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o KoREA AND SE
LANKA
VO. 16 No. 19 February 1, 1994 Price RS."
ZHIRINOVSKY :
UN P - NE
SLAM IN TH
GLOBALISATION: ;
SAMIF
talks to Sumi
SS
S S S S S S S S S S S S S S S S S
CONSTITUTIONAL CHA
THE NEED FORP
YoUTH REVOLT: THE
J. V. P. AND THE
THE J. R. Y
 

RI LANKA - c. Mahendan
DAN
O Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
a brief encounter
- Chanaka Amaratunga
VV TTACTITICS
- Mervyn de Silva
IE MALDWES
SS
a counter-strategy || R AMIN t Chakra vartty
ANGES: THE OPTIONS
- A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
UBLIC MORALITY
- Izeth Hussain.
FAILURE OF LEADERSHIP
- S. Hettige
S.L.F. P. SPLIT
- Mick Moore
EARS - Arden

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WITH THE BEST
ELEPHANT HOUS
OUALITY AT AFFC
NO 1 JUSTICE
CCLC)

COMPLIENTS
E SUPERMARKET
ORDABLE PRCES
A. Il-KEBAR MWAWWA THA
NMEBO 2.

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TRENDS
Gone missing
A Sri Lankan arity officer has gопе шпderground in the United States affer bgiring Sacked from a mїїагу Ігаїпїпg course for alleged Theff. L. Co. Jayasha Kotela Wala has gone missing along with his wife алd dашghter:Kolelawala has figшred twice in shop-fifting incidents in a military Tal. He was renowed from Ihe Fол Велліпg MIіїагуAсаderry Where HE was Linder fraining ard asked fo refLIFT 7 so 75 GW сошлІгу, The family has sїпcegoле missing алd LJS ofїїcials ага геро
El f”) EG LJF73 fo frāCG 777.
Walted: DPLEDUSi 1e SSThe
Trade charters have asked the gover T777e 7f so pasif businessmen asdplолтats in Sri Lалkал missions abroad. The goverпment has agreed, according so trade sources.
BRIEFLY. . .
Wrong ппап
How did a militray man get into a human rights delegation? Foreign Minister Shaul Hameed has ordered a probe. One Mr. D. Wijesekera listed in the four member delegation headed by Attorney General Tilak Marapone scheduled to represent Sri Lankaat th5OSESSOS Of the UN Human Rights Commission from January 31 to March 11 in Geneva it has turned out is Brigadier Daya Wijesekera. The Selection made by the human rights division of the Foreign Ministry has been over-ruled by President D.B.Wijeturlga,
USSS-Tel for SLVP security
TWO TE from the US Sērēt Service are in toWn noW, to helpo Sri Lanka set up a WIP protection unit. The new Linit will be responsible especially for the Security of Presdet äld the Prie Millister. Hi the US the President and the WP are protected by the Secret Service.
Early elections?
Political observers are talking of a snap election this year. The Presi
dential election is the ferd of this analysts believe rnment will go fo BBCtil Jeffre til T5t Carl Lur ti||
While political Such a possibilit dict. El rise in the such an eventua Government Will rned about target spending image catching projects
AMF this Keeping an eye с
Electi
Election fewe South With the ap wincial Council hawe begin hard and the People' and Left parties expected to Sup timTE TOUd.
BDmb
Thirteen peop about fifty more bomb exploded ir Cētral Sri Lak: through the fully OLS: Et RT Anura dhapura-W CC SUSpect the L
SL to chair N
Jayantha Dh; -General at the presideOWerthe reCEOf the Treat feration of Nucle: HIS Selection endorsed by the MiflistB SfläL| F his nate.
TE COfEFEC April in MleW Yor Sea SOFed UNFla
Revampi edLICI
A three-year p this month is exp ETSi the JuliWE problems: queue irrel Vält COLISE English knowledig

due to be help at year and some that the Gowdis a parliamentary hat though parliaMarch next year.
observers project | economists pre: budget deficit in lity. They say that he notbe COCGSbut only With high building with vote
now in the country, ir ali tis.
in fewer
is rising in the proach of the ProJolls, Nolinations ed in by the UNP s Alliance (SLFP i). The DUNF is port the UNP this
in a bus
|E Werekilled and injured when a side a busin North a. The blast ripped loaded passenger bewa on the avunya road. PoliTTE.
TP. Conference
anapala, DirectoForeign Office will orthcoming Confeyon the Non-Proliir Weapons (NTP). was unanimously UN When Foreign Hameed proposed
e is Scheduled for K. Dhanapala is a
.
ng higher Cation
an to be launched ected to clear pro3rsities. Among the as for admission; ls; inadequacy of
E.
Devolution: a fact of life
President D.B. Wijetunga told a serinar in Colombo that devolution was a fact of life today and had corne to stay. The President was speaking at the inauguation of the National COffer EC 0 til DeWoluti Experience organised by the Centre for Regional Development Studies. There were however problems such ES the reCONCILIO Of Wout With the implementation of national policy for which the people had given a mandate to the government, he said.
A parade of rejects
SLFP MP Mangala Samaraweea said in a statement that the So-Caled SLFPers who were claimed by the UNP to be joining that party were in reality rejects and failures. The MP gave a case by case analysis of the paraded "converts". Some had been removed as party organisers, others had repeatedly lost eleCtions and Some had riewer been liri the SLFP to begin with, the MPsaid.
GUARDAN
Wol. 16 No. 19 February 1, 1994
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 245, Union Placa Color bio-2,
Editor Mervyn de Silva Telephone 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Ma Watha, Color TibÖ 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background The Proposed Constitutional
Chaпges Public Morality 5. MaldiiWS LTTE — Mahattaya Casa Zhirirkowsky J.R. Years (19) Fighting Youth Revolts 3. J. W.P East ASi
Interview-Sair Artil 19

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NEWS BACKGROUND
SRI KOTHA SEZ
Mervyn de Silva
TOT1 'PFETEdESai ST || With Out Prg
madasa", the L.G.'s post-assasination thesis, We now hawe "Jaya Wardenism Without President Jaya Wardene". It is the spirit that counts, and the spirit of Jayawardene, 83 and kicking, haunts the political SCEE
But what is still not fully appreciated is a point that this journal has spotlighted quite early in the career of President D.B. Wijetunge. Weidentified a new personality factor that seemed to be capable of changing the national political equation, certainly in the South. (See PRESIDENT D.B. HERE I STAND, 1993, DBW's North-South Fronts 15/10 and Thondaman, Gamini and the UNP 1512/93 and Thondaman and the KGB Factor 15194)
When I talk Cof'Jaya Wardenalism'' || mean of CGLlurse the talet for Skilful mano LeWire - of course with enemies or opponents that operate on the same turf as you, not HaLLDSLL LLLLLLLHHLHLLLLLLL aL LLLLLaLLLLLLLa the SLFP, the Left, the clergy, the Sinhala ultras (JWP), the bureaucracy, judiciary, the private sector, the press etc. President D.B. brings to the arena of political power ап епtirely new psychology, Іагgely пошlded by upbringing and environ Tient (what | hawe termed the KGB factor) anda highly indiwidualistic approach to "power". Right now, it is the gift for highly skilled TanoueWre (persons, posts, issues) that reminds Lus of Jayawardenalism', encouraging the persistent yarn about Dicky's Brain Working (DBW).
If in the current crisis this myth has been strengthened, the explanationis quite simple. President D.B., just like J.R. in his time, has two targets - Mrs. Bandaranaike, the only Credible challenger to any UNP president, and secondly, a Sirimaled coalition or a united SLFP leading a large Coalition with Mrs. B. as "the candidate". JR split the SLFP, and crippled Mrs. B. politically.
±¬ܕ
J.R. - THONDAMAN
Thondaman looks like the great exce
ption. Notreally, Pre CWC Wote and the p JEDE FL SFC WE гupeesа попth, пее J.R. gave the CWC his 80,000-100-000: At the back of his security threat. Wha CEEdEd WETE SOITE rthern groups failed' FIOMAFTP WFlat COL || the tea bushes abla "tigers' or bOTıb. Nu W
FHr Էյցttցr tt |gt policing. His "boys' " іп away по N.I.В. а!
For, President D.E his l'OITle turf. חון traditionilä | HOTE:lläri ders andierle W. Si the only foreign poy the last kingdom, the other colonisers, D had failed. This Was |al fr)T W|||C1 1]; uprooted, the enwir the Way of life threat
The British had left still there With his pol that wote, the UN PW in deep trouble at t polls.
A TOW TO LETE SE. ELL IS SCOT ES down to that task, the On another front a love-take the Off:
B FPTEE Elti NORAD matter (a WC tute) Was ConVerteco Wasal affront. Neith Tor, nor Premadasa tratedTOIdäTär
WHCl Fl: Pr:5 ceeded to name a Thondaman opene formed a new allian

ES THE DAY
Sites li JFl War IET THE lantations quiet, The relosing 400 million Lrly 10 million dollars. boss a portfolio and stateless, citizenship.
mind Was a major it if Prohkar SLother separatist noF GLI 2 Trilla War ir the d the State do? Seet ze to Smloke Out the ara Eliya Or Badulla?
Tarra do til will spot an infiltrator gent could.
3 this WaS a War Cri e longest war on the d against the "invaettlers, introduced by WET WHICH I had tikE a Kandуап, where all utch and Portuguse the traditional Onea peasant had been onment altered, and EmEd.
but Thodaman Was Enltill Vote. EL for ould really hawe been C Provincial Council
coup-recovery exercis President D.B. got
WCOSSELECHEC
typical Thondаптап ISIWe. The letterfront Secretariat on the Icational training Instiirto a Cad SLIS III. It 1er JR, the last Empethe tough guy, had it is fashion.
artial Secretariat proInquiry Committee, da new front having Ice, the CWC-DUNF.
LLLLLL LLLLL LLa LaSSaaLLLLLLL0 LaaHHHH H HHH HHL UNP administration in the C.P. Council, and the Whole unseemly affair, and the Tgli ad Out5ide Cla Tb8.
BATTLESAHEAD
In an exhilarating exhibition of JR-like mano Lewres, mowe and counter Towe, the CWC-DUNF aliance Cr rather lhe Gamini-Thonda front was seriously weakemed.
Now the T1ain target Was not Mr. Thodala ut thig DUNF Will Gamil. The front was thus broadened. Not just the Central province; mot simply the UNP LLLLaLSLLLLLLHaaSL aaLLLLLLLLLL S LLC brief respite (the DUNF-CWC front in the Central Prowice) was ower.
NOW TF1g UNP took the Offen Siya dellermined to use the opportunity of broadening the front to make 1994 the Year of Battles. The preparation for the Big One in December, the Presidential poll. The LaLa LLL LLLLLLLLS aa LLaHaa LLL aa LLLLLLLK War - Were the Army's business. Or rather the new Army Chief's task.
The War in the SOLuth is the real War. or the begining of the real war - for political power.
So Central Province, Southern Prownce, and finally the Westerrı Province, With the "DUNF" stalwarts, Gamini and Premachandra back in the UNP fold, it is now a question of Winning these three battles, one way or another, in preparation for EBG ONE.
To recower, the SLFP or PAP Will hawe to re-group, re-think tactics and strategy. LLLa LLLLLL LLLLLL aLLLLL LLL LLLLL LL LLL LLLLLL for tՒig StյլյլՒլ?
NOTE:
Temanto Watch, apartfrom the Presdent, Prime minister Ranil, General SeCretary Cooray, Gamini and Thondaman is...... Anura B.

