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LANKA
GUAR
Vol. 16 No. 20 February 15, 1994 Price R WHIT
EASTERN PROVINCE
Muslims
in the
Middle
- Mervyn de Silva
UN
Horac Boutra
Dougla,
JANE AUSTEN THE
J-R YEARS s FRIEN
JUSTOE RAJARANA
AVRTHANAYAGAM TH
SAVR AWN ON THE
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

\ .
DAN
1O.OO Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
THER
NATIONALISM
The European
Experience
- S. Sathananthan
NI ?
2 Perera
DS, Ghali
S Bennet
SOCIAL COMMONWEALTH
- H.L.D. Mahindapala
DLESS IN THE WORLD
- Arden
M : THE BHUT TO TRIAL
- Neelan Türuchelvam
E EXPATRIATE AS POET
– Joanne L. NiX
LOEALISATION PROCESS
— Sumit Chakra varthy

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tSyOUF
 

t

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BATTLE FOR THE EAST
TS MUSinn F
Mervyn de Silva
An incredibly gifted and unrepentant Tiilitarist, Welupilai Prabhakaran, the LTTE Supremo, has no great faith in democracybuthe appreciates the importance of popular opinion. He knows the armed struggle that he launched wellower a decade ago is all about land and people. He is not impressed with "power" or authority in the abstract. From the very beginning, he has grasped the geo-political - the crucial role of the east, and externally, the vital importance of Tamilmadu. Both dominate his strategic thinking, exCepl that ole factor becomes Tore crucial than the other inapolitical-military Struggle which he does not, and cannot, COO.
What the LTTE leader fears most is a closely coordinated Delhi-Colombo policy. The Indo-Sri Lankan "peace accord" and the arrival of the IPKF was the moment of maximum danger. The JVP intervened to break that pact. When the
GÜARDIAN
Wol, 16 No. 20 February 15, 1994
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place CEO - 2.
Editor Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Arnarda Pross B25, Sir Ratnajothi Sarawamiam Luttu Mawathia, Color TE20 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
Trends & Briefly. The U.N. 3. Vär äid Peace U.S.-U.N. Relationship 구 Jane ALIStern Eind
History O Nationalisms. Today 13 Interwig W = SarTir.Artılmı (2) 15 T.C. RajaratmaT 17 J.F. Үваг5 (20) 19 Sri LankaГ Апеfican
HülIIIE O
Prabha
The Sunday Titles D.
Il Ligte TIHL hı : stor last Neyve II liber, separatist war CDI Inti
The Irajor pre-occ rity forces in the nex to be the upcoming. Et, ni Mril 1 their delics in N strength of troopshi Eirit to figure :Tinja 1 CEILICE TIL
Aħ Llili.: WILLI LI In II increasing vidence III Liking preparation dents utilyte di Sr LO LTEEEE Confilsiin.
The infiltri til North the East Security sources sa was coming Iron Lhi the now well-kn where the boatsri There was also grid making efforts to thruւյքlլ էlle East LihÈSE SEJLurces.
The still source hii, dil lb:ceili bussy iri L cmillecting data ubi polling booths are to ril Lidl, citiwities, ' prompted the adopti mens LIrrs, Titlig for Lho candidatas, Hitl y Eug War II A total of 7.62.93. BELLicial: 225,157 Trinco male en 181, 15 polling booths to ch EOLI T575 ciltid be littled Lil The delivery of pin will begini Ciri Felir LIELI Colliciils, III CISL of LHI rning of Ticers, Will L. for election duty.
These developmen in the backdrop of LT T'rih FıkıHT I layin Insulin under heavy into 14 Bilso, his hir junglg8.
But what IF Int exit from the pening reasons of his own hija : Tile dildo Wii L II leaders about LEM
Mahattanyal alius G Thdraraja, his crst wi ised of collaborating intelligence agency, rgod with clusing th Jal Timin "CD IIIIIII Ilder

Factor
Ahead
fetik: Curristlen E.
if the Pooncryl disaEhel II nelisylull in the ILIE Lupi Lion for the SeCILL:Լ էwt Weeks aրpears locul elections in the Without weakening Carlı, il 5 Lubista Titial ls El Iloyd to the
II EE he polls. 1st week, there wis Lhat the LT"TE Wils 5 Li trigger of TineiLupt the polls bu tulis
of cadress from Lhu Ibri Lin LIEH IL -t walk. id the bulk of them E2 peninsi Lilla through WIl Kilali passige: ces Hreinful swing. encil that they were
Tiny" in supplies crist, according LÖ
5 Sit IT"'El Carris he pHst two weeks L ItL IL EL TELL R, willari belocated ind other This hills i El Fulready III. Ofeli t'i Talcili Inter included protection their places of stay Cetings are held. iya-12.B04ווWilwu) ( Amparin 315, 101 land 8) Will pull EL 787 EE 131 TT1 Imbers. A -- El TC Com testing LJ guvernment budies. Il cards til Lha ya Eers Tỷ 16, Minrollhäm 1[[] Asiis LTil vel fra III Cliath
Ls were: Linking place TEleader Walupillai g the Ji Till picnigsrurt und mowing leitin the Wani
lear is whether his Ill Wils prompted by Crsonal security or it HiH WHIT 1TH ahattaya episode,
քբtllaswքmy MahtLille deputy, is Elecuit India's Xternal hıERMAW. IIIeiselill| dath of OIC-til:
JWP threaterned the UNP regime by opening a "front" in the rear, UNP thinking Was totally concentrated on the polls and the need to win. The SLFP, not the LTTE, became the main enemy. Opportunism opened the door to a UNP-LT TE en serife Where the IPKF was the common target for different reasons; for the UNP, the irradiate need to rob the ultra-nationalist JWP of its rousing "deshapremi" rallying Cry and for the LTTE to get the IPKF off its back.
Ideally, the UNP should hawe Won the polls and retained power while allowing the IPKF to finish the job. But the situation on the ground did not permit such comfo[tabl C3 ChildDi:CBS.
The IPKF presence was as much a threat to Sri Lanka's sovereignty as the LTTE's separatist armed struggle was a threat to the country's territorial integrity.
And now We are back to square one – the territorial SSLe – the Tläin iSSLe of EELAM WAR 2. By the Way, we note that top theoretician-spokesman Anton Balasingham now Luses L. G. momenclature.... EELAM WAR 2].
EASTERN PROVINCE
It is President Wijetunge who has put the Eastern prowince, mot the North, in sharp focus. By doing so, he has also underScored the territorial imperative. Together With devolution (power) land is the vital question in all identity conflicts. And here is an extraordinarily interesting situation. First, identity. In the history of the Sinhala-Tamil conflict, it was language that was the all-important issue and irritant - certainly after the 1956. Sinhala Only Act. (The reasonable use of Tamil la W. Could mot defuse the tensions released in the post-56 years). The Muslims of the eastern province are Tamil-speaking.... unlike the Muslims in the rest of the (Sinhala-dominated) Country.
If language had remained the main badge of identity, the Tamil strategy Would hawe guaranteed Tajority Support for the devolution demand. The Sinhala percentage is only 25%. The Muslims, a third, hold the balance. The Muslim community Was caught in the new currents of post-Khomeini politics. The Iranian revolution is widely presented, certainly in the West, as the curtain-raiser to a new act in the political drama of the late 20th century - the Islamic revival. The events Lihat hawe folloWed the Iraniam rewolution

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hawe introduced the te "fLurda Estalism" to the global discourse. So much so, one of Arterica's best known Scholars, Samuel Huntington of Harvard has predicted a "clash of civilisations" as the next major trend of the post-Cold War era, the end of the ideological struggle between capitalism and socialism, democracy and totalitarianism. Today, BOSNA is the frontline. The malign neglect and blatantly discriminatory policy on Bosnia (arms embargo) and U.N. indifference to the massacre of Bosnia Muslits - at least 40% of the population, and the largest community - saw the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and Turkey visit Sarajevo recently.
ISLAMCFACTOR
Ever Sice President Clinto. Tento led KASHMIR in his first speech to the UN General Assembly, South Asia's generic conflict, has returned to the regional agenda to claim an increasingly important place. Already it has introduced new teisions into relations between the World's most powerful democracy, and the World's largest.
LLLLLL LLL LLLL LLLLLL L0LLLLLL0L L LLLLL LLLaLLS 5ţial ald Wester World.
The Sudden appearance of a "SADDAM HUSSEIN" village in the eastern province, as well as the appointment of a Muslim general to the IPKF's eastern command were the first signs that outsiders had recognised the special significarice of the area and its Cultural "mix".
| 100k Mr. Ashraff's Sri Lanka Muslim Congress to send the more important signal-the Muslim community had realisedits electoral-political importance in a LaLaaLa aLLLLL LLLLL LLaLLLLSLLLLLLLL LLLS nsions had become an increasingly important issue. The Muslim community was asserting its own collective identity, its self-image.
LLaaLLLL LHC LLLL LLLLL LHHLLHHLLLLLLL S S LLLS slim, from Kalmunal, Mr. Uduma Lebbe Samsudeen to the parliamentary seat held by Mr. T.W. Rajaratnam, the for Tier Supreme Court judge, a Tamil. Once the SLFP had decided Oil a Muslim rater tham a Tamil, Cippasition Circles WEre certain that the seat would be given to Mr. Alawi Moulala, an SLFP stalwart from CD|յmbյն,
The East is crucial in every equation because the 1987 peace accord recognised the concept of a North-east merger the question of territory, related of course to identity, Does one re-dra W the mapo, attaching the Tamil part to the north? Does one reduce the number of provinces or increase the number.
Identity, territory and finally power. How Tuch dBC5||tralisation and dw Col Lutir? The JR Constitution centralised power in an executive presidency in the interests of rapid growth, does one re-distribute power in the interests of unity?
2
TRENDS
Gas sh
Cooking gas was TE) are SL spokesman said tha dLé the delayed arri LP (Liquid Petroleur Petro/III Corporator Іолsрегday, bшїІhe |s 200 гТе!гіс Іолs, с the city and the SLEL
The shipment aw 70,000 för 75G.
BRIEFLY.
Brains is W.
Opposition Leader N гапаike told a preCouncil) rally in the
Country What was nee ageing SLFP leader first Woman prime st Tilisters, Tot ex ECL-ut Sri Lanka) said: "So I cannot Walk, but let гule a counlгy one пé you need is brains"
MS Bardaramika '' OS 5DO cariat People's Alliance.
NOlt fraid
PTESdert D.B. W Tallia Sir UdLI LI Wara Ceisitrial Prowinte sa afraid of sacrificing h "The LTTE is asking пеverbegiven, The When saySO. Theyr Tirld that...", he Sai
When the LTTE estate Tamil popula estate areas, are WE demand? Never, the
President Wijetung Wërë ndt terrorist.S." We With US and are O lingams in my ministri
| id || 0 til Sacked. What We are
SI OL ut terOS million as pensions and East", he said,
lםחםםחu סN
A Surday Tirties TTrT13rt Wa3S CO 1Sid Tigers (LTTE) Sans ntradicted by an u TITEL SOLITICE" i a :
Särld.

Ortage running out in ColoS. A. gaS Company t the shoritage Was as of a ship bringing r) gas, The Ceylon 7 producēs 50 rretric island's requirement orris Li rred Trosty irn
5.
aired was bringing
hat it takes
Mr 5, Sirir TiaW0, Barddelection (Provincial STLJIH Flat HD TLE H ded WS rails. The Who Was the World's inister (when prime iwe presidents, ruled me people Say that Tg tHI therT LHL ti }Éti not Wälk – Will Ht
WaS II ta' SO Luth to es of the SLFP ed
says DB
jetunga addressing and Gampola in the id that hē WBS Cot is life for the people.
for EET, TEL WI||||| y get angry with me may shootine. I don't d.
asks for Eelar the
tio Wi|| ask for LFne
200) a CCede to that
President said,
a said that all Tamils The majority of them iuffrirds. There år B5.|f WEäre CofTTL
WOLWE LO O facingismot Commu1. We pay Rs 536 Othose in the North
itional talk:S
eport that the Goveering talks with the
Conditions Was COmnamed top Goveitatement to the daily
If the LT TE Wirted the North East problemsolved they must join the political
Tainstreat, this source said.
No confidence
The Opposition SLFP is to Towe ano-CoLLLLLL LaLaH LHH La LaLLLLLLLS Among the grounds: 1 inability to maintain peace in the country; 2 failure to bring down the Soaring cost of living; 3 the airbus Scandal; and 4 the transfer of the Bribery Commissioner.
TTESO il the LTTE
The LTTE is investigating its deputy leader Gopalaswamy Mahendrarajah for treason. The charge is that he has links with India's RAW, and that he was trying to kill Tiger supremio Prabhakaran. MeanWhile Jaffna residents went on a protest march demanding that the Tigers either produce Mahendrarajah, a popular figure, or explain the allegations against him.
The LTTE is explaining, in a series of public Tallies.
SLFP against change in presidential election
The SLFP does not want parliament to electthe President, Mrs Bandaranaikethe SLFP leader told the media. The SLFP will not support such a move,
President Wijetunga recently annouriced that the ruling UNP had decided to change the presidential election procedureto allow parliament to elect the executiwe president instead of the people doing so. The president said that it would be cheaper.
They join UNP
The Liberal Party led by Dr Chanaka Amaratuпgа апdthe Sri Lanka Mahajana Paksaya led by Cssie Abeyguпesekега have joined the UNP in the same way as the CWC has joined the ruling party. They Will contest future elections on the UNP list and the UNP symbol.
FO top rankers warned
Following the Surreptitious switching of names in a Geneva bound human rights delegation, three top staffers in the Foreign Office hawe been reprimarded. The Switch was reversed by presidential inte
Wention.
Former ambassador stabbed
Mr Badhrapala Wickrermatunga, a one time afTHa555dor to SWgden ald a brother of Mrs Hema Premadasa, was stabbed to death in his Bambalapitiya home allegedly by a houseguest who has since gone missing.

