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LANKA
GUAR
Vol. 17 No. 4 June 15, 1994 Price RS.1
MINANDORRI
TIME FOR R
BEWARE, THE BR
THE 25
INDIA'S SECULARISM:
MEDIA AN
TOWARDS FAC
ACCUSE
CRY FR
THE FREE M.
HAPIE” S
 
 
 
 
 
 

f
.
DAN
O Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
Y RIGHTS
E-THINKING
- Nihal Jayawickrema
OKERS ARE BUSY
- S. Sathananthan
th. HOUR
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Supreme Court intervenes \ - N. Ram
D CONFICT
KAMERICANA ?
- Mervyn de Silva
y - Imran Khara.
EEDOM
— Chanaka Amaratunga
ARKET STAGE
-- Ul. Karu natilake
POETRY
— Wilfrid Jayasuriya

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Knight
rmOVG

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EBRIEFLY. . .
Chandrika to be impeached?
Sacked Western Province Health minister Premaratne Gunasekara said that his party was collecting evidence of "misdeeds" to impeach Chief Minister Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. A public announcement will be made at the DUNF's forthcoming Kurunegala Sessions, Guna sekera Said.
Governor dismissed
President D.B. Wjetunga dismiSSed Western Province Governor S. Sharvananda after the governor had refused to resign. Opposition Sources said that the governor was sacked for heeding Chief Minister Chandrika Bandaranaike's advice to rerПОWEDUNFeГPremaratПe GшnaSekera from the WP board of minister5.
"It's a crude Way to rest lowe a govemor. I was only doing my duty", Mr Sharwananda, a former Chief Justice, Said after his dismissal.
Gem Corp out of gems
The business of buying and seIlling gems is to be removed from the State Gem Corporation and handed over to the private sector. The sales outlet at the Katunayake International Airport will be closed down, Gem
Corporation Chairman T.K. Dassa
nayake told the media,
B of C helps smalltimers
The Bank of Ceylon gave 715 million rupees to small rural sector projects last year as loans, a deputy general manager claimed. The projects ranged from the selling of hoppers to dressmaking and poultry keeping to the buying of fishing craft.
"We provide buying of one Deputy General raja Said. An est ple found empl nner, the banks
Back
FOTTIE Final de Mel Who qui country duringt The rejoined the LjSt MP. Eārlies Lanka Freedom
Conspir Hal
Foreign Minis facing criticism f Brussels (from crucial aid agree statementin parli hostile elements me with differe come togetherf Ctiwe".
He said that th coalition of forces hopelessly, but опе доal.
The motivating sted, was the fet should not be the
Hilton Cas Јар:
Allegations of ppearance of or plans, the stopp, a COinStruction fir nction, hawe dist se government \ - Japan bilatera
These disturt made in a case director of the Co

|oans BWerl for the :OW or two pigs", Manager K. Thuraimaled B5000 pedyment in this majokes Tan Said.
i UNP
ce Minister Ronnie the UNP and the e Premadasa regiparty as a National he was in the Sri Party.
асу, Says Пeed
er Shaul Harmeed or not turning up in london) to sign a ment alleged in a a Tert that "Certain conspiring against ft Totives, hawe bra common obje
his was a powerful otherwise divided knit together with
force, he suggetling that a Muslim : Foreign Minister.
e disturbS
TESE
fra Ud, the disaginal architectural ge of payment to T on a court injuIrbed the JapaneS-a-wis Sri Lanka
relations.
ng charges are filed by a former imbo Hilton Hotel.
The director, Mr Nihal Sri Ameresekere has now Written to the State Minister for Constitutional and State Affairs, Mr Harindra Dunuwille requesting him to investigate the "HiIton Hotel fraud" in the interests of the country.
Sajith rejects offer
Sajith Premadasa, son of assassinated President R. Premadasa has reportedly rejected the offer of a place on the UNP's Working Committee. The family has complained of beingsidelined after Mr Premadasa's death and has also alleged that the government has been indifferent about the investigation into the assassination.
GÜARDIAN
Wol. 17 No. 4 June 15, 1994
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo -2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447.584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravana Tuttu Mawatha, Colombo 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background 모 Betrayal of the
Tamil Struggle 国 Labyrinth of Nationality Bliss Was it in That Dawn 9 Imfarl Kham 1. The Right of
Self-Determination (3) 125, A Landmark Judgment 15 Correspondence 2

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PRESS AND POLLS
THE MULTI-ETHN
AND FAX AMERIC,
Mervyn de Silva
n his first month in office, President
D.B. Wijetunge's remark that there was no ethnic problem, only a terrorist menace, invited howls of protest from the national minorities, the Tamils in particular. But President D.B., though no intellectual, is a quick-learner, and quite an astute political tactician that takes advantage of those pothay guras who take hir T. fOTai ir OCEt LustiC.
Speaking to the publishers and editors of the national press both private Sector and State-owned, President "D.B. introduced an issue that is of particular relevance and urgency to South Asia. He impressed on media practitioners to bearin mind"the multi-e- thnic character of Sri Lankan society". With presidential elections scheduled for November "press freedom" is already a lively issue. The largest publishing firin, the main TV station and SLBC are
State-L1.
When in 1904 Joseph Pulitzer raised the issue of the accountability of the press and its moral responsibility hê was in fact presenting a case fora journalism School. Sri Lanka Will SOO hawe a Tedia training institute, an initiative of prime minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, vigorously supported by Information Minister ТугопеFernaпdo. The idea came out of a lively encounter at the MARGA INSTITUTE when a seminar sponsored by the LANKA GUARDIAN saw the Prile Minister Cross SWords With the Country's frontline editors.
Language is a means of communica
tion. It is also a ba group identity. "Frc tion Was Conceive blood" says Bened GWELL COMMMML French-speaking je Who introduced The (I remember), a rall bec Separatists.
The post-Cold SWept by identity-C tist mCVEments Whi and territorial integ te. South Asia is conflicts, Does the these countries spe sometimes sending cting Tessages, N: the principal conce enterprise. In the does a newspaper to the passions a particular CorTnnTn Urli cadeSago, this Writ titled "the Three WO It Was no Solem a but my findings W eminent participar (Harry Evans, edit TIMES, London, E editor of the Lond
siSt dirECtOr Of t
Press Institute, Phi tor of the Washing Sarkar the distingu list Tarzie Wittachi nned by the findir surprised that I cc Wspapers of my

NEWS BACKGROUND
C MEDIA
ANA
ige of individual and orm the start, the naid in language, mot ict AnderSOn in IMA
WITNES. It WES E
OLUTlalist il Culeb EC !to "je ne sou Wiers" lying cry of the Que
War World is being conflicts and separach threaten the unity ity of the nation-staa Cauldron of Such a 'national press' in takin different Woices out different, confliaturally, circulation is rn of any publishing late of circulation, consciously play up ind prejudices of a ity? More than 2 deerpreseпted apaper Fices Of Lake HOLSe".
CaderThic Contribution ere interesting. The its at the seminar or of the SUNDAY E.J.B. Rose, former yn Observer and the
he COTITOWealth | Foisie, Foreign ediyton Post, Chanchal ished Indian journa) were not only stuIgs but was happily uld subject the neemployer to such a
Critical inquiry. Such was the "freedom of the press" (or the degree of freedom) We епјoyed thеп. Today, we are al| standard-bearers of press freedom, So the openly associated or identified with this or that political party. But has any "press freedom" activist or active journalist body presented to the public a blueprint, however modest, for re-structuring Lake House, radio and TV in this matter, the political parties cannot be trusted as parties, though individual members, including prominent personalities, may take an enligtened wieW.
To record fro 1972 is clear. LOU and clear. In 1972 when the United Front of Prime Minister Siria Bandaralaike introduced the Press Counoil Bill, the UNP leader, Mr. Jayawardeme persuaded his MP's to stage a walk-out in protest. What's more the Opposition Solemnly promised to repeal the obnoxious Act when the UNP formed the next government. In 1977, the UNP won a runaway Victory, a massive five-sixths majority. Far from abolishing the Press Council or re-structuring it, the JR regimegrabbed the (pro-SLFP). TIMESneWSpaperSby USing the Business Acquisition Act, an SLFP initiative branded draconian by the UNP
Privatisation
ls privatisation the Ideal instant solution? The aggressive drive for circulation and higher profit margins in a fiercely Competitive field remain the principal motives of private enterprise. The circulation-chase could bring mobs into

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the street, the point made in the paper present at the Manila colloquim. Money is not the only motive. Power is as commanding a passion. And it is by no means a monopoly of free enterprise. Reggie Siriwardena, editor of the ICES journal and former DAILYNEWS chief leader-Writer and Critic drew the atte
til Of a SOUthi ASia Udi CCC ält är
AMIC SETTiTiT COOTEJO to the Sewere strictures passed on state-owned DOORDASHAN by the eminent Indian Scholar Romila Thapar.
The Serialised WEersior of the RAMA story had a direct impact on Hindu opinion, and helped Hindu hotheads to launch their violentagitational campaign in the run-up to the Babiri Masjid tragedy. Reggie Siriwardena did Warnus that the power of the media "can be disintegrating and catastrophic in its consequeCeS in o Lur Societies divided as they are On religious, linguistic and Cultural fauIt-lines, unless it is used with a wisdom and foresight that is conscious of the plural character of these societies and the perils of fragmentation".
A parallel process makes the danger EWEr TOFE SEric L5 a5 JLIsticE-Krishna Iyer warned. In a contribution to the Times of India, he said, India is taking grave risks in opening its defences, gWing easy access to informational aggression by foreign media giants! The internal threat, the threat to territorial integrity, is paralleled by the erosion of national SoVereignty. And it is mot as if We hawe mot beer Warred,
Fax Дпmericaпа
Candidate Clinton did say that it was "Radio Free Europe" that brought down the Berlin Wall, a truly benign intervention. But motal||Such interwentions hawe the same consequences. Or intent. Adverting to the irresistible power of ideas in what he called "The information Age' Mr. ClintonmentionedTV, cassette tapes and the fax machine, Isittime then
that We forgot PAX prepared for FAX Al
The MACBRIDE SAO PAULO State" "governments have Control Ower the de We cation of information rporations can eit rTents Or are in CO ensure greater pro riketS.
While ethnic grc n-states are re-aSSe NAM the once influe or lobby, has lost identity, Both the D. the Cairo ministers' the disarray. Howev the argument, at lea
News or informati dity. Its basic Conn Tics and CorTırTer history, the history of Refer 5, WaS OCate Indon, the financial forerunner of Agen (AFP) had its hear Bourse. The US, ju: World, had to challer The founders of AP
Were as Tuch Tot
lationalist esistal
World" i 19 FO'S ter Curtis T. White admirably research FOREIGN POLICY
"At that time (i.e. this century) the U.S peans with bias ar news and bitterly co imbalances, the lac Control of commu One need only subs veloping Countries' year-old document break up the Europe and they would re; Written today".

