iniquity by the Tamils.
In all civilised countries, the onus of protecting every citizen, irrespective of differences in race, religion and language, lies With the security forces of the countries. In Sri Lankatoo initially protection to the minorities was afforded by the Island's Security Forces, principally because there also was a fair number of Tamils, Malays/Muslims and Burghers in the Police and the Armed Services along with a larger number of Sinhalese. Moreover, the attitudes inculcated among the cadres then made them think and actin an impartial manner,
However, over the years, the composition of the Police and the Armed Forces was purposefully changed to make these units almost exclusively. Sinhala Buddhist; and successive GOVerrrents Since 1956 ha.Vg LISed the Police and the ATTed Services as an instrument for terrorising and subduing the Tamils who were clamouring for their legitimate rights into SubTission.
LLLLLLLLLLLLLLLLHGaLLLC LLLCLLL0LLLLLLLLLLLLLLS nate bombing, shelling from the sea, artillery assaults from army camps which are strategically interspersed in the North-East Province, loss of civilian lives and destruction of religious and civilian property, pillage and plunder of civilian possession; and almost permanentembargo on basic and es sential food and LLLLLL aLLLL0S LLLLL LLLLLLLCLLL LLLLLLa aLaLLLLL LL LLLLLLCLLLCLLL check-points enroute to the North and East and back, in no civilized country hawe such predatory measures, particularly bombing from the air and an embargo on indispensable civilian necessities, ever been carried out by its army against its own citizens. What is declared to be a move to combat militancy has in practice become a general ruthless onslaught on Tamil civilians in the North and East.
In furtherance of the policy of Sinhalisation of the North and

Page 8
East, generally in the vicinity of camps. Sinhala settlements are established under the aegis of the armed forces, and also places of Buddhist worship are created then,
It is the order of the day that, in the North and East, civilian administration gets subordinated to Military Governments and the people have to suffer the ill consequences of such startial rule, particularly because of a military that now treats the Tamils LLLLLL LLLLLLLK DDLLL LLLLLLaHLa LHaLLLLLLLaL LLLL LLLLHHLLLLLLL LLL LLLLLL Owing to a lack of a knowledge of Tamil, And often even the State media has portrayed the Tamils as national enemies While exhorting the Sinhala Forces to battle militancy.
G. The Eighties: Broken Promises and Greater Misery
to the Tails
Because of the aforesaid acts of escalated di SCrimination, and despite efforts at military suppression, expressions of Tamil discontent and the militancy of the Tamil youth grew more intensified. In such a context, District Development Councils (DDC) were set up in 1981 for tiding over the compulsion on the Sinhalese Government by the pressure created by diverse quarters demanding the grant of autonomy. In spite of the evidentinadequacy of this DDC Scheme to meet the demands of the Tamil people, the Tamil leadership nevertheless agreed to Work this scheme as an earnest of their sincerity in endeavouring to seek a peaceful solution which is always at the core of their indefatigible efforts to solve the Tamil problem; and indeed the Tamil leadership negotiated with the President of the country for one long year to give substance to this Scheme. But ab initio the Government blocked the operation of this exercise, and finally scuttled it.
When the negotiating process to arrive at a peaceful solution Under inconclusively, and the Tamils opposed the extension of the life of Parliament through a referendum since it was undemocratic to do so, the State engineered the "pogrom" of July, 1983. Then international attention and concern got more seriously focused on the Tamil question in Sri Lanka.
Neighbouring India, in particular, incensed by the horrendous happenings in Sri Lanka, offered her good offices to help in finding a just and equitable solution to the Tamil problem. Unsurprisingly, in this context, President Jayawardene having agreed to place before an All Party Conference (APC) of 1984 the proposals, contained in the document now known as Annexure-C, instead substituted a different set of proposals through another document. Annexure-B. Also a Conference of only recognised Political Parties was deliberately converted into an Totley amalgam of disparate groups. Following nearly an year, mostly of fruitless and sometimes inane discussion, the President abruptly wound up the Conference, and yet announced that "Consensus has been reached".
Nevertheless, a little later another Conference of only Political Parties (PPC) of June 25, 1986 was convened by President Jayewardene which too ended in futility and an evasion of the principal issue the Tamil question.
While the state was ostensibly engaging itself in such purposeless time consuming conferences, simultaneously, the Armed Services were being directed to continue their military

offensive against the people of the North and East "to a finish" which caused innumerable civilian killings and fearful arbitrary arrests and detention of innocent civilians, other flagrant violations of human rights, and the harmful destruction of the very means of the livelihood of the Tamil people.
This conduct of the Sri Lankan Government Casued considerable concern among aid donors, other nations, and Human Rights activists, India, specially with her close cultural affinity and historical ties with the peoples of the Island, relatively strove more actively to bring about a political resolution of this protracted and ever Worsening problem.
Following intensive diplomatic interaction, an Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement was entered into in July, 29, 1987 between President Jayewardene of Sri Lanka and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi of India. Among the noteworthy features of this Agree
Er:-
(a) an acknowledgement of Sri Lanka as a multi-ethnic,
multi-lingual, plural society;
(b) a recognition that each ethnic group has a distinct cultural and lingusitc identity which is to be carefully
Urtured, and
(c) that the Northern and Eastern Provinces have been areas of historical habitation of Sri Lanka Tamil speaking peoples who have at all times hitherto lived together in this territory with other ethnic groups.
Further, it was resolved that the Northern and Eastern Provinces, as then constituted, shall compose together one administrative unit With one elected Provincial Council, one Governor, one Chief Minister and one Board of Ministers until a Referendurn in the Eastern Province decided otherwise. Also, it was agreed that matters on which concurrence had been reached between May and December, 1986 will be implemerted; and that residual matters that have not been finalised at the title of the Agreement shall be resolved between India and Sri Lanka Within six weeks. Morever, India was to co-operate directly with the Sri Lankan Government in their implementaחסון
After the Agreement, the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Act were enacted but withoutary resolution of the residual matters. However, in November, 1987 President Jayewardene agreed with the Government of India to effect improvements to the scherine of devolution in respect of those unresolved areas (residual) in an early second stage of Constitutional refort. This assurance, nevertheless, Was never honoured, and remains unhonoured.
This apart, the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Act (1987) did not even satisfactorily or exhaustively provide for the matters already agreed upon. Although Tamil Was accorded the Status of an Official Language in the 13th Amendment, and in terms of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, the subsequent 16th Amendment Whittled down the position by making in practice Tamil only a Provincial Language. And Worse, there has been no genuine attempt
made to implement even this decimated provision.

Page 9
THE NORTH-EAST PROBLEM
The Wood behin
Jayanath Rajepakse
he recent happenings at Pooпегyп,
which replicated in larger measure earlier happenings at Janakapura and Koddaikadu, Tlust hawe COCētrated the public mind about the situation and prospects in the north-east. It bears stating in passing that almost anywhere else, happenings which evoked such public disquiet as those at Pooneryn did here Would haWC be3 Ca LSB for di SrTisSal Cor resignation of those ultimately responsble: e.g. When Mrs Gandhi Was killed by her own bodyguards, her principal security adviser resigned: When a foreign youth landed a light aeroplane in Red Square, the Soviet Defence Minister resigned.
Clearthinking by the publicabout these matters is all the more necessary right noW, When public debate on the subject is characterised by fundamental contradictions and misConceptions, First, Wehave hE Contradiction BBWBén the wiéW tät there is no ethnic conflict here, only a problet of terrorism in the north, and the other view that unless the country is mobilised on a Warfooting immediately, its unity stands in perilled.
This is compounded by basic miscoriceptions, Which include:-
1. the belief that Government strategies to Confront the problem can be dewiSed separately for the east and the north, to be then applied in isolation or on Wariable priority,
2. the belief that military action against the LTTE can successfully be puSuede Wen in the short tar Without it going hand-in-hand with wisible progress towards political resolution, and
3. the belief that the problem can be resolved definitively without an Indian input, based on a recognised Indian |OCU5 standi.
Clarity of perception about basic issues involved Would have to be the first step towards overcoming these misconcepotions.
SSues
The north-east is the LTTE's strategic
objective, and the the its primary challenge tea estates Up-Coun tar Conurbation of tactically supportive the LT TE SEGKS tO || rred solution of the the contiguous area Which it holds to homeland it seekst til Ld3 TitS Exclusi todosothrough forc deemed by it to be being sought in the It is really immateria outcote a civil War, гgeпcy or jшst terror recognising the cer Which hopefully WOL to confronting the ch
THE TE are three iSSLeS irwolwed:-
1. Confronting the
Contiguity in res nflict:arld it rlEE in mirld Flät His central not justt and tactics butt
2. confronting the
ir the mort är: aПd
3. confronting the
the LTTE.
In regard to northpointsbвагmaking | proposition, that in a rnment of the day hi. nsibility to formulate proposals for the se nal problerT. Where to be cultivated tow the GOVETE that hi5 to be Unde
What We Hawa H initio, is the Governm ted the problem thro '83 anti-Tarti|Violdrli the 6th Amendme behind the prejudice jingoist sentiments
(The Writer Washesenfar Foreign Minist