Page 5
The U. N. - its
Horace Perera
Ms. Madeliene Albright, the U.S. RepreSentative to the UNI in New York, considers the last General Assembly of the Organisation as one of the most encouraging of its sessions in decades. Among its achievements she mentions the acceptance, in principle, of setting up a high level office of an American-style inspector Gепeral, aspoогmaпаgеппепtisthe Achiles' heel of the UN. She is obviously referring to the Organization's secretariat which has, in recent years, come in for consideble criticism in audit reports, in the more responsible media and the report which Dick Thornburgh, a former Undersecretary-general for Administration and Management submitted to the Secretary-General, Butros Butros Ghali.
The Secretariat
The establishment and the general functions of the Secretariat are laid down in Articles 97 - 101 of Chapter XV of the Charter, Article 97 declares that the SeCretariat "Shall COTT1prise a Secretary-General and such staff as the Organization Tay require". The Secretary-General who is the "chief administrative officer" of the UN is appointed by the General Assembly on the recommendation of the Security Council. The staff is appointed by him and in doing So he is expected to give "paramount consideration" to "securing the highest standards of efficiency, competence and integrity". Due regard is also to be paid "to the importance of recruiting the staff om as wide a geographical basis as possible". While no one Will question the first requirement, it is very unlikely that anyone will disagree With the Second. As the appointment of the Secretary-General is the key to good managementitis proposed to examine the procedure, or lack of it, in Taking this important appointment.
The Secretary-General
What is most surprising is that even as the UN reaches the 50th anniversary of its establishment there is hardly "any discussion of the Secretary-Generalship at higher levels of government, and even less higher consideration of the nature of the task, or the qualities, background and expertise to provide the best future leadership". Consequently "no rational alterna
The writer, a well known Sri Lankan reacher of history, (s. Honorary Frässert (WFUNA). The Views ёxpressed arg the wriller's parsола/ орMHH0S HMH LLC LLLCLHHL LH LH LYLELLCLLH LLL LVM Ass05.
tive" has emergedt haphazard, increa predominantly polit prevails". Thus the person to fill what it era Caled“le II the World" and WF community is the
HlāS EOECO, "a CF extent, a self Servin
The situation Wa. When "campaignin rged further confus an already disorien process" providing a lack of top level inadequate high-ley tation, opportunist gue and a Comple checking".
While al this rey sense of responsibi
Tērts MTib the five Perlanet rity Council, one c: of relief that distaste disgusting practices not become a prec of those Who Carm present incumbent total absence of ara Lic procedure fOrchi leadership to the int is disquieting, to sa
At the "22nd UN held by The Stanley Stion Wasg Thàide as could be made mor rational. It was pr advance, a panel recognized person: gion, be set up to Committee" mot only Luta SOCOOkforSL respective regions : port to the Security strengths and weak by criteria set by thi sing that Butros Gha States to make pro tionTient" of the Të rity Council but for a dure for electing : There is an opinioп that the Secretary appointed for one (i. Sewen years: the ra! possibility of re-ele affect the complete office; there general

AChileS Hee
replace "the present slпgly parochial and cal process that now search for the best he first Secretary-Geost impossible job in at to the international most important office lancey and, to sоппе g process"
mõL too blad ti|| 1970 g for the office emeing and downgrading ted and unsystematic "a sad impression of government interest, el government consu, gossip, rumour, intrile absence of record
eas a total lack of a |ity onlhepart ofgoveStates, particularly of Members of the Secuan only breath a sigh aful, disagreeable and referred to above did edet för the Electior e later, including the of the Office. Still the tional and adem ÖCraosing a person to give ernational community y the least.
| SSLes Conference" "Foundation a suggeto how the process democratic and also oposed that, Well in of five internationally s, one from each re
act as a "research ' to Te WieW Candidate5 itable persons in their and submit a joint re" Council, listing "the Пesses" as measured e Council. It is surprili has invited METber posals for a "reappombership of the SecuTore effective proceSecretary-General. in SGOTE NGO Circles -General should be and only one) term of tionale being that the ction can adversely independence of the y being the understa
ndable temptation to act, particularly on controversial issues, in Such a Way as not to lose the votes of Member States, especially of the "Big Five" at the next election,
The Staff-Recruitment, Promotion, Discipline
Article 101 of the Charter stresses the "paramount consideration" and another factor to be taken into account in recruitment of the staff. Unfortunately quite a few Member States, in spite of their undertaking "to respect the exclusively international character of the responsibilities of the Secretary-General and the staff and not to seek to influence them in the discharge of their responsibilities", (Art. 100), hawe interwened not only in the recruitment process but also in promotions and in disciplinary procedures. Consequently While there certainly are many international civil servants who are competent, dedicated to the promotion of the ideals andaims of the UN and "unimpeachable integrity, there are also quite a few square pegs in roundholes Whose sole contribution to the Secretariat has been to OWer the morale of the staff, reduce its credibility and draw scathing comments on the entire Secretarial even from the more responsible media. This situation has naturally provoked from Dick Thornburgh the comment that "Recruitment has been undertaken on a more or less haphazard basis.... promotion exercises have become unduly complicated, and disciplinary procedures are encumbered by seemingly interminable appeals".
The Staff-Proliferation of Posts and "Nepotism"
There is more to come. Member States, and it is said even some Senior officers in the Secretariat, hawe intervened on behalf on their nationals and even on behalf of The Tibers of their tribes or their ethnic groups to create additional posts, or even "non-posts". Some at rather high levels. It is not surprising that Butros Butros Ghali, as one of the "first and Widely acclaimed acts" of his tenure of office, eliminated some 25 percent of high level positions in the United Nations Headquarters bureaucracy. There also seems to be a kind of an "Old Boy" network or a form of "international nepotism" in the Continuing practice of awarding "consuting" Contracts to high lewel officials following their retirement or termination especially When, according to Dick Thornburgh, the Organization is "already burdened with an inordinate number of supe

Page 6
гпшmeraries — those serviпg оп high paying permanent contracts without any specific job assignments"
FraUd Waste and AbLISe
Fraud, Waste and abuse by staff rembers has recently been highlighted by thlee The dia. ACCLISationS Off thiS kirild C0Luld hawe been d'ISTISSed had been made in the "tabloids". But they were made in the Sunday Times and What is Worse have according to Thornburgh, been made in "reports of audit agencies". The present fragmented and inadequate structure for audit inspection, investigation and prograTITE EWELJatilo ha 5 to bē. TādÊ TOTE effective. It is to deal With these and other ab Luses in the systenTill that the United States, at the last General Assembly, urged the establishment of a new office of Inspector General. The proposal was accepted iп pгiпсiple. Опе can only hope that meaningful action will follow. No details have been given as to the lines on which this office willfunction. It is hoped in Sorne interested circles, that this office will reportannually to the Secretary-Gene
fall Who WOLuld fOW Security Council. Wit reports should then by "subsidiary orga can establish as p Charter. The report
by the Council as a the following Sessior mbly and also made blic. The only way ol fraud, Waste, abuSE its Tanifestations, i. their OCCurances an
A procedure of th Will, in addition tor considerably, hawe protecting the reput Tiber of dedicated, rdWorking officials \ pless victims of gene against the Secreta can only hope that law the Toral Cou action What they, un accepted in principl. neral WiII, no do UE
WAR AND PEACE:
The Secretary-General: Thank you. Happy new year. I know that I am 31 days late, but still, happy new year.
As you know, there are a number of vacancies in the top echelon of the Secretariat, and || hawe decided to propose to the General Assembly for its approval the appointment of Ambassador Jose Ayala Lasso of Ecuador to the new post of High Commissioner for Human Rights,
I have also decided to appoint Ambassador Hans Corell of Sweden as Legal Counsel to succeed Mr. Carl-August Fleischhauer, who has been elected a judge Of the InterTlational COLIIt Of JUStiCB.
As you know, Mr. James Jorah Will leave the Department of Political Affairs. The Department of Political Affairs, as agreed by the General Assembly, Will be headed by a single Under-Secretary-General, Mr. Marrack Goulding. I have decided to appoint Armbassador Lansana Kouyate of Guinea as Assistant Secretary-General in the Department, reporting to Mr. Goulding.
Yesterday, received General Bertrand Guillaume de Sauville de Lapresle, and I have decided to appoint him as Force Collander of the United Nations Protection force (UNPROFOR) in the former
4.
Yugoslavia, replacir | Sti| FläWE to SEd Council to receive belia We We hawe allri
Those are there rtain other posts rem not yet been able te as I do it i Wil||infor
I am at your dis questions,
M. S5 ar United NatiOIS COI tion, Mr. Swarz Tarn.
Mr., Swartzman: W Secretary-General, stance; We don't speaking With us. you Tmay be every r
The first questior situation —the que last year when the S Wed the resolution military force, the thought the thing W Tore We ask, ther get the more lette everything become decide, and why delay? Hawe you bo

ard the report to the S COTITES. T.S
BB Studied Ir detail " WiiCl tE COUTCil Article 29 Of G Will next be reviewed
Whole submitted to
1 of the GeneralASSea awailable to the pUchecking corruption, and repotisrT1 ir all s by boldly exposing d'tha perpetrators.
Bekird OLUtilired ab OWE 2ducing malpractices the Salutary effect of ation of the large nu
Competent andhaW0 W TE the illaBral CriticiSTh5 le Welled riat as a Whole. One
Melber States Will rage to translate into der urging by the US, e. The Secretary-Geit, with the initiative,
sense of independence and diplomatic skills he has so far shown, use his good offices to promote General Assembly approval of, and Secure budgetary prowlSion for the establishment and effective functioning of this office. NGOs working nationally and internationally should pool their resources and mobilise public opinion to develop among governments the political Will to take a positive standon this issue Whenit CorTES; Lupo for consideratuion at the General Assembly this year, The United Nations should enter its second half century without any kind of Achilles heel.
NEXT. The Security Council
Notes
1, A World in Need of Leadership Brian Urquart LLLH LCLLLLLCLLLLLCLLLLCL LLLLLLLLMCLLaLLLLLLLaMLLLLL Erskirle Childers.
2. Report to the Secretary-General-Dick Thomburgh, Former Under-Secretary-General for Administrative and ManagerTent who was SLLLLLLLLLLL LL LT LLSLLLSaH LLLKLLL LLLLLLLLS നനendatinfor streamining and making the Secretary cost affective,
Boutros Ghali speaks
пg GепегаІJean Cot. letter to the Security ts approWal; in fact, | eady sent the letter.
W appointments, Ceair to be fi|legd. I ha WE do this, but as soon WOU.
posal to anSWer any
tha President of the "espondents Associa
We Welcome you, Mr. in this LinuSUal CirCLJSee you wery much, We Would like to Sae month, if possible.
is on a very difficult stion of Bosnia. Since ecurity Council approauthorizing the use of air sшpрогі, everyone as wery clear. But the more explanations. We S. We See, the Tore is unclear. Who Will and When? Why the een hampered byce
rtion pressures by permanent members of the Secruity Council?
The Secretary-General: First, I have sent a letter to the Security Council, This Etter Was Based Dra resolution that Was adopted by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) summit meeting on 11 January. At that summit meeting, NATO asked UNPROFOR to do a study on how to use air force - they used the Words "airstrikes" - in two situations: Srebenica and Tuzla, I have had many meetings in Geneva with all the staff to see What ought to be done and three days ago presented a letter to the Security Council.
In that letter, We say that personally amin favourofusing airforce to implement in the case that We should need to use air force. But to use air force, you must Take a distinction between two cases. One is air support and the other is air strikes. In the case of air support, according to the decision taken by NATO, they hawe already given a mandate to the General who is dealing with this operation in Bosnia. Thus I gave mandate to any Special Representatiwe, Mr. Akashi, Who can ask NATO to use air support - air support being the use of airforces in the case of self-defence to help soldiers who are on the ground.

