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VO. 17 No. 5 July 1, 1994
D. B. W CHARGE OF THE
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SACRIFICING
HUVEB ED
1956 : SIN
COLVN AND LESLE:
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A CHALLENGE TO (
de MEDA
e SOUTH
 

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Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
'S MOVE
GREEN BRIGADE
- Mervyn de Silva
IGN POLICY | THE MUSLIMS
- Aorace Aere/a
BY CHINA
- Ander Mashotra
|HALA ONLY
PROPHETS OF DOOM
- Javantha Somasundaram
LIBERALS
CHANAKYAN LOGIC
- /eth Hussain
ASIA

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Page 3
BA/EPI. M. . .
Rebels return
Garnini Dissamayake and Ronnie de Mel, two high profile miniSters in UNPCabinets Under President J. R. Jayewardene's leadership, who quit the party following differences With President R. Premadasa Were readmitted to the fold by President D. B. Wijetunga a few days before parliament was dissolved. Dissanayake got back his old (though now somewhat truncated) Mahaweli ministry and de Mel, a longtime finance minister, wasgiven Ports and Shipping
Miracle Worker Anura
In the pre-dissolution cabinet reshuffle Higher Education MiniSter Anura Bandaranaike Was given the additional portfolio of National Reconciliation, a new
OflE.
He woved to perform the "miracle' that Nelson Mandela and W. de Klerk, Yasser Arafat and Yitzak Rabin had Worked in South Africa and Palestine. In those countries irreconcilable opponents had apparently come together, MrBandaranaike said. So why not in Sri L3 kā?
DBIPS to probe tea
Petroleum Corporation Chaiman D. B. I. P. S. Siriwardene, one of the few remaining Civil Servants of old, has been appointed by President D. B. Wijetunga to probe the tea industry currently in
Crisis. He has be stigate and reop for the unprece tea prices.
ETF makes
The Employe (ETF) has earne of a record Rs 1993, up by 35 previous year, a Tinan Sunil Wije
Casinos still gover
The bar on C said a Presid: annOUn Cert1ent Wspaper report alive and kickin Colombo.
The alour C. ban on casions Emergency Re lgated in May a still in force. T regulations hav nded. Nor has given any green of Casinos.
"Therefore, if operation in the in Sri Lanka, as item, they are i hawe been give deal with them the Emergency the law'.
'Socialisr
The governn Da//y Wеиs q

in asked to inveto the reasons ented decline in
big money
Es' Trust FUnd da pre-tax profit
1330 million in Der Cent 0Wer the ccording to chaiSinghe.
banned says
Tert
asinos still holds, ntial Secretariat
following a nethat casinos were g in and around
ement said: "The introduced under gulations, promuind June 1991, is hese Emergency e not been resci
the government light for operation
any casions are in city or elsewhere stated in the news legal. Instructions n to the police to as provided for in Regulations and in
is the ain'
ent's flagship, the oted on its front
page an interview to a Sinhala daily by the SLFP's organiser for Mahara, Nimalasiri Jayasinghe, alias Loku Athula. JayaSinghesaid that he Wasafim believerin Socialism but that in the present climate the establishment of a completely socialiststructure had to be alongterm aim; restoring complete democracy was the most pressing need of the hour.
Jayasinghe, better known as Loku Athulathen, Was among the JWPers who served prison senteICES for thé in Surrection of 1971.
GUARDIAN
Wol. 17 No. 5 July 1, 1994
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo -2.
Editor: Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Saravanamuttu Mawatha, ColorTbO 13. Telephone: 435975
CONTENTS
News Background 3 Twenty Fifth Hour-II 5 Media 8.
LUS Clir TıbdoWITI O
ՃՈ ԸՒliria O The Former Yugoslavia 12 The Region 15 Correspondence 19

Page 4
DRU
Amendment to Drug Regulation No. 34 of Monday the 6th July 1992.
'No person shall dispense a prescriptio a drug."
MSJ goes down in the history of Drug R to collaborate with the Government on Generic decades of Brand Manufacture for the biggest muli to almost exclusive Generic Manufacture for the L now serve a vide spectrum of Health Services fr remotest Govt. dispensary and General Practition,
There is no glamour in illness - not forth safe, rational treatment, not market incentives.
Illness does not spare either rich or poor,
The Bibile-Wickremasinghe drug reforms into therapeutics. Generic prescribing and Generic of Drug Rationalization Policy.
In Good Tines and Bad Tines, Epidemi from MSJ have been a dependable source of reli
M. S. J. Industri
Factory and
P. O. B
Colom

