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GUAR
Vol. 17 No. 1 May 1, 1994 PriCe RS. 1 O. OC
SRI KOTH
MAYDAY1
PREMADASA: The debate goes on - Mervyn de Silva
SOUTH POLLS: A closer look
- Dayalal Abeysekera
JANE AUSTEN, REGI
CHANAKA AND ZHIRINOWSKY
GAMIN'S NEW
Als
o Arjuna Ranatunga ● Separat
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

DAN
Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
SIRIWARDENA AND
— H.L.D. Mahindapala
"; FACISTS AND RACISTS?
- zeth Hussain
FI LIM - Wicharaka
O ist conflicts o Womens rights

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WTH THE BES
ELEPHANT HOUS
OUALITY AT AFFC
NO, TI JUSTICE .
COLO

COMPLMENTS
OF
E SUPERMARKET
JORDA EBLE PRICES
s^HEAF "AWA TH“.
MEC) 2

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TRENDs
No more, says Dep. Speaker
DepLy Speaker Gamin Forseka told the Sunday Island that he had nof campaigned at the Southem Provincia/ Counci77 elections because it was no more possible fo ask the people of Matara to vote for UNPwhen aparty disciplinaryinqui. y was pending against him and wћеп (пe goverплелt had not started development projects suggeSfed by hiri.
"I did whatever / could with the assistance of private sector organisaffons but / Sfi"I feel Fiat the Work dore was flot sufficiertandherefore it was not possible for me to ask the people to vote forus once again. Do not forges thať Matara was the hortie of Southert) ferrorism" Mr. For Seka sāid.
Family will attend
The Prenadasa family will attend the unveiling of the assassinated President's statue on May 7, the first anniversary of his death. The statue is to be unveiled at a site near Mr. Fremadasas Colombo Centra
orrig,
Earlier the family had accused the governs ent of down-grading the late President's role in recent history.
BRIEFLY. . .
"Baby Tigers' prowl in city
The LTTE has infiltrated its "Baby Brigade' to gather information on targets in Colombo, the arrest of a 14-year old has revealed,
The boy had arrived in the city two months ago from Neerweli, Jaffna and had been living with a family in
Modera, Colomb had registered hi police as requir regulaturioms. TF been arrestigd,
15,000
accel
President Wiji Sed a Decembe Costpletion of th Scheme" to pro "More than eight beefit under this wiya Minister Weg ratichi told the Da
The President held in Decembe
More Jap
Information Mir rmando met Jap: Minister Takengri pril to discuss fin for a proposed in Channel for Rupa been funding Ru inception in 1982.
Nerve gas i
Container load Chernicals for the The We gas hawe through Colom Israel; purpose: I tions have reveal been used as a trar Israeli ships colle Cals hawe been de
Four containers of 72 tons. Orne mi gElS Cärl kỉ|| a mär grams could wipe report said.
Bribery off govern
Assistant Briber Wijaya Hettiarachch tion in the Suprem

Jo North. Thefamily is presence with the ed by Emergency le family has also
projects |erated
tunga has impoir deadline for the e 15,000 projects wide employment. million people will Scheme", JanasaBrasinghe Mallima'ily News.
a election will be
.
aid for TV
ister.Tyronne Feln's Broadcasting Kazaki ir rTiid-A- ancial assistance eW "Cducational" Vahini. Japan has pawahini from its
Colombo
ls of poisonous - Tianufacture of ! been shipped 20. Destilation: ilitary, investiga2. Colobo laS Isshipment point. Cling the chelitā ind.
COitaired a total Crogram of nerve While 10 micro
Out a village, a
icial Sues
TEt
y Commissioner li has filed a petie Court alleging
that he was denied promotion to the post of Deputy Bribery Commissioner, in Violation of his fundamental rights, following his investigation of the assets of a high official. He said that a high ranking member of the government had instructed the Bribery Commissioner to colse the file.
Paddy production up
ACCOrding to government statistics quoted by the government neWS agency Lankapuwath 1993 yeilded the highest paddy production in ten years - an estimated 2,567,000 metric tons. The highest On record is 2,661,000 mts in 1985.
GÜARDIAN
Wol. 17 No. 1 May 1, 1994
Price RS. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo -2.
Editor Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 47584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Sarawanamutu Ma Watha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background South Results: Another Look 5 The Pride and Prejudice
of R. Siriwardella 구 Films
Separatist Movements
in South Asia (2) 13 Refugees 17 Согтвsролdдпсе 18 Personality 19 EikS Ք1

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NEWS BACKGROUND
PREMADASAISM: TI
Mervyn de Silva
Thanks to the Liberal party leader, Dr. Chanaka Amaratunge and the state-run SUNDAY OBSERVER, the last issue of the LANKA GLAFDAN made Waves. One of the IIlain reasons for the UNP's defeat Was the virtual blackout on Premiadasa and his pet projects such as JANASAWIYA, the Liberal party leader argued. Though JANASAWIYA had won official recognition from SAARC and tributes from leaders like Prime Minister Narasimha Rao, Premadasa's sustained effort to cushion the poorest of the poor from the severe hardships of the IMF's "structural adjustment" had been ignored by the government's campaign leaders.
As for the election results, one fact stood out. The only parliamentary constituency won by the UNP in the South was Balapitiya, the late President PremadaSa'Sancestralho Te,
Wijetunga loyalists have realcted with anger to sections of the Lake House press carrying articles and photographs ridiculing the President. They cite in particular the op-ed page article in the Sunday Observer' of April 10 by Liberalleader Chamaka ATmaratunga which had severely pilloried the President’s conduct at the Southern elections. Dr. Amaratunga who was one of the chief speakers at UNP meetings in the South had in this article originally written to the 'Lanka Guardian criticised tha President’s stand om the Eelam issue and said thathis slogan about not giving Eelamin this "kapa' (epoch) had created merriment even among UNPers. The title of the article: Premada saism Betrayed. Under these circumstances some heads mightroll atlake House, sources say.
(8மndyslார்)
Far from exploiting larity with the disadv, focussing om his "W and "powerty allevi UNP appeared to h; on Premadasa popu this apparently de which earned Dr. Ch; regular column to the title PREMADASA (SEEBOX items).
While the UNP which meets on May issues, the neWS thal daSa and her Som Sa by the President for was promptly follow both Thotherald Son N list when the Parliam
Personalities apar mid-day meal and S grain of President continued is a furthe party needs "Premad nice of Premadasa, lr Say thatit Suits Sri K
It is in this that last king encountertook
"The President come to Kandy but th Subsequently Mrs.P. Were asked to Come Secretariat. The meet The President Was W. said he was very so misunderstanding. F inquired about matter ly during the meeting tWO hours..."
DUNFFACTOR
The arties of exDUNF leader Mr. G and the DUNF WICEAmunugama figured press, particularly this

HE GREAT DEBATE
Premadasa's popuIntaged groups, and lage re-awakening" tion' schenes, the We closed the book ism. It was precisely liberate "blackout" naka Amaratunge's ! LG, the cower-page SM BE TRAYED".
Working Committee 3 will take up these Mrs. Herma Premajith had been invited a friendly chit-chat, ed by a report that Would be on the party antary polls are held.
І, the пеws that free chool uniforms proPremadasa will be r sign that the ruling asaisrn" in the absefact, a cynic Would otha perfectly.
Week's headline-ma
lace:
ld Wated them t0 ey politely declined. emadasa and Sajith
to the Presidential ing Was wery Cordial. }ry sympathetic and ty if there was any resident Wijetunge Srelating to the famiwhich lasted about
Minister ard forTTEer amini Dissanayake 'residnet Dr. Sarath prominently in the last Week. "K.G.B."
was the rather unsophisticated, instant response from the so-called "political analysts". President D.B. did visit the South and address election meetings in their company. Nobody doubts that their presence in the government - in the Cabinet, of course, in Mr. Dissanayake's case - would please the President. But there's a catch. In President JR’s government, Messrs Dissanayake and Ath Lulathmudaliranked just below Prime Minister
Westernised Elite
We live in the shadow of the IMF-World Bank, the main instruments of wester I1 dominamce, particularly in a post-Cold War world where western ideas and ideology (democracy, market economics etc) have asserted a Inew supremacy. Though it was founded by the most Anglicised politician of the post-independemce era, Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike, the Sri Lanka Freedom party became the moulthpiece of a resurgent Sinhala-Buddhist movement. S.W.R.D.'s Wiinning slogan was "Sinhala Only" and a “rightful place" for Buddhism.
Just after the P.A.'s splendid victory in the South, Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga, the campaign leader, addressed a well-attended meeting at the Hilton Hotel. In his letter of resignation, Vice Chancellor G.L. Pieris wrote:
"In these circumstances I have considered in earnest the in vitation ertended to me by the Hon. Sirimaua Bandara Taike and by Mrs. Chandrika Bandaranalike Kumarafunga to join the SLFP and to take in active part in the political life of our country..."

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South Results : AI
Dayalal Abeysekera
awe the Tavericks of Southern
Sri Lanka, the Somewhat infamous DAFLNEMMISSV' delivere da Sgovere indictment on the ruling party? If coupled With the predictive expectations voiced by the Secretary-General of the UNP, the actual haul of 23 seats is a notable come-down from the prognosticated 35. But ther, electioneering is as Tluchi Social engineering as it is rhetoric or brazen bravad0.
Perhaps, a more sewere blow to the ruling party is the fact that they could not carry more than a single electorate (Balapitiya) out of the totality of 21 electoral divisions in the Southern Province. Even Galle which had a record of carrying the UNP in 9 out of all the 10 polls since the Parliamentary Elections of March 1960 (the majority of the voters not supporting the party during the Referendum of 1982) Was grabbed by the Peoples. Alliance (PA). This amounts to an outright loss of 12 electorates from the 1993 Provincial Council Poll held 10 months ago.
However, the actual loss of SPC seats by the UNP between the polls of 1993 and 1994 is just two (a reduction of one seat each from Matara and Hanbartota districts), from an earlier 25 to the present 23. The very mildness of this reduction Which by no means could be described as a 'debacle" prompts one to wonder if this is yet another miracle engineered by the system of proportional representation vis-a-vis the "first past the post' system of an earlier era.
A comparative study of results of the polls of '93 and '94 at the district level Within the Souther Province in Table 1 reveals Several interesting patterns, (Table 1 presents the results of the three main parties of UNP, PA and DUNF. The Votes polled by the other minor parties have been deliberately left out in order to draw out the dominant treds. The Tost noticeable change is the quantum leap of the PA's gain in votes from 382,726 to 548,589, a 43.3 percent increase, the highest relative gain being in Hambantota (83.0 percent). However, one notices that 116,791 votes were polled by the DUNF in May '93 but both the UNP as well as the PA were on a head hunt for this "abandoned' wote bank. With Mr. Gamini Dissanayake joining the UNP, the latter lo, doubt believed that their claim Would Override the claims of the PA as this being
The Writeris the Asst. Resident Represen få five LL LLLLLL a LLLLLCLLLLOLL LLLLLLLLYaLLLLLLLS
an arıti-UNP Wote, tI that this Was, perha Wote Which WOLuld Premada sa-less U did not, perhaps, b would end up mor tug-of-warower Wh
OnCB the DUMF the PA vote of '93, '94 ISS a Org T10de WEfG Extracked frd Witnessed in there Within the confine parties in the two p 52,774 TIEW Walid w Second poll. This, it UNP actually gain last election. In fact in Galle and 2,208 badly at Hambantic due mainly to theirl in Tissamaharara.
AfgW observatio higher Woter turno here. Since the шn tUTOL ut at the las elections of 1988ar inSurrections, the 1. ate 1993POW the 17 districts (outs risetoj 72.59 and 74.0C two polls the district Hambantota pollec percent respective 69.9 and 69.2 res other Words, the Sol hawe polled noticea average along W Which usually polls an accident but is presence of a high in-migrants in the out-migrants in the districts.
The interestir why did Galle, Mat poll at the noticea 75.6, 72.8 and 72.7 ly at this isolated the Trl PTOVITCja pertinent to refert by this writer (c. Indralal de Silva); of 15/10/93 where growth of Woters ir higher than that of th and that this is poss of a non-wigilant Wot that tolerates a high ple registration. In f Wealthat th19 LPT1bé