d the Trees
aatre of operations for to Gower Ent: the try and the metropoliColombo represent targets, l-ESSE INCE2, Tpose its own prefeathnic problem within in the Orth de St Je the rightful Tamil implementthatsoluve a Egis: arid, itseeks 2 of arts to the extent necessary - all this
Plar The Of a|| Tamils. Whether We cate a high intensity insuiSIT: What TattēTS IS tral issues in Wolved, ld then point the Way allenge. Successfully.
listinctive but related
Concept of north-east olving the ethnic colds to be kept clearly concept is absolutely the LTTE's strategy O all Tamil thinking;
IKELWEE TEIS east and the LTTE,
military challenge of
east Contiguity, three b) EligwitiSalternable ny country the Goveas the primary respoand Cawass Viable titlement of any natiopublic opinion needs ards its acceptance, 2Sponsibility requires
tak E.
iad here instead ab erit, Which itSelf CreaLigh allowing the July ce and then adopting int, seeking refuge s, irrational fears and of Secti S of the Si
nhalese constituency, and then pleading its inability to carry that constituency along to acceptance of a viable settlement package, to justify its inaction or non-action. This has been compounded by an ineffaCtual Opposition, Unable tort Curt a realistic challenge to the Government in any matter, Simply matching that Government attitude. The outcome has been to identify the 'state' (Government and Opposition) With the Sinhalese constituency, thereby preventing the emergence of settlement proposals around which a national Cosg
SLIS COLld gygve.
The Indians, for one, recognised this
anomaly Very quickly. As far back as April '84, at talksin Delhi, a suitably poker-faced Narasimha Raowastellinga Lalith Athulathirtiudali who of course had the requisite Suavity to hide his sheer incredulity, that if only President Jayewardene Would go Onto the Sarne public platform with Mrs Bandaranaike (who then stood banished from Parliament and disfranchised for Seven years) to canvassa fair settlement, they could easily "sellit' to the Sinhalese Constituency.
We hawe now Inercifully seem the end Of the Tost recent non-EWant in Government peace-making: the Mangala Moonesinghe-led PSC.It is Worth recaIlling that its antecedents go back a long Way: to the end of '83. That November in Delhi, whilst attending a Commonwealth Summit, President Jayewardene agreed to a settlement package crafted by AmbaSSador Parthasarathy on behalf of Mrs Gandhi. However, immediately on his retum here he reneged on that agreement by convening the first of several APCs at which his own UNP led the way in opposing that package, Just to make quite sure, he styled those proposals "Annexure C': anyone knows that one must first complete careful Consideration of AnnexUres A and B before even turning to C.
The third point to be made about north-east contiguity concerns the Indian role. India's locus standi in the matter was established wher, in the face of Wiolence in the last Week of July and the 6th Amendment in the first week of August '83, the
yofficial in charge of the South Asia desk)
7

Page 10
Tamil community turned to India for protection and patronage. It created two pre-Coditions for settleTert Which retain Walid notwithstanding the July '87. Accord'sseeming desuetude. These are, that the Таппlls are шпlikely to accept апy final settlement that does not carry public Indian endorSement, and that they Would expect India to be the guarantor of its faithful implementation.
As for the quality of settlement that India is likely to endorse, the bottom line drawn by Rajiv Gandhi in mid-'85 (just before Thimphu I) would also still remain valid: namely, that India could not ask Sri Lankan Tamils to settle for any less than Indian Tamils enjoyed there. However, Indian officials Were at pains thereafter to direct Our attgrition tOth05g elgrTents Of thiE Isildiaidh Constitutidil Which Establish|Et the primacy of the Centre over the States,
Indian assistance Would be invaluable both in mobilising Tamil support for a fair settlement package, as well as in combatting the LTTE's military challenge. Howewar, followingthe Premadasa Administration's performance especially over the IPKF, this assistance Would hawe to be sought by us expressly, based on due recognition of Indian concerns. Moreover, even if India decided to help us overcome the LTTE's military threat, it would never be allowed by her to be at the expense of Tamil rights overall: there could be no question of moving militarily against the LTTE. Without simultaneous mowerTent towards political settleTert.
Finally in this respect, it bears recalling aLLLLLLLaLaLLL LLa LLL LLLLLLLLLLLS work as projected by India, namely a "united' rather than "unitary'Sri Lanka, Was one to which We agreed as far back as August '83. This was during the late Mr H.W. Jayewardene's visit to Delhi as the President's Special Envoy, when he agreedfurthertoincorporating thatformulation in Mrs Gandhi's Parliamentary statelet as a record of her talks With it. So, any Sri Lankan insistence at this stage on a unitary framework simply would mot Wash with India. It helps even more to LHHLHLLLLLLa LHHLLLLtaaLLaLLLLSSSL0LaLLLHHHS guity, to recall that it is a concept common to all settlement packages that enjoyed even northeritary "life" - the BC Pact, Annexure C, July '87. Accord.
Meg: LT TIEWTI.
Does th
Charaka Aa
TE SLFP'S TE State of Balth fOT LF years. Ever since it. 1970 (interms of sea SCäle in BrTTS of WO matỉCFlä| alECllũF1 Whi once during these ty EPESErlä|E| the five party Demo nce) obtain over 40 occasion Mrs. Band: At every other electic ntage polled by the Weer 30% - 35% Tears sufficient to distance of forming:
Although division: of the ruling family of EdEditC SimCE 1981 LuptonoW, been puta At the Presidential E the SLFP received it since 1970 (although Bandaranaike's fact Cowiced littlef With largely moderat error of judgement) ble degree united an naike and his Supp. derable partin that C Pro Wicial CuCl which the UNP pole of the Wote SirCE 1! With its left-wing a Alliance, obtainedo
Although the PE formed in Violation SLFP Parliamentar [wed that tha SLFP political alliance With Parlia Tentary Grou decision to for the through when Mr. was out of the Court rters did not oppose Et the Provincia || CO
The point I am se is this: if, Wher the S Oreunited thariti: Was ITIOrE Toderat: daranaike looked and irrelevatt Co WFBIT LE UNP. Hijd thlg filla destructio" rdene years, that to now with Anura Ban and many SLFPM likely to leave the other homes, it is ,

e SLFP Have a Future ?
ratunga
war begrl Irl à robust he past twenty three slandslide wictory in its, on a more modest tes) it has lost every chit has faced Only wenty three years, at tion of 1988, did it (as cratic People's Allia% of the Wote (on that aranalike polled 45%) in the average perceSLFPS OG EDEa proportion by no take it within striking
GWETTerit,
S between The Tibers * the SLFP hawe beer
such divisions hawe side during elections. lection of 1988. Where is best electoral result those who form Mrs. iO of the SLFP WETE OTTlatlor of the DFA e parties Was a grawe it Was to a consideradMT, AUra Badararters played a consiampaign. Even at the Election of 1993 at dits loWest proportion 977, 47%, the SLFP lies of the People's nly 36% of the Wote.
ople's Alliance Was of a resolution of the y Group Which reSOShould efter into rio Out the COTSETIt Of the p, and although the A||alce Wą5 ra TrICd An Lurra Balda farmatik3 try, he and his Suppo: the SLFP campaign Luci|El Cill
aeking to drive home LFP Wasa good deal s now, Wher its image 2 and When Mr.S. Baless autocratic, aged uld only obtain 45% sunk to its depths in of the J.R. Jayewaonly at one election, daranaike in the UNP Tbar:5 Of Parlia TIGI|t party to seek various ery probable indeed
that its vote Will fall below its previous low point of 30%.
Once the SLFP vote has dropped to Lurder 30% and it ha 5 Ost Ejtwr 15 -- 25 seats it Will no longer be a serious party of the mainstream, The departure of Mrs. Bandaranaike from the political scene is more than likely over the life of the next ParliarTiment. This Could lead to a further Collapse of Supportandofmorale, tisthen more than likely that the liberal democratic process, which like nature, abhorres a Vacuum, Will give birth to a new political force that has the requirements of a nodern party for the Sri Lanka of today. Such a party must be of the centre to centre right, be democratic in its internal Woskings, be committed strongly to liberal democracy, the market economy and mutiracialist. It must have too, a new leadership unta inted by the sad betrayals and pathetic compromises of the past. It is precisely such leaderships that so many successful democratic parties around the World have produced. Benazir Bhutto, Narasimba Rao, Girija Prasād Koirala, Begum Khalida Zia, Corazon Aquino, Kim Yung Sam, Morihiro Hosokawa and Jean Chretier to arme score of those Who assumed office from Opposition or being on the outside, togreater or lesser degree,
LEd SLICCOditiOS.
The SLFP on the other hand by its Coalition. With the tired old left and its leader of 33 years during 23 of which she has not won an election, is "looking forward to the past". It clings to socialism, the politics of envy, to half-baked attempts at Compromise Whelheron the ecordmy, the Constitution or the ethnic conflict and is Wholly unclear on where it wants to go.
WE IWE it:Stir ES WHETE-25 i Indiaith-S been proved that a party which has held office (the Janatha Dhal) can be relegated to third place by a party which had only two seats two elections before (the BJP), where a party in office can be reduced to the seats and third place in the popular wote (the Conserwatiwe Party in Canada) and a party with no seats previously could become the second largest interns of votes and obtain over fifty seats at its first real election (the Reform Party of Canada).
The signs are more than visible that the SLFP, by its failure to fulfil the criteria for a serious political party for the modern World, has ensured that it has only a past, and no future.
The writer is leader of the Liberal Party)