GS 2.
f 1984 in Govt. Gazette Extraordinary No. 722/3
n which does not specify the Generic Name of
ationalization in Sri Lanka as the first Company Manufacture. MSV Swiftly moved over from two inational Drug Companies operating in this region eople of this country. Our range of Generic drugs on the big city Clinics and Base Hospitals to the 2r in the country.
e sick anyway. The sick need swift, cost-effective,
μαίίεπt or Phyνιαία π.
were designed and adopted to re-introduce ethics lispensing were the main levers of implementation
c and Disaster, War and Peace, Generic Drugs fin illness for over a third of this century.
?s (Ceylon) Ltd., Laboratories
υχ 430
.15 0נ

Page 5
WEWSEACAGAOLWO
Good opportunit mood of the elec
Mervyn de Silva
at Was the WEEk that WäS.
On Friday 17th, twoformerstalwarts of the 1978-88.J.R. regime, Mr. Gamini Dissanayake (Mahaweli Minister) and Mr. Ronnie de Mel (Finance Minister) were backin the party, in Parliament and Cabinet. Under President JR's supervision, Finance Minister De Mel had been the brilliant manager of the пеw есопоmic strategy that JR had introduced in Collaboration With the IMF and World Bank. As Irrigation Minister Gamini Dissanayake had been the manager of the huge multi-purpose Mahaweli scheme, the show-piece development project of the JR Presidency. Such was the symbolic power of this Sri Lankan "Aswan" that Gamini, regarded as JR's pet, was also considered the party's "great White hope".
The India interwention and the IPKF presence that sparked the JVP insurrection put paid to such hopes. The astute JR chose the nationalist (anti-Indian) and populist Prime Minister Premadasa to Contest the SLFP leader Mrs. Bandaranaike at the 1988 polls. Mr. de Mel misjudged the electoral mood and joined the SLFP. When PremadaSa Won - not too convincingly- de mel left the country. Mr. Dissanayake joined National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali, an equally formidable UNP stalwart in an impeachment plot that misfired. They formed the DUNF - the first seiOUS Setbackforte COTServative"EStablishment"partу.
The impeachme Was the first OWerts "dis-unity" of the U
Question: HOW wote has returnedd assasination of th and recently the r Dissanayake to the
With his aggres Indian polemics, F matched the lation of the JVPbut Crea te of opinion for M and the Security fo insuгgency.
Question: Did disaffected gener much larger than support-base? Th. office for 17 years 18. And 5 yearsh revolt was crushed tuency" (not the J" the Southern prov
The CWC, an : 1977, has decide Work With the Sr ngress of Mr. Ash the future with the
Question: CrW ples Alliance, if th tiOn Calls for SL-Ch

y to gauge the
(Orate
it, though abortive, gn of the underlying ited National Party.
TJC of the DUNF O the UNP after the a charismatic Lalith eturn of Mr. Gamini
party fold?.
siwe anti-IPKF, antiremadasa not only alist-populist appeal led the Correct clinalr. Ramjan Wijeratne rces to quell the JWP
the JWP Tobilise a ational constituency
its OWI Committed 3. UNFP las been in | Sri Lankans Wote at ave passed since the Did the "JWP Consti(P) tilt the balance at nce polis.
lly of the UNP since to go it alone. It may
Lanka Muslim Coaff, and then discuss UNP.
ttle SLFF-led Ped2 post-election situa
OWe?
For the Toment, at least, President DB's move has lowered the temperatu
G.
But why the General election which could hawe been held any time in the next 7 months? And why this contest when the Presidential poll must be held long before the parliamentary?
It is clear that President Wijetunge did not wish to take the plunge and seek a second term, until he could gauge the mood of the electorate, identify the weak Constituencies, and see hoW the minorities Tamil, Indian Tamil plantation labour, Christians and Muslims) wote. Those who do not attribute such motives offer a simpler explanation-astrology.
TWO issues will decide voter behaviour, the economic and the ethnic. Sri Lanka was the first in South Asia to adopt free-market policies, and take the IMFWorld Bank route. The opposition has already focussed on jobs and rising prices. Though it is careful not to talk of "socialism", it does raise hopes of "structural adjustment with a human face" while condemning "crony capitalism". On the ethnic, the PA and, Chaindrika are more conciliatory. Mrs. Bandaranayake and President Wijetunge are staunchly "Sinhalese-Buddhist" in their thinking. The mood is for change. This is certainly true of the "new voters".