n Other LOOk
he counter-claim being posan anti-Frei Tadasa otbe applicable to the NP. What both parties argain for Was that this eas a Winner-take-all ich the PAprewailed.
Vote is coupled with
the gain of the PA in st 49,072 votes. These In the higher turnout cently concluded poll. ES of the three Taim tolls, this a mounted to otes being cast at the effect shows that the 2d 3,702 Wotes at the it gained 9,526 votes 3 in Matara but fared ta losing 8,032 wotes biss of ower B., OOO wotes
ns about the relatively ut is not Out of Order recedented loWVoter t two nationally held id 1989 due to the twin 991 local authority poll ncial Council poll saw ide the Northeast) poll percent. During these S of Galle, Mataraamd | 738, 68.7 and 69.5 lly in 1991 and 73.6, pectively in 1993. In uthern districts usually bly below the matical ith Colobo District the OWest. This is 10t i precipitated by the proportion of migrants, case of Colombo and
case of the southern
ng question now is ara and Harmbantota bly higher lewels of percent, respectiveelection for the SOLUCouncil? It will be he reader to a paper O-EU tOrd With DT. appearing in the LG it was shown that the Sri Lanka is im Luch egrowth of population iblергіппагilybecause er registrationsystern degree of dual/multiact, Our estitates reer of woters registered
in the Southern Province at the '93 poll (which was used for the '94 poll as well) is over 110 percent of the estimated population 18 years and over. In other Words, alrT10St 150,OOO OL ut of the 1.439 million registered voters in the Southern Province are carrying dual/multiple registrations.
The Tost Culpable in this regärdare the migrants. This is not necessarily done with the intent of cheating at a election but resorted to, more as a safety precaution in order not to lose privilegesariving from ones residential location that may arise from time to time in a society experiencing a high degree of flux. It is most likely that a large proportion of South originating migrants, the majority of whom Work and reside in Colombo, enticed by a half day of duty leave and the possibility of speInding the Weekend at "home" while cathing part of the action were responsible for the larger Voter turnout. The very large crowds Witnessed at the Petah bus stand on the eve of the elections making their Way to the south partially corroborate the likelihood of such a turn of event,
If We leave the immediacy of the statistiCal results and Wander into the wilderness of speculative exploration of "votermentality" in the recent past it might be a useful exercise for the reader since there is the prospect of a Presidential and a Parliarientary election within the next 12 months.
In this exercise, a basic premise is that irrespective of the rationale and the CoInsequences, the woter is always right (the corollary drawn from day-to-day econdmic activity being 'the customer is king') since the bedrock of democracy is predi. cated on the expression of the voter's will. Statistically, the most Wehement statement of protest" from the south Carte with the total swing of the DUNF vote into the FA'ScanTip. Although indiwidual crossower are quite commonplace within the electoral landscape of independent Sri Lanka, these have not assumed high political Currency in the melee of national level party politics. This is perhaps the first time that a political party that stood for certain ideals in '93 and registered a meteoric rise flip-flopped through its current leadership and the people declared that they were rejecting the flip-flop and thus exercised its will, disregarding the appeal of the leadership. It is true that the efficacy of the campaigning headed by Ms. ChandriKa Kuпагanatunge and the appearance of Ms. Srimani Atulath mudali may hawe swayed the DUNFers but the fact that the virulence of the swing was not envisaged

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Table 1 Comparative Electoral Performan
Southern Province at the
5 PMOW), Ceg LNP
Galle No. 190478
SS
Percent point change
between '93 - '94
Matara No. 145,093
BK 54
Percent point change
DWEET 93 - "d
Hårbartota No. 102,841
% 515
Percent point change
BWEET '93 - "94
Southern province N438,412 ס
A.S.
Percent point change between '93-'94
even by the most ardent campaigner of the PAisampletestimony to the decisiveress of the exercise of the SOLuthern DUNF voters' political will.
From the UNP's perspective, the DUNFers were born out of anti-Premadasaism. But it was common knowledge that they were created by extracting from both the UNP and the PA at the '93 poll. In fact, Prakshepara in the LG of 01/06/93 analyzing the comparative erosion of the Support bases of the two паіп рагties апd their drift to the DUNF at the '93 pollstates that "in ten out of the 17 districts, the percentage loss of PA votes to the DUNF was higher than that of the UNP". From the Southern Province, both Matara and Hambantota were in this category. Thus, the UNP should not hawe expected much of again from the non-appearance of the DUNF at the hustings since a larger potion of DUNFers Were originally PA supporters during the pre-93 era. Furthemore, even after the demise of President Premadasa, the UNP never attempted to Woo the DUNFers; on the contrary, they were meted out the "leper treatment. Once again, it appears that the UNP was banking only on power play at the helm (rather than diligent Work at the graSSroots) to deliver a portion of the DUNFers to its fold.
While the UNP retained its voter base on the whole, Tissamaharama was wery decisive in denying over 8,000, i.e., more tham CT1E. fifth CfIts ựCtes to the UNF. Wherh the Tore Lurbare Galle and Matara re ппагgiпally williпg to be appeased by the policies of a post-Premadasa UNP, the rural peasantry of the dry zone are disillusioned by the Void left by the late President the Tlass disenchantment created by the absence of a champion for their cause compels them to view the rewamped PA, still in some degree of disarray, as a viable alternative to the UNP.
Without tryingto eulogizethelate Presi
1933
PA DLINF TC
189,114 39,036 41E
5.2 9.3
129,693 44,873 31
4Ս.E 14.D) 1.
63,919. 32,882 19: 32. 16.5 1.
382,726 116,791 93.
4O.B. 12.5
dent Premadasa, it M nited thathis Wasate strenuous tightrope
tween the promotion On the one had and Inted powerty alleviatic O tOO difficult to Se his political pragmatis tion, his heart Was Wil since he ke W, that W could easilyfalter an While the open eco powerful subscriber the needed Totle The Gaml Uda Was, garment factories W. devised to keep the Beffort in COlltir Luous hi
During the past 10 the UNP was trying of these efforts, let profiling pro-poordew Even a cursory glanc Will reveal that the epitomized by the stic anointed as the panai |lls and the poог аге the trickle-down effec Costli est error being post-Premadasa UM urgent remedial mea reverse further electic
If as We suspect t 52,774 voters compri of migrants in posse registration, they hav ntly for the PA (the 3,702 of these Wotes Institutes a very dis ¥ಲ್ಲೆ migrant origir and, Very often se Over-achiever at his trying to make the qu a near static rural ed city-bouпd есопопу. ble to bridge this i g perceptive of the bo place in the city, the

ce of the three main political parties in the polls held in 1993 & 1994
1994 Alla M. OW05
WOTS gainedost by who posed TAL UNP PA TOTAL | 39 LINWFP F4
3,628, 200,004 238,770 438,774, 20,146 9,526 49,656
O.O 45.5 54.4 OO.O. 38.2 --
+0.1 +9.2
3,659 147301 192,853 340,154 20,4952,208 63,160
O.O 433 56,7 DO.O 38.8
- 1 + 16.1
3,642 94,809 - 116,966 211,775 12,1338,032 53,047 DO...) 44.E. 55.2 1 OO. O 23.O
-6. +232
7,929 442,114 548,589 - 990,703 52,774 3,702 165,863 OO. O 44.6 55. OO.O 1OOO
-2.1 +14.6
ould be readily graTipt to perform a wery Walk, balancing beof the open economy erTipower Tert-OrieTOT the Other. It WS a that either through sm or natural inclinathpowerty alleviation was the focus which dfall by the Wayside nomy had many a that would generate tum to keep going. the Janasawiya, the ere the Wehicles the poverty alleviation igh profile.
Tonths one felt that hard to forget most alone pursuing and elopment strategies. eat the newspapers орепрессnomy as ock, Tarket has been Cea foral Sri Lankam
left at the mercy of it. This is perhaps the committed by the F Wolsch Wi| SS asures if they are to
fälli SetbackS.
he higher turnout of ised overwhelmingly assion of dual Voter re Woted predominaUNP collecting only ). Obviously this coaffected lot, the cinating from the hintelected for being an place of origin and antum leap between bnomy and a vibrant The migrant is unaap but yet is very nanza that is taking participation in which
is denied to him by the socio-cultural and economic realities surrounding him. He is the frustration-breeder who wields the potential to ignite the country-side, given that the latter itself is caught in a stranglehold of near-zero growth.
While not trying to devalue the electoral Success achieved by the PA at the last poll it needs to be pointed out that it is Thost unlikely that the PA could have achieved this element of success in any other province (inaone-off province situation) outside the Western Province which it already holds. This is because the UNP hadgained 50 percentoľ more of the cast Walid votes in all other districts except Kurunegala in 1993. (in contrasto Galle, Matara and Hambantota gawe only 443, 45.0 and 49.9 percent, respectively of the Vote to the UNP). Thus, in away, PA must be grateful to the UNP for having pulled "the FransisCLu'' Com it arid tested itself com UNP's Weakest terrain.
An isolated one-off election barely 9 months before a Scheduled presidential election is about the ideal time that a disgruntled majority of WoterS COLuld hawe delivered a resounding slap on an incuTibent government in power with relative impunity. (Incidentally, it is not only the government that is smarting under this Pair but the Stock Tarket itSelf is stili reeling from the blow, three Weeks after the results Were released.) The governing party if keen on returning to power must resort to an objective analysis followed up by implementing immediate remedial TT1EasUTES. father tham glwe-in to the LIrge to go on a Witch hunt which may be detriental to its future ambitions. Frost the perspective of democracy, perhaps the Southern voter needs to be complimented on judiciously voicing its opinion at an opportune Tortent. It will now be more interesting to monitor the build-up towards the Presidential and Parliamentary ellections With the relative opening-up of the race at the hustings.