AMERICANA and
MERICANA?
Roundtable in its
ent did Warrus that - by and large lost alopment and appli1. Translational coner bypass goweIlusion With them to
fitS i for their Ta
ups within natiorting their identities, ntial pressure group its OWI Collective akarta summit and meeting dramatised er the majority, Won Ist on points.
om is also a COmmoection With econdce is illustrated by the newsagencies, d in the City of LoCentre, HAWA Sthe Ce France Presse dquarters near the st COTing up, in the "nge this hegemony. (Associated Press) wated by a spirit of CE ES the "Third
The American Wriiad this to say in an ed COr tributir t0 (Spring 79):
the first decades of ... charged the Eurod distortion of the mplained about the k of access to aid lications systems. titute the tet "de
for "USA' ir - 60 S on the need to lan news monopoly ad like II dOCLuments
While an intellectual like Dr. Gamini Corea, Chairmar of the Committee on a Media Training Institute, does take a SOUTH perspective, both instinctively and intellectually, some of ourdons, and deans, seem to need a brain-Wash. That doesn't mean the professionals are blameless. While NAMEDIA (Delhi) needs a hurry-up, the South Asian Media Association, SAMA (Islamabad) requires a wake-up call.
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Page 6
  

Page 7
kers to the Tamil people in the then Northern and Eastern Provinces. Tails were exhorted to vote for the FP. In return the FP was to negotiate ON BEHALF of Tamils to solve the Tamil problem. But FP's broker politics lacked conviction. Because if the other, Sinhalese side refused to listen, then What is the use of a broker? In fact many Tamils had criticized FP's broker politics as a farce because neither the UNP northe SLFP was in any nood to accommodate Tamil demands. Indeed the policies of the two parties catered to Sinhalese nationalism. They are simply Sinhalese parties which dismiss negotiations as "appeasement", which catalysed the emergence and growth of armed Tamil militant struggle. fact there Was OUNP or SLFP leader who was ready to change party policy to Consider Tamil demands. Sotomake their broker politics credible in the eyes of Tamils, FP conjured up a fictitious receptiveness to negotiations in selected personalities. In each case the FP described the Sinhalese leader as "different", that he or she was willing and able to negotiate With the FP.
The first aspect of FP's strategy is the ABSENCE OF MASSPOLITICAL MOBLIZATION of Tamils (except for token gestures like Satyagraha, protest fasts, etc) in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. FP avoided ThäSS Thobilization because it inevitably would release new political forces and throw up new leaders in those prowinCes Who in tirThe Would challenge the leadership of FP. This was especially dangerous for FP because its politicians came essentially from Tamils in Colombo. The second aspect is the emphasis on INDIVIDUAL SINHALESE LEADERS, instead of their respective governments or even parties. The FP alleged that Sinhalese leaders as individuals were somehow above party politics, It clainTed that their "soleT a SSL urances" (given Verbally) to solve the Tamil problem Were reliable. This implied the third aspect such Sinhalese leaders would in due course ELEWATE "TALKS" TO THE LEVEL OF OFFICIAL NEGOTIATIONS between the Government and the FP. Options, ifany, open to the FP if Sinhalses leaders refused to do so was left unsaid.
In each instance, Sinhalese leaders Went through the motions of holding "talks" in their individual capacity. This Was Conwanient foral||Concer Ted. The FP could defend broker politics as a viable
strategy. Sinhalese in personal aggran -Thakers and alSO le Voters outside the Eastern Provinces. policy of UNP of problem was left un the Sinhalese lea "talks" by commen tions; both of which rtant party ranks,
The Tamils who w Northern and Easte the UNP or SLFP were the only loser: blerThrerThailed Unre
Wher each Sinha: failed to deliver Or nces", FP politician pious tears and prot other Sinhalese leat "trust".
There are maпур! this political charac claimed that Mr SW a honourable Tarn nhalese cha LuwiniST "assurances' show keer to Solwe the Ta FP created the illusi tions through "talks' 1957 Badaran (BC) pact. It was an Bandaranaike signe pacity; because NO took place between thé FP. In March 1 Tails that a pre-ele struck with Mrs Sirim Supposedly was nol party. The same FF projected Mr Dudle dyed-in-the-wool libE WhJSe WOrd is his bo he Was "different" chauvinists in the U given "assurances" Tamil problem. The illusion of official ne; it merely "talked" and with Mr Senanayake pacity and NOT with even his party. Thes 1970 Coalition Gover right-wing FP from r Ssiah in Mrs Bandar
In 1978 the TULF. divined the next frie Jayewardene. Itaba

leaders could engage dizerinent as “peaceigitimately woo Tamit | Norther and the At the SäTE tiTeithe SLIFP On the TaTi
isturbed and One of ders formalised the cing official negotiasatisfied the all-impo
oted for the FP in thë TIPTO WinCg5 ad for outside these areas S. And the Tamil proSOWEed.
lese leader routinely 1 SO-Callad "aSSUras routinely shed coested that One Or the der had Wiolated their
Ominent examples of de. I 1956 ihle FP RD Bandaranaike is Who Was abowe Siof his SLFP; that his ad he was genuinely mil problerTn. And the on of official negotia' and by signing the like-Chelwanayagam illusion because Mr din his indiwidual Caofficial negotiations hE GOwerrimärt and 60, the FP assured tion"deal" had been a Bandaranaike who like the rest of her politicians in 1965 WSепamayake as a tral and agentlemaп nd. They alleged that for the rest of the NP and that he had about Solving the Pagain Created an Fotiations; but in fact I reached agreement in his individual cahis Government or Ocialist flavour of the nment prevented the 2-discovering a meIraiköb,
The SLICCessorto FP, di Of Tariis il Mr.JR Idoned the pledge in
its 1977 Election Manifesto to set up the State of Tamil Eelam. InsteadTULF politicians claimed that Mr Jayewardene is Sensitive to Tamil demands. They asserted that he belonged to the older generation and therefore was above communalist. They wanted Tamils to believe that he was different from the chauvinistic younger generation of UNP politicians, although Mr Jayewardene was the first to propose in 1944that Sinhala be made the sole official language. To make their claim plausible, TULF politicians asserted that Mr Jayewardene, as Executive President, could and Would in his individual capacity impose a just solution to the Tamil problem even against opposition from within the UNIP.
In 1989 the TULF and EPRLF discovered the next messiah, he was Mr Ranasinghe. Premadasa. Tamil politicians claimed the opposite of what they said about Mr Jayewardene; that Mr Premadasa belonged to the younger, Sinhala-speaking generation which they alleged was free of Communalism.
In every instance Tamil parties were politically too weak even to induce official negotiations at Governmental level, let alone grapple with the larger task of securing the rights of Tamils.
Limits of broker politics
Tamil parties failed because broker politics was flawed in a fundamental sense. By avoiding mass mobilization Tamil parties forfeited political power. Contrary to Liberal mythology, in the real World questions of political power are decided on the street. Tamil parties did not draw Tamil people out on the streets and, therefore, they lacked street power, which is the foundation of real political power. In a rare instance of frankness in any politician, the for Tier Indian Pring Minister Mr Rajiv Gandhi once underlined this elementary principle of politics. He was confronted by a delegation from Indian Women's organizations Who criticized his decision to give in to Muslim fundamentalist demands on the Shah Bano case. He reportedly replied: "The fundamentatists brought out twenty thousand people on to the streets. How many Can you mobilize on the street?" Indeed on May Day, the political power of each party is assessed on the basis of the Crowds they draw OLit on the street. And it is a fact that Mr S. Thodaman and Mr W. Prabakaran are the only Tamil leaders

Page 8
Who enjoy political power because both have street power. In contrast, by avoiding Tlass mobilization tamil politicians sacrificed political power which alone would ensure that they negotiated from a position of strength. Power concedes nothing Without a dead and those who lack political power cannot demand; they can only appeal. Not Surprisingly, the FP then and the TULF and EPRLF MCW Hawe proved incapable of forcing negotiations at governmental level. Political impotence has reduced Tamil parties to merely appealing to Sinhalese leaders, Naturally neither the UNP northe SLFP has taken the growelling Tamil politicians seriously.
Today the TULF and EPRLF would like Tamils to believe that their organizations hawe reached an "understanding" with Mrs Kumaratunga. She is being projected as "new and improved". "New", because she is the new generation. "Improved", because SLFP acquired a liberal sheen after a few Sinhalese intellectuals began working with the party recently. All of which made a Tamil academic in ColorTibo speak breathlessly of a "new dispensation" under future SLFP rule,
But the TULF and EPRLF are merely resurrecting broker politics through the so-called "understanding". In fact Taraki reported that a senior TULF Tember Considered this election year as a good opportunity to negotiate a settlement with the SLFP. This is a desperate attempt to keep afloat sinking political fortunes; to manufacture a political role for themselves as brokers where NO scope for such role exists because the so-called "understaInding" is with Mrs Kumaratunga in her individual capacity. Like other Sinhalese leaders before her, she also has NOT atternpted to change policies of her party. Any assertion by Tamil parties that she could impose a change within the first nine months of an SLFP election victory by Woluntarily initiating (presumably through sheer altruism). OFFICIAL negotiations at GOWERNMENTAL LEWEL with Tamilparties is Self-serving political Tythology.
Mrs Kшппагаiшпga has begшпplaying peace-maker. She is actively Wooing Tamils WITHOUT compromising the SLFP. But after the elections SLFP policies on the Tamil problem Will remain the same and the Tamil problem will continue OfBSE. The SinhalESE isltg|ECtualS W0 Work With her party Will hawe to either
Withdraw their suppo gists for its anti-Tami "understanding" is fo tE TULF EPRLF breasts, cry "foul" a trust was betrayed. B plcy of broker politic the two parties hope Sufficient number of tET.
The deep intransi |leaderS, WHO hawe rE initiate official negoti respective Governm rties, Was dramatica growing militant strug 1980S. Ht alSO Under of Tamil broker politik
More importantly, forget the controvers andits associated pa Ctive Leila of the tion of the India PE (IFKF) in the NEP. most EPRLF membë the returning IPKF ir indictrment of their ro these parties and th so abysmally low th gathered FOR them i. ntary elections held Strati.
The broker politics in Colombo and part ad EPRLF TE CE present as Well as a Will avoid negotiation continue to seek aim NEP. But SGE TE abarndomed! Thilitarıts power to force the Go
- nce official negotiatic
haWe little Choice EJUt
ole talk:S" irl Color: their existerce ander In the process they ha TTL mitir for ati-T Sirhalese doTilate ccessive Governmen eagerness of Tamil illusions of "negotiatic falsely that a majority With the ongoing Tal in the NEP Theiraim LTTE as a minority discredit Tamil resist Tamil parties in Col. claimignorance of G