Page 6
CWC will go with UNP or solo
S. Selvakumar
While the two major political parties, the UNP and the People's Alliance are preparing for the big showdown on August 16, the Ceylon Workers' Congress (CWC) and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) with a considerable vote bank in Selected districts will decide Within the next few days with whom they should throw their weight.
CWC Chief and Tourist and Rural Industrial Development Minister Saumyamoorthy Thondaman speaking from his Kotagala residence stated that CWC Na
tional Council and t ttee Were scheduled 3 in Kandy and Col decide on his party rthcoming generate
Asked Whether hi. the People's Allianc Thonda Tan Said: "If alongside the UNP, to contest with an statement by the wet indication that the C the PA at the forth
Tight security in Colombo follo
of Tiger hit squad
Panduka Senanayake
Security was tightened in Colombo with overt and covert operations being launched by the police and security forces following the arrest in the city of a terrorist hit squad with over 300 kilos of explosives.
"We have tightened security. Jointmilitary and police investigations are on to track down other squad members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) who are believed to be in the city with more explosives", a senior defence official.
Military and police officers were tight lipped about the intended target of the hit squad, identified as members of the hard Core'BlackTigers'. However, it is believed to be the headquarters of a defence establishment in a very sensitive part of the city.
Defence officials said that it Would hawe been only one of several targets in the city selected by the LTTE.
"We are keeping a close watch on other vulnerable points in the city. There are possibilities of other squads being there with alternative targets", an official said.
According to some officials, the first Week of July, set aside to cort memorate the achievements of the "Black Tigers' by the LTTE, Would hawe been selected for the attacks with the most likely date being July 5,
4.
"On that day in 19 Tried Out Lheir "Mille Cadre named Miller | laden vehicle into the Iliady. It was their fi operation and was CE the successful Wadar by the security forces an official said.
Officials believe th; a secret compartme squad members We title of their detectio used as a Wehicle bol
The detectionata one of the army's mos led the military to an Dehiwala where the explosives were hidd
The house had b Sinhala OWner for a 5000. The explosives ral metal boxes Wer ndles of "Kottakelang Jaffra.
Orle of the four | committed suicide by de capsule at the tim

he Executive CommiIto meetonJuly 2 and Ombo respectively to 's alliance at the folection.
Sparty Would support -e in the election, Mr. We are not contesting then we are not going other party". This eran politician is a firm SWC will not support :Orning election. And
WS arreSt
87 the terrorists car Operation' with a driwing an explosiwe 2 army campo at Ne"st Suicide bombing arried out soon after Tarachchi operation against the Tigers",
it a double cab with rit ir which the Hit e travelling, at the 1. Would hawe been
b in the attack.
heckpoint, made by decorated officers, -T TE Safe house in 300 kilos of plastic
.
2er rested from a nonthly sum of Rs. ConCealed in Sewe
hidder LIrnder bLu"brought down from
t Squad members Wallowing a cyaniOfiaľTBSt
(SừWNTMay Chserver)
even if the CWC contests alone, its members who Would win will back the UNP in Parliament.
SLMC chief M.H.N. Ashraff said that right now his party would wish to contest the election solo, but preferred an alliance with the CWC to that with the UNP or the People's Alliance. Asked why he preferred the CWC to the UNP or PA, Mr. Ashraf said that in alliance with a minor party, the SLMC could preserve its independence.
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Page 7
  