Page 7
The second situation, air strikes, is different. It can be a preventive attack - destroying a bridge destroying an airport — ora punitive attack, which is one Week or two or three days later, again to destroy certain basic infrastructure. Concerning air strikes, according to NATO's decision, they need a resolution adopted by the NATO Council. So even if you ask NATO tomorrow, "Please launch an air strike", it Will hawe to take a decision Which Will|| hawe to be adopted by the NATO Council. And as you know, the Council takes decisions by unanimity.
So what we have done is to give mandate to our Special Representative on the ground, Mr Akashi, who will take into consideration the political situation, the humanitarian situation and the military situation, and can immediately ask for air support in the case of Tuzla and in the CaSeOf Srebrenica. This is What has beef done, and the reaction of the members of the Council very positive. We received support from all the members concerning approach, or this plan, to Tuzla and Srebrenica.
Question: Mr. Secretary-General, what is your feeling regarding the War of letters between Mr. Denktash and Mr. Clerides, and how do you see the official prospects for negotiations in Cyprus?
The Secretaгy-General: I am optimistic. I believe that the two letters are positive letters. We hope that the Special Representative, Mr. Joe Clark Will continue his negotiations in the next few days, and I believe that the two letters have a positive element. There is a breakthrough, there is the political Will on two sides to adopt certain measures to build confidence between the WO Communities. The fact that they accept those measures does LLLa LLLLL00LLLL LaL LL0 LLLLL La LLLLLL LLLLLL Substance concerning the future of relations between the two communities in Сургus.
This may be a personal interpretation, but I am quite optimistic, I see that there is progress, that there is a breakthrough and that there is now the political will on both sides to begin the peace process again. The purpose of adopting as a first step certain measures to build confidence - among them, as you know, a very detailed programme for opening an international airport is Nicosia and the Withdrawal of a certain presence in Varosha, which Will be under United Nations supevision - is to allow the two communities O hawe direct COntact. ThÖSe direct COntacts between the younger generations of the two communities will help to promo
te peace, because agreement if the ty křOW Bach Other. tions dЈ ПО kПОW during the last 17 no direct contact, of Mr. Denktash or Other, because the the younger gene each other.
| bellEWE thā! Wh that while nogotiati hawe to promote ce Confidence betwee So that once agre implementing it will
Question: Carl ||
to the former Yugo distinction betweer strikes. Do you still right to make a de the NATO Council
mTendation, Orare it to the NATO COL is your view of the in in of Croatian force Snla? Are yÖLI pel nowing towards san if a CaSē is. Tāde foi
The Secretary-Ger guestion, I have reci the Security Counc have to give the gr hawe this mandate ( air support. But the di med, is that air Su automatically after but, concerning air my agreement I am chain of colland. V the agreement of the CASE Of air strikes. date EEVedro I have to give the gi air strikes.
On Croatia, yes, y infortation that Cr. - and this was Coff ya Gharekhan (SpE to the Secretary-Ge |forlatior to the TE Council - and the taken by the Securit what ought to be dor new elements in the Yugoslawia.
Question (interpr. inch): There is cur Haiti disseminating see throws the ballo then there is partial United Nations vis-a-

is useless to sign an Corrtunities do not the younger generaeach other, because Fars there hāS been he leaders of the age r. Clerides know each are old friends, but ätionS do 10 kTOW
it is very important is ns are under way We lain TeasureSto build the two communities, ement is concluded, DE! Ea Sy.
lease take you back lawia? You made the
air support and air serve for yourself the ision on air strikes if Were to Take a recoyou prepared to leave ncil? Secondly, what огпationпоwсопіпg operating inside Bosonally in favour of ctions against Croatia familitary presence?
era: As to the first eiwedd a Tandate frOIT il to use air power; een light. Thus, I Still concerning the use of ifference, as mentioport could be done
give my agreement, strikes, though I give
Tot at the end of the We Sti||ha WetCoreCeiWÖ NATO) Cour Cill I r the According to the mathe Security Council, een light Concerning
asterday We received atians are in Bosnia rmed by Mr. Chinnacial Political Adviser 1 eral), who gawe this mbers of the Security
decision has to be "Council concerning e in the light of these ituation in the for ther
tation froT Freзntly a сапраigпіп e idea that the refeit onto the pitch, and y on the part of the Wis certain SituationS,
especially that of Haiti. In your view, has there been adequate impartiality, or has the United Nations really not asked foran amnesty for the military, as was done in the Governors Island Agreement?
The Secretary-General (interpretation from French): I think the United Nations strives to be entirely impartial. Let me add that the United Nations Teams, first of all, the Security Council, whose 15 members corne from different parts of the World. Secondly, there is the Secretariat, which also tries to be as impartial as possible. And, thirdly, we hawe the Friends of Haiti, which is a group of four States. Hence, I would say that the fact that decisions are shaped by Tany. States from different parts of the World and having different attitudes, some of them geographically very far from Haiti, gives one the greatest possible objectivity and impartiality in the solution of the problem of Haiti.
Ouestion: Regarding the talks between Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, are you satisfied that the good offices of Mr. Wance are getting any closer to a breakthrough? Is there going to be a meeting between the two parties after such a long time of nothing happening? Secondly, when Would you submit report to the Security Council on whether this thing is going anywhere or whether it should just be given up?
The Secretary-General: I had a meeting last Week with Mr. Cyrus Vance concerning the talks between The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Greece, and We had an exchange of letters. We hope to have a meeting between the two experts soon, and We are carrying on our mission. I believe that we are doing the best We can to find a solution to this problem. A few months agowe were on the point of reaching a solution, so there is no reason Why We should not continue, and I hope that We Will be able to find a solution that Will take into consideration the points of view of both the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Greece.
Question: Can you be more precise on what you said about Croatians in Bosnia and Hez zegovina? Croatia said woluпteегs have been reporiediп Bosniaапd Herzegovina, but not regular troops. So, according to the information you received, are regular troops or Volunteers?
The Secretary-General: The report We received does not say exactly if they are regular troops or volunteers. They say that a Certain number of Croatians hawe nOW penetrated Bosnia. But the report does not
5

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The vita US-UN
Douglas Bennet
Blig a vibrant and productive partnership between the United States and the United Nations "is one of the critical tasks of our time", says U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs Douglas Bennet.
Speaking to the U.N. Association of the United States, Berlingt outlined U.S. wiews om how to make the U.N. more efficient, help the World organization play a more constructive part in contentious political disputes, and the U.S. position On the U.N.’s increasngly difficult peacekeeping operations.
LLLLaLLLLLLLaa LLLLLLL LLLLCHCL a "robust military and diplomatic capacity to actunilaterally"While having "workable alteTatiwES for thJSE OCCasiois, whilem Lurilateral action is unnecessary, insufficient or unwiSE".
The potential for the United Nations to play an influential role on the World stage is greates today than in previous decades, BeLaLL LLSL LLLLL LLLLLLaL LLLLLL HH LLLHHL on the U.N. performance "are mixed and the prospects are unclear. The U.N.'s commitiment to gen Luimē reform rEnllains suspect... The durability of major power cooperation at the U.N. cannot be taken for granted. And there are inevitable limits on what an organzation dependentforits mandate on the ful diversity of world opinion is going to be able to do".
HēSādi Citādinitrātistratgy for developing multilateral institutions includes:
- taking a rew, more constructive approach to reforming U.N. institutions;
-breaking free from the East-West, North-South divisions that have traditionally hindered the U.N.'s work; and
forging a strong bipartisan Consensus in the United States on the U.S. approach to international peacekeeping.
Following is tha text of Bemmet's remarks:
Thank you for the invitation, amidelighted to be here. I will come right to the point. Building a vibrant and productive partnership between the United states and the United Nations is one of the critical tasks of our time. And I can tell you after some months as assistant secretary of State for International Organizations that — if you like roller Coasters-it is also one of the more exhilarating tasks of our title, it is also a task in which the UNAUSA has long played a dynamic leadership role. For that and for all your good Work - salute you.
Suspect many of you saw the cover story in tha Sunday Times Magazina this past Week featuring a battered blue helmet and a discussion of the trials and tribulations of U.N. peacekeeping. That article - and the
THLU.S. ARGE, SOFIE Lh U.N., ASSociH Litor
facts or which it is ba: their portance of the It reminded us that L. indent upon the will national government. O COROTELIOLFTOL T10lla_L}f thETTĩ tam tỉC ofanable and disting ral doing a hard and And it should compe advent of a new and not by settling for wha but by setting ours possible tomorrow,
Let The start. With Propositions:
First, the United S robust military and di unilaterally. This is r World remains dange Want to influence cy reflect our interests
Second, Werleed WM thēSG CCCF15lons Wh Unnecessary, insuffic why We are presery With Our fellow deric friends, and Why We ir LO COLUIT COITmitmamit
Thesa basic prc approach in What pl. the "Post-Cold War program that the U. label: "The global er: O TearS SETEL ritic recently pointed out, "Where W3 hawa ba going". The Cold Wal about the underlying helped end the olde ping the new. These rces, And only if Web lital is thiltill lakti tliltil expect to succeed.
What afB SDIThe Of
— ECONOTIC; iter bor, capital, productic been globalized.
Til for WCRs, satellites, CN around the globemo Inding and more able governing structures.
H. Not only are Inc nning political border immigrants, pollution äld disSEāS. AS a ra!

relationship
alry of State addressed 1 if the U.S.
Sed-underlined again U.S.U.N. relationship, he U.N. remains depeasid the rESOLITICES Of s, which in turri depend gh the U.M.todothings alone. It told the story ulshed secretary-geneat times thankless job. el Luis tio respond to the romising historical age tSeems possible today, ights on what may be
two pragmatic policy
ates should maintain a plomatic capacity to act Iecessary because the rous, and because We sets is directors that ind Values.
W Orkabla alter Tatiwes for an unilateral action is :lernt Of LIrwise, That is ing VigorouS alliances հcracies and long-time must put fresh energy to the United Nations.
positions frame our Indits persist in calling era". I note from your NA I hä5 a Torg Luseful a". The distinction is by for as the president post-Cold War tells us en, not where we are rprism also tells us little forces of history which ra arhd are plainly shaare indeed global foLild policies and instituinto account can We
these forces?
ependence is one. Labrand Tarkets hawe all
revolution - faxes, N — hawe made people re aware, more demato act independent of
жney and ideas overrшS, So too are refugees, narcotics, armaments Sullt, terris like näitional
interest and national Security are losing clarity. And national governments are less able, on their own, to satisfy popular expectations.
— At the Sāre tirile, Tore and Ticare non-state actors are moving onto the world Stage. These include multimational corporations, environmental and human rights organizations, criminal cartels, ethnic minorities and individuals of broad public influence.
These and other forces are the essence of the post-Cold War World, and they are changing the international order beyond anything the State:Smen and StateCraft of tha old State system ewer Contemplated. Long-stable institutions hawe been profoundly altered; SOTIE — including tha United Nations - are acquiring new relevance; others - like NATO - are being redefined; still others are fading from wiew.
It should not Surprise LS, then, that Americans' own vision of global affairs is influx. Clearly, economic and social problems - legacies in part of Cold War costs- occupy OLIr alteriori Ere at OT13, A recg LOS Angeles Times poll concluded from this that the general public: is inclined toward a new but unique kind of isolationism. They want a foreign policy that serves the domestic agenda of the United States and they Would treat each global issue according to its impact on that agenda.
According to the pollster, the top foreign policy priorities of the American people are to stop drug trafficking, strengthen our economy, halt the flood of illegal aliens and protect the global environment.
To me, these priorities are not isolationist at all. On the contrary, they contain the seeds from which a new and revitalized consensus about our role in the World may grow. People are Seeing that global forces do have a real impact on their lives and believe, not unreaSonably, that a central purpose of a successful foreign policy should optimize these impacls.
The Clinton administration's focusOnglobal economic growth is part of an emerging domestic foreign policy synthesis, By enlarging the circle of market democracies and reducing barriers to trade, We create good jobs at home, While giving more and more states a vital stake in the international system, NAFTA APEC and GATT don't exactly roll of the tongue - and not everyone agrees about them, to be sure - but they reflect precisely the kind of domestically grounded multilateral initiatives that will serve our citizens well in a global era.
Against this background of a transformed and transforming World, We need to ask Ourselves anew. What should we expect from the United Nations and otherinternational institutions? Where do they fit in? What