Page 11
East ASia - Sri
C. Mahendran
Asian I Little more than a generation ago, Asia was as pool from a dewastating civil war. Taiwan was mot much mor while Hongkong was overrun with refugees. Malaysia
preoccupied with communist aggression in neighbour in 1965. Only Japan looked healthy.
Despite these considerable constraints, from 1965 to part in the world. This growth was well ahead of the in and South Asia and five times as fast as sub-Saharan more than quadrupled in Japan and the Four Tigers. In education — progress here left everyone else in the dus
If Asiams have achieved where others hawe failed it is or its five-year plans more precise. Rather, it is because freedom than people elsewhere to test their ideas in the
This is not to say that governments hawe no role. Gic which individual creativity and initiative can find its ful upholds contracts, maintains a stable currency and p of growth is eternal vigilance against sometimes well-int substitute bureaucratic preferences for the millions ofi
of the marketplace.
East Asia can be indentified in geographical terms as the area east of the great поuntain and desert barrier that bisects Asia; in racial terms as the home of Mongoloid man, and culturally as the area Which is known to the rest of the World as the East Asian Civilization. South East Asia i.e. Indo-China, Burla, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines were influenced by the Sinic culture but in the recent past, Moslem and Indian influence has been predominant.
The reason for the importance of this region in modern times, is the rapid rise in the economic (and in the case of China) its military might, Japan has gained the status of an economic Superpower. China is heading in that direction with a growth rate of 12-14% a year. The Republic of Korea is With Taiwan the N.I.E. that shows great resilience, and in the ASEAN with Wietnam Laos and Kampuchea, agrowth area is being created.
It is for this reason that We in Sri Lanka need to understand the people of East Asia. Understanding can come about only based on knowledge, and a sound knoWledge of East Asia is not easily achieved even though We are an oriental people.
The writer, formerly of the Sri Lanka Foreign Servica, Was Arribassador (o Fig. Palople's Republic of China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the Soclass Republic of Wallarr and Mongolian Pacpla's Repшhlig.
We belong to the So as opposed to the S Civilization.
Today contact be Countries, and Sout nstant, and growing and Korean langua institutions of Higher understand and gr East Asian Culture, if With ther if We ar. dialogue with them, strategy in continue nce from this regi important facets to th In art, literature, reli the ancient cultures Japan can open up us, and explain som rences in our percei
In East Asia Cor emphasis on the pc. the central focus ol On a World tranSCer the Case With Budd and Christianity.
Thus We will appr people, through the history? because th and Koreans Seeth perspective. They a tage; their geograph their exclusivity, W. race, and hOW MOT in 400,000 B.C.-ase

Lanka Conta CitS
"rogress
as any place on earth, South Korea had just recovered : than the baleaguered outpost of a defeated government, and Indonesia were on the brink of War. Thailand was ng Indochina, and Singapore an uneasy independence
1990 these Asian economies grew faster than any other lustrial economies, three times as fast as Latin America Africa. Between 1965 and 1985, real income per capita almost every measurable areal-life expectancy, trade, E.
not because its central planners have been any brighter people in Asia, relatively speaking, have enjoyed broader
market.
vernments must create the capitalist framework within lest expression. Primarily this means a framework that rovides for a sufficient rule of law. But today the price entioned efforts to "help" selected industries or otherwise individual decisions that each day constitute the wisdom
uth Asian Civilization, Sinocentric East Asia
Ween al| East Asian th Asia las been COChinese, Japanese ges are taught in our "Studies. We need to tasp the meaning of We are to do business a to hawe a political if We are to base Our di COTOTİC assistain. There are other is study of East Asia. giorn and philosophy, in China, Korea and a myriad Windows to e of the baffling diffe
tion of each other.
fucianism puts great litical social Order as
society, rather than ding religion as was Sm, Hinduist, Islam
ach this area and its ir history. Why their : Chinese, Japanese imselves in historical eaWare of their heriy too gives a clue to
will also study their Joloid man who lived idenced in the disco
wery of "Peking man" at Chou Kou Tien gives an indication of this exclusiveness.
Finally their language, and their divisions, the Sinitic language is the largest division in East Asia, and covers China, Tibet, Wietnam, Thailand, Laos and most of Myanmar, Within this group, Chinese has a predominant influence, and today We hawe the dialects which are spoken in Some parts of Southern China, to which, Thai, Vietnamese, Burr rese Miao-Yao and Lao are related.
North of China are a large group of Mongoloid people who speak languages of a family that as distinct from the Sinitic tonguesas from the Indo-Europeans. This group is called the Altaic languages. Turkish, Mongolian and Tungusic are considered the Altaic languages; and Korean as well as Japanese Were the two Eastern extensions of Altaic languages.
The third group in this East Asian family of languages is the Austronesian, which Covers South East Asia and the Pacific. Malay, the language of the aborigines in Taiwan, the Mon language of Southern Burma, Khmer of Kampuchea are some of the languages in this group.
With this introduction we will explore the inner self of East Asian people and their ciwillzätion in the ExtféWlectures in order to understand the dynamic thrust this region is making on the World scene.
The earliest recorded contact Sri Lanka

Page 12
Had With China is arcLIIld 400 A.D. Wher We hawe ewidence in Chinese With a Bluddhist nun arriving in Chengdu, capital of Szezhuan province to create the order of Bhikkunis in that part of China.
By the beginning of the 4th Century AD; When Anuradhapura was visited by the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Fa Hien, the city had then enjoyed centuries of relative peace, and freedom from foreign invasion. Fa Hien set out from China through Cetral Asia and India search of Buddhist texts, and there significantly, he also met a fellow countryman. He left an invaluable description of a happy and prosperous land. Fa Hien's account shows clearly that with Buddhism gradually declining in India, Sri Lanka was becoming a main Certre ir te B L Iddist World, Where tradi - tions, texts and the faith itself Was presWed. That Fa. Hiern met a Chinese Illerchant in Aruradhapura is not surprising, as four erbassies Went to China in the early 5th Century A.D., and Sri Lanka had become a trading entreport between East and West.
It Was at this time When tra Wel betwee South India and Sri Lanka was fairly brisk, a merchant named Nandi, Set sail from Poompluhar fro China. In his Wessel he carried a Buddhist delegation from Sri Lanka to China, Perhaps this was one of significant missions to China. Devasara a Bikkuni was sailing to Chengdu in the Schezuan Province to ordain Chinese Pukkhunis, and this was the beginning of a series of Buddhist delegations from Sri Lanka to China. In view of the predominant position occupied by Mahayanist Concepts that entered China from North India, Our Theravada tradition faced resistance in that part of the World. More on this development later.
We see the Overal need forus to imbibe knowledge of the Far East, considering the importance this regioп has gaiпеd since the Second World War; and the CLu|Lura|| Collection that did exist bëtWee us for alongtime.
The coming of Buddhism to East Asia
In the search for political stability the early history of China around the 7th Century BC brought about a great intellectual ferment. Thus by the 5th Century BC, We find rapid geographical, cultural and Institutional growth stirred men's curiosity and imagination. New ideals were sought after one cannot but be struck by the paralled in time between this intellectual ferment in China and the heyday of the Greek philosphers, the Hebraic prophets and the historical Buddha and other early religious leaders in India.
The illa||Ctual C China leading to wha schools of thought. W Can Tefer to the 5 Clas the 4 books = CCII DilalĞCtisians Mö-Tzı and the Legalists.
One can easily ide nking which persuad this period to look for to this influence spre Japan. The Korean more culturally integ stream of thought the We Will find out later betWen Chila ard little later but Would: stamp was idelibly E CLltur E; SO that EWen be impressed by We It is necessary for schools, during the ( because it is this ty led to a greater influ. and the nobility orth new thinking ending ction of Buddhist in
The Golden Age in China around the the strong CentralleE Dynasty started cruri CiWillisation Was Chall rian" threat. Han politi psing ofits own inne spiritual as Well as Was unsatisfying; le Timid i China for BLI
Even though Ta. resilience after 184 influence Of Buddh traders comming fro og StETTEd. The ddhism at that time ctēd CīnēS ideāls by the profound d Chiri ESE at flis tir schools of thought. Cultural link betwee ald Sout Asia. IS in India and China differences rather tween these two spi Cal Bilds of the ea Was based on a SE the arcient Chiles: undErstodd. AllhOu a revolt against th; nces of Hinduism, of the other basic : thought Without qui agreed that life is e |ife itself Wa Sul-er" one, by karmic for to be the origin of th and injustices one Ildian Buddhist UI

Tate Was such in SKOW as the 100 thin this framë Orle ics, the 13 classics, LIcia misri, Taoism, Mercis HSL-TZU
htify the type of thidall of China during |ew thinking leading ding into Korea and peninsula was far ated to the Chinese Japan at this time. hattfla CLIltural foW Japan influenced a how that Confucian tohed on Japanese bday one cannot but tiges of this culture. is to refer to these ourse of this lecture pe of thinking which nce on the Emperor е апstocracy accept up With the introduO Chir1a.
f intellectual thought 5th Century BC and dership of the Ching bling when Chinese lenged by a "barbaCal System WascolaContradictions; and Confucian indeology ading to a receptive
ddhiST.
is T showed some AD, the enorious IST On th Cara Val the West could not Idian for IT of Bluwhich flatly contradian only be explained Sillusionin Ent of the le. With their native Buddhist is the chief the people of East contrasting histories lowever highlight the a the similarities besitual and psychologith, Indian Buddhism ries of premises that e Would flewer hawe h in a sense it was rising caste differehad accepted sortie ssumptions of Indian stion. The Buddhist sentially painful, and ing being tied to each es. This Was thought differences in status BCS İrl the World. The ke the Confuciāls im
China was not interested in correcting these injustices and perfecting the social order, but in escaping the painful cycle of ExisterCE. Buddhism at that time Was spreading to the West and later to the South, Central and East Asia, in the 3rd Century BC, it had spread all over India under the great Emperor Asoka; and after Alexander's conquests in Gandhara, the great monarch of the Kushan Empire, Kanishka Who ruledaround 100 AD patroised Buddhist. It is froThere that Mahayana Buddhism spread right up to the Eastern borders of China and the after to Korea and Japan.
By the time Buddhism started spreading to China and the Far East, Buddhism had had its schism dividing itself into the Mahayana and Theravada tradition. The Mahayana tradition because of its all inclusiveness accepted Cults and religious ideas of the peoples it converted. The |otus sutra a popular Mahayanic scripture exemplifies best the Mahayanic faith in salvation through the strength of another. Bodhisattvas became the great popular gods of Mahayama Buddhism. Mahayana Buddhism's tolerance of other religious ideas and cultures facilitated its spread. According to Buddhist traditions, Buddhist Was introduced to China as a result of a dream of Emperor Ming Ti ir 64 AD. By the next century Buddhism was entrenched in North Vietnam. It is possible that the early traders who came to China from the West Were the first translitters of the religion. The story is apochrypal, but already at this time, there was a Buddhist group at the Court of the Emperor's brother, the king of Chu in the lower Yang Tse Walley.
Chile:SE COVES hereafter Were more important than missionaries in transmitting Buddhist to China, Korea and Japan. We have the names of close to 200 East Asiandriks, mine of them Koreas who between the 3rd and the 8th centuries essayed the long and perilous trip to India and Sri Lanka to imbibe the teachings of the Buddha.
Fa Hsien who left for India by Way of Central Asia in 399 AD returned by sea in 414 AD, settled in Nanking and translated the scriptures he had brought With hir Tı.
Huozng Tsang was another famous Buddhist pilgrim, he translated 74 Buddhist Works. The fact that Court circles from the Emperor downwards accepted Buddhist Teachings, led to a quickassimilation of the religion in China. It was the same In Japan Where Prince Shotaku became COI Wert in the 604 A.D. It Was the same story in Korea, wherein by 668 A.D. the Silla Kingdom having unified the country, adopted Buddhism in preference
to Confucianis.
(B.C.I.S.)