Page 9
The pride and prejudi
HLD Mahindapala
t a time when my senses were Alumရှူးဖို့ with enn Lui-mainly because had run out of targets - was delighted to see Mr. R. Siriwardena swirl into my kem, in his own mincing way, with a rejoindertony article on JANEAUSTENAND HISTORY serialised in three parts in the Lanka Guardian. (February 15, March 1 and March 15). He is known to have some discriminating tastes in the appreciation of good literature (when he is objective) and I was hoping, the moment opend the Lanka Guardian, to lockhorns with him at the level of his reputation, particularly as the coy darling of "intellectuals". Contrary to my great expectations he has decided not to confront meat the anticipated level by dealing with Jane Austen on the basis of acceptable Critical noms. Instead, he has jumped into the realm of my local politics, coming down, at times, to a personal level. Which, of course, leaves him wide open to be dealt with at his own chosen level.
He takes the high moral ground by accusing me of following in the footsteps of Jane Austen and withdrawing from the Orrors of the World to lead "double life" in the "little social commonwealth" of the intimate circle of my family, friends and my dog. (He has forgotten to mention my little, cuddly cat who, from time to time, goes into deep contemplation about the morality of fat cats lapping up the CreanT. in the posh NGOmansions.) However, on this point of leading a "double life", I am willing to concede that having spent the better part of his life as "Reggie" he is Supremely qualified to talk about leading a double life after he switched his identity to "Reg" in the last lap. I propose to deal with the double life of Mr. "Regi"(though | still can't get over the previous incarnation of the baby-faced "Reggie") Siriwardena later.
But for the benefit of the readers who hawe not followed the articles Serialised in the Lanka Guardian let me add briefly
that I Wrote exclusive AND HISTORY, de profound novel Ma rpretation of her in from the boiling, M history and build a own which she loc Mansfield Park. Ilg that led to the Taki English fiction Writ focuses essentially with Sri Lankan poli he has used my ar as a Convenient pe against me which no ded by his claque i Parenthetically, W attack on my politic: of the bitter polaris: society. Even at the of Mr. Siriwardena festering affliction o Verts him fror! I read Criticis Tl Without dra tiCS that are Tot ewe to the original theme died in 1817.
His exercise is ri he is stretching hims limits to interpret m interpretation of Jal “Forппураг1, Ifouл naling - for the lig ALISE ELOT. M. M. And he sets Out, Sc "fo derforstråle h found сопgrшелсе public and political a confession, perha Fig Cor Wicifor7S i år 7C Slash Hirs in IHaf folk Short, of Wharrake
Here Walter ("Re himself in the role doctor with a stup maкергопошnceme lities by suppressing enough, researche:

Ce Of R.
ly on JANEAUSTEN riving from her most isfield Park my inteclination to withdraw acbethic cauldron of moral enclawe of her ited in the Centre of oring all the factors g of one of the great YrS, Mr. Siriwardena Om my inwolvement tics. It is obvious that ticle on Jane Austen to hang his diatribe doubt, will be applaum the NGO galleries. fish to add that his is another symptom tion that divides this so-called high level there seems to be a F the mind which preing a piece of literary gging in Lankan poliremotely connected of Jane Auster who
ther farcial because elfbeyond resonable
politics through my
he Austen. He says: dese articles faSCht Ihey Іhгеw поt оп ahindapala himself." Imewhat pompously, air (the articles) prowith (Mahindapala's) ToMe (o lake fler 77 as ps un intentionally, of fTIOswalsons thaf SL* — self-exposure, in ;卢jm位、”
gi") Mitty is fancying of a Freudian witch endous capacity to its on other personavital evidence. Oddly
have found among
SiriWardena
Freud's papers that he did suppress some Vital infortation to buttress his theories. But that apart, Mr. Siriwardena, the Woodoopsychiatrist, hasattempted to analyse my personality on absolutely false assumptions. He argues that have divided my life into two parts: the public one as editor of the Sunday Observer and the private life where withdraw into the quiet, moral World of Jane Austen ignoring the seedy, sordid World around me. To prove his central thesis he had to corne up with a link between the time I wrote the essay on Jane Austen (the private life) and the time wrote my attack on the gang of his intellectuals (the public life) published in the Sunday Observer of February 20. So he writes: "The profound congruence' to which referred between Mr. Mahindapala the admirer of Austen and Mr. Mahindapala the political agent can be illustrated from Јшs! опе of many examples: a coluпл wгіїїеп by him iп Ihe Sшпday Observегоf 20 February - just about the time he was beginning his Austen series.". Our little Walter Mitty's crooked theory would have had some validity if I began my essay On Jane Austen at the title he mentioned. But I Wrote that in 1980 as a major essay when was reading English at the Melbourne University-far, far away bothin time and space. Hispathetic attempt to read my essay on Jane Austen as a "consession... a self-exposure of what makesrine tick" collapses because there is no link, as he assurTed, between the tir The Wrote il and tile time I returned to Sri Lanka to edit The Observer. The premise is wonky like his Weird fancy. So how can the conclusion be right?
Besides, I would hesitate to read his adoration of W. B. Yeats, a pro-Fascist, (See the ha sched palio, JulyAugust 1993) and brand Mr. Siriwardena as the legitimate heir to hitter, though it is possible to interpret his interpretation of Yeats in a perverse sort of way (as he did to my interpretation of Jane Austen) and see all manner Of Sad0-TaSOchistic Fascist te

Page 10
ridencies determining his split personality. Of course, I am not saying that literature is divorced from politics. Cultural materialists have leapt out of the textual horizons and expanded evaluations to include the contextual space. Literary criticism has diverged in many directions since 1917 when the study of English "as We know it today" was developed with the introduCtion of a Tripos (E. a degree) at Cambridge University. (See page 90 of Meaning by Shakespeare - Terence Hawkes.) MarkST FELJia ST7, ser TriST), SriLCľLralism, post-structuralis 77 etc., hawe taken Over frost F. F. LSayIs Who Gasflé OL Of Cambridge and led a critical movement through the Scrutiny. So we see critics, галging from the provocative алdрегсеpsive Edward SaidofColumbia University, USA, to scholarly TonyTanner of Cambridge University, deal with some of the major political themes underlying the WorkS OF Jare - ALISEEr 7. TO ASSESS FEF" politics these respected critics place Jane LLLLLLL LaLtLLLLLLLLLLCLLLLLLL -ā LEJLyserif fir 77a Werfte for da fiors of Іле алсїел геg/me iп Euгоре Wеге overthrown by the French Revolution, Napoleonic Wars and Napoleonic reforms. Bonapartism, which threatened England, perhaps, more than any other foreign thrust, obsessed the nation until he Tet his fate at Waterloo in 1815 just two years before the death of Jane Austen. And across the Atlantic the Artierican War of Independence was an issue that affected England directly. Nearer hore. She Was a Witness to the rise of the working class which created the "two nations" described so wividly by Dickens. By the turn of the century parliament was passing draconian laws to suppress the trade unions. There were Scarcity riots in 1800 and the Luddites, dislocated by the Industrial Revolution, rioted in 1811. There was no way she could hawe escaped the revolutionary fervour of the day, or the dramatic changes uprooting English society. But she chose to Withdraw frOT the tu TultuOUS and turbulert forces as a decisive response to the violent politics that was eroding the moral base of her time. "Jane Austen's profound concern with good Tanners," says Tony Tanner, "was thus not simply a reflection of the cloistered gentility: it was a form of politics - an involvement with a wide
spread attempt to : COFTection, TOnitOrir ThoralS."Earliefhe Së as possible, good r. nger regardedтпегеl to the life-style of the became England's a Rewolusion." (See T lent interpreatations book, Jane Auster.)
Concerned as is "Odious" forces SWir Withdrew into the " nwealth" to restore (, a moral basis. Tha within manageable gmatic. That was real some of our bogus in imperialist-funded se and Write papel overwhelmingly Cor bles which are to
COFOI E ITILIS E nsion t00. For thes part-time luxury to S "morality" and pun bidderS in the Weste
Of course, Mr. Siri" kind of kinkylogic toj nic thinking and ju designed to claim : morals. This spuriou forget that he belo "Toralists' Whose C and democracy ris funding received frc nors. The tragedy is ralist5"EECW diTE ower the political la World. The globalisa linked to the funding steпп agепcies and provides the neo-CC and articylate netwa -Western local agent NGOs, with ambitic alternative governm: low profile role to atta rin Tents when any states act against th In short, the NGO C rn-again ewangelist: pushinga Westerna COTTitTrent to hÉi 5Br5.

Save the nation by g and elevating its ays: "TopLut it bunty таллег5 Wgгg По Іоyasa SEPer 77'ya (IrTCľ 'upper classes; they i'r 15WEgert J. The Fra'r CI) ony Tanners exce
of har Wells in his
he was With the ling around her, she little Social COTTOrder and stability on It was a proposition imits. That was pralistic. She did mot (like tellectuals) retire into NGO cells to Toral"S on how to Solve Tiplex societal protally beyound their Ldd, their comprehee "rToralists" it is a it back and sell their ditry to the highest
Tı Tlarket.
Wardena has his own ustify his schizophredgemental postures a monopoly of pшге is stance makes him 1gs to that band of ries for human rights With the levels of This Wester dothat these hired "TOa dozen crawling all Idscape of the Third tion of NGOs, directly approvesd by We
their governments, illorialist ar effective Dirk rum by their proSi the NGOS. THESE ins of acting as the 2nt, emerge from their Lick Third World gove
of these besieged le Westëff intérests. IperatorS are the bos of the raj who are genda Withafanatical r imperialist payma
This gives no option to the Siriwardenas in the NGO belt: they all must sing for their Supper. They know that the day they stop siпgiпg thefшпdiпgceases. Fогіпstaпсе, Mr. Siriwardena's rotlantic thatched patio in the backyard of his NGO prowideshim the ideal stage for him to play his dual role: the "Reggie" who refuses to see any redeeming feature in Sri Lankan politics (it's not a paying proposition) and the "Regi" who turns a Nelsonian eye to the Sullied and bloodied sources of his funding, part of which comes from the exploitation of the poor in Third World Countries and another part from the military-industrial complex which thrives on the deadly Weapons and personnel LLLLLL LL LLL LLLLaLaLLS LLLL LLLaLLLL LLLLLS ndards with which he is very comfortable would, no doubt, make him feel that his "Torality" is as pure as the filthy lucre on Which he and his Colerie feed.
This may, perhaps, remind him of the great novel that is closest to his heart: Great Expectators, At this point Would like to de WellCopan argument (a la "Regi") to expose the fallacy of his methodology. Following his example, What WOLuld hê. Say if project him as the reincarnation of Pip who thrives on the earnings of the convict, Abel Magwitch, transported to Australia? This comparison Corles out best in the Words of Edward W. Said Who has armalysed it succintly in his book Culture and Imperialism:"LetлmesayaІІІІІe here abошt
-- What's hawe in mind, LSing (WC) wes-kr70 WY7
and Very great novels. Dickenss Great Expectations (1861) is primarily, а поve! about self-delusion, (See any similarity to you, "Regi"?) about Pip's Wasn aftempts ta bacome agentlermarı Wilh neitherhard LLCHLLLLHOM LL0LLLLLLLLeLELlLLLLLLL LLL LLLeeLHL required for such a role. (Rings a familiar bell, "Regi"?) Early In the Mfe he Fielps a condemned convict, Abel Magwitch, who, affer being (ransported to Australia, pays back his young benefactor with large surns of money..." (Well, arent’t those in the NGO belt helped by the rehabilitated criminals of Europe whose generosity was exposed by Bernard Shaw in Major Bar?
As shown above, it is easy for me to use this far-fetched methodology to scorn On Mr. Siriwaldwela. But then I Would