Page 5
OONSTITUTION
The proposed change
A. Jeyaratnam Wilson
t is allost certain that there Will
ble Sonne tinkering with the Coristitution. A cabinet committee is looking into this question. There are three major barriers to be crossed. Firstly the government has to muster a two-thirds majority in Parliament, Secondly to obtain this majority the main opposition grouping, the Sri Lanka Freedoпп Party wi| have to cooperate to enable amendments to conform to the required two-thirds majority. This may be impossible. The SLFP may insistoria total package of refortins including the abolition of the Executive Presidency and the restoration of cabinet parliamentary government. It could refuse to support piecemeall changes Which do not radically depart from the present structure. It might be Wiser however if it accepted changes to the system of proportional representation (PR) and modifications to the provisiOS for the EaferendLUIT IT the CorlStitlu= tion, reserving to itself the right to abolish or amend the powers of the Presidency When it takes office. Thirdly the Supreme COLIITTILISt PrOrio Lurice or the Constitutionavalidity of proposed changes and whether, in certain instances, a referendu Will be required. The Supreme Court is supposedly an independent institution and Virtually a third chamber of government. But it has already been constituted by UNP presidents,
The gover Tent has declared that it has no intention of abolishing the ExecutiWe presidency. There is a possibility of it modifying its stand. There may be niggling atterTripts to hawe President and Cabimet share power. For example the practice of the President holding portfolios in Which subjects there is no minister accountable to Parliament may be done away with. In the past, not even the Prime Minister (in particular Mr. Premadasa) answered for the President's actions in the latter's capacity as Minister of Defence. Another possibility is for there to be a Deputy Minister (of, for example, Defепсе) who could then be responsible to the legislature. Whether this will be acceptable to the Opposition is another question. Ideally the President should divest himself of all cabinet portfolios because he is not present in ParliaIlent to answer. Yet another is for the Prime Minister to take responsibility for all the portfolios held by the President. But why should he or how can he because
flE Fläs, TlC C:DIllTt]] [] rtlets attached to
Orne last possibilit to share power Wil question of pOWEer : if there are contradic the Prime Minister W Supportofa party dif President Wi| acjWi: appoint ministers of tWO ob Sta ClĒS Stard t3 Presidelt refUSE dies are a Wailable te trat President? Til |JWS Gl Flo first
The blessed vague tio, 3g Lullig | Aŭ could provide a Way sse but only if the P iTipotency of his sit states that if the Pre nion that by reaso things (such as illne: Lanka), "hë Will bë perform and discharg Briti fլIfl:itյrls tյf Fils because he has пепl), he may appoi to perfor in his functic riod". This would should there be a c. in parliament. The in the Words "during Su rly intended to be for But it could, in view interpreted as mea period that the Prime a majority.
But what if the obstreperous, Agair Article 37 (2) can b assistance of the CF to be ir Wiked. ThiS, SI "if the Chief Justice the Speaker is of t president is tempora se" hisfunctions, "he in Writing His opinion thereupon the Prime the functi OS COf mporarily" again Was period but in order to tion to work, "tem. Where there are hos tWee PrSdigt g imporary" Carn thereaf

2S
Ver any of the depathese portfolios.
y is for the President the Cabinet. The haring will not arise tory majorities. Then F0 Wil|| COITIITad the erent froT that of the He the President to
his/her choice. But
in the way. What if :S? And What renedeal With a recalci2 SECOTld hurdle fo
less of the ConstituArticle 37 (1) and (2) out of such amirmparesident realises the Jation. Article 37 (1) sident "is of the opin" of, among other SS, absence from Sri unable to exercise, Je the powers, duties office, (in this case, majority in Parliait the Prime Minister ons "during such peIus be the Way out, ontradictory majority tention of including ch period" Was cleaa temporary phase. of its vagueness, be ning for the entire EMinister Commands
President remains the Vagueness of e utilized. Here the Thief justice will hawe Lubsection states that in Consultation. With he opinion that the rily unable to exerci3 shall Communicate to the Speaker and Minister'shall assuthe President. "Teintended as a short enable the ConstituJorarily" can mean lile Tajorities as beParliament and "teore be regarded as
the Whole of the Prime Minister's term in office while he/she commands a majority.
One way thus of remedying the situation Without amending the Constitution is to provide for the Executive President not to holdany portfolio Whetherior not the majorities coincide and secondly for the Prime Minister to assume the functions of the President if the President is of the party With a minority of seats in the legislature. Article 31 (1) and (2) can be underscored asconinginto operation in the Circumstances mentioned. In the latter event, the President merely remains ceremonial head of State.
The question of powersharing in normal situations as When there are Coincidental majorities is beset With problems. How can the executive power be divided? Either it must be possessed by one or Other institution, President or Prime Minister (and Cabinet). Or the President must delegate power in specific areas. Firstly this cannot be done by constitutional ameindment for the Opposition Will not cooperate. Secondly the one who delegates can always recall such delegated powers or closely oversee its operationalizing. The latter provision Will not prove satisfactory because bureaucrats must then satisfy two Tasters, the President and the MiniSter. In Which case, it is the President whose authority Will prevail. For instance, a minister might require a bureaucrat in his ministry to perform certain tasks inimical to certain interests and interest groups. Under the Constitution the President Cal if sufficiently pressured by the wested interests concermed, countermand the directives Of the Thinister. Inter"Wie WS With public servants indicated such problems. They said they preferred the former system where they were only answerable to the minister. Under the existing dispensation, a conflict of loyalties arises. Pubolic: officials Willim the ed hawe t0 fo|OW the President's Orders and this Wil|| Create dissension belWeen the bureaLICrat and the finisters.
Oppositional Cooperation for a constitutional amendment might be possible if provision is made for both President and Parlia Tottofa Cethe electors at og ald the same time. That is, there should be no fixed term for a President. The President goes to the polls with members of
3.

Page 6
the dissolved Parliament. At the end of an Election there Will the be a Presider tard a Parliamentary majority of the same party or coalition of parties. The question of contradictory majorities Will them notarise.
Even With such a change there is still the problem of an Executive president ower riding ministerial orders to bureaucrats. This can be resolved in two ways by constitutional armendment. Ministers ShOLuld be made anSWerable and accountable to Parliament for the actions of bureaucrats in their respective ministries. This Would mean tilat a Presidert Will be obligated to obtain the consent of a minister before he gives a directive to a bureaucrat in a depart Tent of the minister. Alternatively the President directs the minister to give bureaucrats orders. If the President and minister cannot agree, the minister must resign or the President has the Constitutional right to replace the miniSt.
On this aspect, there is, the probler of the duties of the Prime Minister. During President Jayewardene's two terms, the Prime Minister did not see eye to eye with the President on a number of crucia mattärs, Both Tèn hOWEWEr äWolded Fl head on Collision. But When it cant to President Premadasa he resolved the possibility of a clash between him and the Prime Minister by making it clear that the latter office Was available to the holder for Only one year at a title. This was a crude attempt to conserve power. The President Will hawe to ensure that he appoints a PM on Whom he can depend. Alternatively he Will have the constitutional right to dismiss the PM and find a replacement.
There ISOWgWer a TOre intractable problem. What are the duties and respoSibiliti ES of the Prime Minister? The CoInstitution only makes references to the President consulting with the PM on stated latters and for the latter to act for the President on given occasions. But consultation does not imply that the Presidel mUSt act On the Pring Minister's advice. So what does a Prime Minister hawe to do Lunder the Constitution? It may be noted that the two prime ministers under the 1978 constitution Were given an additional portfolio. Or else they would merely hawe functioned as chief of the government's majority and Leader of the House. THE PrirПe Minister does not coTinTilland authority Whatsoewer ower ministers. Only the President does. Cne alternative therefore is to abolish the prime ministerial office. Another is for the Prille Minister to shepherd the government's majority and function as leader of the House and these duties are betterif speci
4.
fied in the Constituti the titular office of P
There are two oth examination. The sy representation requ Sir. Tl3iTitert[ | ensure that partieSO portion to the votes the high cut off poir Should be reducē dit universal. The other TITELT Of CCT single member const Wever that in the LIt İtige:Sobotaİnı thl Bir dLi proportion to the Wot German system ther EletWeer än MP ald is BПsured.
Briefly the German to Sri Laka Wi|| bg = must Win 5 percent WOle Or 3 СОПSituЕ island to qualify (2) tr ballot papers, one for SEElliwES for Eäc C wince and the other f by each party for ea can be two separate single ballot sheet W. top half the ComStitui lower half the provinc Will be awarded seats basis of its winnings the post systern Whi plurality of votes cast is required), For the lis: in proportion to the proportion of Seats national proportion o party. A Wins 10 sea a constituency basis Territers. With 100m each province, and
lational Wote, it Will| |r| seats from its provinc Lltit Sobotit in proportion to then But What is Party A o the votes cast? It Will of the Seats allocated is 10 constituency se thus being permittedt portion". This means of seats in Parliament on the assignment of: tion of the rational wo hand Party B might seats and obtain 30 p. Wojte, TF G H Will Te. seats from the provinc it obtains seats Which to the per Certage c polled (4) Party Cir constituency seats in has qualified by obt:

I. He Can Stil hold
The Minister.
Ef area5 til at feed stem of proportional res Wholesale rewintroducing PR to ptained seats in proolled. For one thing it of 12 1/2 percent five which is pretty is to adapat the Gebining PR With the tuency, ensuring homate reckoningpa5 share of SBats in as polled. Under the LICHTEdEdContact his/her constituency
PR system adapted s follows: (1) a party of the totallational ncies in the Whole le Wolter reCÉiWESTWO the election of repreonstituencyina proor the list presented ch province. These 2 ballot papers or a lich COslairls On B ency list and on the ial list (3) each party i ina province on the eats on the first past ch is the SaITle as a no absolute majority it, it will receive seats votes cast but the will depend on the f wotes polled. So if its in a province on
ii a OLI Se of BOC) embers assigned to
20 percent of the Ciwa 10 additional ial list thus ensuring Ota Ilmu Tiber of Seats ational Wotes polled. btains 40 percent of the be a Warded 40 to the province, that ats and 30 list seats, огetaina"sшperprothat the total lumber сапvary depепding seats and the propoite Won. On the other win 5 constituency cent of the national ceive 25 additional ialist to Ernsure that
Will beim proportion if national Wotes it may fail to win any a prowince but if it aining 5 percent or
TOTEe of the lational Wote and obtain.S 6 percent of the vote in the provincial list, it Will be awarded 6 seats notwithstanding its failure to obtain any constituency seats.
The other is the referendum. A Well stated aphorism is that the referendum implies the transfer of power from knowledge to ignorance or evento masshysteria. Parliament is specially equipped to enact legislation. There is no necessity to require, the input of the electorate. If it is retaned, specific provision needs to be made that it not be used to, for example, extend the terr || Of Parament. This Ir"|StrUITTest has potential for the emergence of dictatorship. A self willed President under the existing provisions can appeal to the eleCtors the lead of the Cabinet of ministers and of Parliament and have legislation endorsed without the participation of Parliament. The best remedy is to do away with the referendum in view of the possibility of the supremacy of Parliament being undermined. If there is strong feeling that there are provisions in the Constitution that require the dual endorsement of Parliament and the people, the better route Would be to entrench such provisions in perpetuity so that they cannot be changed even by constitutional amendment. If amendment must be made, a special Constitutional Convention COuld be SUmmoned for the purpose.
Lastly there is the role of the Supreme Court whose independence is provided for in Article 107 and its composition in Article 119; it will consist of not less than 6 and not more than 10 judges besides the Chief Justice. So no additional judges can be appointed by a new government. The Supreme Court has been involved in making political decisions since indepeindence, in political cases, the trend has been for the Court to be the hand laid of the executive. This need not be a problem since the Court cannot, except in glaring instances of contingent injustice, hamistring the executive. The situation could however become difficult if the Court had been originally Constituted Withone President's yes men and a President from a different party has to confront a hostile Court. Usually the Court will be pragmatic. But it could also be obstructionist. There is only on avernu avalable to a Presdent of a different party. He can offer alternative appointments, such as ambassadorships, governorships, chairmanships of various corporations and coTimissions and have amenable judges take the place of difficult judges. In this way a reconstituted Supreme Court can be less recalcitrant. Any other change Will require a constitutional amendment which Will not be available to any government without oppositional cooperation.