rt or become apoloil policies. Wher the rgotten by the SLFP, will ritually beat their nd protest that their utbefore thë bankruS is revealed again,
to hawe persuaded
TITIS to Wote for
gence of Sinhalese speatedly refused to ations between their ents and TarTil pailly exposed by the igle in the NEP in the irlad the irrelgWar]Ce
CS,
famils are unlikely to alactions of EPRLF rties under the prote
military administralace Keeping Force deed the fact that TS fled to di With | 1990 is a damning le. The Credibility of eir broker politics is at Wotes had to be n the 1989 parliameLudi IPKF di
of most Tamil parties icularly of the TULF Early bankrupt. The
future Government SG Witte LTTE ilitary solution in the Imil parties, having truggle, lack political WETTBttO COTTEons with them, They to "talk about possiIo in order to justify SUratheir velihОOd. ave ineffect provided amil propaganda boy di GowermentS. SLUtshawe exploited the parties to Conjure up JS" ir Order to claim of Tamils disagree Til national struggle isto marginalise the if "terrorists" and to ance aS "Violence". pmbo Surely cannot overnment strategy,
of the damage they continue to inflict the Tamils national struggle through their opportunistic search for political survival through the chimera of "talks".
Concluding remarks
The first comment will come more as a Surprise to Tany. There hawe been "talks", "political party conference", "all party conference" and soon. But genuine negotiations at the official institutional level directly between the Government and the Tamil parties and organizations took place ONLY ONCE during the entire post-independence period of forty-six years, at the abortive 1985. Thimpu Talks. Even that was flawed: it took place under diplomatic pressure from India rather than Originate either in a sincere desire for peace from Within Government or due to political pressure from Tamil parties. Tamil parties in Colombo Tust accept primary responsibility for helping to mask SinhaleSe intransigence by foisting the political deception of "talks" at the expense of a generation of Tamils. They owe the Tamils an explanation.
The persistence with which Tamil politicians repeatedly "trusted" Sinhalese leaders is notları accident, It is an intrinsic component of broker politics which served Tamil politicians to pretendinjured innocence. But it also revealed ignorance of an elementary principle of politics: that politics is decided not by trust but by interests.
The tragic history of broker politics demonstrates the political impotence of Tamil parties. It shows conclusively that they lack the power to force the Goverintent to negotiate. Today these parties are at their weakest politically. They are no longer a credible political force. Therefore, it is simply nonsense to allege that they can even induce the presentor future Government to begin official negotiations. They merely serve as window dressing for the insincere exercise of "exploring politiCal solutions" conducted by the Gowernment for the twin purposes of legitimizing the military campaign in the NEP and hoodwinking the international community that it is seeking a political solution to the Tamil problem.
All of the above amounts to a cynical betrayal of the Tamil national struggle by most Tamil parties in Colombo. It is a betrayal for which NO explanation is Sufficient.

Page 9
Sri Lanka’s La
Jayantha SomaSundaram
■二、
byrinth
in the Turely Fish Hour?
The Twenty
Sri Lanka's Civil War has raged for over һагdелеd, opporfилities lost алd options exћ destruction of property, and the tragic displac, genuine desire for reconcilliation and peace. We than шћеп ите ђедат. Have tve missed the oppo,
ЕЈауалtha Sотаѕилdaranп, a шеIIRпошлn Sr presents a personal perspective of the raking o
Ifwe besiewe in absurdifies, wesha II Corri rrit afrocities - Voltaire.
The Crict ir Sri Lankais the Little of Thajor political Crisis - the national question. So longas this question remains unsolved, the Crisis Will be intractable. It is not possible to understand the issues Surrounding the national question without exploring the area of nationality. How do cortunities see themselves inters of their origins, Cultures and inter-Communal relationships?
In Sri Lanka, national identity and awareness has been determined by how one sees the peopling of the Island. At one end of the spectrum are those Who Subscribe to a migratory theory to explain the plural nature of Ceylonese society, This assumes that all existing communities Were the outcome of successive but distinct Waves of colonisation. And legitiTlacy is Seën interms of prior arrival.
The Mahavamsa, a chronicle compiled by Buddhist clerical Writers in the sixth Century, records Lord Buddha as having said on his deathbed, "Wijaya is to come to Sri Lanka. With 700 followers. In Lanka Will my religion be established." Historian K.M. de Silva says that "this was to become intime the most powerful of the historical myths of the Sinhalese and the basis of their conception of themselves as the choosen guardians of Buddhism and of Sri Lanka itself as a place of sanctity for the Buddhist religion."
Sociologist Gananath Obeysekera explains that "as far as Sri Lnaka is concesned, being Buddhist is inseperable from being Sinhalese. Early in Sri Lanka's history two ideas developed. Not only was Sri Lanka consecrated by the Buddha hir Tself, but he wasimimānent in his relics. Two of the relics became associated with Sinhalese sovereignity and the legitimacy of kingship."
These ideas of national Self-consciouSness among the Sinhala-Buddhist community have been articulated by D.C.
Wije Wardhana in T) Tipse."The history o of the Sinhala race. ple were entrusted a great and noble cha of Buddhism... or t die dat Kusinara. Wij FiS EO of FOI Ceylon. Most of th nhalese inheart and their motherland. Th Within the IT Centuri: Aryan culture was Create and enrichth Sri Laka."
The Classical Mig that the Sillalese shed a kingdom in A d'Oriri] ywgTitle invasions from Soul the emergence of a the North, just as developed in more re of Arabo - traders I SE around the country.
Cultural influence
Anthropologist S. Most Sri Lankams, W Tamils are prone to as originally some k that was peopled by migrants. While the pogated by the Mah: the first Colonisers TarTil ethusiastSaS that the South ridian Wore Were bՃurld t settlements long be Wijaya andhis bandi that Waves of migrat COrme to Sri Lanka their mode of incorpo part of our story, butt to establish first: th; chthonous people w Lanka from pre-Bud. times, and they incl. hunting-and-gatherin ddas, but also peopl storalism and settled

t == 3-- ... isئے۔ Briti of Nationality
r Fifth Hour
: decade. With the passing years attitudes have austed. Despite the enormous loss of life, the 2nent of countless families there seems to be no seen to be nowhere nearer an end to this conflict tunities that history gave zus? Are we now living
i Lankanjournalistuho noLU lives in Australia, FSri Ları karı crisis.
Te FeWolf in the Taf Lanka is the history The Sinhalese ped2,500 years ago with rge, the preservation he very day the Lord aya of the solar race ) followers landed in ese people Were Simind before they left ey brought with them, 25 of Civilisation and bodily transported lo e virgin civilisation of
ratory. Theory holds arrived first, establinuradhpura and held entire island. Later th. Indian resulted in Tamil community in a Moor community cent times as a result ttling in port cities
1. Tambiah sums up: Ether Sinhalèse Gr think of their island ind of empty space successive Waves of Sinhalese story, proAWarsa, asserts that Were North Indians, sert Withequaljustice sea-faring people of o hawe established fore the coming of of followers. It is true tion from India hawe OVer Centuries, and ration is an essential nere is a greatertruth at there were autoho hawe lived i Sri dhistand pre-historic ded not Terely the g stone-age Wee who practiced pa
agriculture."
This brings us to the second school of thought which holds an acculturation theory to explain pluralism. There is some Scientific evidence to show that Sri Lanka's "racial' stock has remained basically homogeneous. Archaelogist Senaka Bandaranayake in his paper, The Peopling of Sri Lanka says, "comparative analysis of the data with later Tlaterial from historical and contemporary populations has shown a biological continuum between pre-historic and historic peoples." The pre historic people being Balangoda Man, dating from the 5th millenium BC.
The exchange of ideas with, and the cultural impact of India on Our island is emphasised by Historian Leslie Gunawardena in The People of the Lion. "While the Buddhist identity was one which linked the Buddhists of Sri Lanka with co-religionists in South India and other parts of the sub-continent, it is only after the 7th century that prerequisite conditions matured making it possible to link Sinhalaidentity with Buddhism and to present Tamils as opponents of Buddhism."
This Sinhala-Buddhist identity became imperative in a situation where Buddhism Was swamped in India, where Hinduism became assertive in nörth Sri Lanka, where Islam flourished in the maritime areas and where Christian Tissionaries arrived in the wake of superior European Military power. "The Tamils, mainly for doctrinal and religious reasons become the enerties of the Buddhist Priesthood, "Wrote S.J. Gunasegaram in The Vijayan Legend. Not because they were Tamils but because they were saivites or non-Buddhists."
Notwithstanding this, the acculturation process from India proceeded. The last Sinhala King, Narendrasinghe having no issue, following the matrilinearlime of sucCession, chose his brother-in-law Sri Wijayatosucceed him to the Kandyanthrone in 1739. Saralankara, the Tost influentia|| prelate, undertook to secure the acquiescence of the Kandyan aristocracy. Sri
7