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impinge directly onoursecurity, the cumulatiWe effects of Continuing conflict include economic dislocation, Humanitarian disaster, terrorism, regional political instability and the rise of leaders and Societies that do not share CLIT WÉL EG.
We are working with Congress to forge a strong bipartisan Consensus on Our approach to international peacekeeping. Such a consensus must beguided by realism LLLLLL LLL LLL LLLLaL LLLLLaLLLL LLLL CLLLHH LLLLLLS nnot be expected to do, especially in the short term, it must be durable and disciplined enough to withstand the vicissitudes of this Torning's headlines and tonight's network news. And it must be hard-headed enough
a LLLL LLK L LHHLLLLLLL0u L aC L LCLLLaLLLL people, including those who Sarwa in olir armed forces.
The elements of such a consensus may Wild
- First, agreement that U.N. peacekeeping capabilities must be strengthened in almost every area.
— Second, agreement that fundarnental questions of need, mission, cost and likely duration must be asked before, not after, law U.N. obligations are assumed.
- Third, agreement that where it is in our interests, America should Supportand Sometimes participate in Well-planned U.N. peace Óperation S. But the U.S. contributior Will most often be in areas such an logistics, intelligence and communications, rather
CCTDL.
- And Curl, Linderro circunstances will LMaCCLLLaLL LLLLLLLLLLH LHHLHHLLLLkOC LLLLLHt Combat in the absence of competent coTirand and control; or will the ultimate command authority of the president over U.S. arried forces ever be compromised.
A consensus on peacekeeping List also draw the rightleissons frgrn past successes and disappointments. The difficulties of peace operations in Somalia, Bosnia and Haiti demonstrate that traditional approaches are not adequate where government or civil socitly have broken down or where one or more of the parties is not prepared to end the conflict. Major operations must be planned not only with "best-case", but with "bad-case" and "worst-case" scenarios in Third. A clear Linderstanding must exist not only of how an operation might begin, but also of how it can be brought to a conclusion Withina reasonable periodoti arī dā tā acceptable cost. Finally, the complexity of modern peacekeeping missions underlines the importance of being very clear about What the Tission is and how the Tission is to be accomplished.
Certainly, the experience in Somalia underilines thO importance of defining a mission clearly and of understanding the limits of what outsiders can do in the absence of an internal commitment to peace. At the same time, We should not forget that because of
ATēricär änd U.N.E: S3Ilds of SCITäli Chili being planted and TëCOfficilië tionärer BE What SOFT"|Elia W|||| OW. But it. WOLld Lihat SOTlali leaderS past tragedies, orth EnSLIBaSthBirlasmal W. N. SOL. W. E ÖSTTİ WW|| SOTlali Hards,
U.N. peacekeepin IT FesThais"|S E. Wita| Litreats to imtë Tati) Certainly, such threa T73 World Will Comiti for leadership. It will interests to provide Caririöt Erld Sh10 Luld T alonia. We, and alth in a relatively peacef benefit if the United capable of preventing international Conflict.
Although it is true El5 T JVE | CETlE in recent years, there and the prospects E COITII mitment to gerL spect. Beca LSe offi sioned, in part, by U.N.'s logoseems S. of peace than the til Tajor power Cooper is Carole take ArgirestabE Iris L dependent for its mar of World opinion isg
But WE WOLuld fai|| WE WEs E. E. Take C view of the opport Ed We Arièric Tlocracy and a globa interest in a World W of the game" are obs argued the merits of ctions, the nonprolif Tlass destruction an the depth of the Cold raised even when he grESS Ware not realis aral da WTS WEEWE OWellet towards fsatiola Edelhave Jr. I ir Eller till Of cially the United Nal thi5 est.
A couple of Wee gвпега| пnet iп Јар Als Luhito Nakata, ayo was shot to deathi There was to bitter the young man's mo deep Iowe for the Unii who has quit his je Wolunteer himself, tol that "although my so his spirit of serviceh

ifforts, hundreds of thoudren are alive, crops are prospects for political l. No Ora Canguarantee ook a year or two from a patronizing to assure hawa not leaf med froIII at chaos will inevitably ional presērice is dra Win 2 fir1 dit troubling that the be shaped primarily by
g is not the only tool, but ime, for responding to 1al peасе апd security. Svill COLEOriSE. "LIE C Lok. I AITEriCH | Continuó to big i CLIr Lihat leadership, but We lot bear the full burden ise who share our stake ul and stable World, Will Natios bECTESTOTE J. Containing and ending
that the United Nations stage of World affairs Wi EWSO da LearEli IE LIIl:Ed. Tl ||N5 fire resor T1 TETā ir 15 SGLrancia || 510tfall:SG OCCathe United States, the Tatimas less the dWE 1 cup. The durability of ation at the United Nafor granted. And there Jln What an organization date on the full diversity ping to be able to do.
in our responsibility if narrow and pinched a Irities that TE TOW at S, living in an open deeconomy, have a deep here acceptable "rules awed. For decades. We frce markets, free elleeration of weapons of d human rights. During War, thCS3 i SSLJES WETE opes for immediate protic. Today, as the global UIE Charlod to Sea real igher standards of inteTot overnight, but over ganizations, and espeions, can be central to
ks ago, the secretary an With the family of UmgU.N. VoluIIllE}{}f Who Cambodia last April. ntraryםeSS, On the Cח ther spoke of herson's led Nations. The father, bLo bECOTO E U.N. d the Secretary general n's flesh has wanished, ESSLIWIWE".
Thanks in no small measure to you - the UNA/USA - this same spirit of service is alive and well in Arlerica. It is no accident that 71% of Americans said in a recent pol|| that the United States should cooperatefully With the United Nations. Because of your afforts, Tost Americans Lunderställd that tha U.N. family is characterized less by the renoWned slothful bureaucrat than by the health technician whose vaccines are saving small children; the election monitoraiding the cause of freedom; the convoy driver struggling to help the innocent survive; and the peacokëëpers like Atsuhito Nakata and Our Own servicemen and Women Who hawe gwOm so Thany Wictint is a chance for what President Clinton has called "the quiet miracle of a
OrITallise".
Forty-eight years ago, arother presidenti Harry Truman, pledged to the first General Assembly that America would support the United Nations. With all the resources We POSSESS, not as a temporary expedient, but as a permanent partnership".
After decades of ups and downs, this partnership between the United States and the United Nations continues to contribute mightly to a global system more acceptable than anything either we or it could achieve alone. The financial costis relatively smal. The entire U.N. system, including peacekeeping, gets 0.7% of the S285,000 million the United States spends annually on internatiomal Security. That translates into a prica per Capita for US, for everything from blue helmets for peacekeepers topolio vaccines for babies, of less than S7 a year- or the price of a tickel to see The Pelican Brief.
Those who expect the United Nations to Solve all the World's problems are unrealistic; those who suggest it has ever had such broad pretensions are Wrong. The United Nations Was Created by men and wormen Who had just survived the second of two devastating World Wars. These were not naive people. They understood, perhaps batiller ther We, tha fraities of HILJITänkind, ad the yawning gap between how we would like the World to be and low it is; between promised behavior and reality. But they also understood the perils of missed opportunities and failed responsibility.
During Senate debate on the U.N.Charter, Senator Arthur Wandenberg replied to those who thought the goals of the charter unrealiStic by saying that:
"YOLI may te|me that I have but to Scarı the present World with realistic eyes in order to see these fine phrases... reduced to a Contemporary shambles... I reply that the nearer right you may be in any such gloomy indictment, the greater is the need for the new pattern which promises at least to stem thE5S Ey|[irl=s".
The survivors of World War II understood quite Well that although it was the better qualities of human nature that had made the United Nations possible, it was the lesser qualities that had made it necessary.

Page 12
Jane AUSten San
H.L.D. Mahindapala
"77 SG Wisde af 7d Lurswersal Teatre
Presents more woeful pageants than
escale Whereїп weplay їп".
- ASYOULIKEIT, William Shakespcarc.
Emily Dickinson's intuitive preference for a Selected society, away from the majority, away from the universal theatre of history was a theme that ran consciously through the novels of Jane Austen. Though their personalities, and consequently their creative talents, differed in many respects, both projected their respective selected Societies with a sure grasp of detail, vision and indiwidualistic style. Emily Dickinson made domesticities a Wiwid poetic idiom in much the same maTeras Jane Austen turneddomesticities int03 felicitOLIS Universe Of her OWTI. Jame Auster discovered in ConVivial dolesticties a rediLT1 to structure a WholeW 5ocial äld ITOfä| OftEr. Boll WErE irrwätive geniuses. These two transatlantic Tinds find their common there expressed опthesшгfaceplaпеofapoemwhich Emily Dickinson wrote with characteristic Economy in 1862
The Soul selects her own Society The SLS, Dor To her Divine majority Present role.
This opening quatrain may wery Well serve as Jane Austen's brief answer (intoified, of course, with a to Luch of Austenian irony and pride) to some of her readers who felt that she merely ruffled the surface and ignored the contending forces of history in Which all beings struggle to surviwe. The third and the last quatrain which follows could be a succinct substitute for her own ideal:
I've known from an ample nation ČIČJOSa Orla
LaG LLtaLLL LaH LLGLLL LLLLL LaLCLS LLaLHHLHH Like a Stora."
Taken literally, bereft of its inner context, this love poem lends itself aptly to delineate the Overall design of Jane LLLLLa GLLLLLLS LLLLLL aaa LLLLLL LLLL aaH on the majority. She too was unmowed by her contemporaneous emperors and coпашегors parading in the European theа
to
LESIE COS attention to the rest
all, she too set out . her OWI) kind Of SOCIE
Jane Auster, thoug OWIn little World di Warmth evenly and g Her Characteristichë reader unobtrusively open spaces of her possibilities inherenti Seemingly farremove history. Mostly, it i ESCOCE das it Wer sphere, that befuddle New Sole of fancy that her charact nly Sequestered hay age of golden innoce
Jane Auster is to take refuge in the CI Setting, Orin external || and CharT.That WOL Which, as Will be sh contrary to the pragn the greatest realist: What she attempte Was lo ExtricalE hér: |sions of history in o in a place that views of time-time that h; duals Wrestling perp history. The genlee highlight the absenc that had left history tatters. Ander Wer adds chantrTent ciety. In these surrol a C0C0CIEd World Fl the quintessence of and interpersonal sc the character of a Tic from the painful thrus of history her charac their livesina decisiw, of their own making.
This tends to irks Criti CS. Carlott BT her When She Wrote: ness of delinealing делее, English рес Se Lig5 g. El rrieri, disfurtus nirrin b
Aveera Sri Larkari kuras, hi

di History
E. WWES Of FE of LE WOrld. ADOWB eliberately to select
ty.
hdwelling within her ffuses a geneгошs aily most of the time. is been to guide the and deftly into the ision. She opens up in a new moral Order, ld from Conventional S this remoter eSS, in a rarefied at TOSeräSalreader. er aldr TirĒTS SEET to ers dwell in a pleasaEl Caled i E COSt
FTCE.
| [[IlLichill d'f El Ealist TD onventional pastoral Tannerisms of grace ild be futille escapism own later, Would be ai viSOT of OITE Os in English fiction. , quite deliberately, -L"לחםE CוIf וחנSEII frt rder to lodge herself s only the even flow as not trapped indiwiBtually in the rings of mannerisms merely 2 of fangs and claws bleeding and torn in dure landscape Only to Her Selected SOundings she creates at Cornesto grip With subtle relationships Irces that deterine oral being, Detached its of the Thair str Carth ters act id|iwe Out Band creative history
Ime Of Jame ALUS LET'S orite literally clawed "S.E. do ES e LSIThe 5L face Ives of ple Curiously Well. Іer bу поІhiпg veһеу поІhiпgргоfошлd".
Jane Austen's critics descend upon her primarily on the ground that she Terely skirts the surface. This misapprehension hasarisen obviously from that fact that she has opted out of the feral fields of collisions which dominate the better part of history. Being out of history is to be in a World without catclysmic, or crushing collisions. And as collisions generate the central forces, the Tres, heroes and Willaims which populate Tost literature, a World Without Seismic eruptions, like that of Jame Austen's devalues the significance of her novels to Sorte of her critics, For instance, they Would tend to consider her world as a fancy Society circle out away from the realities of life because it newer confronts the negated man who is likely to turn into a demonic force to regain his losthumanity a Sin the Case of Heathcliff; or because she does not probe the tenebrous depths of a primeval mind that drives a Raskolnikov – a haunted Exile havering on the perilous edge of society, having destroyed its most sacred possession: life. In short, it is a society that does mot acknowledge the fallen man, the flawed (Shakespearean) man, or, for that mater, the Hobbesian man whose life is "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short", Jane Austen's ComScio LS decision to leave the historicā man alone is made quite clear when she Wrote: "Lef other pers dwell or guilt and
Sery, qLISLICodio LSSLibjects assoor as I can, iтipatient to restore everybody. пotgreally in fault themselves, to folarable солтforї, алd fо лаve doПe wїІh a| |he rest". In fact, she had rather a dim view of HE Historical Tarl 55 SEgrl II E sketohes of the history of England Written in her teens. (More of it later.) The historical Tian invariably is a creature trapped in an eternal inferno unable to escape its perpetual, all-consuming flames. Jane Austen deliberately avoids the drama of hel-fire-and-brimstone that Consumes the individual. Rather she begins at the point whÉir:E. Tharll is placed in a duiescent state for the particular purpose of testing the inner moralcore, untouched by the Wagaries of historicalmowentinents and personalities. There are no pretentious claims to Visualise the teleological end of history either. The underlying thread that runs through her novels projects only those
JLGaLL HE OLLYLaL 0L00LLLLLLL