Page 7
EELAM
Public morality nece:
Lizeth HuSSairn
T赠 purpose of this article is to argue that unless the Government respects reasonable standards of public morality there will be no solution to the ethnic problem. Instead, Sri Lanka could well breakup.
My approach is based on Rousseau's WiSW that“TOSB Who Want to LunderStand politics and morality separately will never understand anything about either of them". He was reaffirming a traditional Way of thinking about politics which, in the West, Went back to Plato and others in Greek antiquity.
The polar opposite of that view is supposed to be that of Machiavelli, who allegedly justified the practice of sub-moral realpolitik just for the sake of power. It is a mistaken notion, as an attentive reading of his works will quickly show. His Discouses in particular show an obsession about the central importance that should be given to the civic virtues in politics.
My concern in this article is particularly With the notion that without respect for public morality a country can disintegrate. it arises from the idea that a society is a moral community, oritis not a society. The last of the great public philosophers of the West, Bertrand Russell, could have sometimes seemed naive in Some of his crusades, but in his philosophical Writings he was always the hard-headed relentless rationalist. Hewrote,"Withoutcivic morality communities perish; without personal morality their survival has no value."
| hawe invoked the names of Rousseau, Plato, Machiavelli and Russell, all of whorl Were intellectuals. We have recently had
A regular car fritullor foi Chile L. G. We wrifer was Sri Larkas:ATTÉESG adot 5 Marilla.
notice that some thē GOWEernet'5 4 kindly to intellect. could have remind: lini's declaration th the Word "intellect gun. To be quite fa ction was really to in dily hawe their head babble impracticall all intellectuals. Tha to be particularly ctuals who give the around With Tı0ral Lanka burns.
It Will be useful to tions before procee lectuals whose a WETE all OftET W and thought deep politics. Only one of for having his head Rousseau. But he, got his hands on th and became a majc. ancien regime in Fre of Europe through and change the COL It appears that thc insisted that there C between morality a rd-headed realists doW to earth.
Another clarifica Tlalde is that the | COnnection betWeer and the notion that spect for public mor to disintegrate are with powerful intelle Russell. They seen common people, W. World evidently hav is perilous for a soc

sary for settlement
least in the ranks of upporters do not take a5. A recent article the reader of Mussoit. Whenever he heard al" he pulled out his r, however, the objeelectuals who allegein the clouds and yet about politics, not to I objection mightseem otent against intelleimpression of playing fiddlesticks While Sri
make SOThe clarificading further. The intemeS haWg invoked oved in public affairs, y about the stuff of them had a notoriety in the clouds, namely as it turned out, had elewers of revolution ir force to destroy the İnce, Shake the Whole he Napoleonic Wars, rse of human history. Se intellectuals who an be no dissociation nd politics Were hawho were very much
on that has to be otion of an integral politics and morality a society without relity can be expected it confined to people tSlikE ROUSSēäquad to be shared by the o everywhere in the - a Colwiction that it ety to go against its
moral order.
The point was brought home to me through my experience as an inmate of the State, that is as a Government official, for three and a half decades. Use the Word "inmate" because the experience was just like being theinmate, more particularly after 1977, of alurhatic asylum. The kirild of sub-moral ThöOroniSm that Orle expects to find in a lunatic asylum came to characterize our post-1977 UNP State.
was very much struck by a class difference in the responses to wrong-doing by that Government, with clerical officers who usually come from a lowermddle class origin showing a noticeably greater sense of outrage than staff officers. Over one case of grotesque injustice they used to spontaneously exclaim "There will be nothing left of this country at this rate". That response was in exact confort inity with Russell's dicturn quoted above and, of course, by 1988 Sri Lanka was in fact in a state of disintegration.
The explanation for the class difference to which lampointing probably arises from the fact that there are no such things as just societies, apart perhaps from Some wery primitive ones. All other societies have to varying degrees been unjust, systems of oppression and exploitation, including the declaredly classless ones. It is to be expected that the rulers and their henchmen, the upper class, and the more comfortably ensconced among the middle class, can expect to benefit from the Wrong. The others, to escape oppression, hawe to clar Tour for the right | Wonder if that isimplicitin Hegel's profoundanalysis of the master-slave dialectic.
In any case, it is reasonable to think that the insights of the Platos and the Rou
5

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sseaus about the integral connection between politics and morality are shared by the common people. Those who are supposed to inhabit some kind of empyrean of abstract thought and the Wretched of the earth Who hawe to Struggle for existaCe, and hawe to be doW to earth to sшгvive, are at опе. АргорегӀу геalistic approach topolitics requires that we think of the implications of Sub-moral politics.
One more clarification has to be made. It is arguable that since human beings are ппoralbelпgsbytheir vегу па!шre, eveгyоne and not just the poor and lofty philosophers, thinks of politics in terms of right and I wrong, that is in moral termis. True enough, but there are very widely varying degrees in the importance given to the moral factorin politics. Atome extreme the recognition of that factorican be perfunctory and incidental, which at the otherit can lead to the perception that unless the Govеппппепt respects reasonable staIndards of public morality there will be no solution to the ethnic problem, and Sri Lanka can break up. The Government's behavio Lur, and What might be Called the 3StabolishrTher lt l diSCOLurSB OI the3 3thrnfC problem, are very far from showing any sшch perceptioп.
| Will now proceed to substantiate my argument beginning With Some observations on the point that al Society is a Timoral community or it is not a Society. I hawe to go into Some detail on this point as it is of crucial importance for my argument.
I will consider here the civil society in the Hegelian Sense, that is the Society beyond the family and below the state. It is supposed to be an arena of conflict, SOTieties conceived of inters of the Hobbesian state of nature in which practically everyone is at War against everyone else. The Society is held together, according to that Conception, byla Wand the co-ercive apparatus of the state.
It is a misconception based on bourgeois individualism which, contrary to what Fukuyama and others think, is really part of a passing phase of history. That
conception of socie the Westthrough the ROLISSBaLJ, ande Ver the Social nature of it is a misconceptior that a society is helic la W, meaning positiv co-ercive power oft by Customand ComW expectations. And
shared conceptions the societies beyon take the for IT of COE
The civil society of conflict, far more it is more than just consensus underlyi ciety to hold toget CONSEISLUS IS Earl Ora be seen in the Way resolved in the civil them are resolved of Tutual Understar rather than through aW Courts, and the possible at all only shared notions off equity, that is to sa A society is therefor or it is nota Society. up Without the mora
A Celtair kird Oft on in the day-to-day relevant to our ethir theаgгеements епte InfCITTlal bä5ls, Whit numerOLJs than ag legally binding doc froT Tatters which
tāICE to thOSE WHIC: firmar Cial Or Other ir irhWolWed, and the b Tents is tinu Stand ni Ilind also the Orr ctions Which take basis of trust. The is possible at all onl that expectations W of prevailing moral
What happens W. is absent? Say Wh

ty Was challenged in a profound insights of | more of Hegel, about human beings. That is shown by the fact together not only by 'e law, and fear of the he State but far ITIOre antion and norms and Eid || that are of morality, which in d the primitive stage rent ethical systems.
is certainly an arena so than the family, but at. It is told We ng conflict for the sohär at all, and that | COISen SuS. This Carl conflicts are actually Society, Far more of On Far informal basis lding and agreement adjudication by the for Tlal resolution is
because there are air-play, justice, and ;ceptionsחסral Cסוחy ea moral Community, It can expect to break | CONSEITISU.S.
ansaction which goes life of a society is Very lic problem. I refer to ared into on an entirely h are infinitely more "eements backed by uments. They range are ofпо great iпроh engage the serious terests of the parties asis for these agree|othing else. Il hawe in nal aweryday transalace in Society or a daily life of a Society y because of the trust ill be fulfilled inters
10 TT15.
her the factor of trust En an inforTa | Ludd
rstanding or agreementis in question with Who is known to be Guite חסrסa moral m capable of playing out his own grandmother. The other party will briskly take to his heels. Should reaching an agreement be absolutely necessary for some reason, he will insist on a legally binding document and sign with his heart in his boots, knoWing that the moral moron could cause endless difficulties notwithstanding the might and majesty of the law backing that document. The relevance of these coTTOSensical ObservationS to Our Ethnic problem Will be made plain shortly.
| will now apply the foregoing observations on Society as a moral community to the ethnic problem, it will be generally agreed that the 1977 Government was not notable for high-toned morality, that in fact it operated too often on a sub-moral plane. | Wil|| not here go into details to show that things like elemantary decency and fair play Were not its forte in its dealings with the Tinorities, or for that latter With the majority Sinhalese. I will merely refer to the fact, Which has been examined at length in an earlier article, that the post-1977 UNP created the Eelam problem in its present militant and terrorist form through state terrorism beginning With the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1977 and reaching its apogee in the Hitlerite horror of the 1983 pogrom. There certainly was a terrifying TıCoral failure behind that State terrorism. By 1988 it was quite clear that Sri Lanka Was in a state of disintegration, which continues to this day. Plato, Rousseau, Russell, and even Machiavelli, Would hawe modded in Lunderstanding.
We have for long been trying to put the pieces together again, hoping for a negotiated settlement which can be sighted nowhere on the horizon. Why should this be so? The question arises because it can be argued very plausibly that there is no good reason Why our ethnic problem should hawe prowed to be so intractable. A very important part of the answer is that We hawe failed to understand the problem in all its magnitude because We have failed to give any importance to the moral factor in the problem.