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Page 10
MWELDMA
Broadcasting fu
he agenda for the discussion Was
prompted by the recent revolution in broadcasting technology principally, the advent of satellite television transitissions. This new technological era has created an unprecedented opportunity for large numbers of broadcasting organisations, both domestically-based and intenational, to use the television medium. For the first time, millions of people are becoming television viewers in their own homes. But the very impact of the satellite revolution has also given rise to a range of new, and sometimes urgent, issues. In the Countries of the Indian sub-continent, lively debates are in progress about how to respond. These revolve around various questions, such as the need to develop a strategy for dealing with the cultural effects of foreign programmes on a mass indigenous audience; how to license and regulate new regional stations, as well as trying to guarantee standards of quality in their programming.
The chairman of the proceedings, Shri Pran Chopra, opened the discussion by Suggesting that the increased competition between Warious areas of the Tedia can only be beneficial. Where competition is restricted, there is a risk of official interference, censorship and falling standards in Output.
The keynote address was delivered by Shri.P.S. Deodhar, whose recent inquiry, on a government-appointed committee, has encompassed a wide range of broadcasting issues. He pointed out that the Communications revolution has been effectively exploited by private enterprise; public sector broadcasting in Indiaishampered by bureaucratic practices. There is a need for creative people in this field to enjoy greater freedom. But the many debates on the future of the electronic media, which may throw up important issues, often fail to lead to any particular concluSOTI
The rapid growth of satellite television, by its nature, is very different from the development of radio stations, which may start at a local level and aspire to a wider field of nationwide transmission. With television, the emphasis has been, primarily, on the Wider canvas. But local transmi ters, linked to a satellite network, should allow for a mix of programmes, retaining those of particular interest to a local audience. This would also help to encourage grassroots television production and ge
B
nerate advertising in tors will eventually one hundred differe television.
A BBC spor, SAWIWeS BWAGSAYeWa. bao Dhaka
Sri P.S. De0dā to the potential roleo in reaching the Subst of the population in The task of informing people will give gre the broadcasters. B has to be CoTi Tiercia: as it is on advertisin ssage carried on the to evolve a distinctiv has happened in the failure, Over recent coherent policy on W огергogгапппning to damaging. Televisio rect impact on its children. There is : researchinto the psy effects of televisioni
A special presenta Geoffrey Pardoe, of Systems Ltd (UK):
"Weye is MM ዕይ§?"
Dr. Pardoe emphas improvепments in the visual and sound tr; accessories of electri as microphones and chnology which is efficientthan its pred change the face o mming. The numbe Would be available, clear signals, offer the diffused public servic. health and sanitation
At the organisatic many ways to Creat licensing agreement both developed and Here, it's not justar technology, but of po Se in managerment,

tUreS
venue. Cable орегаe able to offer up to it channels on Indian
sored Sewar іл ДеWh//sМатаga COMoo.
also drew attention F the electronic media antial illiterate section leveloping countries. and educating such ater responsibility to ut this busine SS als0 lly wiable, dependent grevenue. The memediurn shouldhelp fe Indian identity, as United States. India's years, to develop a that kind of software transmit, has been n, after all, has a diWiewers, particularly an urgent need for chological and social
India.
tion was made by Dr General Technology
Technology 7 aking
ised the widespread performance both of Insmission, and the nicequipment, such Cameras. Digital temore compact and 2cessors is bound to television prograof channels which carrying technically prospect of widelya information tips for Care, for example.
hal lewel, there are ! joint ventures and
between groups in eveloping Societies. atter of transferring ling hur man expertiset in a proper CO
mmercial environment, with supporting services and quality control available to the technicians.
The discussion was then thrown open
to allow a variety of contributions from speakers. Among the points raised were the following:
Shri P. Kashyap AWAróla Fadio Coricêm that the dominarice of COTT1Brcial interests in Satellite television Will swamp public service aspects of broadcasting. There must be a sense of social responsibility so that the broadocasters maintain a human understanding of their audience, not patronising them, for example.
Shri K.M.Shrivastawa Dept. of Journalism, Punjabi University, Patiala: Fear that whichever party is in charge of central government will try to retain excessive controllower Such a powerful medium. The priorities of the ruling elite are fundamentally different from those responsible for the technology or the production ofprogrammes. Unlike the development of the press, broadcasting has traditionally been in a closer relationship with government.
Dr Kiran Karnik Consortium for Educational Communication, University Grants Commission: The extent of television reception with projections of 40 Tillion television sets in India, reaching about 200 million people stil leaves open the question of access for the remaining 70 percent of the population. Also, in the new television coTpanies dueto come into existence, there shouldn't be any confusion between the owners and the managers. Regardless of who owns a station, the папа9епепt should beauloпoпous.
Kailash Budhwar, formerly Head of BBC Hindi Service, challenged Professor Deodhar's argument that themedia could Createa specific Indian identity. Who would decide that identity? The task should not belong to the media. The diversity and plurality of Indian culture have to be recognised and defended, where necessary, against homogenising and centralising tendencies. Anyway, advertisers are looking for regional, as well as national, markets, SOregional prograTimes should be guaranteed.