Page 11
hawe to Come do Wml to Mr. Siriwardena's level if I resort to such cheap tricks. Nor is it my intention to psychoanalyse him through the text of his literary criticism. I'd rather deal With hit head-on. The holest thing for him to do was to separate my politics from my literary criticism. For instance, he should have dealt directly with my article in the Sunday Observerof February 20. 1994 Which TlLISt häWE irkëd ist no end because I had exposed his holy cows — Thimbiah-Lal-Kumari Jayewardene etc., who were projecting, in the name of research and scholarship, a warped view of our times, Mr. Siriwardena says that I "love to hate" these intellectuals. He is Wrong. Absolutely wrong. I do not hate them, have only contempt for any intellectual who under the haughty and fictitious presumption of omniscence that is supposed to reside in the groves of prestigious academiatriotoutperwerted perspectives, distorted or irrelevant theories and carefull Seleted facts to promote their kind of partisan politics. Imaintain that such intelectuals are not only dishonest but also dangerous to a society that is desperately Seeking a common ground to moet and sink their differences. Instead of preparing a ground for common understanding these "intellectuals" mislead not only this nation but other distinguished scholars (e.g. Francis Fukuyama) who could contribute substantially to a debate about the Creation of a new society which hopefully may escape history - at least the violent history which this generation yearns to escape.
One of Mr. Siriwardena's main complaints is that I tried to escape history like Jane Austen and hide in a Swiss enclave established in Mansfield Park. The undying dream of mankind has been to live in a Swiss enclave, another Eden, free from violence.T.S. Eliot too went in Search of the "stil point of the turning World", which is another Way of describing Mansfield Park, Political philosophers from Platoto Marx Created their own ideal States. Maybe, as stated by Eliot, mankind cannot "bear too much reality". That may be also why Mr. Siriwardena, who pretends to be an engage intellectual, hides in his NGO bunker at the ICES(Internatio
nal Centre for Eth his time Writing rel hat may well ap Sunday papers. It friendable ifies not rushed into pla to tT.
Going by his " taSteS, I arT1 rnot SLu rdena should objec his objections toth wer (which edit) Waiting to happar Lumbearble for hir the cause of his be that Yeats is the century. I say T.S Oathes Jane Luste of the great Englis TES EdWard W. Se leadiпg anti-impe agree with Said W. WES - Or the NGCOS. accept the NGOs "intellectuals". I aC last refuge of "...f. Slussed fTIErl/LEarls cg fled Whis raw Sri Lanka as a pol it as a viable de Tiphed over the se does of the left a militaris IT and is in On a promising jol Wiolence of terroris The polarities are Ser1Se, it Was ire) Lanka Guardian pi Jane Austen, Mr. Si OLuter limits ofis en
Consider, for in rhideTiS Jame Aus that "one page of W is "Worth fore a pout fogether". It w« atlēTātā Tā ties passing a sent literary criticism. It'. abanal State Tentr that descended fl heights at Perade heard that type of Pettah TārkĚt We telling the other: "M.

nic Studies), spending views or critical pieces lear in a feuillefol of
WOLuld häW begel CDtuck to that groove and Ces Where angels fear
'morality" and literary rprised that Mr. Siriwait to my politics. In fact, epolitics of The Obseis something that was 1. lt | Tlust hawe beer 1 to see me taking up te noires. He proclainTS greatest poet of this . Eliot is superior. He er, Irak heras Ol Omfa Howelists. He Censuaid, one of the World's riālist intelectuāls. holeheartedly. He thri
I don't. He seems to as the last refuge of cept the NGOs as the he hollow rely...he ng togetherWHead piaV. Alas !" He porträys itical black hole. I see 1Ocracy that has triucism of the desperaind the right – Wing OW poised to takeoff urney, if the mindless its can be contained. Crystal clear. So, in a Vitable that Wher the ublished my article on riwardena reached the dшranceапdSпapped.
Istance, how he colen's novels. He says Wuthering Heights" etc n Ausfens six nowels uld be hard to find a ir COr trol of his facuence like that. It is not s plain prejudice. It is hot Worthy of a product om the LuddWykian niya. The last time | COITment Was in the one fishmonger was achang, let metell you
- and I am telling you because know for sure - my man's little finger is worth more than all their ten men put together!"
Mr. Siriwardena's bazaar talk doesn't disappoint me in the least. Mr. Siriwardena's gay dismissal of Jane Austen reveals Only his queer tastes. He is the man who inade a desperate bid once to elevate Golu Hadawatha to the withering heights of a classic. In his role as a critic, he wrote vigorously in defence of the film GOLU HADAWATHA after, mark you, writing the Script for it. So it is understandable that Mr. Siriwardena should rise to the defence of his Script with, of course, one sharp eye overseeing the box office collection. Also he could not let the intellectuals and Critics get away. With their frontal attack on him saying that he had written a script for a Soppy Denise Robins novel. He had a reputation (not to mention a box office) to protect. In his defence he first berated the intellectuals for mot reading the nowel, and second (taking on those who had read it) for rating it as a sentimental tear-jerker, But he failed to win over the intellectuals and the critics. While The Observer Columnist, Contact, quite correctly, ridiculed him for claiming that "Shakespeare was no doubt the Karunasena Jayalath of his day" Critics in the Daily News exposed his tastes in romanticising "the hackneyed prose... and cliches" in Golu Hadawalha. Blasting Mr. Siriwardena's wain attempts to boost his script and novel, one critic Wrote in the Daily News:"Mr. Siriwardena seems to nurse a grudge against the intellectuals and the critics for having ignored Golu Hadawatha" By then (1968) Golu Hadawatha had sold 25,000 copies and the filt Version was a comerical Success. It had become a part of the pop Culture - and the critics accused him of Wallowing in the melodrama of a boy-meets-girl story. Whatever argument Mr. Siriwardena adduced indefence of (1) the novel, (2) the script, and (3) the film it did not rise above the level of a slick Stock broker's sales talk in the market place defending his wested interests. Judging by the ferocity with which he fought to save the sales of GOLUHADAWATHA it is plain that Mr. Siriwardena is not averse to peddling his self-interest as high moral

Page 12
and aesthetic principles. Which serious student of literature Will now debate as to whether he/she should accept his unqualified praise of Golu Hadawatha or his downright condemnation of Jane Austen?
Forget for a moment his maudlin literary tastes and consider his basic ability to comprehend and represent facts. This is What he says about my essay on Jane Austen: "Mr. Mahindapala's fundamental praise of Jane Austen is that she realised that the true Indra Centre was to be found LSYaLYLY LL0kOLLLCHHGGCHCLLCYYS a YS mily, friends and intimate associates". Either Mr. Siriwardena is slipping, slowly but surely, into a state of Senile decay or he is deliberatelymisfepresenting my “fundamental" position outlined in the essay. The main thrust of my essay was not to claim that "the true Timoral Centre was to be found" in the little circles created by Jane Austen. If so would have paid equal attention to the inner Circles in Pride and Prejudice, Emma and Persuasion - to mention only three of her six novels. The main theme of my essay was that the true moral centre was to be found only in Mansfield Park which was the spiritual home of Fanny Price, Poor Mr. Siriwardefallsn't it time that he did a revision course not only in practical criticism but also a basic course in how to understand and react to an English script of someone with whom he disagrees?
If this was the only basic error one could dismissitassaying that the air-conditioner at the ICES had packed up and not cooled his Overheated Cerebral barrels. When he got all excited and fired that misguided Thissile at Tie. I have already exposed his prejudiced mind which attempted in vain to link my "public" life in the 1990s through an essay on Jane Austen which I wrote in 1980 in Melbourne. Forget that, for a moment, and Consider this: "Mr. Mahidapala claimed that Sri Lanka was actually a success story. Contrasting the Sri Lanka record of democracy with the one-party regimes andmilitary dictatorships in seweral other Asian countries, Mr. Mahindapala went on to to say." In Sri Lanka, howewer, fhe LWP and SLFPflawe beer askeппаІing геgшlапy, as пost democracies
do, until 1977. The intellectual dishonesty
10
of his is evidents Маһїпdapala didп'ї clable democratic first in 1982 bya bilal ІІІegally conducled ! of democracy that h With she disillusion lic process that ené Іhe degгеe ofsџpрс
CorThe, COIThe Mr.
Prof. Ludowyk didn't but at Royal College that 1977 does noti far as 1982. And CO presentation it is nC dealWith the "guilta To quote the line (a believe) which grace edited by you: "Iam t nothing human is ali your blinkered vision Seeing hard facts st was very convenient purposes to ignore attacked the "1982" Jayewardene repeat and, consequently, renember that, Mr.S you did not caretore Se selective amnes misrepresenting my tted that fact, then
sustained your lie tha lly with fidelity but with ssive reginTesthaf h: larly distinguished by sident Jayewardene different camps of po ce- and We dive Siriwardena diSCOwe
In my career as backed only two lead nayake and Ranasi and, in doing so, I nches. What is Thor: it. I do not have to dw nayake now becaus due place in the minem the time to coime, F Dudley Senanayake so-called intelligents mainly of Trotskyites the spelling) Siriwarc reactionary protectir

rri dhe fact that Mr. птелIіол [haf гesреcord was reached пIlymaпіршlaІedапd Гегелdшm — агаре da greaf deal todo af WTF) feder77C0Crabled the JVP to get *献亡s门1955-59"。
Siriwardena. Know teach you arithmetic you must have leаппt include, or stretch as intrary to your misret"Odious" for The to Idmisery" of "1982". favourite of Marx, is the thatched patio umam and consider en to Te". Not even that inhibits you from aring in your face. It for your mendacious the fact that I had regime of President edly in The Observer lesued me. Can you Siriwardena? Clearly, TeTiber that beCallUa suits your line of politics. If you admiyou could not have til "served flotsflere1 ferwQLr, wo SLCCEive поfbeепрагїicшІheiгmoraliӀу..."Preand I belong to two itics-Wiwala differe"ged long before Mr. edhimin "1982".
a journalist I have ers — Dudley Senalghe Premadasa - ever pulled my puI am very proud of 'ell on Dudley Senahe has earned his ories of our time and lowever, in his day was attacked by the a Which consisted like "Reggie" (note Bena, as a bourgeois g the interests of a
ruling comprador class. In his day he was also called a murderer after a stray bullet that richocheted and killed a Buddhist monk who was in a march shouting racist slogans like: Dudleyge badley masala wadai. They were protesting against the Dudley-Chelwanayakam Pact. Today the same Dudley Senanayake is praised by the last remaining Trotskyites as a champion of the liberal state and civil society. Unlike the intellectuals who scoffed at him, I am now in a privileged position to sit back and hawe the last laugh because even then (during Dudley's time) was criticised for defending him "with the devotion and vigour of a true believer".
President Premadasa's turn to receive his due recognition is about to begin. Of course, it will take some time for his full Stature 10 ble Testored. It Will hawe to Wäit till his blind haters pass into the dustbins of history anda new generation takes Ower to look at our times dispassionately and objectively. The realisation that no other ruler in our time - or for that Tatter in our entire history - had committed himself to redeem the poor is beginning to dawn, particularly on those who were bent om wiping him out of the history books. Those who blamed him for every death in this and otherlands-Upali Wijewardene, Ranjan Wijeratne, Rajiv Gandhi, Generals KobbekaduWaand Wijaya Winalaгatne, Lalith Alhulathmudali and even his own death - will see, if they live long enough, their malicious judgement reversed by the higher court of history.
Besides, history has always been just by the nation builders, particularly if they had to fight insurmountable forces that stood in their path to achieve higher goals. History has a way of dumping the Siriwardena's and going up the high road of imaginative and pragmatic nationalist leaders like President Premadasa. Taking the safe back seat and criticising the drivers of the state all the time will not give the Siriwardenas of our time any recognisable space in the chapters of history either as superior beings with unsurpassing knowledge oras moralists endowed with exceedingly high values to signpost the way out. Nor does taking the anti-goWernment line Take the T intellectuals,