Page 9
I have pointed out that it is very difficult to reach agreement in the civil society without a basis of trust, a point which should obviously apply to agreements With the State as Well. The State ha 5 to show that it is trustworthy by respecting reasonable standards of public morality. At One time We did hawe Such standards, but after 1977 a sub-moral gangrene ate into the vitals of the State, a charge that Can be substantiated in half a hundred ways. I will refer here only to the blatant contempt shown for public morality by the unleashing of hooligans on Supreme Court judges.
Was it realistic to expect a negotiated Šēterīt urīdēt 1977 Gvēlēt? The TULF thought so, and struggled deSperately for yearstoreachaccomodation with that Government, having the Wits to Understand that the failure of the moderates Would only lead to the triumph of the Tai exterists. The TULF did reach several understandings with that Government, something like nineteen according to the late Mr Amirthalingam. The Government promptly went back on sixteen of them. The LTTE was proved right that there could be no negotiated settleTient With the 1977 Government, The extremists triumphed over the moderates, as should have been foreseen by What had been happening in the Punjab.
I have referred to the performance of the 1977 Government only to substantiate my point that no negotiated settlement can be expected with a Government which refuses to respect reasonable standards of public morality. The important question now is whether the present Government respects such standards. Apparently not. The Udugarpola affidavit scandal has provoked Widespread moral outrage among the public, as shown by articles, editorials, and letters to the editor in the non-Government press, and even seminars on the subject, More recently outrage has been caused by the affair of the mass graves, leading to allegations of a cover-up to protect the murderers of thirty-one schoolchildren at Embilipitiya. The case TTlay: not be prOwen. The important point
is that there is Ob perception that th ndards of public r very much better predeceSSOrS.
It is arguable that as a generalizati Could nie Werthelle55 ndards in dealing W The test, in that c. GowErnTentbéhäW devolution. Thered is that, asis well kn. of ethnic problems Which a homelandi solved through st Therefore if the Go gotiated settlement, Provincial Councils
But What has bee Weeks? The Gover refused to appointC Coalition of parties V of seats, and even its Werdict there Was led to a killing. The abduction to chan minority. And there: was dissolved With cation.
AS if II tat S rlt that the forthCorni Eastel Provincial made into a farce, Climate Of ter TOr h people being abduc UNP nominationpa TULF MP Suresh Arny and the STF a abductions.The Wic at thg lands of th refuse to sign, and LTTE if they returnt democracy?" he as
What is the expla Weird Tisbela Viou Cannotbb Una Ware problem cannot bes derable leasure ol b9 ulaWare that t

riously a widespread 2 GOWGT1rTent'S Staorality are really not han those of its two
While that may be true in, the Gowerm ment SOWreaSOlable Stath the ethnic problem. ase, Will be how the es lower the problem of son why that is the test Wn, a certain Category namely the ones in Sclaimed, can only be bstantial dBWolution. Wernment Wants aneit has to show that the ystem Works.
nhappeningin recent TOTS of two ProWinces hief Ministers from the which had the majority after the Court gave shilly-shallying which n followed an alleged ge a majority into a after the SoutherPC Jut the slightest justifi
it enough, it appears ng elections to the Council are already
It is alleged that a as been created by ted and forced to sign pers. According to the Premachandran the re responsible for the ims fear for their lives air abductors if they at the hands of the their villages. "Is this ked. (lsland 21/1/94).
lation for that kind of 2 The Governet hat Our kind Of ethnic oved Without a COSdevolution. It cannot Ie Sinhalese people
lewer asked for de Wolution and that the PC system was instituted only to solve the ethnic problem. It cannot be unaware that if the Bandaranaike-Chelwanayagam or the Dudley-Chelwanayagam pacts had been implemented there Would today be no ethnic problem. And yet the Government persists in makinga farce of devolution, showing clearly that neither the Sinhalese nor the Tamils can expect anything from devolution, whether in the form of Provincial Councils or semi-federalism or full federalism. In practice, the whole caboodle will be reduced to nought.
What has been happening cannot be explained without taking the moral factor into account, and it can be explained only in the perspective of what happened Lunder the 1977 Go Wefrigt. Tät GWErnment claimed absolute power, and as always happensin Such cases there folloWed a weakened grasp of reality and an erosion of the capacity to distinguish beltween right and Wrong. The consequence had to be contempt for public morality, and from that followed public crine on a scale never before known in our modern history. The present Government, which includes many good men and true, is in the unfortunate position of having to live with that legacy of crime and it has to fight tooth and nail to keep power as losing it will lead to rather uncomfortable consequences for a great many bigwigs and their henchmen. It cannot afford too much scruple about the Ways in which it holds on to power. The claims of public morality cannot be taken too seriously.
Therefore the very pre-condition for a meaningful and lasting negotiated settlement, which as have argued in this article is respect for reasonable standards of public morality, does not exist. Most of us recognize that the LTTE cannot be trusted beCausel Wants nothingless than Eelam. We have not recognized the other part of the ethnic problem, which is that the State Cannot be trusted either. The reason Was provided by Rousseau long ago. We can understand nothing of either morality or politics if we try to understand them separately.

Page 10
MALDIWES
Roots of disco
Mohamed Nasheed
he disintegration of the Soviet
Eпрire hasпоtonlycreatedimmeaslrable, confusion armong the peoples of Eastern Europe, but also created a similar States fal dumbfoundedness amongpolcy makers of Western governments. Western think tanks started talking about the "end of history". President George Bush after bombing Baghdad to kingdom come, BITitted Lutterances about a "rley World Order''.The nature and the fOrTIT of this BBW order, We are yet to see. Presently, this Order See IS more to take the order of "disorder" with regional conflicts, now in full fling in Eastern and central Europe.
The essence of the whole concept of "order carries Connotations of Security. Which in-turn iTiplies a perception of a threat. The threat apparently was communism. That has fallen, and With this fall it became important that a new threat be conceived. The perceived threat has been terred slamic Fundamentalism. While the question whether this fundamental brand of Isla is a threat to World Order Or rot reeds diSCUSSiOn, What is also important is to comprehend the nature of the rise of theocracies in a contemporary COLEXt.
Although, today fundamentalism was meant to imply radicalness, it actually is an idea of going back to the fundamentals. In the Case of Islamic funda Tentalis, it is an aspiration of returning to a once upon atisme. Wahhabiss Which take5 its Tarles fror the TOWE Tant's four der Abd al-Wahhab Wa 5 the first of its - kirildi. Beforea Filis d3ath in 1787, Abd al-Wahhab is the Tar who joined forces with Ibn Saud, then a head of a small tribal dynasty in Central Arabia. This is the dynasty that now rules Saudi Arabia.
uCCCLL LLLCLLLCLu Y S LLLYLLLHCH LLYYYYK Writer. He was the Sub Editor of Sargu'a farthnsghly magazira. The paper was banned and Mr. Mohamed Nashed arrested Recarily he was fejl:BJ.
WahhabIST hlas thought that is incre, imagination of Timan become a "presenc ir Maldividri affairS,
Similar tO IT10Stitrato gion for the Maldivi: a matter Wery close te to pronounce this pE obsessed with religi mark. Material inter institutions has alwa ment in the daily Ma other single countr every inhabited islan prominent structure WEE TäinällEd ält. and an economic flu!
The building and mosque, historically ssible by What has b grant system, which revenues as beques table purpOSBS. Par of Corruption that t during the 1960's it abolition Created a WC the schools Colled neglected.
If these Schools W ple who would haveg SOIle OW found the and India, learning t ble, going through e The institutions that Saudi Arabian fundi for them in Saudi Who taught a puritan These students bec gardists of Wahha Through giving ass Pilgrims on Pilgrima in Mecca and Madir Saudi Arabia Were a With a group of M relatively more relig mld 197O's, With thi

DTIS
Bger DIE School of asingly capturing the y Maldivians. It has te", Taking itself felt
ditional Societilēs, relian person has been } eart. Na WertheigSS }rson as being totally to Would be off the ests of the religious ys been more promildivian life, than any y. The mosques, in ld has been the most
that existed. They served both a Social חםEliך
the up-keep of the has been Tade poeen termed as Waqf is the disposal of land (for religious or charitly due to the extent he syster involved, Was abolished. This iid. The mosques and ted With the Were
ere functioning, peoone to such schools, mselves in Pakistan ng udirTigntS Of Araxtremely hard times. they Went to, through ng, found placement Arabian Universities, lical Wersion of Islat. ame the initial propabis to MaldswialS. stance to Maldivia ge to the holy places 1a, tleSE - StudentiS irn ble BStablish COntačt aldwials Who Were ious minded. By tha 3 dctiWg i WOWETElt
of a Maldivian business ran and the assistance from Saudi Arabia, an Arabic medium school was opened in Male'.
While this was so, other parallel developments were taking place. The present Maldivian President Mr. Mauriioon Abdul Gayoom, foreign Minister Mr. Fathulhuath Jarmeel and Mr. Zahir Hussain, a Tinister Without portfolio, and a few others after completion of higher education in Egypt, Were also in the Maldives by the mid 1970's. The Egypt group was more western in out-look and thought, but had the necessary terminology to capitalize on the marginalisation of religion, Which was depicted by the neglected state of the moSqueSin the islands, When the then President Mr. Ibrahim Nasir closed down the Saudi funded school in Male', it was soon follo Wad by the banishment of Mr. Gayoom to internal exile for his religious Views. This further led to closer association of Gayoom. With religion, a state of affairs that later helped him to gain a Certain amount of grass-roots support at the early stages of power in 1979.
In 1979, When President Gayoorn stasted his first terT T of Coffice, Saudi retur Tees considerably increased in number and Were in the act of preaching their brand of Islam in the Maldives. Still, as it is now, newer was the liberal minded elements a minority. Within the Maldivian intelligensia. Sirige til E Tid 1960's lig goducation system that had political backing Was the newly created English medium Schools in Male", which completed the education of the students by sending them abroad for higher studies. This system created more people than the Saudi returnees could ever out UTiber. Nevertheless those With liberall views never reached the same level of as the Saudi returnees did in propagating their point of view. This was not only due to the nature of the ideology that the Saudi returnees Were propagating; the thought that Islam needs purifying and it was their "duty"; a jihad to do so,