Page 11
  

Page 12
US Climbdown c
Inder Malhotra
H: things changel Less than two years ago, during the U.S.presidential campaign, Bill Clinton was thundering against George Bush's China policy, denouncing it as "coddling of tyrants from Baghdad to Beijing".
These Words Were Supposed to hawe sent "shivers down octogenarian spines" in the Chinese capital. What a cruel twist of irony it is that today brittle backbones are to be found not in Beijing, but in Washington D.C. There can be no other meaning of what Some hawe called CIInton's pathetic Climbdown ortame turnabout on the crucial question of China's snostfavoured nation (MFN) trading status and its linkage with human rights. In large parts of the United States, there was an audible sigh of relief when Clinton ended the absurdity of making China's MNF privileges in the lucrative American market dependent on its "record" on human rights, as judged by Washington, which is infested with human rights zealots.
This sea change in American policy in a short span of 12 months - for it was around this time last year that the U.S president had extended for a year China's MNF status and declared magisterially that further extension would depend Wholly on an improvement in China's human rights performance - has important lessons for not only the United States, but also the entire world. India neēds to analyse these lessons with the utmost care because China's superbly skilful handling of American hectoring should give heart even to those in the Indian Government, especially in the Ministry of Finance, who begin to Wilt at the slightest sign of U.S. displeasure or pressure.
However, before discussing these leSSons, it is necessary to go over the Various stages through which America's agonising reappraisal of its relationship with China has passed and the reasons why China has prevailed almost completely on its own terms, while the Clinton crowd has had to eat humble pie.
In June 1993, still flush with his electoral victory, President Clinton had laid down seven preconditions for any further exeision of MFM status for China. TWO of these were "mandatory": that China should stop exporting to the U.S. goods produced by prison labour, and that it allow "free emigration" of a "certain number" of dissidents Who Were, until then, barred from leaving Chinese shores. According to the Clinton administration,
10
these two condition met".
But, on the remair which China had to gress", the story is Conditions Were Wic ded such demand: Beijing's "repressio prisoners to be visit adherence to the Un Human Rights, and has done is to agree by a U.S. technica (emphasis added) Voice Of America docasts. The U.S. immediate cessatior
AS itbeCarle clea taking U.S. treats oft status seriously, Wa: human rights escala jing by American more frequent. Farf the Chinese very st that their lectures EELIS
The Case of thig Warren Christopher, U.S. dignitary to go Tianan men Square most instructive. In Christopher had be Assistant Secretary tuck, who is the "poir rights. He had clan Chinese dissidents were understandabl tuck's boss, and Cl than willing to receiv his message to the the Chinese authoriti Christopher but, fig rubbed his nose in thi the dissidents just be due to receive therT Ostentatiously exact was taxing at Beijing on the journey back
Later, at repeated and pleading, Beijin some political prison however, it issued fre strict restrictions on tiently but una TbigL Americar interioCLut ncepts of human rigt Other Countries, that do nothing likely to c in their country, and get America nowher.