Page 13
Without "guilt or misery", without being "greatly in fault themselves" and without being soiled by "odious subjects" which give room for her to place them in "tolerable comfort". Perhaps, the implied conclusion is that the Tioral mian does not need the grand Tolstoyan stage to make his stand: He can act in very limited circles and achieve the highest principles in the most basic and simplest of domestic situations.
This is, perhaps, the reason why she went out of her way to create her own "little social commonwealth" where some ruled "laying down the domestic law at home, and leading the way" even if it was only asfaras to the chaise Waiting Outside the door. Jare Auster is the first to foCuS on the uniwersaland the binding principles of the "little social Commonwealth" in which we all live. The sensitive and, perhaps, the everlasting urge for "equality of alliance" with those around us, or the "feeling" to be "Willingly acknowledged as an equal" in our own "little social commonwealth" are, perhaps, more meaningful and relevant to our daily lives than the loudly touted issues of liberty, equality and freedom in the hectic World of the slogan-shouting, grand-standing political class. The deep cry for the removal of "partialites and injustices", or the demand for "justice and equity" is not politicised or paraded in public demonstrations. Rather these issues are contained Within the "little soCial COTTO Wealth" and WorkĚd Out dÓmesticaly, con a person-to-person basis which, in the ultimate analysis, is the only pragmatic Way the enduring principles of liberty, equality and fraternity can be assured and made relevant to the isolated individual. The "little Social COTTOWealth" is thé innermost circle Which affects us directly. This unit, chosen "from an ample nation", constitutes the "divine majority" where We interact With our intimate associates, or that of our peers from whom we derive our accolades, approbation, recognition, acceptance, rejection, CO de Triation, SÓCial OstraciSm etc. Though the "Wide and universal theatre" looms large out there, like the in escapable night sky howering overhead, the common ground on which we act out our daily lives is the "little Social Common Wealth". Small as it is, it is tot Without its Own moral dilemmas. Jane Austen delved into this sub-atomic universe and explored the
binding and the rep She was preoccupi anearthy moral pla perfected utopias of ntists. Of course, t from time to time, gi to the individual in tional guarantees th nly and vaguely fror Wever, the ideals an unattained by the s strative, legal, judici. processes, could S ConCrete Tanner W. Comonwealth" if th tionshipsbinding ind and maintained on E rving moral plane, F her secluded, tiny W stions. Without answ. swept the celestiala of Dostoyevsky, lm universe the centrali liberty, equality and dramatised against either/or forces let loc Conflict. Consider tr f0 THE KARAM, which leads directly Concerns: "Oh, Misi SOUSSOL Hi5 7r їп Іле grip of a mig Thought. He's not on Tnillior)S, bu ! is arT)O SO/Lions to their ho
"That's a piece o ysha... His article absurd, You Tust theory: "If there's noir There Carl Eta 7CO WİTL everyІhing is perттis I haf; WWW teg a Ffrêd CIWWE елlire Ілеогy is a pie Markind wi// find stгелgth fо IIve fогv Eboljef flg. TF TOT W. ff. In a love апdfraferпіїу..."
In hindsight this ci a prophetic stateme in the Marxist phas Which abandoned thi ced the Communist delivering mankinds Besides, in the 20th Tla Lunted mot only as sole Way out of the

ling forces in depth. With the Search for 2 as opposed to the dealistic Social scieferTote State ha S, an various promises estionable constitut Wacillates un Cērtai
place to place. Hoprinciples denied or ate through adminior other institutional ill be realised in a hin thé "|ttB 50cial e interpersonal relaviduals are balan Ced n energetic, unsweerhaps, that is why orld esche Wed quers that, for instance, yd terrestia|h Orizons the Dostoyevskyian ssues of immortality, fraternity etc., were background of the ISB in World of Bterrlä| e following excerpt AZOW BROTHERS o some of his major ha, his is a l'emped is involved. He is hly and unresolved 2 of thO59 Who Soek ng those who seek Ights".
f literary theft, Alo
is ridiculous and lave heard his silly Triortality of thesot, g, which means that sible". It's a theory to SCOUndrels. His ce of low chicaпегу.
Whin itself the 'rf La See Wer). Wrth o Lif ality of the souf; if of IIberїу, equality
uld be regarded as that came to pass of Russian history church and embraarty as the agent of |п guilt and misery. intury Marxism was he COTTOn lan's сіо-economic quа
gmire but also as the revolutionary prescription for allewilsby the romantic intellectuals. Long before such mythical Social рапасеas became fashionable Jane Austen openly declared: "Let other pens dwell on guilt and misery. I quit such odious subjects as soon as I can, in paIіепt to restore everybody, по!gгеaШy in fаш/їїhemse/ves, Io fo/егable соглfогї, апd to have done with the rest". There is, in this statement, a clear attitude of Tind, a definite drawing ofparameters, аргасtical delienation of the possibilities not only in her World but in the World outside. In short, this was her manifesto. Her pragmatism is in leaving the big, amorphous World out there severely alone ("to have done With all the rest", she says decisively.)
Jane Austen's unique achievement is in identifying the "little social commonwealth" asa uniwersalheritage, a Central unit, Common to individuals of all cultures. This ubiquitous unit exists as the last refuge of the individual disconnected from the transient movements of history Wrapped around trendy events or personalties. The individual, however concerned he/she may be With the overwhelming social forces, ultimately resides and maintains lively and meaningful relationships only with his/her immediate "little social commonwealth". In fact, the world out there is merely a conglomeration of unrecognised, self-contained, discrete "little Social Commonwealths" which, when pul together as a collective or conceptual whole, add up to the abstract World of history. One may escape the Wide World 0 Luthere but lewer "the little SOCial COImmonwealth" — the centre and the periphery of each individual. The glorified main course of history belongs only to an extremely limited political class. The rest live outside it pursuing their own procliwities and programmes. What is more, the very physical limitations of the indiwidual drags him/her out of the six billion inhabitants crowding the earth and, Willy nilly, locates him/her in the "little Social Commonwealths". Jane Austen summed it up aptly when she wrote that "she must submit to..... the art of knowing our own nothingness beyond our own circle". It is a realisation of the fact that the hard, harsh day-to-day realities are lived in the "little Social COTTOnwealths' than in the vague, debatable and recondite Worlds of history. Jane Austen is the supreme
11

Page 14
analyst of this concrete World of the individual, battling it out within the "little social Carl Tor Weaths". Jare Auster's Torality, her irony, her wit, the easeful domesticities, her characters, their animated chatter and the roles they play are WOWen together to portray the essence of this Universal life located in "little Social coTITIOmwealths".
Jane Austen posited a positive moral centre Within her Tiniaturised World. Though her geography is limited and her history is virtually non-existent she has compacted into that circumscribed "coTITOWğilth" tifle ile:SSerlCe of a Timoral universe, Her characters, says D. H. LaWrence, are "human beings in the same category as Ourselves" and are "social enough".' They are "round" (never two-dimensional) and are ready for an exteInded life "beyond the covers of the books", says E. M. Foster. Althose who mawe trawerSed Jarie Austen's territory agree that she belongs physically to the English countryside. But because she moves out of history she seems to occupy a tirne|BSS Zone. Her Character5 dwell in places where time is still and unperturbed by the transitory phases of history, especially from the cataclysmic forces that were thundering and reverberating in the European theatre dominated by Napoleonic feats. Creative minds of Europe respoInded to it, one way or another, Jane Austen Was the rare exception.
It is certainly exceptional to ignore history. When it dominates the Contemporary air, particularly in the aftermath of the French Revolution which exploded in her early teens. It is even more bold to do so when the popular literary tastes of the time, set by Sir Walter Scott, was to Write historical novels like WAWERLEY Which was published in 1814 - the same year which MANSFIELD PARKappeared. HoWewer, her audacious and deterlined decision to leave the bigger forces alone is compensated by her equally audacious attempt to map the new contours of an unknown territory with, of course, arrows placed here and there to point the Way. If so, in which direction did she proceed? Did she return to an idyllic past of chiwarous knights and damsels in distress? Or did she leave the past and her Contemporary times alone? When one considers the fact that Jane Austen Was Way about
12
treading the sarTne olk Would Seer T1 ir CO rigrl back to any past lade of history. Her vision, Er t0 ESCOW "Old CCTCC jt "| || Eff: "new gentilities" and
Create a time Where mult" of history has e
F.R. Leavis (though academics today) Wr of all great Creative W to the past".' He a features in the art of . she is the originator in fiction. Secondly, si trend for the develop tradition" in fiction. Th ning to the past. A intensely moral. Mr L. "...Wuteries LiOrl She Wouldn't FlaW: list" is a fundamental her writings. The inne native Wision consis moral intensity. She ning of the past Eloy | ctions to a wholly new u riderer Subtle arti li: Structure for an alte Visualised an altered Sedit in a fictional WalLES — a World tha ssion in MANSFIEL SOW later. In that boldly attempted to r a State Of"tolerable C in It Only the bestand: ETV-H fra Tl Flo RTC)
At this point, it is ne za that her total di Sre. Tal do35. Tot 5 ET Thisplaced idealism, active principleS Op even a casual dis. This meaning. On the C highly developed se Ebert of Tird", w rol "Sİ10WeditSEFİrı her taught as it was the laid upon the doings their characters and upon its economica: earliest literary atter Was to Writo a HIST FROM THE REIGN TO THE DEATH OF

Historical routes it ous for her to go Wittle Les om the contrary, led vulgarism" and the iding" in favour of "good breeding", to
tB "CeaSaleSS LILI
ded.
not popular among UtE: that "like Works riter, gives meaning lso noted the four la na ALUSten: Firstly, of the TOdern Taf]] TE Sgt Sir ITIOt|Oil the ment of the "great irdly, she gives meaTid fourthly, she is gaWiS 55Sitior that ie moral preоссшра3 beenagreat 10Weprinciple that exalts score and the imagited of this bur Thüring extarded the Teläprojecting new direfuture. Lying hidden s a whole new social "ed Way of life. She society and actualiWorld WOW em OLt Of It gained total expreD PARK, aS WT|| Epe. new World. She has estore everybody to
f" di WÉS LEC Lhe pragmatic values WI World.
cessary to emphasigard for the historical TOT indifference or or ignorance of the erative in history of Sal of its Comitests and ontrary, she had a Inse of history. "Her Elizabeth Jenkins, fondness for history n With the amphasis of men and WOTEn. influence father thar spects". One of her pts, at the age of 15, ORY OF ENGLAND, OF HENRYTHEATH CHARLESTHE ST,
BY A PARTIAL PREJUDICED AND |GNORANT H|STORAN. Hér freyerer treatment of history revealed glimpses of her early ironic vision that was to mature later. More significant than that was her dister Charlitlert With the Histori Call mail. In her rature years, When she came to define and rely on her fundamental guiding principles, she invariably tended to disown Tem for "want of that higherspeCies of self-command, that just consideration of others that knowledge of (their) own heart, that principle of right"." Obviously, her o Wri reading of history Would hawe confirmed the absence of these principles in the historical nan and may hawe influenced her considerably not to wallow in it. She was quite content to retain only the atomic components of history built into "little Social Commonwealths". However, one salient feature COTTOn both to her history of England (quoted earlier) and the later novels was her predisposition to uphold the "heroism of principle" rather Hall the heroi ST of actior. EWE ā5 d. fledgling historian her normal syITipathies were with those who stood steadfastly by their principles though paralysed in action – e.g. Mary Queen of Scots. In Comparison, Henry VIII, the symbol of the renassance man of action, bears no redeeTling featuses.
To be Continued)
NDEG
T SEG ELF FE TEG
UmTowgd sha matas the chiariot pa Lusing Airly Gle. UITWEId E11 ET JETOr EC2 kl 13 Eeling Upon hier TBL
LEVIATHAN – Hobbes, p,55
MANSFIELD PARK-JErie Aust.
PERSIJASON - JIE ALUS!.
|Էiti
|Էlit
II
id
i
HE ARM HEF -
yevsky, Bk II, WIL.
S LLLL0LOLLLLLa SSLLGL MMLLLLS
12 Selected Literary Criticism - D. H. Lawrence,
p. 120 (Heinemann)
13 Aspects of the Nowel-E. M. Forsler.
K S L0L LTGLL LLLHLLSSLS LS LLLLLL
15 Jana AListem — Elizabeth Jenkin15, p. 22. (Ciårdi
ā.
16 MANSFIELD PARK - Jane Austen, p. 119
(Penguin).
17 bid - p. 271.