Page 11
but also due to the doings of the newly established ruling elite, then. The present day ruling elite.
President Gayoom when he first came to power Was a man taken to be religious. This was both due to the nature of his character, then, and his image creation exercises. Exhaustive use of religion as a political tool by the Gayoom government Created conditions whereby religious hysteria could surface. Thus, while the Saudi returnees had ideal situation for their preaching, the very first of the GaWOOT government purges under the pretext of a bid for power by the former President Mr. Ibrahim Nasir, the liberal minded elements were silenced. The Wahhabies by then were receiving regular funding from Saudi Arabia.
Wahhabism to a very great extent can be a liberation philosophy, in that it can depict an alternative form of behavior but also government. It can be a vehicle through which opposition to the existing corrupt, unfair and authoritarian form of gQWernance Canbe made. This ellement to a certain extent exists as the Wahhabi TOWeinent started its thrust into Maldivian affairs.
The first real target of the Wahhabies in the Maldives was the rural islands. By the mid 1980's the presence of Wahhabism Was Tluch felt all throughout Maldive islands. The government crack down on preaching had limited effect, While Crack down on liberal forms had greater impact in that the Liberalsdidnothave the organizational structure; definite ideologies; foreign backing and funding as the WahhableShad.
In the mid 1980's the Wahhabi move ment in the Maldives embarked on a second stage, so to speak. The business Community and sports crazy youth Was targeted as a second group of people to be converted. Even in this endeavor they have to Very great extent been successful. and as it stands today, if a free and a fair election were ever held in the Maldives it is Tost probable that the Wahhabi strength in the Parliament Would constitute the majority, So political dissensionis still viewed by the ruling elite as more of threat than religious radicalism,
The Ma dissen
Р. Jayaram
Any traitor caught to the епеппy can e; fOrife Orto death.T |ali Pirabhakaran Ch Samy Mahendrara that the former de indeed violated the by passing Iпfогппа Sri Lankan Security be a use the LTTE get rid of a highly-a Colleague but the fac has acknowledge "treason" is seen a LTTEwhichpridesi Ofits Cadres.
That it was no e. to try Mahendrarajal Mahattaya (Sinhal Was borne out by a tOCréatë a kind Ofeu eclipse the er Tibarra the Consequent exe rdinary charge of be Research and Analy Lankari National Irti
The LTTE irid tfiss captured from near yiruppu in North Sri LTTE cadres the day fighters ower-ran til Camp in Welli Oya, Lanka Soldirs arī SOrme months ago been Waiting for su accusing Mahattay. tion about the Tower Kittu, another top L mmitted Suicide OF after being intercer
ships off the Madras
Forner Tal Iiilr ran Saw the victory opportunity to move Whose increasing as pularity among the as a challenge to h rship, although a Smear campaign ag already been launch his imminent arrest Versy. Says a Sourc ally of the LTTE: "P for Omg OT two Tore

hattaya case exposes Sions in the LTTE
passing state secrets pect to be sentenced le LTTEchief Wellupipse death for Gopalaah, having decided uty Commander had TTE's code of loyalty jon to the ridian and agencies. It could well Supremo is using to TibitioUS and popular it that the organisation di Mahendrarajah's s a great blow to the self on the total loyalty
Isytask for the LTTE l, popularly known as ese for gentleman), single factor-it had phoria that would help SS ment of histrial and !cution on the extraoing an agent of India's ses Wing and the Sri elligence Bureau.
by getting Mahattaya his hote in PudukudiLanka by three Senior after Pirabhakaran's пе Јапаkрuга army killing about 50 Sri i looting the armoury Pirabhakaran had Ich a triumph before of leaking informament of his major rival, TTE leader, who cois a TTT s-a den WESSel ited by Indian Navy
Coast last year.
tantssay Pirabhaka
at Welli Oya as an against Mahattaya, ssertiveness and poranks he considered is undisputed leadein LTTE-sponsored ainst Mahattaya had ed in Jaffna tOTake
free of any controe in EROS, a former irabhakaran Will Wait major attacks on the
security forces, like Pooneryn, before executing Mahattaya. That is the opium he feeds the people so that there is no protest."
Sri Lankап newspapers, who have based their reports on the episode on what has been published in Tamil magazines in Canada and London, however, Wrote that the execution Will take place soon. One date being mentioned was January 16- the first anniversary of Kittu's death. But many observers believe that the execution has, in fact, already been carried CL,
Tamil sources say that although 200 of Mahattaya's supporters have been arrested by the LTTE and Will probably face the death Squad. Mahattaya hitself still has powerful sympathisers in the organisation, including Pirabhakaran's confidant Ranjith Appa. Hence, any extreme step taken against him Tay invite trouble. This was echoed by an Indian diplomat familiar With the history of Tamil insurgency. Says he: "By Tnowing against Mahattaya, Pirabhakaran Will be causing disquiet among the Jaffna university students and Tamil expatriates who consider him a moderate. ThOSE WOare ClOSetOPirabhakararlare allta inted with the Rajiv Gandhi assassiNatio and Pirabakara felt Comfortable with them, Mahattaya was too innocent, too cos Topolitan for Pirabha karam's lillking".
No Wonder, then, that the simmering differences between Prabhakaran and Mahattaya, who are related to each other, took a turn for the Worse when Mahattaya questioned the wisdom of the LTTE's decision to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi and later PrenadaSa.
One force watching this episode with some delight is the Sri Lankan Army. And it Will Continue to look fonWard to mora factional quarrels for it feels that such fissures will ultimately destroy the LTTE. This Was best summed up by one army officer Who said that a scheduled aerial strike on Jaffna town some time ago Was deferred after intelligence reports said Pirabhakaran's men were conducting search operations to catch Mahattaya's supporters. "We thought We Would allow them todo their dirty Workfor themselves".
9.

Page 12
An evening with
Chanaka Amaratunga
SE: the World has had to LHHLHLLL aLLLLL LL0 LaLLLLL LLLLLLH HLHaHHL bounced onto the stage out of the ballot boxes in Russia – Wladimir Zhirinowsky the radical nationalist, populist and perhaps even Fascist leader of Russia's misleadingly-named Liberal Democratic Party. At the counting of the votes in Russia's first ever democratic election (the previous election that could even remotely lay claim to such a status was the elector Conducted after the March 1917 liberal democratic revolution, and that election was conducted amidst the chaos and dislocation of the collapse of Tsarism and the First World War). Zhirinowsky's potent witches' cauldron of fierce anti-Western nationalism, anti-semitism, Russian imperialist, and statism as well as skillful exploitation of the hardships that hawe been the initial Consequence of President Yeltsin's economic reforts in the direction of a market economy, enabled him, without any previous base in Russian politics to obtain 24% of the vote and the Second largest number of seats in the newly established Russian Parliament, On CerTOren 3 iled the DUTha, Sin CE Filis election Zhirinowsky has dominated the headlines on several occasions, appearing on the cover of TIME magazine, being interviewed on BBC television and getting himself deported from Bulgaria for calling for the replacement of Bulgaria's liberal President Zhelyu Zhelew by one of his ultra nationalist counterparts in that country. He has also been refused entry to Germany, a nation which he has threatered With a Third World War
In October 1990, long before the world had heard of him, when it was not quite so evident that he was the maverick and highly successful extremist he has now prowed himself to be, died with Wladimir Zhirinowsky.
I was in Helsinki, attending the annual congress of the Liberal International the World Union of Liberal Parties of which my own party is a member. The collapse of Communism had taken place, though not yet that of the Soviet Union itself. As Finland was right next to the Soviet Union and had long been a bufferstate between liberaldemocracy and corTrTunisrin, it was Only natural that a large contingent of newly established or recently restored liberal parties from the states of Central and Eastern Europe which had emerged out of Communist dictatorship, was in attendance at Helsinki, seeking membership of the Liberal International. Unless the party that is seeking membership is
O
a Well-established a a major country of the task and requires th: existing members Wh in the Executive COIT
Zhirinovsky was membership of the L lobby member partie: Catilo. It Was at a di While many of there rties Who knew each ir Corri Wiwial disCLISSi three persons Wass Obvious to me that it to thB LI ad | deci them, to make them became evident that a rhewly formed Russi tic Party. A spare, E TaT introduced hir TSI Wladimir Zhirinowsky name Of COUSE, Cor anxious for supportf rather Critical of oth Which claited to be
One of Zhirinov spoke better Englis Whenewer hefo Lunde: went back to speaki rowerted to rather hal ting this process.
He seemed very upon me and upon a soeing Teatthattab Moore, a British Liber Secretary-General of tional and now Works in the European Parli was in Russia. The ECONOTİC COnditions pointed out that the the OLEle. Theat the gulēS Could not haW Helsinki, which is adj= their travel and expe nsored by Liberal fo Western Europe and
In that Conversati mar SCOTIG, 10 dout exaggeration but in EXCO ritē ES "THE RU articulatie thë extrerTIE positions, for which eCOThe notorious. WaSSomething in his me very skeptical as ntials. He did not see indiwidual rights or ab Imstead, he Was stro Critical of both Gorba conversation took pl

Zhirinovsky
ndpowerful party in World, this is no easy 2 careful lobbying of ose Votës are Crucial littee.
Helsinki to seek for his party and to Sito Support its appliTier that We first Tliet. presentatives of ра
other Were engaged,
Jr., a small group of Feated along. It Was hey Were strangers led therefore to join eel WelCOrtle. It SOOrl the trio represented an Liberal Democraather angular-faced, elf to me as its leader ... At the title that Iveyed little. He was TOT the L and Was Ier Russian parties liberal.
sky's Companions h than he did and xpression difficult he ng in Russian then Iting English, repea
anxious to irTipress friend of Tire Who e joined Lus (Richard 'al who was formerly the Liberal Interrafor the Liberal Group ament) how hard life Bicture he painted of i Was grinn and he non convertibility of the and his colleae tra Welle deve to acent to Russia, had nses not been spoUndations based if
Nort ATIETiCa.
on over dinner, the it with a degree of ot wholly unjustly, ssian Hitler" did not a5 WgllaSTla Werick e has subsequently Nevertheless, there Taller which made to hi5 |beral CredeIn concerned about out political reforms. ngly and personally chew (who when our ace Was Stil Presi
dent of what is now only history, the Soviet Union) and Yeltsin.
There was one thing that he did say which invoked in the fervent anti-BolsheVikin rne, a measure ofsympathy. He said that all the symbols and personalities of the Communist system in Russia had become objects of hatred and contempt. He said people now detested those who had formerly been hailed as heroes, Lenin, Trosksty, Stalin, Khruschlaw, BreHolev. HBSaid thatthere Was TLChriostagia for Tsarist days, particularly by the yOUng and that his fourteen-year-old som insisted on Wearing tea-shirts with the image of Tsar Nicholas II. I asked him whether Kerensky was not admired as well. He looked blank for a Tolent, Ten perhaps having realised that at a liberal conference, one ought to sound reasonably sy Tipathetic to the leading figure of Russia's liberal revolution in March 1917, he said that Kerensky had been in power for too short a time to make his markupon the Russian imagination, I thought his response was perhaps the truth - but it did not prevent me from thinking that many truths are exceedingly unfortunate, Nicholas || had been a Willful and wery unwise autocrat, Lenin had bGena uthless, totalitarian wisionary. They were both responsible for the tragedy of Russla. The leaders of the March Revolution on the other hand, Prince Lvov, Rodzianko and Kerensky had battled honourably, peacefully and ceaselessly for a liberal democratic RuSSia. Surely a leader of a Russian Liberal Democratic Party should hawe been more effusive in his attitude to Kerensky.
As information on Zhirinovsky's party reached the Executive Committee of the Ll it was the overwhelming opinion that his party, despite its name was not liberal and did not belong in the Liberal Internationa.
As the stridency of Zhirinovsky's nationalism and the absurdity of his intolerance began to be noted in the leading newspaperS and newsmagazines of the World began to suspect that the man whose name I had not noted in Helsinki, was indeed the object of these reports.
Wher, at the conclusion of the Russia Parlamentary Election in December 1993, the ghost at Russia's feast of freedom was shown repeatedly on the television screens, I had proof. My dining coTiparhiiOn Was indeed the mian Who has SEslt SliwEfS doW hE backs of WEStST politicalleaders, Wladimir Zhirinowsky had Shared an evening with The on an autumn day in Helsinki in 1990.