Page 13
THE J. R. YEARS (15)
The Referenc
Arden
he third annendment to the TOT, Wa5 follo Wed in Short order by the fourth, and it was a shocker, Chapter XXI of the constitution contained the transitional provisions for the changeover from the 1972 constitution to the 1978 one. Article 161 (a) of the transitional provisions read as follows:
"Unless Sooner dissolved the first Parliament shall continue for six years from August 4 1977 and no longer, and the expiry of the aforesaid period of six years shall operate as a dissolution of Parlament, and the provisions of Article 70 (5)(b) shall apply".
Article 70 (5)(b) read as follows:
"Upon the dissolution of Parliament by virtue of the provisions of paragraph (2) of Article 62, the PfēSident Shall forthwith fixadate or dates for the election of MET bers of Parliantment, and shall Summon the new Parliament to meet On a date not later than three Tonths after the date of such Proclamation".
Paragraph (2) of Article 62 read as follows:
"Unless Parliament is sooner dissolved, every Parliament shall continue for 6 years from the date appointed for its first meeting and no longer, and the expiry of the said period of 6 years shall operate as a dissolution of Parliament".
The fourth amendment sought to replace Article 161 (a) with the following:
"Unless sooner dissolved, the First Parliament shall continue until 4 August 1989, and no longer, and shall thereuponstand dissolved, and the provisions of Article 70 (5) (b) shall, mutatis mular7dis, apply".
Jaye Wardene's | could claim he had ment of his policie: parliamentary electi ther matter. In the COrtsg|Bd 85% of ment elected unde party Won, he Wou anything like 85%. Voters to extend the ment for 6 Tore election, if Would so
Jayewardene hac Of Wat he had il || mpaign in the presi meeting in Anuradh: was going "to roll up Sri Lanka for ten ye 5 September 1982). rpreted his Words dif stomed by now to expressing himself r What the ColdTarl ha he had up his sleeve a planto Continue SC provisions of the 19 years. During this ti country with his five ment and keep fillin оссшгred in parliапє yes-men, But how to
Jayewardene dec wy plonking. He is 3 mmunique onסם rera he said:
"I had information (the day after the that the group of t the presidential el Were in a major Committee had de Te and a few oth Bandara naike, thi

Um
plan Was clear. He just Worlan endorseS from the people. A On however, Wasanoresent parliament he he Wotes. In a parliaP.R., assuming his |d Certainly mot hawe if the Could ask te | life of the first parliayears instead of an we the problem.
already given a hint mind. During his cadential election, at a apura, he had said he the electoral map of ars". (The Weekend Different people inteferently. Being accuis planking style of O One Was quite sure dup his sleeve. What WäSFIOthingless tham me of the transitional 'B Constitution for 12 T1B le could ruI He sixths Wote in parliaany Vacancies that nt by nominating his Justify it?
ded to do some heaLued a government November in which
on 21 October 1982 residential election) e S.L.F.P. which led ction campaign and W in the executive ided to assassinate ministers, Mr. Anura chiefs of the armed
services and others; and to imprison Mrs. Bandaranaike. In other words, on the strength of their victory establish a military government, tearing up all constitutional procedures, astheyannounced at their election meetings.
"I had to decide whether to allow this to happen or to ask the people whether in addition to my being allowed to goVern Our Country. With a democratic parliament ensuring peace and progreSS through a stable government or to pe. Init a set of political hooligans to enter parliament in large numbers and while Wrecking democratic procedures to strengthen themselves to form their Naxalite government at the next gesleral election (sic).
"I also thought that the democratic Ticmbers of the S.L.F.P. should be given time to assert their authority and galп Control of their party.
"If I dissolved parlament and held the general election, according to the 20 October Voting my party the U.N.P. Would have obtained 120 seats out of 196. The S.L.F.P. Would hawe obtained 68 seats. I don't mind that, But dormind if the opposition is an anti-democratic Violent and Naxalite opposition. The
S.L.F.P. leadership on October 20 was
läL.
"I decided to change my mind and call for a referendum and not a general election for this reason and this reason alone".
TWO citizens Felix Dias Bandaranalike and C.W. Vivekanandan challenged the fourth amendment in the SupremE ՃՃլյrլ but it was held that in TE SOECt of a E3|||| passed by a two-thirds majority and a

Page 14
referendum the supreme court had no jurisdiction. It was a split decision of a Seven-judge bench. Chief Justice Neville Samarakoon, Justice D. Willalaratne and Justice B.S.C. RatWatte held the bill to be Unconstitutional; the four judges who held that the Supreme court had no jurisdiction Were Justice J.G.T. Weeraratre, Justice S. Sharwananda, Justice R. Wanasundera and Justice Wictor Perera. The president's plan to short-circuit election procedure Was Widely condemned in the intenational press. Typical of the comment Was What the Times of India had to say under the heading "A Shoddy Stratagem":
Having Won a fairly impressive victory in Sri Lanka's presidential poll, Mr. J.R. Jayewardene has regrettably chosen to blot his Copybook Rather tham live up to his earlier promise to dissolve parliaTent and hold elections to it, much ahead of schedule he is trying to prolong his present tight control on parliament through a dubious manoeuvre. For the kind of cutting of corners that Mr. Jayewardene is attempting is preciSely. What has eroded, Weakened and eventually destroyed democratic institutions in a number of Countries in the region Where India and Sri Lanka Temain the only bastions of democracy. The Sri Lankan President is being singularly ill-advised therefore in giving expedience precedence Over his country's long-term interests".
In a pre-referendum letter "To the Woter" Jayewardene said:
"As the Leader of the Nation elected to establish a Free and Just Society had to take a decision as to what steps should take to preserve the Nation and the Constitution, of which Nation the Constitution Was the organic law. I felt a General Election at this stage in our political development would not presaTwee the Natio. I acted Within the Cristitution which permits an appeal to the people, not by Way of a General Election, but by Way of a Referendum. My Government and I, Parliar tent and the
12
Courts (sic) have ndum is the lega therefore handing Woters of Sri Lamk.
WOLES O 22 DEC safeguard and pr by Voting "Yes" (L asked in the Rese
The president did
On 28 October, i. step which was rec With shock and art Inded and obtainedf government parliam letters of resignation Was that, after the TE use the letters to ge who had not pulled electorates during th
The C.P. paper A national daily which Kobbelkaduwa durin mpaign. It was gene impressive perform: ColoLr||CSS Kobbelka
Tleasure due to the Jayawardane did n. fouluphis referendL using епergency p ATH THA's editorial preSSes Sealed by t of the newspaper, a stribution, confisca employed by the S.L. and many active S.L. ding R. Wickreman Secretary of the pa custody, allegedly in Naxalite plot the Pre the day after the pre a transparent device rkers locked Lip du campaign.
THE C. R. M. WTO 27 November saying
"The majority of a tions are not Telate They are either in

ecidad that a Refere
Way to do so. I am O Wert Natio to the a (sic) so that by their mber 1982 they may otect Liro Mother апр) to the question
ETUT'.
not Waste any time.
in an unprecedented eived in the country a Zement, he demaTOT TIgbe TS of the 2ntary group undated the clear implication ferendum, he would et rid of those M.P's their weight in their epoll.
TH THA was the only had campaigned for gthe presidential caally believed that the ance put up by the duWa Was in great ATHTHA's support. lot Wärt ATHTHA to Im. On 2 November, OWerShehädte offices and printing he police and copies |ready printed for diled. The presses F.P. t.00 Wgrg Sealed F.P. Workers, incluayake, the General rty, Were taken into COlIECTIOf Will E sident had learnt of }sidential poll. It was 2 10 kEEp these Woring the referendum
to the president on J, Irfer alia:
rests and investigad to the alleged plot. C03Ctilo With alle
ged election offences during the presidential poll or matters allegedly occurring some time ago. For instance, Mr. Ratnasiri Wickremanayake. Was detaimedi COrnection Withainidelt which allegedly took place in 1980. The tir ning of the arrest of this General SeCretary of the S.L.F.P. naturally renders the authorities liable to the charge that this is an attempt to undermine the organising of the S.L.F.P. campaign on the referendul.
The short-term arrests, detention and repeated interrogations of political organisers at the local level... are being Widely interpreted as an attempt to hinder the Opposition referendum caпрaign.
The invasion of the S.L.F.P. headquarters by the police, and seizure of me. mbership registers and other records, make it possible for government supporters to identify and render ineffective its organisation throughout the country at Warious levels.
At the sa Tig title there is blatant disregard of referendum campaign laws by gOWEernment Supporters Who hawe plastered public places with expensive, Water-proof, framed LAMP posters. This and the failure of the police to remove thern, give the impression that the government supporters may flout the law with impunity, that the police are partial towards them and are likely to turn a similar blind eye to more serious transgressions of the law, Such as threats, intimidation or actual Violence against persons and property of supporters of the POT symbol.
Certain influential politicians are allegedly resorting to threats against supporters of a NO vote. Possibly they feel their political future depends on the Voting pattern in their areas, particularly Since you hawe obtained undated letters of resignation from government M.P.'s so that you may replace them with fresh nominees. It is reported that the threats