Page 15
Nationalisms today Western Europe an
S. Sathananthan
National movements Vs ethnic Struggles
National Th0Werthents are Onië for Th. Of political struggle for State power (degrees of political autonomy including indepeindence). The presentessay is concerned With national movements of minor nations ("minorities") in multi-nation countries in which the State is controlled by dominant majornations ("majorities"). In each instance, because the State is identified Thore or less with the major nation, the national struggle for State power superficially appears to be an ethnic struggle between the minor and major nations. But ethnic struggles are issue-based Confrontations between cultural groups (nations, ethnic groups castes, etc) which live within one country; and they usually arise Out of competitive interactions between them and are justified in part by differences in Cultural identities.
A further distinction between national movements and ethnic struggles is the different modes of their resolution. National movements seek political Solutions through varying degrees of devolution or outright independence, which are designed to guarantee the collective national rights of nations as nations. Examples here are the creation of a federal system of linguistic states in India or the independence of Bangladesh. Incontrast, ethnic struggles are resolved typically by institutional arrangements and legislative provisions to protect the individual rights of members of each cultural group as individual citizens. A case in point is the enactment of laws designed to protect individuals against religious discrimination.
The one often shades into the other and a given national movement may contain elements of an ethnic struggle, For instance, cultural symbols could be used to nobilize the respective populations; moreover, a resolution of a national struggle through power sharing could include antidiscrimination legislation. Consequently the two types of political responses hawe frequenty been unCritically lumped together as "ethnic conflicts". But the distiinction must be borne in mind for two important reasons. Firstly, collective
Dr Sahariansar is chair far of the Iris Ytre for After rative Development and Regional Coopera
KWT
national rights (e.g. of a nationare grea welly different fron,
individual rights (e. its members. Secor State power inhere TentsbutabSentin Ses conceptually di Cal der Thands in the
Western Europe:
Tents
There are more t movements of Tin stern European c. more Europe-wide) known nationalnOV those of the Irish (N. and Welsh (Britain) cans (France), Fier Basque and Catala! European nationalm Which concerned t Paris CoffenCOT ration in Europe (CS Conference, Mikai European governi attempt to impose a On SOmeone else as met before Coopere bound to breed Sus tant nationaliSIT and HiS Observation Wa. growing nationality c singly market-orier addressed the geni rationalisms irn Ire Ce The Swiss respons StrLUCILITE, Withir thig E (EC) which would rights. But France r on grounds that it minor nations "unge official explained: "N We Were suddenly ti the Bretons or the E tions had the right language, to govern ge. It Would be wery 1990), Imother Word rcise of collective na nations Wasseen as of the French unitar
in Britain, Scottish TOW effents hawe t militant. Until the lat national Towerment England as "the he enjoyed dressing u

di South ASia
territorial jurisdiction) Er than, and qualitatihe aggregate sum of | language rights) of dly, the dimension of til lational TOWE}thnic strugglesimpՕFerent sets of analytiWO instan CBS.
national TOW e
anforty (40) national ir nations Within Weiuntries (and many A few of the better ements in Europe are rthern Ireland), Scots Bretons and CorSinings (Belgium) and (Spain). The rise of 10WementSisaniSSUe he NOWeber 1990 Security and Coope(CE). Speaking at the Gorbetchew Warmed Tents thus: "any particular Way of life a precondition to be tion is envisaged is picion, mistrust, milireckless separation". S based on the then risis Within the increa|ted USSR and it arally rising trend of ssion-prone Europe. e Was to propose a uropean Community ensшre "minority" bjected the proposal would nake its own Wernable". A French What WOLuld We do if old the Corsicans, or asques or the Alsateach in their OW in their own languadifficult" (The Island, 5, the legitimate exeional rights by minor 1 threat to thestability
State.
and Welsh national ecome increasingly 1960s the Scottish had been derided in bby of people who learning Gaelic at
evening classes, and remembering episodes of feudal butchery such as Bannockburn and Culloden" (The Independent, 1992b). But Scottish sentiments changed rapidly during the subsequent two decades: ina ScotsmansTNopinion pollconducted in January 1992, half the Scottish electorate preferred independence from Britain.
The poll results shook the British Government and triggered a fewerish debate on the political future of Britain. The Conservative Party had favoured devolution of power to Scotland and Wales on the eve of the 1979 parliamentary elections and its leader, Margret Thatcher, with an eye on Scottish votes, spoke glowingly of devolution as a necessary condition for preserving the British Union. But she abadoned devolution. When Conservatives won the elections. After the 1992 opinion poll results, the bankrupt defence of the unitary State by Conservatives became ewen Thore Strident: the SCOttish SeCretary, lan Lang, speaking om a BBC television programme insisted that devolution to create a Scottish Assembly will not stern separatist tendencies but Will merely jeopardize unity and inexorably lead to separatism (On Scotland, 9/292). He preferred "devolution of government to the people" and cited the decentralization of health and education services as examples of "devolution" carried out already by the Conservative government(ChanлеIFошr News, 24.292). Given time, the Conservatives may be able to come up with a more sophisticated package of "devolution to the people" rather than to nations, along lines similar to the late President Premadasa's Pradeshiya Sabhas in Sri Lanka.
The Labour Party supported devolution of power partly because a substantial proportion (about 40%) of its electoral support lies in Scotland. But the explicit advocation of a federal Britain Would alionate many English voters and undermine Labour's chances of returning to power in Westminster. So, Labour members (like some Sinhalese liberals in Sri Lanka) avoided using the Word "federal" and
instead spoke delicately of "Home Rule"
for Scotland. The average English Voter (like the average Sinhalese voter) was quickto spot the duplicity. The ConservatiVes (like the Sinhalese right-Wing) exposed the Opposition's political opportu
13

Page 16
mism: the party Chairman, Chris Patten, warned in 1992 that if Scotland Won its own Assembly, its representation in Westminster will be reduced to prevent "overrepresentation"Which"WouldmeanabaIndoning all hope of ever having a Labour majority in the Parliament of the United Kingdom" (The Independent, 1992a).
To drive the point home, a liberal dose of COmrl Lunalis T1 Was administerEd. A fomer cabinet minister alleged that the Scots are "over-represented" in the Labour Party, and are steeped in "an almost Nordic Culture" and, therefore, somehow Ur-British, In an evident aller Tipt at damage-limitation, a Scottish Member of Parliament, John Reid, conceded that the Labour Shadow Cabinet was "politically unbalanced" and Cautioned that offering English voters "a government which coinsists of a Scottish Prime Minister, John Smith, a Scottish Chancellor, Gordon Brown, a Scottish Home Secretary, Tony Blair, and a Scottish Social Secretary, Donald Dewar, Would be politically disadwa mtageous" (The Independer7, 1993a).
The Scottish National Party (SNP) has campaigned for the outright independece of Scotland since 1934. In many Ways similar to post-1983 strategies employed by Sri Lankan Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), the SNP too is committed to achiewing its objective through constitutional processes, including seekinga SCOttish electoral mandate for independence. Arguing that minor "nations throughout Europe are moving towards independent nationhood", the SNP has advanced historical, economic and political grounds for iпdependence. A pгіпcipal argument for the future economic viability of indepeindent Scotland is the potential revenue from petroleum deposits found around the Shetland Islands, which contain about 80% of European oil reserves (SNP, 1992b).
The English establishment reacted by issuing naive threats. The Conservatives alleged that the financial costs of indeperidence will be high for Scottish people because they would immediately lose 50,000 defence-related jobs and pay higher taxes to offset the loss of funds now allocated by Westminster. The Warnings Were supplemented by the proverbial"diwide and rule" tactic (think of Conflicts engineered between Tamils and Muslims in eastern Sri Lanka). Immediately folloWing the 1992 opinion poll favouring Scottish independence, an article in The Economist explained that Shetland Islands had belonged to Denmark. When the Danish King Christian I married off his daughter to the Scottish King James III, he was unable to pay the dowry of 250,000 crowns. He offered the Shetland Islands as security until he was able to raise the
14.
money, which he fa Scottish King retaine became part of Scot history". The article
show how "Norway Scotland. To leare Lerwick in Shetland rway). The islands E nburgh as Edinburgh they hawe almostas m the Faroes, Sti|| Darni: deS". Because thi against seCession ir Referendu IT, til E3 arti Wed from Lerwick, Lc but benigri. Edinburi threatening". And a
diwerEdito tīE SNP
nothesitate to pit Sh t: "Of thB faCE9 O governments might Shetlands' Since th then become the tlandS. Little Short ofi LOSECede froTSCO: reiterated in the C. "Any Scotsman blith country can float off
of oil revenues may
(The Economist, 199
The intransigenci and opportunism of discredited the Tod: |епl approach. Eпс CCESS of the Irish RE i Norther Ti Ireland, ctions formed the St. ration Army (SNLA) Liberation Tigers of is committed to a na ggle, The strength a is unclear; but in De ET Of tE SNILA Scotland for alleged
throw the State.
The Wells are Cy Tru is seeking CC introduce a Welsh a two-stage drive
Tent" for Wales 1993b).
The brief discussi pretend to deal fully Of lational moveme Fränte, let alometh does it seek to OWe defence of national cient to draw attent national question if Statg:S Wich had Eo under the prosperit pean Colonial plund сопsequent generЕ faced by unitary Sta gгipped soпhe of States irn Europe E found implications f

Edito do; and the d the Islands, which land "by a quirk of ргоvided a пар lo snearly as close as st railway station to s) is Bergen in NoLTg 35 far frbrT1 Edi
is from London and Cicillor. With l, as with the HebriIslanders Woted | ||le 1979 SCOttish cle alleged that "WieIIldOT1|Odked TBITOte gh was remote and weiled Warning was Fiat Westmister Will|| ellands against SCOfit, a break with both De smore attract|We for e Oil resources Will roperty of the Sheinstigating Shetlands and, the Warning Was oncluding sentence: aly assuming that his n H SBaם נ:חyaחוח ס] hawe to think again" 32:32).
e of Conservatives
Labour increasingly Tata SNP's lor-WİGouraged by the SUpublican Army (IFRA) the more militant SE:Cottish Natioral Libe. The SNLA, like the Tamil Eelam (LTTE), tional liberation strund capacity of SNLA cember 1993, a rewas under trial in ly attempting to ove
lot far behind. Plaid )5titutioriālrēfOTT LO Parliament as part of towards "self-gove(Tfig i'r depender,
on So far cannoteWer with the complexities its Within Britain and e rest of Europe. Nor rsimplify their militant rights. But it is suffion to the Lin re50 |Weed Western European eer buried for a While generated by EuroBr, Italso points to the it crisis of legitimacy tes, a Crisis which hlas the earliest Todern nd Which holds proOr the theories Onna
tionalist and in particular to the processes of structural reform of post-colonial StatēS i SOLUthi ASiä.
The Westernational State: Crisis of legitimacy Some reflections on theory
The Frenchard, for Sri Lanka, the Tore relevant British national Towerients occupy an important place in the sociological theories of nationalism, of nation-formation and State-building. The more imporitant European analysts examined nationalisms (as ideologies) and national movements (as political processes) in different historical periods and among a wide variety of countries. But they abstracted the processes of historical formation of nations and political construction of States from the experiences principally of Britain and France (and to a lesser extent of Germany and Italy). These States Were LLLLLL LL LLL LLL LLLLL LL LLLLLLLLL and in many Ways as normative structures, imbued with "rationality" and products of "modernity". Indeed it was claimed that nationalists in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa are seeking to imitate the "exemplar of a compact nation in the very heart of the prestigious West" (Smith: 1991: 130). In the tradition of Orientalism, they were contrasted against the "other", namely, subsequent national movements and types of Statesргіпагilyіп поп-Eшгореап countries. The irrelevance of this Tellodology was comprehensively argued from the standpoint of political economy by Blaut (1987).
Inevitably the validity of Sociological theories of nationalist and national TOvements hinge on the legitimacy of the Western European (British/French) State forms. But Western European nationallisms and national movements today SLUggest that allis mot Well with the "exemplar of a compact nation". The political shift to the right, intensification of national chauvinism/racism among major nations and the advocation of fascist aims by ultra-nationalist forces are some Symptoms of political malaise. But the iTTediate focus of the present essay is the challenge posed by national movements of minor nations to their respective national States, i.e. States which could be either unitary or LLLLLL LLL LLLLL HHLLLLL LaLL LLHLLLL LLLLLLHHH Within their territorial borders. In a unitary national State Tirlornations are classified as "minorities", the members of which are entitled to political rights only as indiwiduals. In a federal national State all Constituent nations, both major and minor, are equally recognized as nationalities, which are guaranteed collective national rights as nations in addition to indiwidual rights Conferred on Tembers of each nationality.
(To be Cortin Lloed)

Page 17
Is the 3rd World in
Samir Amin talks to Sumit Chakra
SC. Now on one point some clarification is necessary. You want mutual adjustment of countries of a region among themselves or is it with a view to strengthen their bargaining power with the North?
Sa Both. It would need, of course, visual adjustment within the regions but with a view to be in a more powerful position in negotiations with other regions.
This is my concept of mutual adjuSLITEt.
SC: You have conveyed this in different LLLLLLLL LLLLCS LLLLL LL0 L LLL00LL LLL responsa?
SA: Well, it's difficult to say what the response has been. The response in our forum which we tried to develop basically through the Third World Forum in Asia, Africa and Latin America has been let me Say, positive With, of course, a lot of qualifications. For some people it still reTains utopian due to a variety of factors FSome of them put forward the new US heger Tony, the only Superpower, others put forward the enormous intermal problens of any region and ever of any big Country or small country (political, cultural, ethnic, regional) all sorts of problems. think that all the Sę observations are COrrect by themselves but they should not prevent us from having the vision of an efficient strategic line to develop gradually knoWing that there is nothing which suCceeds one hundred percent immediately in Luriam actior.
In the North When those ideas hawe been discussed sometimes the response in general has been much less enthusiastic, sometimes with the argument which, I think, is completely erroneous that the "Third World" has been marginalised in the global system. I think it cannot be politically. Even the raw materials and natural resources in the marginalised areas are limited and can be destroyed if this trend continues - this is one (but not a general) argument. Perhaps the people Who understand it a little better than the others are some of the Europeans because they are also facing a problem of European construction with its own serious difficulties and, therefore, they are closer to the understanding of the type of difficulties that We would lawg in building regional systems in the developing World.
SC;. Which are ti thinking on these lir
SA NO COUltries
SC: YOU TE) E
SA: Well, for inst: реапUпityWorking tive Choices for Eur ssive group with Wh and Which felt Wa: rStari dirg LIS.
SC: I Wanted to : ČLur COr text, that is, is a very strong lot Finance Ministry, plu. ile - L'atti5i5 t is no other alternati, of liberalisation, glo tion. WE fee hat t kind of dependenc strategy of self-rell been making in the of the argument "th to this COLITSE SOTE to follow this problem frustrated. What is
O EltEf tiwt) t seeking to enforce COL"trieS?
SA. This is a veryi question which you the TINA (there syndrome. Which is I Would say, nons choice between a W Of course, we can alternatives perhap: objective interests, S to the perception of nOTiC, class or na Tplex scene. But t rnatives - not only rO3aj of LIFE 50:5: choices. And to say rnative is always no
But today it is r everywhere in the We do find people SI cally the idea of Ofered to us. And I Say that there is no to this type of globa
Let L5. Ook at WF globalistion. Let us : tiom pattern Which is I am saying is that is a truncated integr