in China
shave been "largely
ing five conditions on show "significant prodifferent. These five e-ranging and incluas an "easing" of n" in Tibet, allowing 3d by the Red Cross, versal Declaration on so on. All that China to a "visit to Beijing" team to talk about alting its jamming of (WOA) radio broalemand Was for an
of jamming
that China Was not BrITiration oftSMFN shington's rhetoricon ted and Wisits to Bellemissaries became orn being overawed, Jbtly told the visitors were falling on deaf
Secretary of State, the highest-ranking to China since the паESacre, was the the Chinese capital, en preceded by his of State, FRobert Shaitsperson" for human destinely met some These dissidents keen to meet Sharistopher was more 'e ther to underline rulers of China. But es not only upstaged uratively speaking a dust. They arrested ore Christopher was and released them y when his aircraft airport for the take-off
Ortel
American prodding g released from jail 3rs. Simultaneously, shdecrees imposing olitical activis T1. Paously, they told the rs that the U.S. Cois could not apply to hey would acceptor sturb social stability that pressure Would
.
The highpoint of China's performance was that, instead of itself playing its ace - China's enormous economic importance to the Americans - it let captains of American business do so. Even While human rights groups went on demanding the termination of the MNF status for China, chief executive officers (CEOs) of top U.S. Corporations and multinationals read out the riot act to the White House.
Any monkeying with China's MFN rights, they warned, would be followed by retaliatory Chinese action that would be "disastrous" for the U.S. and catastrophic for places like Hong Kong. America exports £9billion worth of goods to China (against China's Whopping exports to the U.S. of £ 31 billion). While China would surely be hurt by denial of access to the American market, the suffering of the Americans in reverse Would be Worse. For, said the hard-headed CEOs, 150,000 to 200,000 jobs would disappear ovemight at a time when every single job in America Tatters.
Moreover, China's trade with the U.S flourishes because the Chinese goods are cheaper. Would millions of American conSurners agree to pay more for a whole range of items, from toys to garments to shoes, for the joy of upholding human rights?
Thus it was that the Clinton climbdown, When it came, turned out to be even more humiliating than was expected. Speculation was that while the U.S. President WOuld lewer dar to ed Chia's MFN status, he would, in order to save face, impose several "token"Sanctions against Chirla.
In the event, he imposed a solitary and measly sanction: a ban on the import of Chinese assault guns and their art munition which, at present, accounts foramere £ 100 millionl Human rights groups and others have surely criticised Clinton for having "betrayed" the human rights cause. They hawe described his action as "morally too dishonest" and politically "too embarrassing". But this is clearly a minority view.
The American public generally haswellcomed the end of the agony. This means that the strength of the human rights lobby in the U.S., especially at the Capitol Hill, has sofar been exaggerated. Some good may come out of this sobering drama if the Clinton administration - and those zealots who have been hijacking its age

Page 13
da - at least realise that relations between nations are much too complex to be governed by a single criterion, especiaily when it is something altruistic and generic like human rights or, for that matter, non-proliferation, market access and SOO.
AS BwEnts in Somalia Bosnia, Haiti, North Korea andelseWhere hawe shown, the sole surviving superpower is in no position to browbeat even tiny nations. Nothing can be more foolish for the U.S., therefore, than an attempt to lay down the law for countries which are independent actors in World affairs, as China surely is,
And, so is India or Japan (with which America has a massive trade dispute), Chira las Ewer Timiced its Words ir pointing out that American concern for human rights can be selective and that there is a tendency to use human rights as a "political weapon".
It is strange that a decade and a half after the Jimmy Carter disaster, the Cito crowd is unaware of the Complications that the Tindless promotion of human rights Can causa.
In Iram today, you are likely to COme across alarge number of tormented people who curse Carter for having imposed on them the present Islamic revolutionary regime. Carter at least was sincere in his devotion to human rights, while Clinton is cynical. Moreover, Carter changed his tack after the hostages crisis in Teheran.
Clinton has yet to show that he has also seen the light. And this brings one to another difference between the Carter set-up and the Clinton dispensation. Jimmy Carter was surrounded by able foreign policy experts: Zbigniew Brzezinsky as national security adviser and Cyrus Vance, still, indemandas anelder statesman, as Secretary of State.
Clinton, personally lacking in both interest and aptitude whereforeign policy is Concerned, has chosen the Weakest possible foreign policy team.
It has needlessly, and in a foolhardy manner, aggravated the difficulties which could have been avoided by a more adroit set of players. No Wonder, reports from Washington suggest that both Christopher and Tony Lake, the present national Security adviser, might be asked to leave soon. In deep, the joke is that when the for Tier Deputy Secretary of State, Wharton, was given the order of the boot, most Americans had said that the "Wrongman" had been sacked.
Christopher, they added, should hawe been the first to go. Since Strobe Talbott, a distinguished journalist and a Clinton
crony, has prowed to acceptable substitute
mains to be seen W room-mate at Oxford V to the position of Secre might inject an eleme dynamism in the pres reign policy of the World
dia also needs to machine for implemen licy. Butthis painful sut ssed Separately Some sent, the more import policy-makers and dip the effectiveness of which contrasts. With th
The first thing to note hawe newėr refLISEedt bject, including huma Americas. Every Yank ti | ft Col LuTaf Ted in Beijing and the as has been describe paragraphs.
Secondly, and more dealings with the O States, the Chinese ha mbined tactical flexit firmness. They newer their basic principles details, they give ing they consider it nece. to do SO. Their decisi release political prison countervailing measu their basic point, ha: earlier,
It may be added property rights and conceded years ago contemplating. Thirdly ntion and applause thë say quite harsh thing States - especially W. their sovereignty of hC into question, the most Bil Cirty'S "Carl CE Dalai Lala at the W newer shout and Scre:
The latter, unfortur the hallmark of the Tse, the Indial and systems are different, hCe laSt for g'Wer. BLI competitive democrac rests can be pursuedi nes firmness with dig mands that difference nese and Indian positi United States should aCCOUTIt.
Chirla's ClQLItÎ8 ÎIIIIT ge limited. This is true - WilliSOWSE determinat of intert