Page 13
THE J.R. YEARS (19)
The Tamil Diaspora a
Adel
WS Lie introduction in 1956 of Sinhala as the only official language a large number of educated Tamils emigrated. Many settled down in the U.S.A. and in Great Britain. Most of them prospered in their new life, and Tany became quite Wealthy. Many Lankan Tamils, mostly specialist doctors with high qualifications, settled in Boston, MassachuSetts. These expatriate Tamils begante|ling the World the story of Eelam as sketched out in the Waddukoddai Resolution. They were so persuasive that by 1979 the Tamils of Sri Lanka were regarded all ower the English-speaking world as an oppressed minority.
The Minority Rights Group of London ran an advertisement in October 1979 in some British journals of progressive opinion under the heading "Some Minorities Need YouTo Stand Up For Them'. Among the minority groups listed in the advertisement Were Israel's Orientals and Druzes, Europe's Gypsies, India's Nagas and Untouchables and the Tamils of Sri Lanka.
In the U.K. they organised "The Central British Fund For Tamil Refugees' Rehabilitation". One advertisement published by this Fud read: "1979 is Childre"S Year but not for these Tamil Children and thouSands more born into oppression, and Wictims of racial hatred in Sri Lanka".
Another advertisement said: "Ceylon Tamil Refugees supported by Oxfam will fast for Cambodian Childrer Orl Christinas Day and Boxing Day. Come and join us. Donations Welcore".
On 9 May 1979 the Massachusetts House of Representatives adopted a resolution about the TarTils of EelarT, "an oppressed minority in Sri Lanka", urging the President of the United States and the Congress to protest and to rectify the gross injustices inflicted on the Tamils in Sri Lanka.
In November 1980, speaking at a New York SBrTinar Qn "The Tamil Situation". N. Balla SLubrama nian, Sri Lanka's ArTibaSSador to France, expressed a view quite at Wariance with that of the Massachusetts legislature "For many years the Tamils, 12% of the population, enjoyed over 50% of the privileges and they now feel threatened to lose this status quo in the face of more realistic approaches. The majority
of ambassadors Te, and manning foreig пmils. Iп every aspec today, Tamils thoug EO SC) and SOITET representation in g tions and universitie nianT. Surprised tha: || сап ашdience by sа (Quoted in The J. 1980).
Gamini Jayasuгіy ture, speaking in Pa 1983 had this to say against Sri Lanka T
"Sri Lanka is as 15 million people Sinhalese, numbe Sri Lanka Tammills 1.8 million. Tamils ar 5.6% LITT B00,000. Il Sucha agitate to claim discriminated ag employment opp prTenta SSiStance In actual fact, the Os 3 til Steigt T10st important pi and corporation : private enterprise
It is a fact that as and rule policy o religious and ethn Tore privileges E tret i edLJ Catilo opportunities at
majority communi
Today this 12.6% 34.9% of the eng yors, 35.1% doct Surgeons, 30.2% and 33.1% acCOL Service".
The Eelam lobbig the World by the T articulate and wellexpatriate Tamils, Th Tark Were COTmitte W Efe aboli to ifiltrat Sympathy of prestig I.C.J. Secretariat, t Council of Churches we journals like the G States an in the U.

nd Eelam Lobbies
presenting Sri Lanka III B Tbassies are Tait of Sri Lanka Society gh only 12% hawe 25 e S e Wen 90 per cent OVегппment organisas'"... Mr. Bala Subra Tapredominantly Ameriyirhg hG Was a TarTıil. }LIrlä| 27 NOWg [[LIBF
a, Minister of Agricurliament on 25 August aboLut di SCri:TilatiOm ar Tills:
mall island with only 3. W4% of the are ring nearly 11 million. are 12.6% numbering ofrecent Indiari origin ering a little ower situation if the Tails hat they hawe been ainst in education, Ortur hitie5 Or de9'Wel0it is far from the truth. y hawe more than 2 inic proportions in the ositions in the public Sector ES Wel 5 in
s a part of the divide f the colonial rulers, cminorities received und preferential treanal and eппployment the expense of the
ty.
of the population has in ëers, 28.9%, SUVeJrs, 38,8% weterinary medical technicians Intants in the public
is organised all ower Tamil diaspora Were funded by Wealthy ley Were quickoff the d to their cause and B or, at least Win the ious bodies like the a B.B.C., the World апdппапyprogressLardian and the New K.
To counter such efficiently organised propaganda the government of Sri Lanka fielded A. de Alwis, Minister of State, in charge of information. Minister de Awis was given this assignment presumably because he was conce a reporter om a newspaper and later ran a modest commercial advertising company. This made hirin the government's media expert. The task was hopelessly beyond him; he Was matched against professionals. Dr. Mick Moore, Fellow of the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex, gave a talk on "Sri Lanka's propaganda War in Europe". He said:
"The propaganda machinery of the Tamil Eelam lobby in Britain is much Tore effective and efficient than the gover Tient's efforts to Counterit. Tamil propaganda has greater finesse and finds greater acceptance among the British public. For instance, the Tamil Times is not dismissed as mere propaganda as it is not conspicuously and totally one-sided. The government's approach is more or less defensive, focussed mainly on scrutinising the ninedia for unfair bias and complaining against them".
Dr. Moore added that Sri Lanka's Credibility abroad was poor because of the government's violations of civil rights. He said:
"InstanC8S of allegedy, goverTiment-|- Inspired violations of civic rights that took place between 1977 and 1983 give rise to the idea that the present government of Sri Lanka is extremely repressive and
OttO BO3 triuSt Ed.
Some of the incidents that hawe been cited in support of this wiew are: the alleged use of violence on Buddhist monks and striking trade unionists in 1980; the use of "polls control" at the Jaffra D.D.C. electionsin 1981;theuse of state power to win the referendum in 1982 and the subsequent detention of opposition political leaders for realSons which are still to be substantiated; and allegedly organised intimidation of Thembers of the judiciary. In this type of context the public is inclined to belieWe that there is "no stoke Without fire". (The Island 2 July 1986)
11

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Page 15
FIGHTING YOUTH REVOLTS
Post - 77 Chang
S. Hettige
ost - 1977 reforms brought about
significant changes in the social landscape of the country. The rapid expansion of the private sector focused mainly on the capital city, Middle East migration, establishment of the Free Trade Zones, spread of consumerist, Widening of the gap between the rich and the poor exemplified by the conspecuous display of Wealth, increasing influence of the West on the country due to growing trade, Tiedia and other linkages and the growing assertiveness of the Westernized elite in diverse spheres hawe in different Ways posed challenges to rural, Swabhasha educated youth constituency. In the face of such challenges, the latter has realized that there are real limits to not only their much desired social mobility but also their capacity to mould their own destinity as Well as that of their society. It is this realization that is perhaps at the root of the defensive posture they have adopted and their attaclement to nationalisticroWE TES.
Some of the recent developments in the country have produced a rupture in the traditional moral fabric of our society. In the sphere of politics the open and unrestrained violation of the long established "rules of the garne' have turned Tany people into cynics, while such trendshawe infuriated the educated youth. The gradual replacement of argurinentation, debateапd oреп discussion by aгоgапce, iпtimidation and un restraineduse of physical force in the sphere of political competetion has drastically changed the image of the politician in the eyes of the public. This has largely undermined the credibility of the political leaders. He is no longer held in respect and veneration, but rather much suspected and feared. These developments are certainly not in the interest of the politicians and the country at large.
In line With the growing power and arrogance of political leaders, there has also been a significant concentration of Wealth and privileges in them so much so that there are not many poor politicians today. While there have always been wealthy politicians, there have also been
ппапy poor ones in |
As an undergrad | Used to tra WalfrC) every month to see this journey, often in the bus travelling parliamentary sessi day, many politician drive jeeps at break arej taking part in competition. Ina soc ben characterizEd What is resented is itself as its arrogan by those Who hawe injustice.
The growing toler: Talpractices as dėn rtē āti sort to such practic considerable contrib the Oral fabric of
tioned earlier. "We atitude often adopte ders mayhelpthem public how powerful approach to issues unlikely to help buil thĒTISewes.
So far I have Outli large number of mc surfaced over they Which are of equals disCLUS Sed for Wan|| youngsters Who are to a liberal educatio system have no diff our society is drifting they hawe internali |dhood. It is only na of them, Wish to arre
So far an attemp outline the circums ged youth to rally ro movement in the Sol strategies and the S гпment campaigп : JWP have been SeWE Yet, very few Woul. who joined the no grievences.

ge
he past.
ate in the late sixties T1 Colombo to Galle my parents there. On met senior politicians home after attending DiS ir ColorTb) O. ToStravel in four Wheel neck speed as if they a motor car racing ety which has always by social inequality, otso much inequality display, particularly WOWed to fight Social
Ince of corruptionand 1onstrated by the pegainst those Who rees has also made a ution to the rupture of bLur society that I meCould Ot Care leSS" }d by the political leato de Tonstrate to the they are but such an
of public interest is da positive image of
ned only a few of the iral issues that hawe ars. The other issues gnificance cannot be of space. Today's by and large exposed through our school culty in realizing that away from the ideals Zed Since their chiUral if at least Some it such trends.
has been Tada to anCes that enCOUraInd the anti-systernic th. The methods, the yle of the anti-govepearheaded by the ly criticized by many. deny that the youth ement had genuine
The question that should be posed today is whether the crushing of the JVP has made many people Cornplacement. One reason whуппапуyouthralled round the JVP is that the country's opposition has been highly disorganized and ineffective ever since the election of the 1977 UNP government. In the face of growing anti-deTOCIratic tendencies and the Changing political culture in the country, the opposition did not emerge as a superior political and a moral force capable of meeting the challenges posed by the regime irm power,
As mentioned at the outset, following the suppression of the youth uprising in the late, 1980's many people seem to hawe forgotten that the youth movement Was a manifestation of a deep seated Social crisis which not only requires to be carefully analysed but also deserves a positive Collective response. It is a national issue which deserves the attention of the policymakers, planners and intellectuals.
Youth discontent which a few years back culminated in Widespread violence and Counter-violeuce throughout much of the country isa national issue that deserves a response now, not when it explodes into open violence. In fact, open violence is only a rare manifestation of youth discoIntent. Other Tanifestations are Tore COTrnon and Can be observed all the time. In the case of Sri Lanka, a few of such Tanifestations are high rates of suicide, drug abuse, indiscipline at institutions of higher learning, mental illness and crime. Many of the people affected by these phenomena often suffer in silence and therefore, do not catch the public eye in the same Way as violent youth revolts.
A few may feet that there is no need to Worry about the young till they run riot again. Such people may also be thinking that, when the need arises, they can rely on the efficiency and the firmness of the law enforcementagencies. Such thinking is un doubtedly short-sighted, irrational and anti-social.
(To be continued)
1:

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Page 17
tion of "notables' elected to the legislature by virtue of their individual local eminence. Jaya Wardene gawe ita much tighter organization, albeit one which was very loyal to him personally, and inducted into its ranks, an members, organizers and sometimes as Parlamentary candidates, people able to meet violence with viole
C.
It was soon after this reorganized UNP was elected to take over government in 1977 that serious questions began to be raised about Sri Lanka's status as a model Third World democracy. The era that President Jayawardene proclaimed to be one of dharinista (righteousness in politics became the obverse. Most publicized has been the descent into near-civil War on ethnic lines in 1984-87 (and again in mid-1990), following on large-scale attacks on Tamil civilians in July 1983 Which were supported by some elements Within the state and the ruling party and actively opposed by few. The deterioration of ethnic relations and the growing frequency With which force was used against Tamils were, however, intimately related to other processes of "political decay". Two are of particular significance. One WaS the in Creased USe Of Wiolen Ce against all opponents of the governing party-the democratic Sinhalese opposition, striking trades unionists, civil rights protestors, and even Buddhist monks* The other was the increasing centralization of political power around Jayawardene and a few ministers and bureaucrats close to him personally. This was reflected in, and furthered by, changes in the constitution which elevated Jayawardene to the executive presidency in 1978 and gave him considerable power to control his own Parliamentary party. In fact, as is explained below, this attempt to consolidate central executive power largely crumbled as the Whole political system began to disintegrate.
The History of the JVP3
The real threat to the integrity of the Sri Lankan polity was to come from the JVP, although the ethnic conflict played a crucial role in preparing the Way. The analysis of these interactions is presented below. The emphasis here is the chronology of events leading up to the JWP's second, пnajor, insшгтесtioпіп 1987-89.
The 1971 JVP had been a youth move
ment, and almost Buddhisto" its nati closely linkedwith t parties and faction: characteristic featu tics. At both nation: leadership came frc ta, especially froпп advanced educatio felt excluded fronth rewards that they b Terit. FeW of the le which was perhap: single indicator of th The JWP Was the si movement to emerg indently of the lead the English-speakin the JWP Was a We "Towerient' charact ble internal dissensi of April 1971 was e Despite the smallne first attacks in differe on police stationsful|| Week,33 Insofar TTOn characterist rship and the local rters of the JVP, it W nce at exclusion frol to the state,
Many of the lead coup, including the Weera, Survived to ned. They were a Jaya Wardene in 197 won the general e reasons Were cle tion, but the Tiain undermining of then the SLFP. The SLFF the San B SOČia bi Buddhists. Both te Cadres frOIT the ru SSeS. The To St Wisib the JVP has com exclusively. The JW SLFP-led Coalition elections, yet the S MFS Siri TWC Barde be largely responsib youth that had occul the 1971 iSurrecto She had certainly ex SOThe areas an IT behind the JWP had against the hegemo the numerous but op and Balgar castes

xclusively. Sinhalese onal leadership was e many small Marxist
Which hawe been a e of Sri Lankan poliand local levels the Ti "middle class" StraJeople with relatively |al qualifications who B (state) employment lieved therselves to aders spoke English, the most powerful eir non-elite status. st significant political 3 in Sri Lanka indepeIrship of members of g elite. At that stage y loosely organized erized by consideraOn. The "Insurrection" xtremely ill prepared. Iss of the island, the intlocalities-mainly - were spread over a as there was a coC uniting the leadeactivists and Suppoas a sense of grievaTil the fruits of a CCeSS
ES of the 1971 JIWP eader, Rohana WijeDe tried and imprisoII freed by President 7, soon after his UNP lections. The for Ital ency and reconciliaTotivation Was the hain opposition party, Pand the WP shared Se rural Sinhale Se ded to dra W, their al OWer middle Clale difference Was that rised youth almost P had supported the at the 1970 general LFP Prime Minister, ranaike, Was seen to le fortheslaughter of red in some areas as 1 was being crushed. hibited little regret. In Jortant notive force een the resentiments hic Gogar77 a Caste of pressed Wah LampLura These oppressed
castes had generally supported the SLFP since the party was established in the early 1950s. It was mainly in the areas where they were concentrated that the slaughter of JWP 'suspects' had been widespread. This appeared to many to reflect - and, in an indirectSense almost certainly did - Mrs Bandaranaike's casteism and social snobbery. Relations between the SLFP on the one hand and, on the other, both (ex) JWPers and the Wah Limpura and Balgar castes, were poisoned. Jayawardene had already begun to exploit this when he reconstructed the UNP after 1973, drawing many members of these lower Castes into his party for the first time, along with former (and future) JWPers. He now attempted to exploit it further. The release of the JVP leaders from prison and their engagement in legal politics would provide more electoral competition for the SLFP. A degree of active support for the JVP was one of the techniques used by the ruling party." For als T10St Ea de Calde after 1977 til SLFP) appeared to be Jayawardene's plaything. He deprived its leading figure, Mrs Bandaranaike, of her civic rights for seven years from 1980, thus preventing her from contesting elections. Knowing that she Would not relinquish the effective leadership of a party that had never had an organization independent of the Bandaranaike family,o Jayawardene concentrated his campaign on keeping the family divided. The rival ambitions of the next generation of the family served him well. The SLFP split and split again in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Many members were persuaded to join the UNP. When the UNFP USEd TuS Ce to intinnidate the SLFP at the local level, there Was no effective protection or response.
(To be continued)
Notes
"For evidence to support the interpretation made Һагвsee especiallyMoore, The SlaІвапdPeasал! Politics; and M. Moore, Sri Lanka: The Crisis of the Social Democratic State", in S. Mitra (ed.), The Poss-Coswa Sasa In Asia (New York and London, 1990), J., Marmar (The Expedierf Utopilan: ВалdaraлaiќеandCey}ол, Cambridge, 1989)prowides evidence on how far the apparent leader of the Sinhalese Buddhist electoral uprising in 1956, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Was in fact responding as best he could to 'grassroots' (middle class) for CCs which he did not control.
* Sea J. Jupp, Sri Larika: Third World Der Tocracy
London, 1978).
This patternisnot completely linear. For example,
15

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Page 19
EASTASIA
Sri Lanka ana C
C. Mahendran
n discussing Korea We must
remember that the Peninsula Which Was divided after the second world War, contin'Ued torerThain TWO COLIntrieStOdate. Thé Norther half is called the Democratic Republic of Korea, and is a government Which upholds an ideology that was built on Socialist lines siliar to the former Soviet Union and the Peoples Republic of China. The Southern half of the country which is known as a Republic of Korea since the second World War, has been an ally of the United States of America has adopted a liberal constitution and recently has successfully ventured into democratic elections with Kim Young Sam being the popularly elected President.
Sri Lanka since independence has folowed a policy of equidistance between the two Koreas. During the SLFP government of 1956, and again in 1964 and 1970 since non-alignment was fashionable; relations between this government and the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea was closer than that towards Republic of Korea. The UNP government always made it a point to continue dialogue With the Republic of Korea viewing that Country as a Source of funds for |dustrial a Ctiwiti ES II Sri Lalka.
In our relations With Democratic Pedples Republic of Korea; for the first time in 1970 (Mrs Bandaranaike was the Prime Minister) an Embassy was opened in Colombo by that country. The Embassy of the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea in Sri Lanka Was cloSBd in 1971. The government requested the North Korean mission to close down the Embassy for national security reasons. Thereafter our goverments have consistently adopted a policy of accepting only concurrent accreditation of the North Korean Ambassador in Delhi to be the concurrently AITıbassador to Sri Lanka. Similarly Sri Lanka has always had concurrent accreditation to the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea by our Ambassador in Bei|ing.
In the case of the Republic of Korea, the South Korean government was very keen to open an embassy in Colombo; but all along from 1965 onwards, only a trade representative was present in Colombo. Though the South Korean Ambassadorin India visited Sri Lanka often an embassy in Colombo was opened only in 1977. At
the 1977 Electio 15
Carme to power ani of the government bli C of Korea tCO ES Colombo. This ewe Tarki Ou Trelatio
FITOT 1977 Wafid the Republic of Sou industrial activities 1987 Sri Laka es ssion in the Repub this date the Sri L Japan was concurr Republic of Korea; an inadequate res. government, With t Sri Lanka embassy of the Republic of from that country to a hundred fold. To 50 Korean compar nging from textiles, and many other in serviced by our lab.
This is perhapso and productive rela! ched mutual relation ties with the Republi the opening of the e blic of Korea in Col. ssy in Seoul in the F political relationship intries also gained i to the visits by sew WO COLIntrie S. Presi sited the Republic Prime Minister RPr dasa attended their Popularally elected Visited Korea in 19 gration of President reafter We find Visit taking place leading mic cooperation.
In 1989 sor the fi of Korea granted Si nery loan for highw Republic of Korea Creditor country an sing funds to deve Sri Lanka Wä5 the concessionery loan
In the Case of the Republic of Korea atter inpts were mad to re-establish her the government of

Korea
he UNP government one of the first acts rasto allow the Repuablish an embassy in it proved to be a land With the tWo Koreas. s We find the input of h Korea in Sri Larkan o be phenomenal. In ablished het first milic of Korea. Prior to anka Ambassador in intly accredited to the which Was considered onse by the Korean he establisherient of
in Seoul, the capital
Korea; investments | Sri Lanka increāSed lay there are around lies in Sri Lanka Tagaгments, footwear dustries that can be Lur force in Sri Lanka.
ne of the TOSt fruitful ionship that has enrisandstrengthensour Cof Korea, Ewer since mbassy of the RepuJimbo; and Our embaRepublic of Korea, the between the WOCOLmomentum leading 3ral dignitaries of the dent Jayawardene Wiof Korea so did then Eartha daSa, Mr PricerTaauguration of the first
President. When he 8 to atted the inau
Roh Tae W00, ThgfroT both Countries
to increased econo
st time the Republic i Lanka a concessioay construction. The had TOW become a has started disbuoping countries, and ecipient of the initial
Democratic Peoples eventhough several by that government bassy in Colombo, Sri Lanka Whether it
was the SLFP or the UNP, hawe had reservations on allowing the establishment of an embassy by the government of the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea in Colombo. Having said this must emphasise that the government of Sri Lanka has all along consistently maintained that our relationship with Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea is correct and given the level of activity between the two countries. Whether it be political, econdmic, Social, Cultural or other relationships the representation was adequate. There Was thus no need to upgrade the level of the embassy of the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea in Colombo.
Therefore One ObserVes that in Our relations with the two Koreas, Sri Lanka has over recent years more interactions With the Republic of Korea since the economic imperative serves our policies in Sri Lanka and has led to a fruitful and dynamic relationship in which the Korean econdmic inputs in Our country has gathered TOITETLITTI.
Since the stated objectives of the govement of Sri Lanka is the achie Wellent of NIC states by the year 2000, it is said Lihat the ECOnomic model Sgen in the Republic of Korea; and the management techniques, as well as the transfer of technology and industry to Sri Lanka by that Country would be an advantage in our overall policy on industrialisation. Hence our leaders pay great attention to this relationship.
Further Tore the normalisation of rolations between the Republic of Korea and the other countries around including the Peoples Republic of China and Russia, is a positive development. The Republic of Korea has over the years in recent times developed a very healthy foreign policy of her own, which Was made her one of the dynamic powers in the Far East. The APEC which comprises all East Asian countries including Australia and New Zealand as Well as the United States of America, emphasises the need for the greater coordination of their effortin economic development of the Pacific Rim.
Given this premise it is in the interest of Sri Lanka to cultivate this relationship avidly, since Sri Lanka can benefit by in Creased Economic activities in the Pacific Rimby participatingin industrialactivities that might take place.
17