Page 13
though it is very fashionable to think that the primary qualification to be an intellectual is to be anti-establishment. The essential flaw is that their public postures and self-righteous tones of being the moral guardians of all the noble values that can put this society right do not stem from a balanced and accurate vision of the past or a promising future. Because they cannot see anything right they will always be Wrong. Their partisan stances areas outmoded and as in Televantas their borrowed theoretical feathers which, no doubt, make them shine only among their own naive and limited claque.
Take, for instance, the severe judgement passed on President Premadasa by the psu.edo-intellectuals of our time. To evaluate him it is necessary to place him in the grim historical context. He assumed power at the tail end of the dark period that began in 1970. The SLFP-Marxist Coalition established a "quasi-fascist regime"(quotes from Lalith Athulathmudali) which deliberately turned away from the coursesetbyliberals like Dudley Senanayake. Mr. Siriwardena acknowledges this political deviation when he says: "Acts that Were onCethoughan Linthinkablemsuse of power have become legitimised once Іhey have beепргасtised by опе regime (Mrs. B-Dr. N.M.'s) and then become a precedent for the next (JR's), and thus the frontiers of what is permissible in the State's illegal use of authority have period by period, year by year, been sleadily advanced",
The task of President Premadasa Was to halt this advance. It was a Herculean task given the fact that he was left with three massiwe problens om his hands: 1. the JVP uprising in the south;2, the IPKF force threatening to play a role of their own in local politics and 3. the Tiger terrorists in the north. When he assumed office in 1990 all three factors had converged to Tlake it the mDSt ILIrbulent – in fact unmanageable-time in the post-indeperident era. In the midst of this turmoil he Was also expected to protectand maintain the parliamentary system, the independence of thejudiciary, an executive dedicated to the restoration of law, order, stability and economic growth and regain the so
vereignty lost to Ind No South Asian lea faced such a giganti analysts claim that F пе, the tough man ( gave up the reins ( could not manage th to political hell. Pre greatness is in the Lu faced the intractable couгаgeously апda cted objectives, ewe a nation where part children to School, W were not terrorised rkers could go to W in the evening etc. relative peасе апd with economic grow mtun. He did not ac flowers to the fascis all the power at his terror of the "left'. The the saving civil socie the long run and ha to abLunch of fasci Would hawe equallE th0SE of Pol Pot.
The moral choice is obvious. Howeve restoring law and O doubt, errant excess forces employed to SCisls of the "Eft. Ir not forget that son opposition Who para so-called hunnan rig sending secret hitlist the Worst of titles. It ning insecurity Wher moral pretences and ThE InterwErllion oft the Thinimal Societa WaS irnewitable Ir ar Violence Which Civilis Will sit back and a space to be a mas! above the age of 35item in the agenda Potists? It was, inde in which killing beco of stopping killings. with Counter-terror. H Se oni a situation li dilemmas of the hum

a's "dira doctrine". der in living memory : task. Some political resident Jayewardef Sri Lankan politics, f power because he einexorable descent Sident Premadasa's deniable fact that he challenges of his time chieved all the expetually leaving behind ints could send their here house dwellers by chits, Where Woork and retur home in short, he restored a stable democracy rth gathering momehieve this by offering it terrorists. He used command to beat the choice was between ity and democracy iп inding over the state sts whose atrocities hd, if not exceeded,
between these two r, in the process of rder there Were, no es committed by the quell the Violent facidentally, we should le TerTimberS iri thg de prominently in the its campaigns were StOthe fOrCes. It Was Wäsa til The Of Thadde:- "Society dropped all Went for the jugular. he state on behalf of norms and Walues escalating spiral of 2d or legitimatestate OW the Sri Lankan i grawe for all those -a prioritised political of the Sinhala Pol 2d, a tragic situation mes the only means 'error had to be met OW does One moralike that? The Oral infamily divided into
two Warring camps rose to spiritual heights in the Baghavad Gita, though it did not come up with definitive answers except to pronounce on the duties that must be fulfilled by man under all circuПstances.
The moral diletta of those hopeless, helpless, uncertain and terrifying times is exploited by lay-back arti-chair critics like Mr. Siriwardena, partly topose as morally superior pundits and partly to serve their NGO politics. They have banded together to express protest against the violence of the state which was given no choice in its struggle against Southern terrorism. Their abject failure to present a credible alternative to the suppression of fascist violence by the state makes them look a rag-bag of professional beggars who do not want their wounds to heal. Any mug could join the bandwagon of habitual protestes. But their failureto presentanother Way to deal With the mindless Violence exposes their moral bankruptcy. It was a time When ademocratically elected government (the Supreme Court confirmed this) was teetering om the briñk of total collapse. Could it have been resolved and law and order restored by the communiques and the protest notes issued by CRM, SSM and ICES pundits? How did the SLFP - Marxist Coalition deal with it in 1971? Mr. Siriwardena's rioral claim would be valid only if he could have shown an alternative way to deal with the JWP without using violence, personally hate to be judgemental about the role of the state in such a situation. I could easily acquire their smug satisfaction and join hands with those who feel superior by being professional protesters crowding the NGO corridors. But that would only make me a hypocrite. My sympathies are with all Third World leaders who do not fall into the categories of either Pol Pots and Idi Amins, or those who deliberately deviate from an established Course of democracy to establish regimes like those that existed from 1970-1990.
Besides, history is a dismal and sad record of ideals yielding invariably to the harsh realities of the day. I am also inclined to think that the Sisyphean absurdity Will never cease to haunt history. That is why leaders who had struggled mightily to
11

Page 14
rescue society from declining precipitiously into the hell hole of chaos and, in the process, eased the burden of their people, deserve to be honoured. Leaving aside the unrealistic idealists and the revolutionary Marxists who believe that man can easily skip the progressive phases and make giant leaps into the future, serious students of history would agree that leaderscannot do anything morethanputting their shoulder to the Wheels trundling the juggernaut of history and move it just one We bit at a title. President Pretadasa isoreleader Who took that mission Seriously and threw in his fall weight not only to halt the juggernaut Crushing everybody in its Wake but also to pushita bit forward. HE addTESSÉd the di SCOrtēts Of hiS timTe with a comprehensive vision and a coTitrent filled With all his Creatiwe Ergrgies. His endeavour was to bring back the nation from the path it deviated to the traditional course and carry it forward to a new horizon. His respect for the judiciary (endorsed by leading legalluminaries like Mr. Desmond Fernando), his respect for parliamentary traditions (endorsed by the people in all elections that he contested debunking the issues of legitimacy of his rule raised by hired assassins of character), his devout concern for the poor (justified by his unique programmes for shelter and poverty alleviation), his commitment for economic growth (prowed by the expanding economy and rising graphs), his resounding victories in defeinding the sovereignty and dignity of the nation (by sending back the IPKF, Dawid Gladstone and later by refusing to COW down to India when it decided to humiliate him by sabotaging the sixth SAARC Summit), his principled anti-Zionism (by voting against the Bush-sponsored move to rescind the UN resolution of 1975 Equating Zionism with racism) are achieveTES Which EwiSiOlissil thENGOEElt Would try to gloss over and rewrite a history from a pen dipped in their moral hypocrisy, Though it may take time, no rational or objective historian Will deny him his rightful place as a leader Who Steered the nation away the brink of chaos to restore sanity, democracy, and the general Well-being of all layers of Society,
To Be Corfiri Led)
12
FILMM
* ΝOM
WiCharaka
GāTihi Folkā yema MimisLum" ("The doing brisk business received a fair amou and much general di per Columns. The res most instances desp ling, brings up a nonimpinges directly upo running conflict in the
The film opened on It was given an earli was originally assign rial fiat, which brieflyr dust, was justified on subject matter. The "Nomiyena Minisun," Sotimely that filmsh: ble to the public With entailed in the filt "c
What is the film a SWT is that it is the Soldier. But of COUS barather Tore that surm" is not a "Comba tional Hollywood ser SOT1e Well-staged bal spectacular than any on the Sinhala Scree SLJim" does not fOCU: SLJСП.
In a manner typica the film engages W fronts at mOrE. Or | Among these consta Cerns, the Soldier' receives pride of pla soldier is bound by a H6 i5 a Th Ofh|L. and country," or, as for nationard State. to the best of his abili to hir. He alloWS rancour, a Tibition or
The ideal WalueSa:

|YE NA MINSUN’’’
Sinhala filinT "NO TiUndying"), currenty at the box office, has it of Critical attention Scussionin neWSpaponse, fawo Urable in ite One Sewere Tau-cinematic issue that in the country's long: "North-East'.
a ControWersial note.
BT TElEä5E Clate tham Etit: Ti5 Ministeaiséad SOTĒ hea tard the basis of the film's thETTlatit CCT1lETIt Cf "it was argued, Was uld be made availaout the usual delays |шеше."
about? The short story of an admirable the filiitedS lO 1at. "Nomiyena Miniit movie" in the tradiSe. While there are tle Seuences (T10re thing sofar achieved п), "Nomyепа Minis on the fighting as
l of Garsiini ForSek3. ith several thematic 3SS the SarTiB tirTiB. ntly interweaving cos professional ethic Ce. The professional strict code of ethics. r who fights for "king We Would say today, On duty, he performs ly the tasks assigned O room for personal hatrad.
Sociated with soldie
ring are embodied in the character played (needless to say) by Gamini Fonseka himself. A senior officer, he is however the Wictil of Certai d'OrlgStiC tra WailS. Fli5 Wife, är ridiāni rational, has retured to her native country taking their only som with her. A deeply disappointed man, he drowns his sorrows in drink. His military career suffers a decline. Finally, however, he gets the opportunity to prove his mettle. He makes his way into enemy camp to
negotiate for the release of a group of
soldiers including a young officer who has become his surrogate son. His true calibre now becomes evident - he is trusted by the enemy. But tragedy ensues - he is among those killed in the skirmish caused by fire from unexpected (and unidentified) qшаrters.
Such is the main story. Attaching to it are several subsidiary episodes - the young officer's tender romance and its Consequences on the style of the central figure; the Tamil doctor who tends to the wounded irrespective of race and affiliation; the enemy captain who is revealed to be human, and so on. Much of this is predictable and conventionally talkative in the treatment of character and situation. "Nomiyena Menisun" is, in Tiany ways, a Tainstream Sinhala film.
But one thingstands out and this needs to be singled out for praise. There are no Out ärid OLIt viläirlSir this filTl, It dogSTOt confirm or consolidate the typical attitudes of antagonism and hatred towards the people on the other side of the racial divide. Despite its ornate flourishes and heavy oratory, its idealizations and sentimetalisations, the film does suggest with some conviction the futility of armed conflict between segments of the same large Society. Gamini FonSekais to be commeinded for departing from popular ideology that TOUriShes the fuir l'OUS and Suicida discords of our day.