Page 10
Wijaya and the succeeding Kings of Kandy, the Nayakar dynasty were from South India.
In 1815 this dynasty was overthrown in a rebellion led by Thelapola the chief Tinister, Whose cause Was championed by the monk Kitalagama Dewarmitta in the Ktrālā 5ārdesāvā tinus: "He emptied Lanka of the heretical and thieving Tamil hordes. King Sri Wickreme had antagonised the clergy by executing the Mork MOTtota KL da US."
it was only in this situation that the British were able to enter Kandy and establish their ascendency over the entire Island. "EECause the British OWEd SC Tluch to the aSSistance rondereed in this enterprise by the aristocracy and the bhikkus, the Kandyan convention which embodied the terms of cessation upheld many of their privileges," concludes Prof. K.M. de Silva, in A History of Sri Lanka.
Race theories
Those who adhere to the classical Migratory. Theory would believe that their community arrived first, has remainedracially pure and this should exercise power. Other COTITLUnities Would Tot hawė Such legitimacy and those of recent origin need
Ottilated.
In the late Nineteenth Century, the political and economic domination of the LOW Country Golgama Sinhalese WaS resented, particularly by the rising KaraWe entrepremeluerial class. The Ceylon Natioal Association, founded in 1886, had the objective of puttinga Kara We On the Legislative Council. The Terperance MOWEment which had by then emerged under Anagarika Dharmapala Was obliquely directed against the Arrack Tavern-renting Christian KaraWebusingSS men.
First riot
The first Communal clash of recent times had its origins in the Panadura Debate of 1873 between Rev. Migettuwate GLumalarda a Buddhis Tomkard REW. David de Silva, a Methodist minister. In April 1883, Hev. Guпапапda organised Buddhist ceremonies during Easter at his temple near St. Lucia's Cathedral, Kotahera. This led to a riotin which one person was killed and 30, including 12 policemen injured.
Walsinha Harischandra, a disciple of Anagarika Dharmapalaled led a caTmpaign at Anuradhapura during Poson 1903 againstrestrictions on Buddhist proCBSSiors. This resultéd in anti Christian rioting and Harischandra's arrest.
Dharmapala's ideas were significantly influenced by the race theories that Were being developed. Writing in the New York Times in April 1984, Prof. Obeysekere said, "The racial connotations of "Aryan'
Were introduced in th by Sinhalese national LEITSGEWES TOT the aided by 19th century gists, who spoke of the of dark-skinned peop. Davidians) — a hyp) acceptable to serious
"Iln reality, thereis lil ethnic backgrounds ol the TamilS. The first Lanka Were probably according to the chron se, even the first king Tlarsied WOTEIlfrOfTS rai). Thereafter the pa rriage and mass immig from South india, imiti country and latter, sinc frO. Kefalla.
"There are a few Si with fair complexions, due to the miscegenat Waves of European CI 16th century onwards
Anti-Moor campaign
In the last century th dominated by Nattu South Indian originan! joined in the 1890's E Borahs, Khojas and M also about 33,000 CO from the Coromandala
Апаглda Gшгшgё in | SrTeSSTESS quotes Dhli Written in 1915 that "T an aliеп people, by S became prosperous lil rding to political Scient ride "The Welist who edited Shala STIESE LO 'Efrail With the Coast Moor, foreigner'; the Diriami Invaterate Eremies, th
Anti-MOO'r Wiciler CÉ parts of Sri Lanka ( traders were killed, it and the contents loot class Buddhistte Tipe imprisoned, including Sinhalatraders in the Sol of D.D. PedrīS W and shot on a charge i til Pettä t att Edrud Hewa Vitara Carolis died in jail, as nCE Was COTTIThUted E Pegdris' brother-in-laW tall stationer, also re tence Which Was CO Kumari Jayawardene Conflicts in Sri Lark: rioting Dharmapala W
Stte British is to the Sinhalese. one day has risen ag ple.

a late 19th century ists to differentiate Tamils. They were European IndoloAryan Subjugation les (the aboriginal othesis no longer historians,
te differen Ceir the the Sinhalese and
Colonizers of Sri North Indiarl S. BL ut icles of the Sinhaleand his followers ioLuth Indian (Maduitterns of royal magration were wholly ally from the Tamil ce the 13th century,
nhalese nowadays but this is probably ion With SuCCeSSiwe onquerors from the
e Pettah trade Was Kotai Chettiars of di Moors.They Were Jy Indian Moors -- emons. There Were ast Moors, migrant ind Malabar Coasts.
Refum] to Righ seoLramapala ashawing he Mullar titledans, hylockian methods Keithe Jews." ACCOist Kumari Jaya WaPiyadasa Sirisena Jathiya urged the front transactions the Cochirard the a condemned "Our 5 MOOPS,""
occured iп папу during 1915. Moor heir shops burned ad. "Several middle raC) lëādërSWEEre family members of Pettahi. D. E. FPedris, ras Court märtäled of inciting crowds ack Muslim shops; la, Son of H. Don If S det SEItand N.S. Fernando, and Sor of the PeCEVEda death SeTimuted." Wrote Dr. in Ercard Class . A month after the Tote: What the Gertle MuharTn Tlieda The Whole nation in ainst the Moor peo
Apart from Plantation labour which was predominently Tamils of Indian origin, the urban Working class was multi ethnic. Colombo's first strike in September 1893 at H.W. Cave & Co., involved the Printers Union Wh0Se leaderSwhere Lisboa Pinto, a Goan, and A.E. Buultjens, a Burgher. Sir Ponnanbalam Arunachalam through the leadership of the Ceylon National Congress and the Ceylon Workers' Welfare. League which he formed with Peri Sunderam in 1919, directed the growing labour movement in a nonsectarian path.
During the Depression of the 1930s however, as unemployment rose, A.E. Goonesingha the leader of the Ceylon Labour Union led a campaign against the Malayali workers. By this time, there were about 30,000 Malayalisemployed in factories, mills, the Port, the Railways as well as in clerical, teaching and other white Collār actiwitiêS.
GOOesila told the State Council that "Hundreds of Malayalis are coming here and depriving Ceylorhese labu refS of work." (Hansard 7.10.31). He called for a boycott of Malayalis. The Ceylon Independent reported on 30th July 1931 that it had "become common place whereby Malayalis Were assulted on the streets of Colombo." Goonesinha's newspaper The Viraya on 17th April 1936 quoted "Hitler who said that leadership cannot be expected from those who are devoid of Aryan blood. In his country he has therefore prohibited marriages between Aryans and non Aryans. Everyone says that unions between Sinhala women and Malayalis should be prohibited."
Goonas inha also attacked anti-racists who spoke against the Malayali boycott. When Dr. A.P. de Zoysa requested that compassion or maitri, be shown to the Malayalis he was derided as "Kochchi Zoysia." And the Lanka Sama Samaja Party was attacked in The Wraya of 16th April 1936 as "traitors. At a time when the campaign to boycott the Malayalis is proceeding several Samasamajist Sinhala lunatics are trying to go against this tred." AS late as December 1948, United National Party MPT.F. Jayawardena tauInted the left leaders: If sole of the tiembers of the opposition had the same depth of feeling for their own people as they hawe for their cochchi sahodarayas they will agree with me that 40 males living i a OUSE With 4 Or 5. TäTil Or SihleSe Women are hardly the type of people who are to be encouraged to becoThe Citizens of Ceylon." (Hansard 10.12.48).
By this time the majority of Malayali WOJTkETS had retur röd t0 KÖfällä While many who stayed on married Sinhalese and the next generation became assimilated into the Sinhala community. Their assimilation was easy by the fact that many of them had "neutral' names like John Peter and Matthew.

Page 11
BisS Was it
Chanaka Amaratunga
any a schoolboy, (and no doubt,
Schoolgirl) knows that William Words.Worth Wrote ecstatically in the early, heady days of the French Revolution.
BliSS WaS itir that da Wrn to be alwe But to be young, was very heaven.
Two events which took place far from my OWI Country and from the places of my in ediate concern have filled me with a similar sense of elation. They did so because they involved immense political transformations. They involved the deStruction of apparently impregnable evil forces, which longed to see end of but the demise of which I did not seriously expect in my life time. The first of these events Was the OWerthrow of COITunis in central and Eastern Europe, including in the nerwe Centre of totalitarianism, the Sowiet Unio. The Secord Was the destruction of apartheid and the establishment of a truly free liberal democracy in South Africa.
Of the fall of COITTIurisr the World Ower | hawe Written on several occasions past. It is therefore with the fall of apartheid that | here concern myself.
Since the 19th century, South Africa has often impingeditself upon the global consciousness. The interest that it has inspired has been far greater than that of most other former outposts of Empire. This is partly, of Course, the result of the strong European engagement in South Africa in the form of Dutch (or Boer as they were called in the era of Colonialism and Afrikaner as they subsequently named themseves) and British settlers. It is also because, South Africa developed farmore successful and even more sophisticated an economy than any other on the African Continent or perhaps even than in any other nation of the Third World, Furthemore, it is because, in its institutionalised practice of racial discrimination, through the system of apartheid, there arose a political system that was exceptionally repugnant to humanity.
The protests, the pilgrimages, the vigils Which Were the stuff of campaigning against apartheid remain vividin my Tiemory. But they are all memories acquired during the eight years in which lived in the United Kingdom. The struggle against
in tha
apartheid failed to any save the narr Lankaris.
Indeed it is part mmon аппопg Sгі many of them to pris the Whites in the bal de was shared by community in Sou racism, there is abo a peculiar insularity leaves the Il Cold to people. There were apartheid here.
Doubtless there Country who woul lêSSOS to lear T frO are very Wгопg. T by all the South A precisely the one th: for the achievement liation.
The spirit which monstrated by Nels 27 years in prison f Which literal denot might Well| hawe su Ds reverige or of Whi righteous indignatic Stead irTeSelf" as political skill, is here. The spirit of a could so easily haw all-tOO-Common des foolishly to every our believing like Louis deluge Would indee after him, but inste Over ar incredible ti those he represent oppressed, is desp The spirit of a Chief M Zi Who Could so eas the Todern disease but instead chose t though limited, deg| united country is here. The spirit of a out of a passionate mmitment to the righ in his country devote the crime of aparthe cently enjoying its
Tains Cormitted to ples of liberalism, is here.