Page 15
include that opposition supporters should be prevented from leaving their homes on polling day".
The president did not bother to reply. One thing was clear in his mind. He had to Win the referendum. If he lostit, ha would have to hold a general election which, following a defeat at the refereindum, he would almost certainly lose. It had to be "No holds barred".
On 15 December the cabinet spokeSman A. da AWIS Said that Conditions had returned to normal and that the emergency would be allowed to lapse on 19 December. Apparently he spoke Without authority, for this did not happen and the poll was conducted in a state of eme
rgency.
Without an emergency on Jayewardene could not keep the opposition presses locked and sealed and the opposition organisers in custody during the refere
duni.
There Was open disregard of the law against display of posters and symbols by government party men. The Commissioner of Elections called upon the InspectorGeneral of Police to get his men to have the posters and displays removed. The I.G.P. Mr. R. Rajasingham did no such thing. Soon afterwards, on reaching the age of retirement, he was given a diplomatic posting with ambassadorial rank.
For fifty years, since 1931, Sri Lanka had had clean elections - as clean as anywhere else in the World. In Juna 1981 President Jayewardene intervened in the Jaffna D.D.C. elections and spoilt this record. But what happened in 1981 in Jaffna was nothing compared to the open thuggery and lawlessness not excluding manslaughter that took place on referendum day. 22. December Was a day for the history books. For U.N.P. M.P's with their undated resignations in the hands of Jayewardene, it was a case of win at all costs. U.N.P. toughs gathered early in the morning at the entrance to every polling
station.The illegali intensified. I r Impers voters, intimidatior guns-all these ar the police looked t agent who had E. thugs died of a h Lankans perhaps
proof of the govern and itilidation di was the fact that in rate, the Bandaran the government W votes polled. Just the presidential ele Indidate had World polled at Attamagall
The C.R.M. repo
"The lewel of Irtiri galla electorate is such that it com of all polling obs the S.L.F.P.
"The polling obse polling station Wa point by a U.N.P pelled to leave.
"When the presic dies' College polli a case of alleged threatened by thu Who Went to his a threatened With a
"Unauthorised p themselves near and observed t papers by Voters tions they were Voters to show th papers before dr box.
Organised group observed at the stations With lists, Cards, who distri instructions to oth Vehicles".

splay of symbols was nation, intimidation of of polling staff with more happened and } other way. A polling en manhandled by Eart attack. To most he most convincing nent party's thuggeгу ring the referendum le Atanagalla electoke's pocket-borough, In Over 67% of the Wo Tonths Earlier, at tion, the S.L.F.P. caser 55% of the Voles
.
ed:
lidation in the Attanareported to have been eled the Withdrawal ervers nominated by
wer at Thurstan Road S threatened at gunpolitician and com
ing officer at the Lang station looked into mpersonation he was gs, and a policeman SSista CO Was in tu TT irearm by a politician.
arsonnel positioned the voting enclosure 3 marking of ballot in Sorne polling stahold enough to ask Im the marked ballot pping them into the
of persons were
entrance to polling
ld bundles of polling Ited these and gawe r persons brought in
When Mr. Kobbekaduwa Whose face had become almost as familiar to the public as Mr. Jayewardene's own during the presidential election came to the poIlling station to cast his vote he was told by the presiding officer that someone had already voted in his name. Mr. KobbekaduWa, not usually a Witty Tan, Termarked: "He must have been a Naxalite carrying a lamp".
"The country has just witnessed the biggest fraud perpetrated on the people" Was Mrs. Bandaranaike's Comment. The leader of the L.S.S.P. Colvin R. de Silva said: "It was not a referendum but a display of organised violence to cover organised mass impersonation". The C.P.'s Pieter Keuneman said: "The terror and fraud practised by the government in this referendum exceeds anything previously known in this country".
Professor Warnapala and Dr. Hewagama surmised that three to four lakhs of voters had been impersonated at the referendum. (Recent Politics in Sri Lanka).
3,141,223 votes (38% of the total in the register) were counted as having been cast for the Lamp and 2,605,983 voted for the Pot. The "People" had approved a six-year extension of life for the first parliament
The president's own perception of the deplorable events and his own gerrymaindering preceding them which produced this result Was expressed by him in his inimitable style in a booklet he brought out 1984 under the title "Golden Threads".
"The elected President and legislature have security of tenure for their respectiVeterms... uninterrupted by the chance combinations of politicians seeking to topple governments and the fickle Whims of allectorates, HoWewer, CrITally due elections can be deferred by the clear fiat of the Whole (sic) people, expressed by referendum. The freedoms of democracy are guaranteed".
13

Page 16
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Page 17
MEDIA ETHICS
A South Asian P
CTTTHLCCC LLLLCLCLLCTaCLHCTLLLLLLL LGLLLLL LLLLCCCHCGLGLGLGGL LGLLLLL in a three-day serninar on "Conrriunication Ethics fu ir Coloribo, Sri Larko NoUeber 9-II, 1993. The
C LLLLL LHHL HLuGLLLLL LLH HGLLLGL LLGLLlu uCCCLG GGGG LLLLLLLC CCLLCLLLGLLLLL G CHCLCHLL uTuGGGLGGHuL LCGuGGLLLLLLL LLL GLGGCLGL LLGHLLLLTLLlL LLLLLL ľriédičI. iristiť floris.
LTTCL LTLL GGGTTGLG STSCCCCLTCCTGLGTGCCGT CLLLGL LCCTT CGLLmLLGGLGCCLlS YCmHCHLHHLHHLLL TGCT LCTLTHTS LLTLTLLH S S TLtGHLHHGLGHmLL LLLL LLLLL LLLLLLLLS LL LLLLL LaLLLTLLlS 0LL SLLELG CCCCHLHHLLCCCLTCCCL LCLGHHHCCHCLL GGGGGGS CLG LLLLLLGLLGT L
LGLGLG LCLlLlHLGLLLCC L LCCTLLLLLT CHLLLLLLL GGG GllLCCLL LL of Information and Broadcasting, Javed Jabbar; M.J.A.R.
of the Pikis Press Irise Dr. Thid. Ar Gopal Das Shrestha, President of the Nepal Press Ins Gukul Pokhrel of Nepal. The Sri Lankar representative Gardiari), LLCierz Fajakarra rayake (FMM).
The serritor uais jointly organized. By the Asian M Singapore, the World Association of Christian Corrrrri. Colombo with support from the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung
A Se Tilar om "COTTLICEtio Ethics from a South Asian Perspective' was organised by the Asian Mass Communication Research and Information Centre, Singapore, the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka, and the World Association for Christian Communication, UK, in Colombo from November 9-11, 1993. The present time, as the participants noted, is one of profound change in thi E TESS TEdia er Wironment il the region. This is particularly evident in the entry of transnational actors in the electronic media. Moreover, the rapid development of new communication technology, which puts increasing power in the hands of Comunicators, carries With it both new Constructive possibilities and new daпgeгs, which reqшire heightепеd awareress on the part of media personnel as Well associety at large.
There has been an emergence of new print media enterprises providing a basis for a pluralistic press. This newly found element of freedom of the press, which is Welcome, is however often marred by the lack of ethical responsibility. The seminar expressed concern also with the rising trend of violence towards the media and
media personnel, b and by other politic: With CCerr the ris diwisi We for CBS; bore.Ceir lerar Cell toWardS r found growing exprl
View of thes: participants called f of priority - a new profession and an teaching of commur
TOWrds NW E Profession
1. THIETE İSE EGEd Ssional Compet media practitio region, since th dati for the dards in the IT
2. Existing codes PTESS COLCII obsolete and in: Seit reedS i Tears of enfor These Codes sh revised to give relEVarlce,