harginalised ?
/arthy
e European countries
Eg
perts and others?
ance, there is a EuroGroup on the Alternaope. This is a progreich I had diSCLISSions ; quite close to unde
ask you something in India. You See, there by, especially in the Igging the World Bank he only option, there reto this whole theory balisation, markalisais is leading to Some y and erosion of the ant progrESS We had past. Now, in the light ere is no alternative" of LiS who hawe triad Very closely feel very your wiew – is there his course they are ! on the developing
mportantand relevant hawe raised. I Call this is no alternative) always, by definition, ense. History is the ariety of alternatives. relate the variety of sto a certain extent to hort run or longer run, those interests, ecoional, etc. It is a co1ere are always alletwo Ways, capitalist it - but a variety of " that thegrg 5 j altéITSE5.
lot only in India but world including China Jpporting enthusiastiglobalisation as it is : is those people who alternative available lisatioT).
at is the Core of that analyse the globalisaoffered to us... What What is offered to us rated Tarket, an inte
grated market at the global level, quasi-perfect for trade, gradual of course, but the idea of globalisation which is offered LOusis.free trade, total free trade. Second a global integration of the capital market, including its financial dimension or perhaps ewen Stock dimensi Om, but here it is certainly not a global labour Tarket which would mean free migrations, totally free migrations, submit that this truncated globalisation of the market is bound to lead to polarisation, And that is what is offered LOUIS.
Now why is it promotable and accepted by the ruling classes almost everywhere in the World? I don't think that this globalsation pattern is imposed upon us - in Some cases Tay be through counter-reVolution or military interwention – but in most cases it is promoted through an alliance with the ruling classes. Due to the historic Weakness, the relative Weakness, by definition, of the bourgeoisie of the peripheries as compared to the bourgeoisie of the Centre, there has always been a big tendency in the ruling classes of the bourgeoisie... to accept, to inscribe their development perspective in a comprodorised system from a comprodorised position, We should view "comprodorised"not as a form once and forever; but at each stage of Capitalist expansion there is a Comprador role. Industrialists Can be comprador today, that is, those industrialists who are involved in this system of putting out - they are the comprador industrialists; the state itself can be a comprador State,
And the result of this globalisation, think, Would be catastrophic. Particularly for a Country like India I am very much Sensitive to the enormous danger facing it.
Now why do I think so? This globalisation process annihilates completely the national capacity and state efficiency. It is, therefore, a system of a kind of blind market, truncated, operating with no counter-force crystallised as a political rational state, And therefore, it is bould lo promote resistance. Since it is produCing polarisation it is bo-Lund to Create resistance among the victims, Since this resistance cannot find in the national state an efficient tool it promotes all sorts of Societal splits, explosions in society. This phenomenon, in my opinion, is at the root of the revival of ethnicity, provincialisms, religious funda Tentalisms, etc. etc.
15

Page 18
For a country like India which is a large country, multinational, multireligious, such a policy which is developed under the slogan that "there is no alternative' may Well lead to destruction of the Indian Union.
SC: You mean to say that it may lead to dismemberment of the country in the political sense?
SA:Yes, exactly,
SC: You have had a broad understaInding of Marxism, Marxist economy as such. Do you think that as a result of the recent upheavals Worldwide, Marxism has really failed? Or is it just a temporary setbask?
SA: I look at Marxism also asa historical process. It is not once and for all. It is not a discovery Which is the end of knowledge. It is a method. It has carried out, I think, very fundamental, irreversible discoveries in the deep nature of capitalism. That historical Marxist - I Would like to Call it historical Marxist - had also its shortcomings - what I am stressing is that historical Marxism had underestinated the polarisation dimension of World capitalist expansion for a Variety of reasons which are also historical.
The things which I am saying I do not think they are in contradiction with Marxism - they add to it. We should look at Marxism as something which is to be continuously developed and not to be considered as a dogma, the final Word.
SC. How do you view the present state of the Russian economy? And do you think there is some future in terms of the paradigm which you are contemplating, of Russia moving towards that kind of a situation?
SA: Well, the easiest answer is: I don't know. But I would try to advance a little beyond "I don't know'. What happened in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, in Russia is think, the normal evolution of what had been maturing for alongtime. For that reason let US Call it Sovietist instead of socialism. This SOVietis in Was building capitalism. Without the capitalists.
SC: You mean state capitalism?
SA. Yes, state capitalism. It was building de facto abourgeoisie, a potential bourgeoisie through a nondemocratic political organisation and in the name of socialism; which had to lead to Where We are. A bourgeoisie finally Wants to hawe really existing capitalism. And, therefore, to move from collective property through the state to private property, it's Very obvious that the bourgeoisie of tomorrow
16
in Tost of those COLU basically from then is, from the very through the buildin |ISm.
InawayІexpecte Of course, I don't W. to appear as a pго not expect it to happ took place. I was t that the process off to real capitalism smooth process if bourgeoisie could to have a strong Syster T1, particularly Soviets, due to their moving into the syst - another One, are in théninétéEnth CB rsler aftear Britair, Fra C2.
But it did Tot TCW, that way. It moved to strophic Way as has catastrophic in Some tionalistic, Cha Luwihi ed: inte forner So to split), in Yugosla faced civil War), in Without War in a Sm to split). This was th
So the position of which is not yet to much Weaker Wis-a- that could have E dreamt to be. There peripherialisationa new perіphегу— agenda. Callit the LE of Eastern Europe a
SC Both in terms TiCS?
5A: Yes. And WE signs of that-thebr. SECOS OF LE ECO Hawe their OWm inter not really competiti been reshaped grad
SC You don't Billy Cratic reviVathere y reformed Socialistic
SA: It does not se possible. Because needs the society te position in the glot wealth, it needs a hi Werness international history of capitalism been restricted to areas of capitalism. Eastern Europe and

tries is going to come menklaturalitself, that class which carried of So-Called Socia
what has happened. nt to be arrogant and het, 1 absolutely did en the way it actually inking - Wronglylowing from socialis in sould be a relatively only because those ave, or could dream osition in the global the Russians of the military capacity. And arm as the real Centre w one - after Japan itury oras any lateConce and North Arnari
a towards the systern Wards that in a catabeen seen-store ! countries Where na.tic positions prevaviet Union (which had via (which split and Czechoslovakia (split both Way but still had E CLICOTE.
the new bourgeoisie, tally established, is wis the global system een or perhaps had fore, the danger of a being condemned to is very much on the tiro AmeriCanisation Tld Russia.
of politics and econo
hawe a Lumber of Baking down of whole orry which perhaps hal Weaknesses, are We and could have tually.
isage a Social der T10hich Will be a kind of e WiiWa?
2m to me to be really social democracy occupy a very high
a system, it needs
h level of competitiy. Ithas come in the
wery late and has he most developed Those countries (of Russia) are objecti
Vely closer to the Latin American countries than they are to the West European states. Therefore, it is difficLulit to have a real social democracy in those countries.
There are perhaps illusions of that. Let's take the case of Poland. In Poland in the last four-five years We have had the Tost Rightist policies.
SC. Of Walesa?
SA: Yes... of adjustment, and that has led to the Comeback of the former Cortmunist Party which labels itself now as a social democratic party.
SC: The same thing happened in Lithuania, and the same thing might happen in many other countries of the East gradually. But we do find that those parties hawe no clear-cut programme as to how they would advance towards socialdemocratic solutions of the problems facing th.
SC. That is a very vital point no doubt. But how do you look at the developments in China? The spectacular economic growth which they have been able to achieve within a one party system: what does it really presage?
SA. It Tust be acknowledged that there is certainly high growth in China now. But, I think that there has been high growth in the Maoist period, of a different type, and it is because of what I would say the solidity of what has been built in the Maoist period that capitalism could be so quickly successful. Therefore, we should qualify. It was not as if that the economy was stagnating and thanks to the opening up it is growing now. The basis was built in the Maoist period.
Until now the relatively controlled opening has indeed led to the high growth with, of course, Very negative costs. One, the social costs - much more inequality, growing inequality. Two, regional costsregional inequalities. And, therefore, there is a polential danger, and a growing one at that, of the building of a new comprador bourgeoisie which will want to move into more opening and dismantle the controls.
Now, the political choice of the ruling class in China is that this can be avoided by maintaining the one party system, this party being the so-called Communist Party.
SC. But here you don't think that there was a kind of state capitalism as in the Sowjet Unio?
SA: There Was but IESS. There Ware
aspects very similar to the Soviet Union.

Page 19
SC including the nomenklatura?
SA: Yes, including the nomenklatura. But there Were other aspects which were less negative due to the fact that there was what was called in the Communist jargon Workers-peasants' alliance - real in the case of China While it had been completely destroyed by the process of collectivisation in the Soviet Union. The process of Collectivisation in China Was wery different. And the historical background of the relations between the Workers and peaSants, because of the long armed struggle in the rural areas, popular peasant dimension of Maois, etc., limited the boUrgeois content of the nomenklatura in Chira.
On the strategy of the ruling cass that the process of mowing towards that opening can be almost indefinitely controlled by the one-state party or one-party state system, I doubt its efficiency wery Tuch in the long run which incidentally can be quite short. The erosion of the party, the phenomenon of corruption are growing very fast. The cynicism, the loss of credibi. lity of that policy With respect to the popular Classes Thay alSO lead – and pretty quickly- to a catastrophic end, Well, whetherit Wil||take the for of the Sowiet Union or notis speculative.
SC: Your paradigm you hawe presented Very boldly. At the same time you point Out that the Social democrats in RUSSla have no alternative. The point which COrtles Up even in India's Case, is this the proponents of the new economic policy tell us; you don't have any model, you don't have any success story anywhere as We hawe. What, in your opinion, should be the reply?
SA: Well, this is owersimplified. The Western model is offered as their model. But that assumes that capitalism is not polarising and that you can capture it; We Started by discussing that.
We know We don't hawe a model, of Course, but that doesn't meanthat historiCal SocialiST - alSOSovietiST = a ChieVed nothing, Itachieved Something gigantic. It turned those societies - not of Eastern Europe but of the Soviet Union - Which Were rural and backward, into modern industrial and military powers. In China, a more backward country, the Communist power has achieved tremeIndous things, including at the social level. If you compare China With India there are a lot of indicators which are in favour of China. So it's not as if that the formula has been discussed once and for all and completely while the internal contradictions of that model are Constantly overooked.
TriOU
Neelan Tir UCI
ellipallai Warnar
bOrr in DéCBTE of Proctor T.C. Raj spected member of Wara T1 S Ille WaS Was a Student at Tri achie Wedi distinctio Classics and Wasa W Ryde Latin Prize, a Hērēja di CESSİCS: Et and Was a Warded a later became as Ad Court and was also Bara5 a Barrister. tWenty two years di acquired a reputatic tent but SOf The What With a substantial C practice. He also important election are the most de lar they call for the disc the civil lawyer ar. intuition of the criti an appointrTentaSC Zes in 1970, anime to an appointment t In 1972.
His six years in the perhaps the most i |ife, as hie Eeliewed || fashion al judicial pl boles hisT15eaf to Cor difi:L|| TlOral and arise in the proces: everyone agreed Wi phy.Which often req deration of the issu butive justice in rec of the indiwidual Wit a CLIstodian of Wider Was Lumsy Tipathetic|| he perceived to be TEStS LO, Whit|B GOW reforms, agrarian rel ling legislation, or pr slation. He believed On behalf of disadvë group S Was entirely obligation to dispen: or favour. Hisjudgm ntly Crafted reflectin in the classics, and fCCLISOn the hard 55 Which were at the Could not be sway action WiiChe bel COTTECE,

te tO
le WaT
ajah Raja ratnam was I Er 21st 1920, the Sof aratnam, a highly reF the legal profession. affectionately known nity College where he in the study of the arded both the Senior ld the Prize for Greek. the University College In Honours degree. He OCate of the Supreme called to the English He practised law for uring Which period he in as a highly compe
maverik trial lawyer if Timal and labCLur la W appeared in several petition cases which iding of all litigation as cipline and tenacity of Id the ingenuity and rial bar. He accepted COTTISSIOrgar Of A SiSiVitable stepping Stone o the Supreme Court
* Sшprеппе, Сошrt were mportant years of his hat every Judge must milosophy which enasistently resolve the social choices which s of adjudication. Not th his judicial philosouired an explicit consias of social and distritonciling the interests that of the state as SOCielair ErEStS. HE Oany attempt by What Wested property inteIn the impact of land forms, urban land ceiOgressive labour-legiI that judicial activist antaged or Wulnerable consistent With the Se justice withoutsear ants Were often elegag his broader training his Luncanny ability to sues of law and equity Centre of a case. He ed from a course of lieved to be just and
a Judge
At the age of 58, he had to face an Unforseen crisis When the Supreme Court Was reConstituted under the Second Republican Constitution, He faced prematuretermination of his judicial career and by law and convention could not revert to his practice. He remained defiant and became a lonely crusader for justice, and an advocate of "unpopular causes'. He contributed frequently to the Saturday Review and the Tribune, and was the author of a Manual on Industrial Law and Plantation Workers Manual. He was a Visiting Lecturer at the University of Colombo, and was active in the Civil Rights Movement, and the Classical Association. He belonged to a small band of progressive lawyers and Wasknowledgableonideological and political developments in the Soviet Union.
The trial of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Was a Watershed in his career. He requested a Copy of the Supreme Court judgment and subjected it to meticulous analysis. His book on the Trial of Bhutto, called "A Judiciary in Crisis" was subsequently tra. nslated into Urudu and widely read Within Pakistan, Lawyers and judges in Pakistan Were armazed that a for Terra Tiber of the Sri Lankan judiciary should take the trouble to read 709 pages of the judgment of the Pakistan Supreme Court, and publish a critical analysis at his own cost. But to Wanam, "an injustice any Where Was a call to the just every where". On August 14, 1989, the President of Pakistan Conferred on him the highest civilian award for Teritorious and ir Valuābe contribution (Hilal-i-Quaid-E-Azam)".
He Was appointed a Member of Parliament in 1989, and thereby became one of the very few to be both a Member of the apex court and the Supreme legislature. He did not reach his full potential as a member of the legislature, as he was often incapcitated by ill health. When he spoke in Parliament, his interwentions Were thoughtful and reflective. He once Wrote that, "When life's landmarks wanish, judges like ordinary mortals Will be hepless as moths having to account for their deeds on earth". Wanam Will be remembered for his simplicity, his legal learning, his passionate engagement with legal and political causes, and his abiding faithin the Majesty of the Law.
17