Page 15
PART2
Separatist Μονement
Lynn Ockersz
1919, the non-Brahmins grouped under the Justice Party, made a case for the reservation of seats in the Madras legislature for non-Brahmins before the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Refor II in London. This demand was granted in the Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms of 1919. UTila Phadio, in her illuminating Work entitled Ethnicily, and Nation-Building in South Asia, says that: Such a concession not only offered a special recognition to the category of non-Brahmin, but, What is more, a majority was provided special protection normally giver foaminority Corrimus Illy" This Theasure Was believed to have been Carried out for two reasons: First, the attitude of the Brahmin elements in the Madras administration had time and again irritated the British. Second, the Brahmins were dominant in the Indian National Congressthe organisation spearheading the movement for independence,
Among the crucial constitutional development that eventually led to the breakup of India, the 'communal award' contained in the Government of India Act of 1935 was of the utmost importance. Provincial Self-government encouraged communalism and separatism by catering to inteEsts Tather than nubes. TUS MOSET5 Were given the majority of seats in the legislatures of Punjab, Sind, the North-West Frontier Province and Bengal.
Nor were the remotest Corners of India spared the ill-effects of 'divide and rule". The Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), today the scene of a protracted guerilla war, suffered "divide and rule' in some of its crudest for ITIS. Slash and burn or hurn' Cultivation Was the mainstay of the CHT tribes, Soetimes referred to as "the highlanders". Slash and bur I CLultivatio fitted in well with the tribes' nomadic way of life but it rendered the British administration's task of assessing and collecting revenue rather difficult. In view of these problems, the British attempted to popularise 'Settled' or plough cultivation. The latter technique had turned the Indian plains into a rich source of revenue. There
fore, the British WÉ 'success story int
By the 1890s s the CH THE of the plough but c being handled by E landers. It see Ter encourage these E day, the Shanthi ghting, among othe of these immigrant
So, British color deeply-divided, if South Asia, Note: causes of this regic WOLld be complet look at the policy ( its consequences.
True Face of the
Secessionistric hawe Wery often be Terts for latio: syTipathiserSardi SOF DJ Fle Edder live up to their ide pursuing individua their OWI social cla the interests of the served by these, med, liberators?
It should be state of the leaders of th ments. Which Willb Terbers of them ctions of society. A are of middle-class origins-strata whic upward social mob arises: What is sh Secassionsfmowe
We could begin ring this wital questi Asghar Ali Engine political scientist, TITLurialist. In a selection of essay: the title, Corruria nderice India, Engi

are hoping for a similar he CHT.
DITE BODO HEClare S i
Cultivated with the aid Werhalfihe plots were Bengali settlers or "lowito be British policy to Bengali immigrants. ToBahimi guerillas are filirthings, for the eviction S.
hial policy left behind a
not fatally fractured ploration into the root Jr.'s separatist conflicts e without a long hard of 'divide and rule' and
"Liberators'
werments in South Asia er de SCribed as "moweall liberation', by their apologists. Is this really s of these Towerments als or are they merely interests or those of ss? In other Words, are relewat COITIITLulities very often self-proclai
2d rightaway that most he secessionist ToweeinfoCushere, are not pre disadvantaged segood Lu Tiber of therT OT || OWE" Tiddle-ClaSS hare characterised by ility. The question then 9 reg flag of Ig5é
S?
the process of answeon by listening to what er, a reputed Indian has to say about copaper contained in a S edited by him under |Riots in Post Indepeпеет Says:
ts in South Asia
The communal phenomenon is political in genesis. Communal tension arises as a result of the skilful manipulation of the religious Santinents and the cultural ethas of a people by its elite which airs to realise Ils political, économic and cultural aspirations by identifying these aspirations as those of the entire community.
Communities with a very low literacy level, but Very high political awareness are particularly Wulnerable in the face of these elite Thachinations. When their interests are treatened the elites obilize their Communities by making them believe that their faith or race for instance is in danger. Ignorance and religious orthodoxycombine to bring about mass hysteria. The communities thus manipulated little realise that they are only pawns in the hands of their elites.
In this connection, the Sikh rebellion in the Punjab is most revealing. The Akoli Dal, which Was in the forefront of the autonomy movement, was dominated by the rich Jat peasantry. Punjab is the wirtual "bread basket of India. Increasing Wealth made the Sikh farmer Thore and more assertive politically. He realised he Was playing a major role in keeping India 'alive'. Thus, he also realised that he was enjoying a degree of leverage wis-a-vis the Centre. Very soon, the Akoli Dal decided to utilize its position to extract costly politiCal COCESSİOrls from the Cartre.
But then the concessions were slow in coming and the Akoli Dal was growing impatient. It decided that it should press for secession. The Onandapur Sahib Resolution passed by the Dalin 1973, among other things, calls for the establishment of a theocracy in Punjab.
The rich'Jat'peasantry Wanta state of their own because they have amassed Wast amounts of Wealth Which could be invested in trade and industry. They can't do this now because the Hindus are dorinant in these sectors in the Punjab. Ideally, from the Sikh hardliners' point of view, Punjab should be free of the Hindu presence. Hence the attempts at 'ethnic
3.

Page 16
cleansing". However, ina state of their own the Sikhs will be their own masters. Calls for atheocracy, therefore, are perfectly in order.
What is important from the point of view of this study is that the Akoli Dal-the rich peasants' party - enjoyed popular backing. It could rally the masses who wouldn't have had much to gain in a theocracy dominated by the clergy and the rich landlords and peasants.
How could this come about? The anSWer lies in the ability of the Akoli Dal to mobilize the Sikh populace by kindling their religious passions. The increasing Hindu presence was projected as a threat to Sikhism. Therefore only a theocracy
C0Luld...Saye Sikhli Sm.
Orthodox religion is an important means of social communication and a vital instrument of group mobilization. The Akoli Dal rmade full use of it.
Another important Indian State which has valuable lessons for US in this regard is TamilNadu. It was one of the earliest states to raise the secessionist cry. This slogan was taken up by the radical DMK party in the 1950s, but then the DMK began to dabble in parliamentary politics and even came to power in Tamil Nadu.
The DMK then made a Wolte face. It claimed that parliamentary politics Was only a means to an end - the end being a separate Tamil state. With time secession was played down. It was apparently only used as a bargaining ploy by the DMK to extract, concessions from the Centre.
The DMK leadership seemed to be quite satisfied with the power they enjoyed as "respectable parlamentarist politicians. They now had command over power resources and this is all that they needed, apparently. The secessionistslogan was dropped completely when the Centre outlawed secessionism in 1963.
The Tamil Movement was betrayed by the DMK leadership which was apparently only hankering after power. The threat of secessionism is, therefore, raised in most cases with a view to pressurising the Centre ånd extracting political Concessions. However, once the aspirations of the Secessionist leadership are met Sep3ratism is allowed to die "a natural death'. A separatist movement headed by a middle-class leadership is, therefore,
14
bound to grind to a Context, in Tost CaS been nothing more th
Secessionist MOVel Post-Indira Gandhi
(1) Punjab
Since early 1992, Wiolence has been OI Punjab state. Today Violence, one hardly cres carried OL ut by prolonged clashes b rcement authorities : the contrary, there há Weet in the la War law enforcers to befit hand.
Occasionally, One the killing of extremi: outfits like the Kh Force and the Bhin tide has definitely tur lists. The anti-te TOr Punjab's police chie to have Worked. Sot raised: Has the Trlit Punjab?
It is the position ( question cannot be mative right now. C ther the military ca Successful. HOWeWE to the factthatthernil produced permaner the World. Military C tion that is EnforCEd only generate more targets of such a builds up in the affe explodes into the O. ties least expect it.
The ideal approac tist rebellions is the and other peacefull nagement which S objective the redres vances of the party to speak. So it is too bOut the WirtLES ( vis-a-vis Punjab.
However, it shoul in Punjab also ca attempts to restore CeSS il that COifilii electiOStOthe Stati in early 1993 and a was sworn in, Sub:

alt. In the Indian Ses, Separatism has
an a tactical ploy.
Ilents in the Era
separatist inspired the Wale in India’’S except for Sporadic nears ofgory massa
Sikh extrertists or etween the la W enfoand the militants. On as been a vast improOrder situation. The hally holding the whip
ears of the arrestor st leaders from terror nalistan COTThando Iranwale Tigers. The ned against the extrestrategy launched by if, K.P.S. Gill, seems he question could be ary option Worked in
if this Writer that this answered in the affInly time will tell wheimpaign has proved r, One Tust face Up) litary option has never it peace in this part of rackdowns or a Solu
by the force of arms a hostility among the Ctions. RéSentrTent acted community and Jen when the authori
:hto defusing separa: use of negotiations ПеaПs of conflict Tahould hawe is their ising of genuine griethat is up in arris, SO early to wax eloquent of the military option
d be noted that the lull The in the Wake of the democratic proct-ridden state. First, a legislature Were held
Congress () Ministry sequently, local gove
rnment elections were successfully coinducted. Today these political Institutions are fully operational. Perhaps this has also something to do with the restoration of normalcy in Punjab.
Returning to the history of the Sikh rebellion, one of the most important developments in the post-indira Gandhi era was the killing of some 5000 Sikhs in Northern India in October 1984. This was the Hindu hardlirlers" reactior to the assaSSination of PrefTier Indira Gandhi.
This was a veritable gift to the Sikh extremists. They fought back with increasing ferocity. The anti-Sikh riots also had the effect of further alienating the moderate Sikh populace from the Centre. For it was rumoured that Congress(I) elements had had a hand in the massacre. One of the Chief de Thands of the Sikhs in the post-massacre period was that the Hindu backlash should be probled and the cuprits brought to book speedily.
Premier Rajiv Gandhi, who succeeded his mother, thought it wise to adopt a conciliatory approach in the face of spiraIling violence in the Punjab and opened talks with the Akoli Dal, this time headed by Hachand Singh Longowal. In the meaintime, the Centre promised to carry Out a series of Ileasures to calm the situation, SOTE Of the Se WB-re:
the holding of an inquiry into the anti-Sikh riots; release of Sikh detainees Who Were not charged with specific crities; the disbanding of special military tribunals and a pledge to raise investments in Punjab's industrialisation.
The Gandhi-Longo Waltalksproved successful. In one of the most significant developments in the history of the troubled state, the protagonists to the talks agreed om a peace plam that had the potential of bringing normalcy to Punjab. This historic accord was signed by Gandhi and Longowal on 24 July 1985. Among other things, the Centre promised to set up numerous Commissions and tribunals to proba Sikh grievances. The Omandapur Sahib Resolution was referred to the Sakaria Commission which was examining Centre-state relations. Under the ter ITIS of the ACCOfd, Chandigarh, which was the capital of the neighbouring, Hindu-dominated Haryana state, was to be transferred to Punjab.