erspective
uTTCGT CCTTLTTS LLTLLLLLTTS LLTCT MCCTLC00S CTLGLlT CCCHHHGlGCCCCLLS CHCL CC CLLTLLLLLLL LLLLH CCLSuCCLLLLS CLLL LTL LYCT LLTLGGLY SLLLL seniina aimed to increase situa reness and understanding S CTT CHClCGGLLLL LLLL LLCCLGGSTGLLHHLLGL LLGLGHGGaLG LGLLGLCLLLGLGLGGLL CCT CLCLLG CHCHLTLLCaGTT CCLT LLLT LLLlLCCCCLLGLLLLL LLCCCtLT
TTTLLLLLLL LLTLuLmLLLmLCLSSSLLLLCCCCCLTCHGGGTLTLCC YLLLLL LLLLLL LGLLLLLLLa Affecting Media. Ethics", "The Influence of Policies and The Falle of Press Co Luricils and Journalists, Uriors" arna "Metal Eff;"
LLLLLLLLS CLCGTLS uCLCLu LCHTLLLLLTHHCCLLHHL CLTLLLLHCC HTHTLLLLL bar, editor, Asiri F2Age; Dr. Za kariyya, Sajid, Director-Gerevar, Director-General of the Bangladesh Press Institufe; LLL LHLHLL SLLGHCHCTLLLLS LLTTGGG LCLGGG GHCCHOHT LGGLLGH GHLCLL sufere Regi SiriuJardene (ICES), Mervyn de Silva (Lanka
TL LTTHTGGGGGCLCH CTTLLLGLlY CCL S CCaLHHCHCCCCCLLCCH LLLHHuLLS TTTCTSLTTTTLLTTTkLHLCTGGGCGLLSLLLCLL LLGLL LLLLLLCLalaCGLLLLGLLS
g, Colombo.
oth by state agencies a forces. It also noted e in Corunalist and iing hysteria and intoTminorities that hawe Ession in the edia.
a developments, the Or actio ir twWO ETES "ethics for the media BW framework for the
lication ethics.
thics for the Media
to upgrade the profe
ence and capacity of ners throughout the is is a necessary fouraiSing Of ethical Staedia.
of ethics, laid down by , are in some Ways adequate torneet pre|d hawe 10 EffectiVE Ceet to lack tet. Could be revie Wed and
them contemporary
3. Since most of the Currently existing
PTESS COLCHIS in the South Asia region act in effect as Government agencies, they should be replaced by Media Councils, covering all mediaprint, audio and visual - and acting Tot as extensions of the State but as genuinely independent bodies and perceived to be so. Such Media Councils should comprise respected media practitioners and eminent persons from public life through a mechanism ensured by appropriate legislation.
A genuine problem exists in the abseпce of пасһіпегy for пneaning full redressin clases of serious Criminal libel in the Tedia. Because of the phenomenal burdens on the judicial system, justice is often denied by being delayed. The proposed Media Councils should therefore ble Wested With appropriate judicial powers.
It is urgently necessary that professional bodies of media practitioners undertake the task of monitoring coWerage in areas of ethnic and communal violence and Wiolation of human rights and the rights of minorities, WOTEn and Childrer. The SB bodias

Page 18
should evolve a techanist for corrective action Whenever ethical sta
dards are violated in these fields.
ToWards a New Fra The Work fOT Teaching Communication Ethics
1. Media ethics should be recognised as aspecific course at the undergraduate andgraduate levelsat CollegeSand universities and Centres offering training in both printandelectronic media as Well as becoming part of in-Service training.
2. Media ethics should be looked at in a comprehensive Way to assimilate emerging issues of ecology, gender, children and the like.
3. Codes of ethics of advertising for both national and transnational media need to be reviewed by professional bodies and citizens' TowerTents,
particularly in reg WOTE E CI til of the il TOCEI
4. In the developm media ethics, ase for example of C practice of media highlighted for Cri a wide range of In this respect, should be organis traire TS of ledia
5. It is imperative t
printandelectroni norms public arl audiences and re. basis.
6. The introduction
secondary Schoo
Communication Ethic
Regi Siriwardena
Editor, ICES
Questions of Communication ethics - Whether in South Asia Cor anywhere else - can't be regarded as simply a matter between the individual COTITUnicator and his or her conscience. In the daily choices of the professional life, the communicator is subject to the pressures, constraints and deterrents exerted by a variety of forces-State laws and regulations, and sometimes even extralegal forms of coercion, the preferences or aversions of heads or proprietors of media institutions, the influences of powerful interest groups, and the convictions or prejudices of domilant Séctions of readers, wie WErs Orhéârers. Between these different forces the communicator often treads his or her Way as Warily as through a minefield. However, the pressures acting on the communicator don't come entirely from outside; some of them may be internalised in personal loyaties, antipathies or biases.
What | hawa Said So far may Seem simply a re-statement of the obvious; yet how often do we ignore these realities
When We discuss the dia? Some people, | independence of pres as if this could be eq IlCe Of State COrtr010 tting that there are pli financial Social and no less powerfully, til visibly, even on priv institutions. I clerist legendary model oft principled liberal jou|| the Marchester GLE his leader-Writers W. ndemning a project t in aquarter of the city large-scale pollution. the OWhers of the were among the larg newspaper, The ed but the leader-Writer C. P. Scott on his de suppress the truth, res to economise O
| GO't te|| LHS St.O.

Jard to portrayal of om Tercial exploitance Of Children.
Et Of CLuricLula för ries of case StLudies, Imbudsmen, in the ethics, should be tical appreciation of practical problems.
specialist training EdfOrta ClerSald ethics.
at the edia, both C, make their ethical d explain them to aders on a regular
of Tedia studies in ls for understanding
the nature and responsibilities of themass media should be encouraged. This is crucial for the fostering of ethical awareness, The redia should also cooperate with media reform movements which work for the greater public good.
7. The participants are convinced that three fundamental principles of media ethics are non-negotiable and must be adhered to at all times. They are:
a) Commitment to truth,
b) Respect for human dignity,
c) Concern for the vulnerable, disa
dwa mtaged and oppressed.
8. The media must reinforce acceptance of Socio-cultural pluralism in the Lunderstanding that a plural Society Strengthens democracy and safeguards national integrity.
s: An Overview
freedom of the meFor instance, talk of is, radio or television lated With the abserintervention, forgeessures - political, cultural - which act hough perhaps less 'ately owned media a story about that he independent and Talist, C.P. Scott of Hrda. OICE OC Of
"Otg ar Bditorial COopLIt Lipa gasWorks Where it Would cause
It so happened that projected gas Works estadvertisers in the itorial didn't appear, found this rote from
Sk: "WE TLSt TEWEr Out We hawe SOITEeti=
it.
ry in a Cynical spirit,
as if to imply thatal talk of communication ethics is irrelevant, and independence of the media a pretence oran illusion.There are, after all, degrees of economising on the truth, and degrees of Suppressing it, too. What a COICered to Stress is that the cause of raising ethical standards in the media isn't served by laying down sole absolute code divorced from the real social and political contexts in which eLLLLLLLLHH LLLLLL LLHHLHHLaHS LLLLL LLLLLLL L
oth ET 5E555 Will föCILJS LLEėsti Osl Of some of the specific structural, legal and political factors affecting communication ethics in South Asia. In my paper I shall concentrate on What seem to The to be three fundamental issues. Firstly, what is the rol of the 3rdiai Telatior to the State and civil society in South Asia? Secondly, What are the implications for the media of the multi-linguistic and multi-religious character of South Asian societies? Thirdly, What is the position of the media as regards women? If I say that all these are questions that have, for the purposes of the present seminar, an ethical dime

Page 19
insion, I don't mean that they are questions that can be answered on the basis of some Uniwersal moral Code (personally, I don't believe there is one). What I mean is simply is that these are questions which involve choices in terms of values, even though sole of us may see these values as provisional, tentative or open to continual revision in the light of changing social relations and human experience,
Once Upon a time-but I am not talking of the age of the fairytale but of a relatively recent period stretching approximately from the "fifties to the Sewenties — there Were in South Asia powerful groups who believed in the supremacy of the state as the necessary path of progress in these developing countries. In India and Sri Lanka, under centre-left regimes state dominance Was given legitimation by ideologies of social Welfare and egalitariamism; in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal, under right-Wing military or absolutist regimes, it was clothed in the language of national security. These statist ideologies had necessarily their implications for the media; they could be used to justify censorship as well as other forms of state intervention - even, in Sri Lanka in 1973, the takeover of a newspapergroup. Since that time the statistideology has lost much of its strength in both theory and practica. Privatisation and free competition in the market are growing to be the new economic Orthodoxy in South Asia, as in many other parts of the World, and politically, liberal democracy is assumed to be its natural Concomitant. Yct gwell those South Asian regimes which most ardently BspOLISB free Tlarket BCOnortiid:S ShOW no real enthusiasm for openness in the media.
There is an interesting contradiction in State policies in South Asia towards the different media. On the South Asian scale outright State ownership of newspapers has been an aberration; ruling regimes have generally preferred less direct forms of Control, interwention orinfluence On the press. But State ownership of radio and television has been the rule. Even where private channels exist, as now in Sri Lanka, the state retains its monopoly of dissemination of internal news and comment. Several reasons may be sugge
sted for these dual the press as agains is the precedent of : radio, set already in a se the fäCtOTS Cf | Eäch of radio in S arid th1 E Wisual TriTi which carry advant power are reluctant
Many of us in Sri - and envied-the indence, diversityar press, and now of Sir CE de TOCratisati ximum freedom fro necessary conditior TG dia, itiS Ota Sul Wester liberal Wat flow of infortation" Cofideias", CO Cealth conditions of total pr be no real equality o of society to expres: dia. That is where to is, just as much as inadequate guarante of the media.
Criticisms of medi
Asia, especially by a COICentrate Ortle
Government and Op or COWerage by ther better to hawe a Cor rnment and Oppositi to hawe total SubSe But Opposition par interest groups, and t Opposition Tedia a rr||Tent – in practic means pro-Opposit Гпmentпеwspaper — is proved by a phenol enacted over and O' of the World. Regim LuSed the Teadla to til have fallen; Oppositic cised the former rule the media, hawe con Undemocratic and of of Communication ha why it is necessary fundamental ethical communication Shou holding the scalese'