t CavVn......
inspire the interest of West minority of Sri
of the racis ISO COLankans which led ately sympathise with jold days. This attitusole in the Asian h Africa. Apart from ut many of our people and selfishness which the suffering of other no marches against
Would be many in this de think We hawe no m South Africa, They he approach adopted frican protaganists is at needs to be adopted of a genuine reconci
hus far has been deOn Mandela, who after or political convictions crats take for granted, Tendered to the spirit at might even pass for Jn, but has shown/I- Ioral strength as well
desperately needed n F.W. de Klerk, who e Surrendered to that ire to cling blindly and ice of ill-gotten power, XW that although the
dCome, itWould come
ad choseto preside ansfer of power from Eed to those they had erately needed here. Mangosutho, Butheleily have succumed to of separatist violence o share a significant, "ee of power within a desperately needed Dr. Zach de Beer, Who but disinterested Cots of all human beings da lifetime to fighting id instead of complaenefits and Who rei the essential princi
desperately needed
South Africa's extraordinary political settlement is the result of long and hard political negotiations which have led to Some uniqueyredical Constitutional innowations. Perhaps these innovations could even be seen as an attempt to square the circle, to marty the apparently un marryable – But on this og Casion ithas Worked. In order to cultivate the spirit of accormodation and power sharing a number of features Were adopted.
One of these was the adoption of a system of proportional representation with no cutoff point so that a party could obtain representation with less than 1% of the vote. (The smallest party to obtain representation, the Pan African Congress obtaimed less than 1% of the wote). Amother was the adoption of a provision that Constitutionally guaranteed representation in the Cabinet to every party which obtained 5% of the vote and above and gave a Deputy Presidency to every party that obtained Over 20% of the Vote.
It was to promote the principle of inclusivity that these innovation were adopted.
There Was in the new South Africa a real need to ensure that regional diversities which in the case of the Western Cape and KwaZulu-Natal took on an ethnic tribal dimension were allowed the opportunity to manifest themselves. Acordingly, the new South Africa was divided into nine Provinces each with its own elected legislature. With a Provincial Govertistent headed by a Provincial Premier.
There was too the corresponding need to forge a common South African identity and for this purpose the electoral system, LSed hitherto in Small Countries SLIch as the Netherlands and Israel, in which for the elections to the lower House of Parliament, in South Africa, the National Assembly, the entire country forms a single constituency, was adopted.
it was essential too that in this first ever election for the vast majority of South Africans, the electoral system should be devoid of complexity. The electoral system adopted was therefore that of party-lists with the rank order determined by each respective party.
The framers of the new political order
9

Page 12
O SOLuth Africa hawe bee Sesible enough to avoid the pitfall of so many emergent nations, that of concentrating power in a single person or group of persons. The bill of rights that is included in the South African Costitution, the steps taken to ensure the independence of its judiciary and the adoption of a bicameral Parliamentare inthiS Context, ITILIch to be apopola Luded.
While the 400-member National Assembly, by electing all its members from a constituency which constitutes the whole nation, is designed to promote unity, diversity is encouraged by the ellection of the 90 member Senate by the Provincial legislatures.
It would, for us, also be interesting to note, that among the reasons for adopting an executive President elected by Parliament rather than by the people as a whole LLK0 S LLL LLaHLLLLaa LLL LLL LLLLLLL Would then not be a rival Source of legitimacy to Parliament but rather the creation of Parliament and ultimately responsible to it.
Another, truly exceptional innovation, designed to integrate the Zulu nation fully into South Africa is the incorporation of the Zulu monarchy Within the South African republic. In the constitutional Todels With which We are familiar Tonarchies andrepublics hawe been mutually exclusiWe, Here in So Luth Africa, however, particu
larly in KwaZulu-Nat: as a Whole, the Zulu thini has been accor President Mandela' that enjoyed by Quee this cannot be entirely Goodwill is mot a Hei; for a monarchy with republics anotharim mal innovation adopt Africa.
S0 Tuch for COf Tents. It has been While Constitutional: important, the spirit W who operate Constitt Consideration. In th Mandela's conduct The way in which he role of de Klerk in the tion, his appointmen of the National Party nce, his appointmer as Minister of HOTE Minister responsible and the election of the Senate, demon Presidit is ft frOTT madmentality which of so many countri then, Our OWI 1.
Today as South A place among the nat returned to member nwealth one can of for the enormously c
“It’s an English m
Pakistaп's плоst accomp//shed cгїckefer ever, and one of rodern Crcket's Super.stars, İmran - Khan defeinded himself forcefully in a wide-ranging Interview with Senior Editor of India Today, SHEKHAR GUPTA at his Cancer Appeal office in London's bust|пg High Stгеet KелsIпgfол. Excerpts.
Q. Why did you make the revelation?
A. Let The first clear something. It has E) ger Said that|didthis LOb00st the Sales of the book. I have no financial Stake in the book. It's just that thought, let The help him (Iwo Temnant) With the book S0 that rather than Write a Playboykind of account it will be something authentic.
O
C. Doesn't the Ca a financial stake
A. Well, he said he
to the charity. It could It may be , 5,000. versy, let's hope it W IT Lich dOe:S that Irmal project? This whole SE HE sked The if |
illegal in Tly 21 yeal a long career опет not such a big deal. such a big sin as it is: tampering has beer I am truly amazed about this in my c. Telegraph and no or

but in South Africa King Goodwill Zwelided, in the Words of "the same status as Eigt ||I." Wille accurate since King ad of State, allowing nin the territory of a agimative constitutioed by the new South
1stitutional arrangeoften observed that safeguards are very Which air Tlate:S tOSE utions is also, a vital at regard President nas been exemplary. has emphasised the rocess of reconciliat of a White member r 5 MinistET Of Filait of Chief Buthelezi Affairs (and hence for internal security) a White President of strate that the reW the Winner-takes-all disfigures the politics зs, поt least апопg
frica Ilas resumed its ions of the World and ship of the Commofer rational analyses ivilized political settle
ment which it has implemented. Letus not, however, on this occasion, rein in the deepest emotions of the heart. As Watohed the inauguration of Nelson Mandela ES the fir:StPTESİdet Of A IEDA TOCTtic South Africa in which all persons enjoyed the essential human rights and liberties, in a square in Pretoria peopled by the ghastly ghosts of Kruger and Malan, and Werwoerd and Worster, must confess, I felt a sense of rapture so profoulndly beautiful that it was almost painful. Adil that IOlent relebered. With so much gratitude the great sacrifices of those Who suffered but also those who did not but had the moral courage to stand with those that did. This was a moment to recall, Jan Hoffeyer, (Field Marshal Smuts' liberal deputy) Alan Paton, Sheena Duncan and the incompable Helen Suzman who for 13 years was the one Member of the South African Parliament, totally opposed to apartheid and has lived to see this day
The words of Mandela's two speeches at his inauguration were deeply moving but forme and the most poignant moment was when a black and white teenage choir linked hands and sang Andrew Lloyd Webber's splendid song "Love Changes Everything'. It seemed, incomparably to encompass the beauty of all that has happened in that once tragic and now happy country.
BliSS Was itir that da Writo be alliwe.
edia campaign
Incer hospital hawe
might give something be even fifty pounds. NON With the ControWill be TOTE. BL ut hOW ter for a 23-milion hing Came up becauhaddine Smething 's of playing. In such istake, thought, Was | Afld ther | it Wa5 I10t OW. You knoW, ball going on for ages. by the outcry. I Wrote :olu Tın in The Dafy he paid any attention.
— плап Клап
Q. Did you admit to cheating there?
A. No, no. Everyone has been tampering with the ball. I too tampered with the ball in the sense of lifting the seam and scratching the surface of the ball. But newer considered it cheating because that Was accepted as part of cricket. It was accepted because it is so ambiguous. David Lloyd, former captain of Lancashire, has said seam-lifting is an old English tradition. Then you see the Australian Cricketers. With SU-Creat OWertheir faces. They keep wiping SWeat from their faces mixed with this cream and rubbing it on the ball. It is ball tampering. Scratching the ball is no bigger crime. And in the Way scratched, I did not even consider it ball

Page 13
tampering because the law only forbids altering the condition of the ball. Now if the ball is rough and maintain its roughness, it is not even tampering.
Q. Why the admission then?
A. First of all, What I did in the County It latch was illegal. But thereason I've been raising this issue is that ever since Wasim and Waqar, two great bowlers, destroyed the English batting line-up, they have faced this abuse that they cheat. Even after the World Cup there were snide remarks. Why did the umpires not catch thern? The only two cases where the players have been caught tart pering inwoved Derek Pringle and Phil Tufnell, a spinner who was doing it for the fast bowlers. Andremerber John Holder the umpire who caught him, has never stood in a Test match again, You know why? He is a black urt pire.
Q. If you had no guilt, why did you quit the ICC?
A. I never thought I was guilty. I did something illegal, admitted it in good faith, and was not guilty because once in 21 years is no big deal. Nobody is an angel. But I thought it was properto quit because the ICC also as to make a WSOrl ball Lampèring.
Q. If ball tampering has been SOCOmnon, have you suspected other great bowlers of doing it as Well?
A. Cheating is a very strong word, Gamesmanship, yes. I believe that if any sportsman reaches the top and does not cheat, he stretches the rules to the limits, They called bouncers intimidatory bowling. But all of us stretched that rule. Now they hawe limited it to one bOUncer per over. Similarly they said over-rates should not be slow. But Captains abused it, SO they made precise laws. That is what they hawe to do about ball tarTypering as Well, Define it precisely. It's the English media and a section of Cricketers who have blownit out of all proportion.
C. What is their Totive
A. There is å lot of rāCiSf here. Wher Bob Willisor Freddie Truman were tearing the heart out of Indian of Pakistani batting, We newer heard an outcry about short-pitched bowling. How come the noise Started when the West Indies and the Pakistanis began winning matches with their
fast DOWIETS HOW CC OL ut SOWO WET-TEtEOS
sa St DOWlerS CaTle alC get away with anythir Whites. There is a society. Lookat peop. Botham making stal never thought much
поwitsbeепрrovеп is this hatred Comir mber the Way Bishen in the Waseline incide to question John Le Delhi. This whole thin campaign. Unfortuni WEak Star WE casir10l | millions of pictures
picking the seam.
O. Haven't you sa English cricket al. class problem?
A. YeS. LOok at pe the rational side in th Lewis, Christopher M Pringle. They are all types. Look at the ol Turtlan.The differen nging makes a differ
O. You area Tast HOW IIluch does ba
A. NO OB has bės because ofta Tiperir side of the ball you CE swing. If you lift the Richard Hadlee, on cut the ball phenor applied waseline an The point is, every garnesmanship. If a are saints in the gan by the book, I haven
Ad te SGCTEW
A. This is a figmer imagimation. He trie! 20,000. Ultimately taking legal action a 5tion 5: have | actLJ3 I am only successfu of screwdrivers and
W0 Indian Umpires
Hä WE TOW COfiľTE during the intervals to hawe disfigured it,
Q. Why can't th swing the ball?