Page 17
Longowal had the Accord ratified by the Akoli Daland paved the way for the ending of what Sikhs called the "Righteous War', which had been raging since 1982.
However, even this peace had its sworn enemies. In one of the most serious Setbacks to peace, Sikh extremists gunned down Longowal on 20 August 1985. The peace process seemed to be shattered.
The Centre, nevertheless, remained Undeterred. In the face of this and many other obstacles to peace, it succeeded in conducting elections in Punjab. The Akoli Dal emerged victorious and a ministry headed by Surjit Singh Barnola was sworn
Π.
Then things began to go Wrong. The Centre began to backslide and go back on its promises. The Centre suddenly seemed to lack the will to implement the principal provisions of the Accord.
Commissions and tribunals were not set up, nor were grievances redressed. Chandigarh was not transferred to Punjab in the face of protests from Hindu hardliners in Haryana, including the Chief Minister, Bhajan Lal. Bannolla Was Seen as ineffective by the Sikh populace. Violence continued to spiral.
It Would have been possible to salvage the peace Accord if the Centre had acted in a spirit of statesmanship and delivered On its promises. Instead, it chose to placate the Hinduhardliners. Punjab wasfalling apart.
Short-term political gain figures prominently in the thinking of the Centre. It preferred to let the chance for peace in Punjab go abegging rather than fall out of favour with its support bases. Survival at the Centre Was more important for the Congress(I) administration than peace in one of its lost troubled states.
As should hawe been expected, chaos mounted in Punjab. Very soon the state Was ungovernable. In May 1987, the Barnola administration was dismissed and Governor's rule was introduced. Punjab Was thus ruled by the Centre until fresh state elections Were held a few years later.
(ii) Kashmir
India's Jammu and Kashmir state - its only Moslem majority one - has been a bone of contention between India and Pakistan since the partition of the subco
ntilentirl 1947. Infa have already Waged claiming ownership located, idyllic, Him sent, Pakistan go Jammu and Kashn remaining within the
liters of the 1: basis of which thes two on religious lini shrTnir Should haWe b After all, it is a Mos However, the Nation which governedKas independence until under the leadership llah and later boy hiss preferred to be with albeit enjoying a spe
The current insL made Jammu and K Wernable, has itS . rO Premier indira Garc stabilize the state adr it under the Control She engineered the TOUk Abdulah-Ed M administration and E tion of a coalition gov ded the Congress ( inspired in mid-1983 Secessionist mOVeTI being spearheaded Kashmir Liberation F
As this Writerseesi turto Lulence in Kashi averted if a repress had remained in pow Tier India Gandhi calculate that her cyr SLubowet the i der T0Cr State Would so the ( Centre and unleast relentiesslytake Kas mist path and impo strains or India's rela Here, then, is anoth short-term political gé could bring dangero a state,
Rising political viol cessitated the impos Governor's rule. For the state has not exp government. Nor has attempt on the part of duce the democratic dialogue with the pl

t, India and Pakistan WO WarSOVerit, each to the strategically layan state. At preerns one third of ir while the rest is Indian fold.
47 rationale, on the bcontinent split into IS, Jammu and Ka2en part of Pakistan. em majority regioп. al Conference Party Tirmir from the time of the early eighties, of Mohamed Abduon, Farouk Abdullah, in the Indian Union, Cial Statu S.
rrection Which hlas ashmir almostungoOtS in forTT e Indial hi's attempts to deministration and bring of the Congress (). collapse of the Falational Conference insured the installaanment, which inclu). These events tra} when an incipient ent in the state Was by the Jan Tu and ront (JKLF).
, much of the current hir could hawe bee intative government er in the State, Predid поt apparently ical machinations to atic process in the lay backfire on the
forces that would mir On the Secessiose more and Thore tions with Pakistan. er example of how in or political myopia is repercussions for
2il Ceirth Kashmir netion of "direct rule" or the past four years rienced democratic here been a serious he Centre to reintro
porO CeSS, initiate a liferating extremist
groups and introduce a measure of normalcy into the state.
Instead, the Centre has attempted to useits Tiilitary muscleto quell the Moslem insurrection. This has led to a spiral of violence, increasing deaths among civilians, apparently caught up in the cross fire, devastation and damage to property, displacement of civilians and allegations that the security forces are committing human rights violations.
There are two broad divisions. Within the amed groups that are fighting the security forces. One section prefers total indepedence for Jahru and Kashmir. While the other opts for union with Pakistan.
Kashmir hit the headlines recently when Indian troops surrounded the Hazrathbal shrine in Srinagar with the aim of overpoWering scores of militants who took refuge there. The shrine was believed to contain a strand of Prophet Mohamed's beard - a relic Which is revered by the Moslem World. This siege was looked upon as a flashpoint for another round of Hidu-Moslem clashes in India.
Meanwhile, Kashmir's main anti-Indian groups got their act together and formed what is called the Kashmir Freedorn Front, under the leadership of Moulawi Omar Farooq, teenage son of Mullah Mirewaiz Farooq, who was assassinated in May 1990. The Front consists of SOThe 30 groups and is not part of the clandestine underground network which is fighting the security forces.
Latest reports indicate that Indian Prenier Narasimha Rao has appointed a new special minister for internal security Rajesh Pilot, and a new Governor for Kashmirin the person of retired army general K V Krishna Rao, to launch talks with the dissident groups,
However, the possibilities of holding, a political dialogue are slim because the extremists are in the process of eliTiinating the 'doves' among the rebels. In April they killed one such personality, Abdul Ahad Gaunu, an adviser to the JKLF.
Moreover, it is unlikely that talks could be held in an atmosphere of cotinuing violence and bloodshed. Among the more recent arrocities were the massacre by Indian paramilitary forces of 53 people in Sopore, the setting ablaze of Lal Chourk district in Sirinagar and the murder of a family.
To be Continued)
15

Page 18
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Page 19
  

Page 20
COFFESPONDENCE
Chanaka: Another Fas.
read Dr Chanaka Amaratunga's article in the Lanka Guardian of 1st April with a shock of recognition. In Russia the party headed by Zhirinovsky, the Hitleriteracist and fascist, is called the Liberal Democratic Party. In Sri Lanka the Liberal party is in alliance With the racist and fascist UNP. I recognized suddenly that liberalism in the late twentieth century can accomodate racism and fascism, at least in Russia and Sri Lanka.
But probably Dr Amaratunga Will hold that my characterization of the UNP as racist and fascist is far-fetched. I have established, convincingly enough I am sure, in a lengthy letter in the Island of 15th February that the UNP has always beenblatantly racist towards Muslims. In this comment I cannot go into detail to establish a further charge, which is that the UNP has been pre-eminently the party Of the Weste Tizgd. Sirhale:Se WhO la WE always included a hardcore of both anti-Muslim and anti-Tamil racists. They Luder the 1977 GOWer Tent, far Tore than the so-called Sinhala Buddhistchauwinists, were responsible for driving the Eelart ovement into a Ted Tilitancy.
As for Fascism, I am referring to that term in the popular sense of addiction to totally unprincipled brute power. The UNP merits being called fascist because of its unrelenting State terrorism for seventeen years. The first starting manifestation of State terroris in Was the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1977 and the latest Was seen at the Eastern Provincial Council elections. It was not so apparent in the South only because the Ruhunuputras withstood it, which led to spectacular election results calling into question the validity of all the State terrorist elections held after 1977.
Perhaps it might be argued that since tolerance is of the essence of liberalism, the tolerance extended even to racism and fascism by Zhirinovsky and Dr Amara
18
tunga makes ther T1th rials of all time. I rath that their liberalist is of John Stuart Millar others Who I made lib mething We Can adı Courageous liberal sp writings of E.M. Foi Tents of the UNP, W Party is in alliance, W retch.
I must posetWO qu tunga, arising out of Premadasa policies answers will help cla democracy he is offe
| myself hawe argu Si t Sari O the best Strategy foi to make a sensible Premadasa policies. it is not possible tod dasa policies from th and that means tha assets Willingvitably of public consciousr mbered that the pub of those assets sh public, and it has unless their provenal Will hawe ar adWETSE nes of the UNP at fi therefore suggeste an independent Cor te the PreTadasa a:
COLild Dr. AfTarat Tent on behalf of th: sing the appointme SSOП? ПthЕ ВltСПа how his position mig the understandingo foreign donors Who Council for Liberal Words, with the url. lism prevalent in the

CiSt 2
Ie two greatest libeer regret, hOWEVer, so remote from that ld Actor and all the eral democracy SoThire. I think of the irit to be found in the ster. The achieveit Which Our Liberal Ould hawe made hirTi
estions to Dr. Amarahis advocacy of the in his article. His rify the kind of liberal ring Sri Lanka.
ed in an article publif 8th April 1994 that the UNP Would be adaptation of the But, argued further SSOCiate the PrВmae Premada.Sa image, t the question of his COT9t0tg forgfront ess. It will be retelication of the details ocked an indignant o be expected that ce is cleared up they : impact on the fortuorthcoming elections. d the appointment of Tission to investigaSSetS.
unga make a StateLiberal Party propoIt Of SLIC1 a conflitive could he explain ht be reconciled with Fliberalism among the have been funding the Democracy? In Other derstanding of libera
West.
eth Hussai
What a descent
It is a matter for regret that Arden who was forthright in his criticism to expose the hypocritical manner in which the first PreSidetuder the 1978 COr StitutiO COMdUcted the affairs of the so-called Dharmista GOWEgTTT1ghtädtFg degistinias of this COLIntry should himself fall a wictim to his own criticism as seen in the postscript he contributed to the L.G. to justify an anti-India and anti-Tamil stance, forgetting our common heritage.
T.S. KLIITTTBe5
afla
A Hindu Perspective on Bosnia
You hawe published a corrimentary by Izeth Hussain entitled, "A Muslim perspective on Bosnia" (LG, March 15). Fine, Will you, now permit me some space to providea Hindu perspective on Bosnia?
As a Hindu, who believe in (a) Brahman, the creator, preserver or transformer and reabsorber of everything and (b) theory of karma, it is my belief that the current fate of Muslims in BOSria is related to the historical plundering of the Serb land by the Ottoman Turks (readas, Muslims), which began in 1389 at the Battle of Koswo ad COitiruled for all'Ost i fiWE CentLrie:S following that. In 1459, "Ottoman Sultan Mehmed achieves complete annexation of Serbia. The Turks rule for the next 400 years, often ruthlessly. They impress Serbian youth into military service, exter Tinate the nobles, burden the people with heavy taxes and subject the Serbian Orthodox Church to the control of hated Greek patriarchs", according to the historical synopsis, published in the NeWSWeek of April 19, 1993.
In the Holywood western movies, the heroes wore White and rode in white horses. The Willains had to Wear the black and ridB Orl Black hOSEs. In lhé CLIrréfil Bosnian conflict, Muslims are being por rtrayed by zeth Hussain as pitiable heroes. But, history shows they also acted as Willains for centuries in the same battlegrounds. So, the theory of kar a holds that the current generation of Muslims are reaping what their forefathers SOWed.
Si Sri Kärntha Osaka BioSciencernstitute, Japan.