Page 20
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Computerised meters " Can be summoned to wo No call up charge Within city limits " Vehicle ac Receipts issued on request " Company credit ava
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Another Aitken Spenc
 

Page 21
THE J.R. YEARS (20)
Hopeful Sign
Arden
he U.N.P. sitting member for
Mulkirigala Was UriSeated. On an ellection petition and the government had no alternative but to hold a by-election. The Kalawana mano e Lu Wre had been tried with disastrous consequences to the ruling party. So a by-election it had to be. The party renominated the unseated member, Апапda Kularatre; the S.L.F.P. nominated Chamal Rajapakse. The government decided to Use the tactics it had so succeSsfLully LISEed in the refeTerndLIm. BLIsloads of thugs with guns were brought all the way from Colombo to the rural south-coast electorate.
On polling day, which was 12 September 1985, the voters of Mulkirigala, who had seen the way the referendum had gone, turned up in gangs at polling stations, Sоппе саггуіпggшns. Thшggeгy and intimidation went on during the poll and there was some gunplay. At the end of the poll the U.N.P. had obtained 26,037 votes to the S.L.F.P.'s 24,708. But the Voters of Mulkirigala had served clear notice on the government that in future thuggery Would be met with thuggery. After the count the crowds became unruly and the government, using emergency powerS, declared a Curfew and Serit im army trucks to rescue its strong arm men and the polling staff.
Mulkirigala being a single by-election, the government got away with it; but it was left to those with ambitions of winning elections by unconventional methods to Wonder whether, in future, (if the voters of all electorates prepared themselves as had the Mulkirigala voters that day) a general election or referendurn could ever again be Won by impersonation and thuggery. On 26 April 1987 the U.N.P. held a ser Tiinar at Karandeniya. It Wās just five days after the bombing of the Pettah bus stand by E.R.O.S. killing 113 and wounding over 300, At the SerTinar President Jayewardene said: "There may be a need to go before the people again and seek a referendum to remain until terrorism is completely wiped out. General elections may be held only after the terrorist problem is completely resolved". (SUN 27 April 1987).
The president Wondered "Whether the
Opposition parties general election WE rrorists, because th of the rrlandate (si armed preparedne Whereas any gow power in a general а 2/3 majority beca rme". (Ib.)
That Jayewarde things after the rep mer Of ElectOS 0 after the notice SE Voters of Mulkirigal his nerve. Although government should order to Sowe the people rememberE been promising to E
June 1984: "I Will
TT CSE
Feb. 1985: "I Will
te
(Or in
"Terro With
"Cl || Day)
T-lowi Sri Lä year, Eradic; Lanka
Oct. 1985.
FGE). 1956.
May 1986: "Мура (U.K. S
19BE)
"I WIL (U.K. S 1986).
If the people were a mandate to gover GIS LFTE Wā5 terri Would hawe to stop. question he prowide day at Karandeniya
May 1986:
May Day was r Jayewardeme decid nal May Day proces tings, using the PE excuse, Several op

S
which demanded a :rë Supporting the tea government had 5/6 c), the capability and ss to fight terrorism, 2rnment coming into election could not get Lise of the P.R. Sce
ine could say such Drt of thE ComITiSSiO
til RaffedLT ET arved on him by the a, Says something of he claimed that his remain in power in terrorist problem, the ld he had for years
dit. TLS:
declare Illartial la W |
isагу".
Wipe out terrorists by d of this year". dependence Day).
rists Will be defeated One year".
is day (Independence promise to all freedong peaceful people of ka hat We Sha, ti Vercome, destroy and Bate ter TOri ST in Sri
in all its forts".
tience is running out". Sunday Times 11 May
Inleash the troops". Sunday Times 18 May
2 to give the president in the country as long
SIT What TriCertiwg lle "
i terroris Was mot a ld an answer for that
Lind the Corner and ed to ban the traditio3SiOn, and public meeattah bombing as an position parties publi
cly announced their intention to defy the ban and hold their rallies. At the end of May Day, two persons Were dead and Tany. Wounded - some critically - by police shooting. The signs were clear that
after Mulkirigala more and more people
Were determined to face police bullets to fight the government's lawlessness.
From all indications, ultimately it was going to be these developments - what Corazon Aquino called People Powerthat would help Sri Lanka emerge from her desperate plight. As long as Gandhi was prime minister in India he would allow Tamil Nadu to help and arm the Tigers," While pretending to be the honest broker. No help from that quarter. As long as Jayewardene was president of Sri Lanka he Would be in the way of a fresh approach to a solution. There Were those Who thought that as one of the very few survwing democracies in the Third Would, Sri Lanka could expect the U.S.A. to save it from disaster. There two flaws in this reasoning. One that after Jayewardene took over the country Sri Lanka's resemblance to a democracy worn thin. The second was that the U.S.A. has not shown any great interest in preserving democracy Outside its own borders. Washington took the line that India was the only possble mediator in the Conflict in Sri Lanka. A Reuter report datelined 26 April 1987 from Washington said that Americam officials "saw no role for the U.S. in such mediation efforts" and went on to say that "India, whose relations with Washington hawe long been delicately polised, Would fee. Sucil Efort.5 al IIllusion".
(SUN 27 April 1987).
Pakistan, Which was nota democracy, Was strategically important to the U.S.A. Washington would help Pakistan despite India's objections. To compensate, if the U.S.A. steered clear of Sri Lanka, India might be somewhat Tollified. That seemed to be the position, Sri Lanka under Jayewardene was friendless in the World and on its own.
* This position changed Considerably after Prabhakarar broke with Gandhi soon after the IndoSri Lankapact.
19

Page 22
SRI LANKANAMERICAN HONOURED
The “poetry of nr
JOlale L. Nik
WASHINGTON
In a Washington bookshop this evening (February 1), the story of Sri Lanka's "lost paradise" will be heard in public readings by Indran Amirthanayagam, a new American poet of Sri Lankan descent and author of "The Elephants of Reckoning."
Amirthanayagam, a 1993 New York Foundation for the Arts fellow in poetry, is the latest in a crop of promising ArtieriCan aLuthorS of SOLI th ASiarh deSCerıt. Borr in Sri Lanka, raised in Hawaii and London, and With degrees from Haverford College in Pannsylvania and Columbia University in New York, the Writer again and again has turned to Tigration and travel as sources for his inspiration.
In an interview With USIA, Amirthanayagarn noted that he was always fascinated by such faraway places asJafna, London and Honolulu. Describing himself as "a citizen of the globe, "he preferred community is naturally New York, a city of immigrants, "It's a kind of intellectual bezaar, "he says. "People from allower the world come to shop With their ideas."
HOWEVEer, ha obserWES that in the United States the poet does rot hawe "the seat at the table" ha hlas in Other CultLufēS. " am going to try to make sure that the table recognizes its poets and provides more seats at the table so that they can have Some lunch, dinner and spending money for the next day."
Amirthanayagam's collection of poems, "The Elephants of Reckoning," was praised by the Indian poet A. K. Ramanujan as "a Welco TE new Voice in Sri Lanka poetry - and in the poetry of migration." Sometimes joyful, sometimes tragic, the poems depict not only the human inhabitants of Sri Lanka but also elephants, birds, fish and fruit trees. "Sri Lankan Scenes are lowingly observed and bitterly remembered, once seen in childhood, seen again from Newyork, the landscape now bloodied by politics..."
In addition to "The Elephants of Reckoning," Amirthanayagam has published poems in "The Kenyon Review," "The Massachusetts Review," "The Literary Review" and other poetry magazines. His articles about theater hawe appeared in New York City newspapers.
Amirthanayagam began writing poetry
2O
in his teels after Hawaii, With his far
TE OF LET dreams," he said.
He explains that COLuld Only hawe bo York's Manhattan, "Bl Fie diStalCef COSETESS to the SI offered helped Tet
"TEITE IS IS Fē of inadequacy, whe try about early yea away. Somehow yol. poems - to gives landscape that gaw Said.
"How do you rebu honoring the things land. The poems a labyrinth of confusio ring; the 'something
as Yeats had said. What CauS25 || OWe al Soretires the root the same thing. They and mind."
Describing Sri LE Amirthanayagam S. "addresses the disa fadise."
The phrase "Elep refers to the elephal ikB HLITä1 familie. groups. "One of the is that the family has гthanayagan says. Inhalese, people win in peace are split by be fixed and accoun
"In Sri Lanka you disappearing. There about the elephant is Connected to the it is a majestic animal, it is very gentle. If y and its family to live land they liwe om. If yo: Withoutsome atterTıp elephant and its in ei you becoTe less tha:
He notes too, that injured, he may be rogue, Straying into destroying crops

migration“
arriving in Honolulu, mily, "Honolulu remiother island of my
some of his poems Ben Written in New yet another island. Om Sri Lanka and the a Which Manhattal
write the poems.
Issue of guilt, a Sense you are Writing poerS. You are Out and I Want to return in your Jmething back to the e you so much," he
ild With poems? By
you love about that re a Way out of the n and pain and Suffeto perfection brought | Write about rootsnd What Cat Se5 Was. s of War and lowg are are the human heart
anka as a paradise, ays that his poetry ppearance of thalpa
hants of Reckoning" "hts of Sri Larıka that, s, live in close-knit problems of Sri Lanka ; been divided," Anni"The Tamils and Sio had lived together war. But the split can ts settled."
have a jungle that is is something eternal for fine. The elephant dea of restoration. (It) and if allowed to live, ou allow am elephant you make sacred the iu take thatlanda Way it to preserve both the ghbor — i.e. man - in hLIT1än."
when an elephant is corne a marauding
hur Tan SettementS, and killing human
beings. Thus the "elephants of reckoning" symbolizes "both family ties and the terrible cost that results from being cast out"
Asked about his hopes for peace in his previous homeland, Amirthanayagam replies, "I have faith that there is a way for Sri Lankans to come together and make peace." He suggests that Sri Lankans living abroad can help. "Let US invite the burghers to return from Australia and the Tamilstowaways from the restaurants of Paris. Let us hawe a government of rational unity," he wrote recently in the New York Times.
"We hawe gore in one or two generations from being villagers and farmers to global citizens," he says. "You can be born in Colombo and end up in far flung places on the earth. The war and the 20th century hawe brought this new World forcibly into being." In the last poem in "The Elephants of Reckoning," entitled "After the Monsoon," Amirthanayagam describes the Sri Lankas who are "leaving the garden of Eden for jungles beyond the sea":
| Eden the Tion1500 has returned to the Sea, and the pen sleeps for a minute.
For a minute, Ceylon has defeated
England.
For a Tinute, rambutans are plentiful and one rupee will buy a dozen.
For a minute, the elephant ambles back
to his Wife and babies.
For a minute, the Sinha lion licks the Tamiltiger's face on a bed draped by plantain leaves."
Amirthanayagam has conducted poetry Workshops and taught literature at The New School for Social Research in New York. Most recently, he joined the U.S. Information Agency in September 1993 "to concentrate on cultural exchanges." His first diplomatic assignment will be to Buenos Aires, Argentina.
(L/SIA)
Mick Moore's analysis on thic J.W.IPC will be continued in tour next issue.

Page 23
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Why there's sc in this rustici
There is laughter and light baiter Titlist the:
LLLLLL LLLLLLLlLM gLLLLm GmmL LLLLLL 0LLLLLLLLD LLL LLrrClLL leaf in a bir TI, IT IS, CITIE: If the hundreds of such
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