JffB WE BWèr Bärd until the West dies ong? Australians can ng because they are tot Of TECISI T1 i I this le such as Lamb and e Tents like: "Oh, of him anyway and The is a Cheat. "Where g froпn? You remeBedi WaS WictirTnised it because he dared wer, for chealing in g is an English media ately, Our media is ight. I can show you of English players
id: Sotetimes that so suffers from a
ople who hawe taken |e controwersy. Tony artin-Jenkins, Derek educated, Oxbridge TherS: Lamb, Botharin, ce in classandupliri
ETCE.
er of swing bowling. ili tampering help?
come a great bOWier g. If you SCruff upo One an get a lot of reverse SeaT1, a boO'Wler like3 a green Wicket, can menally. John Lewer dbowled India Out. bowler indulges in nybody claims there 1e Who always Stuck 't Seen ther.
driver technology?
it of Youris AirTed's di to sell the story for he got £2,000. I'm gainsthim. The queilly told someone that because of the use bottle tops? Even the who stood at Jaipur d they had the ball when I am Supposed
he others reverse
A. Some do. I saw this new English bowler Gough the other day bowling New Zealand out. He was reverse Swinging. Manoj Prabhakar has learnt it. He is a very fine b0wler, |think Flü İslnda'Sböstb0Wler at thistorient,
Q. After such a long and successful career, isn'titsad that this controversy should stalk you now?
A. Yes. And the only reason lamWorried is that it distractspeople when I am raising funds for the hospital. I could have stayed out of it all but the only reason I got involved in the controversy in the first place was because of the vicious attacks om Wasim and Waqar. I take great pride in their development and an angry about the slurs they hawe faced. My point is, everybody did ball tampering. Now just because said was illegal once, they are saying: 'See, Wasim and Waqar too must be doing ital|the time".
Q. What do youthink about the continued English domination of international cricket management when power equations have changed?
A. absolutely disagree with this. This has to change. I've been very, Very impressed with the way Indians have made their presence felt in the ICC. They've been wery firm and truly forceful. Sadly in our country the board is not run by professiomals. I can't expect anything from the Pakistai) ar.
Q. But haven't cricketers like you, Gavaskar and Richards thought of changing English domination?
A.. I'm extremely keen Sunny speaks Out. JLust OneStatelet froT hir Tl Will Tåkė so much difference. KOW he has constraints being on the ICC. But he is never afraid to speak his mind. That's why I respect him so much. It's time Asian Cricketers gawe up subservientattitudes.
Lynn Ockers z, whose articles on Separatist Conflicts appeared in the LG on 1 MY94, 1594, 15594 and 19-i is a senior sub-editor of the Поily Metos. Thе пакетialтаspathered on a Ford Foundation funded Press Fellowship Program at Wolfson College, Cambridge.

Page 14
  

Page 15
Cal bour daries. And When We Speak of Hong Kong in the context of self-determination, We are focusing on what will Surely be a lost traumatic event in the lives of those people when, without their consent or even consultation, they are stripped of their citizenship and handed back to the wery regime from which they and their families sought, and believed they had found, refuge and sanctuary. It is perhaps the most shameful episode of British Colonial history, an episode in the Writing of which both the United Nations and the indiwidual members of the interational community also appear to have connived.
Hong Kong is unquestionably a non-Self-governing colonial territory. It acquired that status in 1842 when the Emperor of China ceded to the Queen of Great Britain, by a treaty of peace and friendship, the island of Hong Kong to be possessed in perpetuity, and in the following year, by letters patent issued by Queen Wictoria, Hong Kong and its Dependencies were Constituted a colony. In 1860, by a sir Tilar treaty, the Chinese Emperor ceded to the British Queen the township of Kowloon to be held as a dependency of the colony, In 1898, by a convention signed in Peking, it was agreed between the British and Chinese governments that "the limits of British territory shall be enlarged under lease". The leased territories, for which no rental was demanded or paid, Were also declared to be part and parcel of the colony of Hong Kong.
These were valid transfers of territory according to the law, practice, and Values of that time. It was an age when territories changed hands as if they were private property. Occupation, conquest, sale or lease gave good title to a sovereign intent on establishing an empire. In both domestic and international law, therefore, Hong Kong's status was that of a non-self-govening colony. Accordingly, when the United Nations embarked on its prograTitle of decolonization, and established a special committee to monitor progress towards self-government, Hong Kong was one of the colonial territories placed on its agenda. From 1947 until 1972, the British government furnished regular infoIITiation to that COITITittge CriCOrl Stitutional developments in the territory.
In 1972, barely fo People's Republic C te' to the United Ambassador to the Decolonization Corm Kong from its list of the ground that Hor Chinese territory oC the basis of unequal that the "Settlement Hong Kong" was er sovereign right, and "in an appropriate W are ripe". The 24 tio - COTTnittee : Lund of the fiercely proAmbassador, Salist red the ChineSerec Working group unde which, after a brief ex aftërrh00r1, reCOITTE inted. Three Weeks ctions by several m the question ought p. referTed to the GÉ|| Working group's red adopted by the Co reason to believe th; of deliberate foreign that decision.
The assertion th treaties relating to H dual treaties" and til mot reCeĪVe any SupE ryinternationallaWo unfortunate, theref Nations Corfittee ring the exercise of TITisätilor Should haN ciary duty in Such However, the fact deleted in thCOSC Ciri agenda of the Com its legal status as colonial territory. Ir recognition by the U Kong's colonial stat, fact that in 1979, 19 the Human Rights and examined rep British government ndent territory of HC
On 26 Septembe presentatives of thE governments initial agreement on the

Ur months after the if (Chira Wass="adr Tilations, the Chinese UN requested the mittee to delete Hong Colorial territories On ng Kong was part of cupied by Britain on treaties. He argued of the question of tirely within China's Would be dealt With way when conditions The Iber. DeColonizaer the chairmarship Chil555. Tärzāmiām Ahmed Salirr, refeuest to ayet Smaller tsar The chairThan change of views one anded that it be gralater, despite objeemberS Wh0 feit that Iroperly to have been neral Assembly, the Olmendations Were Tirmittee. There Was at Britain, as a matter policy, acquiesced in
at the 19th century ong Kong Were "umeherefore invalid does bort from Contemporaripractice.lt was Tost re, that the United charged With monitothe right of self-detewe abandoned its fidu
асшrsогу паппет. hat Hong Kong Was Curtistances from the mittee does not alter a non-self-governing fact, the continuing nited Nations of Hong Js is evidenced by the 88 and again in 1991, Committee called for rts submitted by the in respect of its depeing Kong.
r 1984, in Beijing, reBritish and Chinese ēd the draft text of ar future of Hong Kong.
That agreement - the Joint Declaration - provided for the transfer of sovereignty front Britain to China. In it, the Chinese gover 1 Tert stated that it had long been "the common aspiration of the entire Chinese people" to"recover the Hong Kong area"; and the British government declared that it would accordingly "restore" Hong Kong to China affective 1 July 1997** Theagreementhad been negotiated insecret: the inhabitants of Hong Kong had mot been ComSL'ulted on itS COntents at any stage of those negotiations. In December of that year, the Joint Declaration was signed in Beijing by the Prime Ministers of Britain and China, the now infamous Zhao Ziang and the much lamented Margaret Thatcher. In June 1985, instruments of ratification were exchanged. No referendum was held to seek the views of the people of Hong Kong.
In 1985, the Chinese National Peoples Congressestablished a committee to draft the Basic Law of the future Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. That committee comprised 59 members, of whom a minority, only 23, were from Hong Kong. None had sought or received a mandate from the people to represent them on that Committee. Two who had had the temerity to Conderrin the Tierarmen maSSaCre of June 1989 were branded as "subversive" and "counter revolutionary" (offences punishable in China with death). They Warted that "there was no place for ther in Hong Kong", and summarily were ejected from the committee. In April 1990, the final draft of the Basic Law Was adopted by the Chinese legislature. Within three hours of its adoption, even Hong Kong's non-elected legislature voted overwhelmingly to reject it. In a more drastatic gesture, the 170,000-strong Hong Kong Federation of StudentS DLumit a Todel of the Basic Law and dumped hundreds of torn copies on the steps of the New China News Agency, China's unofficial embassy in the territory. It condemned the drafting exercise as a "shameful sell-out of Hong Kong's interests by Beijing and London". A demand by several interest groups for a referendum on the Basic Law was ignored."
The Joint Declaration and the Basic Law will integrate Hong Kong with China. However, at nostage in the events leading
13