Page 21
PERSONALITY
Sri Lanka’s man C
博 the troubled Cricket of a troubled nation, one man who has seen it all is Arjuna Ranatunga. In fact, he has been in the thick of it, having played all but four of Sri Lanka's 50 Tests since he was blooded as a cherubic 18-year-old in the island nation's inaugural Test in 1982.
Among the ones who made that first XI in the Test against Keith Fletcher's Englishmen, and a few who didn't ewen Tanage that, Ranatunga was the most fortuitous. For the likes of Anura Tenekoon and Sumi|Wettimuny, a duo whichlentasable shoulders as any other to the wheels of Sri Lankan cricket, Test recognition had Core too late. For others like Bandula Wamapura, Tony Opatha or Lalith Kaluppôeruma, it came as a dying flame Would.
Being born at the right time was never so irTriportant to success.
Ranatunga is already Sri Lanka's most capped player with 46 Tests and their highest scorer as well. Short and squat, Ranatunga is a left-hander in the mould Of Allan BOrder Father than David GOWer| and the small mountain of 2622 runs is testimony enough of his effectiveness.
As an unknowing lad of 10, Ranatunga ventured unlikely enough into bowling right-arm medium pace. In his first season at Arlanda School in Colombo, heSUCCEEded infair measure but evento the hurtible school coach, it was rather easy to see »ere his greater, and explosive, talent ау.
Ranatunga made the switch delightfully. Given his strained athleticism and growing signs of a rolly-polly figure it was a wise decision too. In any case, his development as a batsman was both swift and spectacular, especially after Sir Garfield Sobers showed him the way.
In the buzz days of Lankan cricket, before Test baptism, he made the most of the domestic matches. A free-flowing batsman, at his best when attacking, Ranatunga Was, unlike the more established players, free of pressure. "I think I just played my natural game and kept getting a lot of runs", says Ranatunga pecking pleasurably at his memory. But his quick to concede that it even that may not have been enough. "I think what tilted the scales Was the fact of my being a left-hander. Unlike nOW, there were few left-handers in Lankan Cricket", he said. Ranatunga scored an impressive 54 in the first knock of that excitingTest which, surprisi
ngly enough, the L victory and also cket's most durabl
He is the only c Duleep Mendis, Rc Me had their mi time's slow arch Ranjan Madugalle lack of internation slump, apparently of Captaincy leaving
Ranatunga's from the day: Test status
Unlike Maduga young enough to ! Where Sri Lankans nal Cricket, and no to turmoil in the : Bandula Warmapar ptain and now the Cl ngly hit the nail, a head when he said Lanka helped neit batting, because t -day affairs. Thatap order, especially in and e Wen in the Cas as Ranatunga, it is
Ranatunga was a known pack punc way he played the Was the Waymany C liked to play too, a one being Aravind cally, has emerged to Test matches as
Ranatunga play innings, he himsel in the Australasia years ago, India be
Lankan hopes against the chase before the stocky explosive 85 not o and guided them t In the four years sir played any knock ntrarily, cares of Ca rein his batting and of Test match C dawned on them, hawe made batting ewen difficLulit to Wat

of all Seasons
ankans came close to aunched Lankan Cri| CEE.
he left from that side. YDias and Asantha De ments beforefather :aught up; the elegant
suffered first from a al Cricket and then a due to the pressures the job to Ranatunga.
career has risen Sri Lanka gained
le, Ramatunga Was pass through a phase had little of internatione at allathOme due sland. The other day a Sri Lanka's first caicket manager, Lunerrind authorities, on the doTestic: Cricket ir Sri her one-day nor Test le Thatches Were tw0art, the Lankan batting Tests, looks puzzled e of a generous talent 110thard to See.
joyous batsman with h in his bat. It Was the game a long time. It if the Lankan Batsmen particularly successful De Silva Who, ironi
the best Suited OW Well.
da classic one-day has never matched, Cup in Sharjah three aring the brunt of it.
appeared dooпed of 242 against India
batsman struck an It Off a There 77 balls an amazing victory. ce, Ranatunga hasn't resembling that. Cotaincy have come to as if the seriousness cket has only now he Lankan Cricketers a rather difficult task,
.
Sobers' reading of Lankan cricket early in the '80s of a cavalier side that Would, largely through its batting and fielding, bring to the game great joy. In hindsight, it has proved only partially true. For it is no more a great fielding side, and its batting character has changed considerably. In fact, so much so the Lankans are often thought to be adopting a negative approach to the game, especially when they realise early that their chances of a victory are less than remote.
It is a criticism Ranatunga denies stoutly. "I don't think we play negative cricket. To the contrary, We have tried to be very positive, but you need a lot of luck to win games," he said. He also denies fielding standards have plummetted, again not with great conviction. .
The job Ranatungaholds is, though, not easy and not many aspire for in Lanka. In fact, he lost the job briefly after an adverse report on him during the tour of New Zealand a couple of years back, during which he pushed the case of his younger brother, Dhammika, too far. Ranatunga now believes it marked the worst point of his career. "I and the team did well in New Zealand. Of the 15 days' Test cricket, we dominated 13", he recalled rulefully.
Ara winda De Silva stood in as Captain in the World Cup but soon enough sanity and Ranatunga returned to the helm of Sri Lankan Cricket. But What can be exa- - sperating is the dealings with the administration which has been known to betray both a lack of sympathy and an understanding of the garne. Cricket manager Duleep Mendis got the short shrift despite Ranatunga's apparent comfort with him after Lanka lost to India and South Africa at home. After an unsung soul held the job during the Hero Cup to no consequenice, Bandula Warnapura, a one-time rebel who toured South Africa, has finally gained partial acceptance.
Even if Lankan cricket is not at its brightest phase now, it surely is at its busiest, so much so the Lankans, unwittingly, complained of it. "I think we are now getting used to it, including the traveIlling part," he says as the 30-year-old looks hopefully ahead to another five years' cricket.
B.M.K.

Page 22
BOOKS
Caught in the A
Sakuntala Narasimhan
WOMENR THE LAW:
By Lina Gonsalves. Lancer International,
NEW DELHI
in theory our country has several
laws on the Statute books to offer Worther protection on parwithmen, andour constitutiO1 tOOfOrbidS diSCriminati Ol grounds of sex. In practice, however, those who are in charge of enforcing these laws - the judges, the police force, and public prosecutors - often betray agender bias that nullifies the legal guarantees. This book given some examples of cases from recent legal records, to make this point.
There are two aspects of this question - one is the gender discrimination built into the law itself, and the other is the discrimination imposed during the interpretation of the law. The acts governing succession and matrimony, for instance, place woman at a handicap compared to men. In the absenbeofauniform civil code applicable to all Indians regardless of their faith, Women continue to be governed by their respective religious laws, and in everyone of these, whetheritish indu, Muslim or Christian, the patriarchal perspective dominates in varying degrees, to the detriment of Women.
If a man is displeased with a Woman and thinks that she is mot SubSerwiet enough, his rights to default on his matrimonial obligations are stronger than hers.
The constitution guarantees the right to an individual's dignity, right to faith and freedom to Work, but a Delhi High Court
2O
judge has said in
"Introduction of Co horne is most inapp a ruthless destroye tution. In the privac Article 21 Or Articl
A womancan, in { and stayed, but si because it is impo institution of ma
WOman Cannot S8 HirdLU WOTäCär Conset of the demand partition Mothering is extoll obligation, but mot — in a 1981 judgr Cut TL that "ti the te der aldi af (who was seeking him all through his has passed that ag
Custody Was a though he was hav another Woman.
Similarly, in One accused Was acq. (first information TE family was not g another Case, a SinT by the husband We Staldablg"Sir"|Ce |
Than of the to Wr a in a hurry lest his and maturally requii before taking actio
A few points mi worth noting - A claim a share in thi mial home only if s that she paid for the paid for food, cloth cannot claimanyb COLurts ir Sist Cor do

\Ct
a ruling of 1984 that Institutional law in the propriate... and will be r of the marriage instity of the home neither e 14 have any place."
ther Words, be beater le Cannot claim relief rtant to "preserve the rriage". A Christian ek diWorce, a Tarried otadopt (even with the usband) and cannot of inherited property. ed and sought as an hers are 'dispensable' ent from Punjab, the e som no longer needs faction of the mother custody, after raising childhood) because he je.“
warded to the father ving illicit relations With
dowry death case, the litted because the FIR port) by the Woman's iven promptly, but in nilar delayin filing a FIR 15. Condoned as "undehe Was "a respectable nd did not Want to act reputation may suffer, edSome title to reflect
"
ade by the author are Working Woman can eiters of the Tatri TOshe can actually prove m. If herearningshawe ing etc., while the Wife eneficial interest, as the cumentary proof othe
rWise, the Worlar iSilot COinSidered the legal owner.
Under the Hindu marriage Act 1955, a woman has no right to a share in the income and assets after a divorce unless it stands in the joint names, or was gifted to her before marriage or at the time of marriage. Among Christians, a deserted or judicially separated wife must explicitly apply for a court order, to prevent her husband (or his creditors) from claiming a right over her property acquired after desertion/separation (because by law the HUSEJaПt is stil Corsidered to flawЕ СОrtrol over her property).
Wepatourselves on Our backSower the progressive legislation regarding Widow remarriage, but under the law, as soon as a Widow retarries, she "ceases to be a mother" (to her progeny by the first marriage); "her Son Ceases be her Son" (because that Son is supposed to be for "the spiritual benefit' of the deceased husband).
Such anomalies still remain, although a few liberal judgeshawe, doubtless, given judgments that set a precedent in terms of a more equitable interpretion of WOman's entitle Tent wis-a-vis ther tale. (One judge, for instance, has condemned the law regarding compulsory restitution of conjugal rights, to force a woman to cohabit with her estranged husband, while another judge upheld a woman's right to give importance to her decision to Work outside the home).
The authoris herself an advocate, but she makes some careless slip-ups; the amount awarded to Shah Bandas Taimterange is mentioned aS RS. 174i1:012 place and as Rs.179 in the very next page! However, We need such documentation, to sensitise both the public and the law enfocers, to the spirit of the law.

Page 23
Why there's so in this rustict
There islaughter and light banter amongst these Tural da TTsels ho a Te Lusy scorting out cobacco leaf in a bar II. It is one of the hundreds of such
barm5 5pread out irii the Timid and LupicoLIntry inter Tediate zone where the arable land remains fallow during the off season,
Here, with careful nurturing tobacco grows as a lucrative cash crop and the green leaves turn to gold, to the value of over Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRICHING RURALLIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest LITEer of people. And these people are the tobacco barn owners, the tobacco grCYJers and hCG. Lyh York for thETTI, T1 the la Tid
rid in the bars.
For them, the tobacco leaf rears meaningful work, a cornfortable life and a secure future. A good Erxlah Eston for la Lughter.
CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for OL ir land and her people.

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating
Dynami
In 1961. People's Bank ventured out in th
of only 46... and a few hundred Customer
Today, just 33 years later
People Resource exceeds 10,0
Customer Listings at a Stagge
Branch NetWork in exceSS Of
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has in the Sri LankanBanking scene. Their sp resources at their command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the titl
PEOPLE’S BANT
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
Three Decades
Of
C GroWith
e challenging world of Banking With a staff
S.
00
pring 5.5 Million
328, THE LARGEST
grown to become a highly respected leader 2ctacular growth is a reflection of the massive
to the service of the Common man - a
e "Banker to the Millions'