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Page 21
SPECIAL INTERVIEW by Sumit Chakravartly
Globalisation :
S.C. You had referred in your speech (at the Fourth Indira Gandhi Conference) to the necessity of mutual adjustment in the post-Cold War World instead of unilateral adjustment as is being imposed by the Sole Surviving Superpower. Would you kindly elaborate on that? And in that context Would also like to ask for your views on the structural adjustment programme Which is now being sought to be imposed on the developing countries in general in an uniform Way,
S.A. Well, in the first place should like to indicate that in my opinior structural adjustment is not really something new, It is Something which has been constant in the process of global capitalist expainsion. Global capitalist expansion is a process of the centre dominating the Whole systern and forcing the periphery to adjust in order to fulfill a number of conditions which favour the reproduction of the system as a whole as an unequal System. Polarisation, if you call it by this name, is inbuilt in the global expansion of capitalism and is not a byproduct of Some specificities, here and there, of diffe
ET1CES.
| hawe always been against the theories of gradualism, that underdevelopment/backwardness was a historical backwardness and that you have to and you can catch up by reproducing what has been done in the Centre. I was even against the theory of stages of development before it appeared in 1960. My Ph.D. dissertation in 1957 was against that theory (which had not yet been published by its own title), that is, that capital accumulation is a process which operates On a World scale by Submitting the peripheries to the Centre and is, therefore, a process of constant structural adjustment of the peripheries to the centre. This is PÕirt nu Tıber Corne.
Point number two is that the problem does not appear constantly. There are in history periods of high growth, relatively easy growth and, therefore, the illusion for the peripheries that they can catch up is developed. During those periods there is usually high growth everywhere - in the
Centre and in the p high growth in the growing contradict SteaT,...
SC: increasing di
SA: Yes, increas a certain point the into a Crisis. At tha the necessity of th adjustment, which is ctural adjustment of new stage of global
NOW, if this thes should develop Counter-politics, an a view to modifying modifying the logic Want to oppose in a |ST With Socialism |lism is blad and We System to oppose t OW to move out polarising effect sot globalsystem can bɛ to go into that and a large extent and İr
What, therefore,
following: let us loo going to be the tools CO ming futura, in the Wе пmay say that p forced 1 diffee frote mercantile multinational corpor emerged after Wo dominating the four feel that We ara moi in Which polarisatic What I dĖScribe as til the Centre. Those fiv following:
First, the monopo (if only because of th Capacily. Which is sine we during the dewe technologies).
Second, the or financial flows (that is tion of the financial level recapture thes

: Sarir Anif
Deripheries - but the a peripheries lead to ions, coming out of
Sparities?
ing disparities, And at Whole system enters
t point there appears
e So-called structural
Sagain unilateral Struthe peripheries to the growth.
is is correct the We a Counter-strategy, | mobilisg forces With the rules of the game, of the system. I don't abstract way capitaby saying that Capitashould hawe amother në gradualist view, of if the system and its at another Social and 2TE3 Chad. I don't Wat oppose artificially to a Very abstract way.
I am saying is the k at, what I feel, are i of fiolarisation in the visible coming future. Iolarisation has been nt for the historically capitalist period to the ations' pattern which rld War II and was -five past decades.| wing into a new stage bin Wi|| proceed from he five monopolies of 'e Tonopolies are the
ly of high technology e en OrTOLS filla Cial eded to be competitialopment of modern
opoly of control ower through the integraSystem at the global savings from any part
of the World and channel them according to the logic of global capitalism). A few decades ago in a country like India-and certainly in a country like Egyptor Mexico –90 per Cent of the nationalsavings were channelled through the national institutions, Whether public or private, Now I can say for a country where there hawe been studies, a country like Mexico, 80 per cent of the national savings goes into the American or North American global financial System.
SC. Through the MNCs?
SA: Yes, through the MNCs. In Egypt it is the same. I don't have the figures for India but probably it has increased, it is
going Lp.
SC. It is rising
SA:Third, the monopoly on the decision for the access and use of natural resourCeS. This is going to be a growing important monopoly of the centre. We speak, for instance, of Arab oil. Actually there is no Arab oil. There is oil on the territory of the Arab Countries. It is the decision of the major forces dominating the World that matters on the access and use of this oil. We know it, We hawe seem it — the Gulf War had proved it.
Fourth, the monopoly on mass media and through mass media culture and subCultures and political Tmanipulation of pLblic opinion and so on. Not only due to the development of technologies which has turned the World, as We say, into a single village but also due to the centralsation of capitalist domination over the gigantic means of Communication and Tedia. This is really an enormous Tomo
30ply.
And fifth, the monopoly over weapons of mass destruction - nuclear and others.
Now I submit that through the Working of these five monopolies We are moving into a new phase of further and deeper polarisation. It is being said very often that the Third World does not exist any more and that the differentiation. Within the Third
19

Page 22
World has been so large-how can you put South Korea and Burundi in the same basket? || Would answerthat in the folloWing Way.
The Third World has been always differentiated, the peripheries should be always entrusted with a variety of different functions in the system at every point of time, but also in the pattern of international division of labour for a very long historical period from the beginning of the nineteenth century with the Industrial Revolution in the West to the end of colonisation With World War II-indeed polarisation was quasi-synonymous of the industrialised centres wersus the non-industrialised, and wastly rural peripheries. And that was true for Asia, Africa and Latin America until very recently some half a century ago, not more. But gradually we have movedthrough the industrialisation of the peripheries (industrialisation, urbanisation) associated with the achiewe Tent of political independence, even if that industrialisation was very unequal among the so-caled developing countries, the peripheries - into a new stage in which, I submit, industrialisation of the peripheries Will be a kind of gigantic putting out system cointrolled by the centre through those five monopolies which include, as you hawa seen, not only economic in the normal sense but also political and Tilitary tools, I mea mass COTITLUnicatio ad ar Tlaments are political in a very direct Way.
SC; Would you say that this trend was visible even during the Cold War but in the post-Cold War period this tendency has become more pronounced?
SA: Yes, of course, the trend was already operating during the Cold War, Except that the Cold War overshadowed it to a certain extent and We did not see it clearly, Now it has appeared Very clearly.
In that sense and through those monopolies, therefore, industrialisation is no more synonymous With catching Lup) but is a new form of polarisation, a kind of putting out System.
The old putting out system to which Marx referred Was at the time Tercantile capital was controlling the producers, the handicrafts by providing to the handicrafts, the producers raw materials and having the monopoly of that and the monopoly of the commercialisation of the product. And thus extracting the surplus through this monopoly. We can see this
2O
operating similarly of industries in the perip |led by those five r |ab0urinthJSG induS but also Capital is g; more de Wallcourised W. tal associated With thi monopolies are over refore the surplus su stries in the periph benefit of the Centre.
This new pattern c. system is...
GC EWOTO
SA:We can CallitS that is a new for To
Now to COme a C your question.
SC: Well, that yol, in your COUnter-stral
SA:Yes, counter
SC: TIE COUTE adjustment.
SA: Yes, yes, let
stion is: how to fightt isn't it? I don't See of the perіphегу— two-and-a-half big phery (China and in perhaps) no other 0 these monopolies. N ssarily small Countri million people like hawe 50 million per the figures of the
tries.
SC: You Won't the former Second With these states?
SA | Will, I'll co. RLUSSia Will be a TT: there a TE SO Tary ( us fóCLIS On the tr SETES.
Therefore, if We monopolies therer concept: regionalis large, regional-IV El Cf St LES EDELS understanding of a TE al T5thatLFall America, Arab State hawe two giants Ch
WE. Other Court Asia.

a gigantic scaleFleriBS W|| De COmtrOIonopolies and the tries. Not only labour ing to be more and hile labour and capi2 operation of the five -Waliurised. And tiecked out of the indueries will go to the
if the new putting out
feo-colonialism?
to at the political level, if leo-Colonialis T.
k to the beginning of
u hawe indicated allSO egy.
strategy.
r-strategy of mutual
Tie explain, The quehose five Thornopolies, arly of the countries there are only two or countries in the peridia for Surgad Brazil ne capable of fighting lot that they are nece3s. They can hawe 200
Indonesia, they can ple, a figure close to Tajor European Cou
lace the Countries of World in this category
Ime to that. Perhaps ajor power again. But Juestion-marks. So let aditional Third World
need to fight those must be a very strong ation. There should be would go upto confedeed on Serious political Como future. There bases for that in Latin Si Africa— in Asia yOu Tina and India but You is too in South-East
If you look at each of those regions you Willi find a nun Tilber of CorTATOrı feature5, Of course, you will find a high degree of imequalities mot only between Countries but within at least larger, countries as well - regional inequalities of all kinds and so on. But you will find a number of common features bothat the level of development, cultural patterns to a certain extent, geostrategic - by nature of geography - positions. And, therefore, the capacity to negotiate collectively. With whom? With not the North as one entity but taking it as three or perhaps four units - that is, North America (US and Canada), Japan, EEC-Europe and perhaps tomorrow again Eastern Europe and Russia. And to have those Collective negotiations, a system of mutual internegotiation, interdependency between vast regions of the World, We should allow for What I am calling mutualadjustments. While the proCess that We know is the Tost urlBaqual process it is one-by-One: Orne COLIntry negotiation With the global System aS represented by the World Bankand the IMF: the World - as you have Gambia Versus the World. In Some cases you may hawe India but even India is not so strong. So in theory what does the "Gambia Versus the World' syndrome mean? Instead, We can hawe regionalnegotiations and thereby the real capacity of enforcing mutual adjustment.
Mutual adjustment with a view to reducing the negative impact of those five monopolies, that is, instead of global regotiations intra-regional or inter-regional negotiations on trade, instead of one GATT a series of different arrangements, instead of Ole IMF a series of francial and monetary arrangements and corTITTILnications among them, instead of one capital market a series of capital markets, instead of Orie World Barık terı regional banks and communications along them, etc. etc. At that regional level also we could hawe a serious capacity to mowe into science and technology and reduce the monopoly onscience and technology. We Could hawe also — ewen Within the perspective of global disarmament and prohibition of Weapons of mass destruction and their targets - development of Collective defence capacities keeping out of the agenda the military intervention which is going on now as We hawe seen from the Gulf War to Sorialia and the STäll Wars
Gre and there.
To be continued)

Page 23
s
Why there's sc in this rustici
LlLlL lL aMLLLLLL LLLL La CLCLLuL kHLHLHHLSuuuu LLAs LLLLLL LLLLLLLlLM gLLLLm GmmL LLLLLL 0LLLLLLLLD LLL LLrrClLL leaf in a bir TI, IT IS, CITIE: If the hundreds of such
barns spread tytut in thị: Tid artici Lipmuntry LLLLLLLLH KLLK HuuLLLLLL LlL aBLaLlL uLLLLL LLLLHa LS dallimi, di Iring the Coff 5:2:15 Cor.
Here, with careful nurturing, tobacco grows Fis a LLLLeOLL LLL LLLLCHC HLL LHLHL uuuLGLCL LtgtLLLLLaL LLLLLLLHHL L gold, to the value of Jir Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRCHING FRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter tobacco barn.
Tobaccan is the industry that brings er TıployTIEmil tra
hic scienci highest numbe T uf people. Artici ThE:52 people are the colbarra barr, IowTiers, thia' trab.: CCC growers and those who work for the IT, on the land ariri irl, the barms.
For thern, the tobacco leaf means rearingful work,
a carnfortable hife àTird a ocure futura. s. FC
rough reason for laught ET,
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people,

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating T
C
Dynamic
In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in the of only 46... and a few hundred Customers
Today, just 30 years later
People Resource exceeds 1 Customer Listings at a sta Branch NetWork in exCeSS
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has g in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spec resources at their Command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
Three DeCades
f
: Growth
challenging World of Banking With a staff
0,000 ggering 5.5Million of 328, THE LARGEST
rown to become a highly respected leader ;tacular growth is a reflection of the massive to the Service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'