Page 16
to the ratification of the forTTE: Or the
enactment of the latter were the people of the territory given an opportunity to express their acceptance of those documents. Ils such integration legally possible under contemporary international law Without the consent of the people of Hong Kong? In the view of Judge Nagendra Singh of the International Court of Justice, as expressed in Western Sahara, the answer is clearly in the negative:
gwgm if integration of tarritory was demanded by an interested State,...it could not be had without ascertaining the freely expressed Will of the people - the very sine qua non ofall decolonization.
As he stressed:
consultation of the people of the territory awaiting decolonization is an ineScapable imperative whether the method followed on decolonization is integration or association or independence.
Therefore, in the absence of an affir native wote in a referendum, orany otherindication of approval by the people of Hong Kong, the Basic Law is merely the unilateral act of the Chinese government, taken in pursuance of an agreement with the colonial power.
Does Britain, as the colonial power, have the authority to transfer sovereignty over Hong Kong? In the case of the Spanish Sahara, unlike the case in Hong Kong, Spain - the administering power - refused to accede to Moroccan demands that, due to historic ties, the colonial territory betransferred. And, as Judge Gros Was to observe, "if Government of Spain had agreed to support the claim of the Government of Morocco, such an attitude would hawe been without any legal effect in the international sphere."
Thisjudicial opinion appears to suggest that, under contemporary international law, the Joint Declaration does not hawe sufficient legal force to transfer sovereignty over Hong Kong. Since it is still a non-self-governing British Colony, Britain's mandate under international law is now strictly limited to guiding the colony to self-government and the exercise of Self-determination. Britain does tot hawe
4.
the authority to ced state. Indeed, if ther tion is regarded as international law, it would, in the face ( ПtjОП ОП the Law of Void.
But Where does a tants of Hong Kong of a non-self-gover who unquestionabt Self-determination? years after two perm Security Council be a peremplогу поп the United Nations ( a deafening silence. it the General Assen on Human Rights c Committee, appear the fact that in an a has all but been lal manifestation of ine OCCLur. No me Tiber considered it fit to a six million free peop few genuinely free a the contemporary w pped of their citizens submit to rule by, if of Mr. Justice Miché autocracy".33 The || 55ion of Jurists, Wi n-governmental orga examine the issue, r. the people of Hon LIslder interslatiorlä| Self-determination, a
intolerable for thË transfer British cit the jurisdiction of of China without Without any opport to them to particip Own future,*
Conclusion
| hawe attempted, experiences of two I can claim some fa a redefinition of the Self-determination in Within the concept c cally small but cohe and linguistic group and independent sta

"a colony to another ght of self-determinaperemptory norm of e Joint Declaration F the Vienna ConveTreaties, be null and
this leave the inhabisix million "people" ing colonial territory enjoy the right of Today, nearly ten ment TemberSofthe an acting contrary to of international law, ontinues to Tlalntain No UN institution, be bly, the Commission rithe DeColonization s to be disturbed by ge When colonialism i to rest, this unique o-colonialism should State of the UN hlas skin any forum why le living in one of the ind open Societies in World should be i Strihip and compelled to 1 TTlay USB the Words Let Kirby, "a geriatric nternational Corrimich Was the Only noInization that da red to aported last year that Kong are entitled law to the right of nd regarded it as:
British government to zens in Hong Kong to the People's Republic heir own Consent and unity having been given ate in deciding on their
hrough the traumatic :ountries With which miliarity, to argue for ight of all peoples to order to encompass * "peoples," numerisive ethnic, religious living in sovereign es. have also atte
Tipted to demonstrate the need for the establishment of a UN body with authority to implement the right of self-determination, abody to which the "people" will have access. Both these areas are minefields of potential problems. I do not for a moment suggest that complex issues relating to population transfers and line-drawing in time and place will notarise. But unless we focus on them now, and begin the long journey towards their resolution, the new international human rights regime will continue to deny its protection to the very people who need to be protected most.
Notes
21. UN Doc. CCPR/C/2MRgw. 3 (1992), 18,
22. Ouestion Palaring o Goa Security Council,
oficial records,987th Teeting, para 3.
23, UN Doc. SWPW. 1611 (1971) 62.
0KS LLeCLMLH LLLLCLCLL LLLLLGMOLL LaGMT TCMLCLL LMTMG
respecting an Extension of Hong Kong Territory, Peking 9 Junie 1898, T.S. 1898 No. 16, c.9087; C, T.S. No. 186 at: 310; De Marttems, 2XXXII, 89.
25. Letter of Ambassador Huang Hua, Peri Tanent Rapresentative of the PRC to the United NaÈions, to the ChairTTan of the UNSpecial Commitee on the Situation to the Irriplamentation o! the Declaration on the Granting of Independerice to Colonial Countries and Peoples (8 March 1972).
26. For a fuller discussion of this subject, see N. Jaya Wilckrama, "Hong Kong: The Galhering Stom" (1991)22:2Bullatin of Peace Proposals H 157-74.
0OLS LLSLSSLLLLLL LLLLLLL LLL CLLLOLEaLLLLL a LLL United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong, 1984. paras. 1 and 2, 23 LLM (1984) 1356a 1371.
28, South China Morning Post (22 July 1989); Hong
Korg Standard (13 December 1989).
29, South China Morning Post (17 February 1990). 30. Soulf Chima Morring Posť (19 February 1990),
31. Wesler Sahara, supra role 13 at 81.
32. siji, 71
33. Justice M.D. Kirby, "Population Transfer and the Right to Self-Determination- Differences and Agreement" (Paper presented to the International Conference on the Humar Flight5 Dimeinsions of Population Transfer, 10-14 January 1992) unpublished. Kirty states, "the people of Hong Kong...will be handed overto agariatric autotrality without an att of self-determinalitan in the last great colonial abdication of perfidious Aloi."
34. CoLindow lo 7997: Reporf of a Misso la Hong Kong (Genawa: International Commission
fJurists, 1992)at 56,

Page 17
A landmark judg
N. Ra
he Indian political system and the
media are yet to come to a real understanding of the historic import of the Article 356 judgment the Supreme Court pronounced, OverSeveral hundred pages, On March 11, 1994. The nine-judge Constitution Bench took up two of the critical issues of contemporary Indian politics, secularism and federalism, and came up with a powerful determination that could make a progressive difference to the Working of the political system.
If it is understood that a Constitution is only as good as the way its core principles and provisions are put to work, then the Indian Constitution and the political System it is supposed to oversee and regulate hawe, for long, been in need of re-direction. At least for the remaining years of this century, the Supreme Court has clinched the rules of the Constitution game in these two spheres.
The implications of the historic judgment are reported and analysed in detail in the Frontine. The Werdit could not hawe been fairer om the recent instances of resort to Article 356. The Supreme Court unanimously and full-throatedly upheld the dismissal of the BJP State governments of Madhya Pradesh, RajaSthan and Himachal Pradesh in December 1992 - because their anti-Secular actions Were inconsistent. With the secular Constitution. The majority held as uncoInstitutional the Centre's use of the knife of Article 356 in Nagaland (1988), Karnataka (1989) and Meghalaya (1991), although there was no question of revesing the effects of unconstitutional a Citi OTS TOW.
In arriving at these politically important Verdicts, the apex court undertook a de novo and party radical exploration of ArtiCe 356, a provision Which Violates the theory of federalism by loading the decks in favour of the Centre and enabling it, on its judgment, to do away with a particular elected legislative and executive dispenisation in a State. In making up its mind at the end of the exploration, the apex Court places on high ground and beyond Constitutional question the power of judiCal rewiEW Owet Centre-State relatio:S generally and, in particular, the resort to
Article 356 by the i a POWer, the Writter апd any questiоп с. Subsisting in the f Scher the Would be a
The majority dete -Thember Constitutik Ce on the System the tutionality of the use 356 (which hlas, note OWEer 90 tilles SimCe ntly justiciable. In ot judiciary will be amo umpire in the gamet in hand, plays with in any fair political re judgment Carme allo rule and fair play garTlE.
The key operative Court's landmark jui Article 355 || 5 it TEāChild Of the follo
Ydy, The Walidity (I issued by the Pre 356(1) is "judicially extent of examining on the basis of ar whether the material ther the proclamatic Taaffide exercise of facia case is made to the proclamation,
Ulio Governmentti Wärt literial didir f rial may be either th rnor or something C but it Tiust Teet the
a'r Article 74 (2), W WiEW SO far as the
MilisterStte Pre is "not a bar agains Tlaterial Or the basi dent had arrived at
- TIE COStitutio executive power ex of the President by r. ry approwal of a pres issued Lunder Article: not be permissible f exercise powers un (b) and (c) of Article irrewersible actions"L

S
entre. Without such
COStitution Schele Ffairness and justice }deral aspect of the fraud.
mination On the minein Bench Serves notit, in future, the constiof the knife of Article riously, been applied 1950) will be emineher words, the higher reactive and effective he Centre, Article 356 the States. It is clear, ckoning; that until this ng, cheating was the he exception in this
} part of the Supreme dgment on the use of e majority agreement Wing specific points:
if the proclamation Sident Lunder Article reviewable to the Whetherit was issued ly material at all or | Was relevator Whein Was issued in the power. When a prima out in the challenge "the burden is on the o prove that the releact exist." The matee report of the Govether than the report,
W te St.
rhich bars judicial readvice given by the sident is concerned, it the scrutiny of the S of Which the PreShis satisfaction."
nplaces a check on ercised in the name equiringрагіiamenlaidential proclamation 356. Therefore, "it will Or the President" to der sub-clauses (a), 356 (1) and to "take until "at least both the
Houses of Parliament have approved of the proclamation." In other words, the Legislative Assembly of a State cannot be dissolved until "at least" both the Houses of Parliament approve the executive action.
If the presidential proclamation is held invalid, "then notwithstanding the fact that it is approved by both Houses of Parliament, it will be opem to the Court to restore the status quo ante" and bring back to life the Legislative Assembly and the Ministry.
or While the COUrt"Willmot interdict"the issuance of a presidential proclamation or the exercise of any other power under the proclamation, in appropriate cases it will have the power by an interim injunction to restrain the holding of fresh elections to the Legislative Assembly pending the final disposal of the challenge to the validity of the proclamation. This it can do to avoid a fait accompli and to prevent "the remedy of judicial review (from) being redered fruitless."
The most far-reaching aspect of the Supreme Court's judgment liesin its splendidly uncompromising championing of secularist as a basic and inalienable feature of the Constitution - a feature nobody has any right to Work against. The majority agreement on the secшlar imperative is contained in this conclusion in the judgmentdeliveredby Justice Sawant (om behalf of himself and Justice Kuldip Singh.) "Secularism is a part of the basic structure of the Constitution. The acts of a State Government which are calculated to subvert or sabotage Secularism as enshrined in our Constitution can lawfully be deemed to rise to a situation in which the government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution."
An excellent exposition of secularism is offered in Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy's judgment (for himself and Justice S.C. Agrawal): "While freedom of religion is guaranteed to all persons in India, from the point of view of the state, the religion, faith or belief of a person is immaterial. To the state, all are equal and are entitled to be treated equally. In matters of state, religion has no place. No political party can
15