olicies with regard to other media. There ate ownership of the Colonial times. There he greater audience Luth Asiam Countries diacy of TV, both of ges that regimes in IO OSG.
Lanka hawe adrTired longstandingindepedwigour of the Indian the Pakistani press n, Eut Whi|B thè maT1 State Consol is a for the health of the ficiet CrditioOr. The chWords of 'the free and "the open market fact that even under Watisation, there may access by all groups sion through the Ilele free Tarket Todel the statified one, an B ofdéTocratisation
a structures in South ictive politicias, often IIThbalan C8 between position in access to media, Certainly, it is test between GoveOm in the media than Wience to the State. ies are still Special he existence of proS against pro-Govee in South Asia that ion and pro-Gove- is not enough. This menon that has been Ver again in our part les Which in power heir own advantage In parties, which critiIrS for their abuse of he to power; but the pressive structures We survived. That is o say that the most principle of media ld be not just that of wEr betWEEn Gowe
nment and Opposition but that of being open and responsive to the whole range and diversity of needs, interests, opinions and aspirations within civil society. And especially, of those groups who are disadvantaged and whose voice is less often heard - the poor, linguistic, religious or Cultural Iinorities; and Women.
The aspect of minorities assumes particular importance in the ethnically diverse Societies of South Asia, With the recurrent conditions of Conflict in several of then, The ethical problems that communicators face in relation to such conflicts surface particularly sharply in situations of open riot or civil War. On such occasions, even the non-partisan communicator may be faced with a clash between the principle of reporting exactly what happened and the possible consequences of such a report in exacerbating violence. The liberal slogan of "Publish and be damned' that Tay seen honest or courageous in other circumstances appears in a different light when the result may be not a libel suit or a jail sentence but the large-scale loss of other people's lives, But I don't Want to imply that the ethical problems of communication in societies divided by linguistic or religious conflicts are confined to extreme situations of violence. These offer only Special instances of ethical questions which perpetually confront the communiCator in Such di Wided Societies.
Sewgral TECerit thiaOrists of lati OlaliST hawe drawn attention to the Central role of communication increating and disseminating nationalist consciousness - most notably, Benedict Anderson who has argued that nationalism arose only with What he calls "print capitalism'. Anderson has been criticised on the ground that he has underplayed the strength of pre-modern forts of communication such as oral tradition in fostering group identities. That Criticism is probably justified; but there can be no doubt that these identities, and With them unfortunately, the potentialities of conflict between different nationalities or ethnic groups, gained an enormously added strength with the rise of modern forms of Communication.
Max CorrLfcalor and Corf
17

Page 20
The influence of Gove Media Practice
M. J. Akbar
"The fluence of Policies and GOVETeton Ethical Media Practice". There are five different Wariables in that therme, at the least, and a million permutations and combinations that could emerge from the interaction. To begin with, what kind of government are We talking about? To pretend that a similar kind of democracy is operating in all the countries of South Asia Would be decidedly optimistic. We are, in fact, currently undergoing a particularly scummy phase of democratic behaWiour on the old Subcontinent, since all the governments, barring Bhutan, can claim the legitimacy of adult franchise and free elections. But this has hardly been the substantive reality, and in nations like Pakistan and Bangladesh the media has LaaaLLL LLLL LLLLLL LLaaLaLL aaLHHLGL LaLaL LLLLTTTSS tuľOLIS d5 tOil Wittle WTät Cofistituti O15 like the Ered forCES WHIC hawe ShOW little hesitation to bend history to their Will. If Prie MilStETS in Slalaba ad Dhaka hawe to operate a Third Eye from the back of their headstoforestaları abrupt termination of their power, you can hardly blame an editor for keeping channels open to the right level of uniforms. DemoOkLDLL aaLaLLaLL LLL LLLLL LLLLLaL LLLLLL aa conduct of elections. Newspapers know that, which is why they are far more eager L LLLLLLaLLLL H K LLLL LLaaLLLL aaLLL a EBrate a COCITE.
This is perhaps the most appropriate moment to point out that wested interests LL LLL LLLLHtLLLHH LLLLLLHHLLLLLLL LLLLLL HLHL LL only threat to the existence of a free press, or to "Ethical Media Practice" as the organisers have rather quaintly put it. India has Luch to be Elba TaSSed about thịESE dayS, but at least Of Ora SCOra, itS reCOrd is unratched freedom and democracy. But astrange paradox is building in Indian democracy, Where the exercise of elections is breeding a potential enemy of free media. India has seen governments
pervert freedom of the press, as in 1975
when the Emergency was imposed. On Occasion less draconian governments hawe atter Tıpted to legislate against the excesses of media self-indulgence, or, indeed, blatant partisanship. Thankfully, each time the baby has been rescued from
18
the bathWater. But in democracy has str. forces which have pr Ilselves with Adolf H only the minority CC rder, rapeand Warto that Section of medi: object to Such hoolig unprecedented phe Self Won elections phenormericorn in Indi: resa Separate diSCLII to "Ethical Media F threatened not by private armies. Owin lords With no COITT Cratic Walues?
And before Weexa between governmen rial independence, W might want to pause: Journalists Lindisturb ngers are necessaril Wirtue. At Org |EWE exploit passion-prow Tents of Crisis like powdered too With a пsistencybyalarget Who Wirtually instruc bylines by manufact ly-circulated non-En India indulge in thi English papers hawe this game too. At temptation of owner WSpapers into Wea bludgeon enemies. mot only become th in corporate Warfar: thinly disguised par just the past few day froпtpage ofaleadlп headlines making a Y or Z. Whereas the nothing to Warrantth rly the editor gawe Which Werelater tot: Copy, but no one C Courage to changet Wat for of CSS this? The only poin that ego-partisanshi disease of journalist

ernment On Ethi Cal
recent times, Indian argthened rightwing oudly compared theitler, and targeted not Tuities. With L1 debstructiOr b)Lut alSO Which has dared to aiS. ThiS iSTotal TOTEOT. Hitler hi. But it is a complex and perhaps requission. What happens Practice." When it is government but by g allegiance to Waiitment to any demo
mine the relationship t pressure and editoе пеdiapractitioners and consider whether ed byany poWermoy'always paragons of 1, the temptation to oking lies during mo
COTTILIrlariOS, iS most shardless Coribe of o Wrer-editOTS, t reporters to obtain uring lies. Wery wideglish newspapers in Si Crire, ard SCOITIE 2 occasionally joined another level is the s to Convert their repons With Which to The newspaper has e most effective ally a but also a tool for isan propaganda. In Shaw E SEEl Othe gEпglishпеwspaper charge against X or copy said absolutely IBSeheadling.S. Cleapre-judged headlines ally incompatible With in the desk had the E EditOS Eadil E.S. Should WE COnsider t one might make is p is an international T.
To return to our principal theme: we have an interesting conjunction in the title. It is mot the influence of Policies of GowaLLL LLLL LL LL LLLLL LLL LLLLLLaLHa aL influence of Policies and government. This di StiTctir and diffTECE İS BCESSary, for the two are not the same. There is the influence of policies, and the influenCE = Cof goWerTTEent, and they take their own shapes.
Governments in India, being denied the freedom to simply bludgeon editors into hapless submission, have not necessarily always retired hurt. They have used the Wealth of political and bureaucraticiirTmagination to create pools of pressure which would make newspapers Vulnerable. It Was not simply the fact that the Press Act which still operates was first devised in the decade after the 1857 Mutiny and polished up in successive eras to meet the demands of a threatened imperialist. Nationally, free India introduced arriendments, but not so many as you might irTagine. It was the hangover of the past which allowed censorship, for instance, to be so easily imposed in 1975.
There were other techniques brought into play, The newsprint policy, for instance. But there is in fact no longer much need to dwell upon these factors because significant changes in policy over the last two years have defanged many of the provisions, The decanalisation of neWSprint import, for instance, did as much as anything else to remove a major source of government pressure on the conduct of newspaper operations. Similarly, the inclusion of print technology into the open general licence category, again a decision of a Congress government, allowed Indian mediato entera new era ofgrowth and expansion, enabling the smaller reWspaper houses in particular to multiply their reach through the application of cost-effective communication systems. The impact therefore of the spirit of liberalisation now underway in India has been positive on the media industry.
It is comforting to report that all this has not turned the Indian print media soft om the government. It retains and continues

Page 21
to protect its ir depender CeWith a sustained vigour.
One is even tempted to suggest that no government is probably in a position to imprison the media anymore. The World has changed too much for any kind of authoritarianism or pseudo-authoritarianism to succeed. Governments no longer inspire the fear- or, Idaresay even the respect – they orice did. Politics as a profession and government as an institution has been devalued sufficiently in the last de Cade.
The impact therefore of governmenton Ethical Media Practice, as distinct from Government Policy, has also weakened. To explain a little. During the Emergency, for example, it was not only the official policy of government which held media under thrall; the sense of terror personally generated by a few individuals played more than its part in creating an atmosphere of terror. Only those who hawe faced the specific bullying and viciouSness of the powerful know how permicious the use of raw power can be in sending suitable "signals" to the media. Everyone has some skeleton or the other; proprietors are mot very different from other businessmen in their attitude to tax laws, for instance, Governments ensure rewards to the "politically correct" and get Very legal With those less polite. On an individual level, journalists get the benefit of housing etc., for being suitably friendly to particular power brokers. The correlation between generosity and ethics can be as insidious as the equation between fear and ethics.
A Tajor reason for the growing impotenC8 0fg0vernments, atleastas faras thegir ability to manipulate media is concerned, is technology. I will leave this thought in skeletal form in this brief paper, but I hope that this is an area which We consider in SOTle depth in our discussions. A select and specialised group like ours, at such a seminar, Will understand immediately how the dramatic arrival of the satellite in the sky, and its astounding ability to filter into any home without the permission of governments, and without any respect to traditional boundaries, has simply defanged the authority of local powers. It is Virtually impossible now to protect the news of the destruction of a Babrimosque or the seige of the Hazrathal shrine, or any other majorincident, from being reported by voices and Cameras which have no allegiance to local authority. And this
is only the beginni revolution; its conse of the print media, f been fully apprecia coldly neutral; We
IIIlents do not con mpanias, it does ni Controlster. This: SOT e time for the e the age of transition not antipathy, but W and mot Lulled to sleE
A second point c Will dwell. The read journalism these di from the abilities government, Wheth Colombolor Slatlab Something altogeth desire of journalists side of issues of Critic rly those issues whic
TWee
Tugri I5 'r[h]] PE TEST Tee TALUEEL After at Forgetti Droppet DOLUTI I
Ard Fis THIS PLI W NH Sрагеd
Alik Térl 5 Reporte WWF lege, TLS; P
TLLee||||
H LUI WO EJI Tle C. AJ Ldfire JLS Orle TLItle Air