Page 18
simultaneously be a religious party. Politics and religion cannot be mixed."
In this powerful exposition of secularism as Something permanently embedded in the Constitution, Justices Reddy and Agrawal demolish every one of the building blocks of Hindutva (and every other type of communal) ideology:
It is "absolutely erroneous to say that secularism is a "vacuous World' or a "phainton Concept." The Indian Constitution has several provisions which strongly express its cort Titrilent to secularism. This means equality, non-discrimination and justice for all its citizens and no one can be permitted to be lessor more equal than any other. It means equal liberty of Conscience. It is impermissible to treat minorities as "second-class citizens."
Secularism does not meam a hands-off state policy towards religion, but it certainly means the state has no religion and it is unconstitutional for it to tilt in favour of any religion. "In short, in the affairs of the state (in its widest connotation) religion is irrelevant; it is strictly a personala affair."
The founding fathers read the concept ofequality-fairness-and-justice-basediseCularisT1 into the Constitution "mot because it was fashionable, but because it was an imperative in the Indian context."
Above all, it is constitutionally illegitimate for either the state, orany political party, to mix up religion and politics; to use Communalism as a political mobilisation strategy, and to fight elections "on the basis of a plank which has the proximate effect of eroding the secular philosophy of the Constitution." A party or organisation which "acts and/or behaves by word of Tiouth, print or in any other manner" to bring about the effect of mixing up religion and politics will certainly be "guilty of an act of unconstitutionality." It will "have no right to function as a political
party."
The apex court has done the country and the political system proud. Its judgment is a tremendous blow to the BJP. to the Cause of Hinduwa and Hindu Rashtra, and to every other brand of communalism. In the battle against the adversaries of secularism, the corner has been turned, constitutionally speaking. The path has been cleared to introduce inteIlgently targeted and tough legislation against the mixing up of religion and politiCS.
16
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The Scholar’s Tale
Part 15
ld Colorials had failed to achieue nperial bluff arid make belieue alor our Free Market Stage just orie durinh and dazed decade
Onovirates spectacular success ulariting a laborted process Fle Filid, I9fl tio [File la te 2OLFAD) pinpoint probe, dissection and study
Imeron frof old Colebrooke ng Capitalis I had Luhat it took the Old East India Comparty Code
State Sahibs on the Free IlarketMode
g díl free floIIIlling strealTi, forest ard air bLIrpeople for the rieu laisser-faire Jroduction mode LFileLJ boosted Luyas Globul turnp-hit and bogged in big trouble
etle 1848 insurrection Laisser-faire Lo LFLE2 grave Luis tout CTEen latior, ming thuis ghoulish resurrection
1980's uuil Tuo Lu L safe-guards or intervertiorl
LLLLLL LLLLLLLLLLL LLLLLLLTLLL LLLCCLGLGGLLS 2r, ICCOLI Il fable, ar flirtist na for, Erg the greed and Lulgarity of Merchants
LerThance to good Ciull Seruants raditions sparuling each Century rg tழrயISUர்ரா யாழs arbitrarமு. Collebrooke and CCI I Teror Llac do Uri ecedeLice of Statute to Crour)
the Corurt landel Caliphate ing Statute to each ultin of State heritartce ofPracy and Spices "ut to State-Cryst its ou UndeLvices
TESİDet Fee-Marke Toget 7 Erted by a nodulated Camerol
leashed a cert LIF y later te. Morloitate out-did West Ellister
Lance by Hauker & Broker
and painless Extractor siопа Кiller curld Hi-Factor
Consultantarld Contractor ling the Priuate Sector
irister Afd-Trup beriesactor
1 1848 brought sonne release UCIsJLls Putsch Cs LJOL please
Lega nel Las LLo Louldbe Frheer or in the crossfire got poorer
Continued
U. Kartunati lake

Page 19
  

Page 20
stones" reminds The of the image of a stone in a stream which W.B. Yeats uses in "Easter 1916" to symbolize the inability of a nation to survive the pressures of history.
Hearts with one purpose alone Through summer and winterseem Encharted to a store To trouble the living stream
The strean is the stream of life which is enlivened by the
Horse that Corties froT road The rider, the birds that range From cloud to tumbling cloud
T00 lOrg a Sacrifice Cam maka a stong of the heart O when may it suffice?
The "ela-rounded stone" in Yeats poem becomes a symbol of the heart of stone. Yeats, too, Was rhetorical in his best poetry and he composed it with the heat of personal feeling aroused by Commitment in the national struggle. He has a political message for the living about the futility of the continuing struggle when negotiation is possible. Such combination of thought and feeling is clearly absent in the more generic references to Sri Lankan history and geography found in the lines quoted from Halpe. But Halpe' too is a rortantic poet in the great tradition of Yeats.
Being a Catholic Halpe sometimes uses references to Catholic ritual for framing a poem or to create lock heroic overtones. Thus the series of readings by Writers he had attended in an American university are satirized by framing them in the sequential steps of the Mass, thus ridiculing them for the solemnity and self importarice which they presume, but do not possess.
The First Reading
He told us in a "characteristic aside" That he had more driving poems Tham anyone else in the Country. ............................................... So Driving about Writing about driving he Sought a certain length,... While We can laugh at the apparent lack of sophistication that the Writer-reader displays it may also be true that driving is an experience about which poetry can be written, E.E. Cummings for instance described the act love in terms of driving in "She Being Brand New". Driving is one of the important and often pleasurable experiences in USA which a Sri Lankan audience will not appreciate and will therefore find their literary egos boosted by the exhibits that Halpe" presents in "Writers Reading". This poem illustrates the importance of the audience that the Writer has in mind to make his Work effective. Non-Catholic readers wil miss the irony of the sub-headings taken from the Mass ritual. But the local cognoscanti will be confirmed in the superiority of their English culture.
The audience is in gurgles and burbles The reading pedals on madly He still looks like the man who taught Fifth grade in PS55 (Upper West Side)
FaraWell Arterica
Andall your awesome Works..., Headed OThe We'll Catch A scent of New Year cooking across half the World.
Deo gratias, alleluia. Alleluia.
LLLLLL LLLLL LLLLHHLLLLLLL LLLLGLLLLLLL LLLLHL LLLLL LLLLL LCLL0L and formal poetry which present a complementary aspect to the satiric Werses about abroad-both USA and ရှိဖို့ဒွါ'''Iိဒ္ဓိ standpoint is the hybridcolonial culture of the South Asian subcontinent, which recognizes and accepts the rootedness of our emotions in five centuries of Colonial culture, and combines it with the ancient culture embodied in the native languages. The reader can get quite a shock at the abruptness of the transition from Sinhalese to English. The carter's song which is plaintively waited at length as the cartslowly
B

goes along the road is given the following elliptical version:
Two yoked together, driven along Tortured not loused Gwen at kaukelle The sight of Haputale' hill makes the stomach burn Sinful ox! Climb Haputale mountain
The speaker is the carter but the sufferer is the bull. It is the bull's viewpoint that the song conveys. Yet the last line disengages the speaker from the sufferer very explicitly. Harpe' conveys these feelings which are rooted in the Buddhist ethic rather abruptly but effectively.
Since suffering as a theme is so close to the Buddhist ethic it is appropriate to consider the Work of a major modern Sinhalese poet, Wimalaratna Kumaragana. His "About Myself" speaks of the Suffering of thwarted love. It starts off dialogically: "My love although my days hawe withered fast / I still think of you". An authentic note is struck by the lines: "a smouldering fewer gleams within our eyes... As long as this blood guilt yet stains my heart".
We thought our days would pass in harmony What is it then this car Tour in the Thist? Bareheaded in the rain you come to me What are these drops of blood? Is this my death?
The mystery of blood guilt which is given as the cause of the Suffering suffuses the feeling in the poem. This mystery is diffused in the last verse, by the distancingachiewed by the image, which generalizes the feeling:
HammerS and artwis Tust suffer alike But lonely broken hammers still may smile Remembering the sparks they used to strike From anvils long forgotten in the dust
The backward look at sexual enjoyment which the hammer-anvil image Conveys is bitter-sweet. It conveys the typical mood of the original Sinhalese Verse.
Reading the "Sketches" and personal poems ("Reveries" etc.) appreciate the interaction with the subtle and intricate mind which Creates the verse, Alittle or a big event evokes complex thoughts which the poet can trace adequately in language. But there are other occasions when the language becomes transparent to admit a vision of the reality it is trying to convey. "Among Cortmuters" is such a poem.
A long distance traveller Among short-runners, ruminantly reading But attention running down and energy melting In all the tangled tumult of commuters' quarter to eight
Then the Cool shock of two voices
We'll soon be at Maradana
Yes.
What will you do now? The things used to do before I met you. Well...I'll go then
A
You Wish.
At Maradara The surge upstairs to the street ls caught in perfect waves; step to step The faces ripple Workwards, all intent On that pure motion
Sacra Tantal.
There is the poignant event of lowers separating with such few but pregnant words of farewell. The dialogue is transparently Sinhalese in origin. And then the poet's voice intervenes with his Own feelings and evaluation encapsulated in the word: "sacramental". Another World view is presented there clashing with the loss of feeling that the separation of lowers impies. Even the city crowd's motion has a meaning which transcends the physical reality and which each person in it does not know. It is the poet who sees it.

Page 21
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Page 23
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Why theres sou in this rustic to
There is laughter and light banter amongst these rural damsels who are busy surling our tobacca leaf in a bar TI, II is till:2 cof the H.LuTdr Eds af 3,Lch barns spread out in the mid and upcountry inter mediate zone where the Table land remains fallow during the of Season.
Here, with careful rurturing, tobacco grows is in lucrative cash crop and the greer leaves turn to galdi. Ea the wallus cf rywer Rs. 250 TTıillicorn tor more! annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRICHING RURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter bacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest number of people. And these people are the tobacco barn outlers, the tobacco grCW:rs and those who work for thETT, om the land and in the barris. For thern, the tobacco leaf Teams rearingful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A good enough reason for laughter.
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