ng of the technology quences of the nature or instance, hawe not ted. But no media is know that. If govetrol these Satellite coDit follOW that no One seminar must provide trilerging concerns of in a spirit of empathy, ith its eyes also open, p by a new hypnosis.
in which, I hope, We anger to independent ayS might come not Ir dis-abilities of any er in Delhi Or Dhaka, ad. itmight come from Er different: a Willing
to be on the correct Cal Concern, particulahi hawe a direct impact
con national survival. Indian and Pakistani journalists, for instance, take absolutely predictably opposite lines on any matter relating to Kashmir. The particular merits of any incident gets totally drowned in the seas of patriotism showing around on both sides of the border. It would be most interesting to consider the relationship between media ethics and nationalism. On how Sri Lanka media treats the civil War in the Tamil areas; on 10W Indian media treats Kashmir; or how Pakistani media reports the same story; on how Bangladeshi media responds sopromptly to any inspired bashing of Delhi, and so on and Soforth. This is going to be prickly, and perhaps not necessarily pleasant. It is much nicer to blame governments for all the ills and take credit for all that goes Well. But a Seminar by and for professionals of South Asia Wi|| not hawe served its purpose if it does not permit some space for introspection.
dile-Gorb and Tweedle-Sin
(The Clown's Cantos No. 2)
2-Strfor a Nobel II. Ürı İTOLigTSlal
otkrig Golder the GLCISTI Ost Fleece e-Gorb's Tornarticipiece Las Peace 2-Sirl's COLLEDe ECCOTLOTTĪCES
| Flis Tirks,
rig firly theoretical bricks, ili LFLe_four dolaro RoLInEble 3 Ehte depth ofdpoode.
Mosco LU ALLE LITTLI
2 Fall on the Prag Le Sportrug.
el LILIrelle, Stalil
the ReichstagJor TLe HLIn. ed, Clas, orie mari irl PragLe.
"a rugelu, ir l Pekirg
TS L'ere incredSiglly L’ague r-Lhefg|LIre LUCIS ELIOthousard of ELUerty Of Le stor nat relier kriplu
2-stri's exact score.
afcourse be History's only one sted his Parlament Lith Healygur. tion reads, for Heroic deeds LUorks, a subtlely timed display * month before Guy Fawkes Day d the RoLible firly by the Collar
tantly steadied the Do III.
U. EKa Tulatilake
19

Page 22
MEDA
War: Why Ban
Tony Hall
The Government has decided against a recommendation by Army Commander Cecil Waidyaratne to re-introduce provisions of the Emergency Regulations relating to printing and publishing of Certain material and documents.
These provisions, 30 and 30A of Emergency Regulations were repealed by the late President R. Fremadäsa.
Lt. Gen. Waidyaratne has meanwhile warned senior officers in II military establishments Coulntrywide that severe action would be taken if they were found giving information to the media.
The public Will only get the full and sensitive reporting of Northern Ireland that they want if the UK broadcasting ban is lifted, says the managing director of BBC rews and current affairs.
It is now five yeагs siпce the government brought in the ban restricting the reporting by broadcasters of the full range of WIEWS in the North ETT Teld debate. LLLKLSLaLaLHLHLLLLLLLL LLLLK SSaHLLLLLLL and Sir77 Fair 7's Gerry Adams hawe highlighted the need for the government to re-examine the necessity for legislation which undermines the ability of British broadcasters total| Wie WBrs and istEners the full story.
The government introduced a Notice restricting the reporting of Sinn Fair and other groups in Northern Ireland in 1988. Since then, viewегsапdlistепегs —рагticularly in Northern Ireland — hawe been deprived of a first-hand account of the different shades of opinion which permeate the political Scene.
Toy HaM is the Taraging director of BBC rows and curfer affairs.
2O
Lgt US remind oLJ Notice does. It prew dcast of anyone Sp пtative, огіп sшpport tion: it forbids actual foreign leader oгарс support fог, say, Sї Words of support sp. in the European Pa dants in a Court E support for a listed Tibers of a Crowd; documentaryfootago organisations.
lrı theory, Sinin F; of groups affected by the banning of the the only legal group
Before the ban, br. to carry testing inter representatives afte these representativ views after these grounds that their wo
Under the terris Ol of theSg Same SITr be broadcast only if apersonal capacity of Councils or COTIT.
BBC journalists ( WieWErs and listEnBr EWBrits in NOrther T. judge for themselve gWEt5 ad the Wat policies adopted. Bu to broadcast journa reputation as an up both at home and a
treas the LSE
substitute for a me cormon, along with nation to the public. Of LE NOticE that LTE instances. Where a dcast usingan acto actual interview for

Reporting?
Selves of What the ents the direct broaaking as a represe| Of a listed ÖTgäTllSa= lity of a speech by a litician giving specific In Feir; actuality of Joken by a politician riament or by defeanywhere; shouts of organisation by meal CErail Igrical of members of listed
an is one of a range "the Notice but, Since UDA a year ago, it is
ffBCtEd.
oadcasters Were able Wie WS With Sir Fer r|RA atrocities, NOW BS OftE äWoid inteincidents, or the iCBS W|||10t beheard.
F the Notice the voices 7 Fer Tambers Carl they are speaking in or as representatives ittgeS.
o their best to keep sproperly informed of
Ireland so they can as the significance of lue Or other Wis of it the ban is damaging IST1 ald to Britain's older of free speech,
Õad.
of an actor's Woice to Tiber of Sirr Fair is the obligatory expla. Such is the Wording are hawe been SEWeral interwie.W Was broarfor part of it and the tE TETlElider.
This usually arises as a result of Loyalist LLLLLL LL LLL LLLLLLLLS LLL LLLLLLLLSS mple, apost-election interview with Gerry Adars, or Radio Ulster's side Polics programme, began with Adams in voice as a victim of violence describing a gun attack on his house earlier in the Week. The rest of the interwiew, which was political in context, used another woice.
The inconsistency of the Notice regularly surfaces. During an edition of Inside L'Isfer last SLUTTET, OB TETTEDET Of SirTr) Fein was voiced-over because of a story's political theme, while in another instance a member of the party was heard in voice because he was the Witness to an attack.
This is confusing to wiewers and listeners. It isan unsatisfactory way to Conduct interviews, even if the Substance of those interwieWS İS reflected, because the İmp0rtant additional information conveyed in broadcast journalism - tone, inflexion and mood- are all missing. It is not just What people say but how they say it.
Networked news reports are similarly, though less frequently, affected, while current affairs and documentary programirmes often hawa the added Complication of subjecting historical material to Scrutiny Under the ter ITIS of the bar).
Broadcasters do their best to present a fair and full picture of the events and issues in Northern Ireland but there is always a danger that the logistics of reporting Within the terms of the Notice will inhibit our journalism.
The BBC has always been careful about interviewing members of Siriri Fer and other listed organisations. When We LLaaLLLLLLLLLLLLL LLLaLLLLLLLaLLS tice, With due sensitivity to audience feeling, complaint was rare. We believe that DLr WieWBrs and listerlers Want full and sensitive reporting of Northern Ireland affairs. That can only happen if the ban is lifted.

Page 23
s
Why there's sc in this rustici
There is laughter and light baiter Titlist the:
LLLLLL LLLLLLLlLM gLLLLm GmmL LLLLLL 0LLLLLLLLD LLL LLrrClLL leaf in a bir TI, IT IS, CITIE: If the hundreds of such
barns spread tytut in thị: Tid artici Lipmuntry LLLLLLLLH KLLK HuuLLLLLL LlL aBLaLlL uLLLLL LLLLHa LS dallimi, di Iring the Coff 5:2:15 Cor.
Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows Fis a LLLLeOLL LLL LLLLCHC HLL LHLHL uuuLGLCL LtgtLLLLLaL LLLLLLLHHL L gold, to the value of Jir Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRCHING FRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter tobacco barn.
Tobaccan is the industry that brings er TıployTIEmil tra
hic scienci highest numbe T uf people. Artici ThE:52 people are the colbarra barr, IowTiers, thia' trab.: CCC growers and those who work for the IT, on the land ariri irl, the barms.
For thern, the tobacco leaf means rearingful work,
a carnfortable hife àTird a ocure futura. s. FC
rough reason for laught ET,
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people,

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating T
C
Dynamic
In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in the of only 46... and a few hundred Customers
Today, just 30 years later
People Resource exceeds 1 Customer Listings at a sta Branch NetWork in exCeSS
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has g in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spec resources at their Command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
Three DeCades
f
: Growth
challenging World of Banking With a staff
0,000 ggering 5.5Million of 328, THE LARGEST
rown to become a highly respected leader ;tacular growth is a reflection of the massive to the Service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'