be a Tuch Tore for Wharton, it reHether HS fortaro would promote him tary of State, which Tt Of TEälisri ärld ent floundering foi's mightest nation.
mend its rundo Wn Iting its foreign pobject must be disCUtime. For the preant task for Indian lomats is to grasp he Chinese style, at of this country.
iStatthe Chiese o discuss any Suin rights, with the ofапyrankwaпting rights Was Welcoen put in his place, ad in the foregoing
importantly, in their Werbearing United we consistently COility with Strategic compromise with and stärld. Blut, On racefully whenever ssary or expedient In to acCOLInt for Or Iers, Corbined With res to drive home
bēr īlenti)
that on intellectual latents, China had
What India is Still it TeritSEOthatteat While the Chinese is about the United when they think that Inouris being called totable case being : Teeting" with the hite House — they ET1
lately, has become di SC. (Of Cou| Chinese political and may this differetin a vigorous and y also, national intena style that combiInity. Objectivity deS between the ChiОПs in relation to thЕ
also be taken into
Ierse; lidian leweraboth of economics i J HE HE Tail lational relations -
and strategy, which has by no means lost its edge,
Indeed, during the painful American debate on China policy, it was repeatedly emphasised that while the policy must be govепеd by Aпегica's great есопоппіс stakes in the People's Republic, the crucial importance of China's geopolitical role simply could not be ignored.
Henry Kissinger, always a realist, repeatedly told his countrymen that if anovea, China could make "life miserable for tha United States" because it Was the "second most populous nation in the world, with a large military equipped with nuclear weaponry and was a Weld-Wielding member of the U.N. Security COUİncil, where its continued Cooperation Wa:S essential for the pursuit of America's interests".
Kissinger was joined by many others in underscoring that, without China joining the U.S. in doing so, there was no way to contain North Korea's nuclear ambitions. A positive outcome of P.W. Narasirtha Rao's visit to the United States has been that the emphasis in Indo-US relations has shifted from divisive political differences to the immense possibilities of economic cooperation between the two countries. But this is subject to two caWeatS.
In the first place, the potential of Indo-US economic relations has yet to be realised. Although some U.S. investors Consider India to be a better market than China in the long run, at present and in the foreseeable future China's economic Weight would far exceed India's.
Secondly, India's geopolitical and geostrategic importance would not be taken seriously until We can put our house in order, establish over the troubled Kashmir walley much greater control than exists at present, start the political process there and leave the U.S. in no doubt that it would newer succeed in its design to first cap, then reduce and finally eliminate, India's nuclear programme.
Let there be no Tistake about it. The U.S. has notabandoned this objective and it is being tiresome in its demands that Indian Tiissiles like FrithWi mList not be deployed. To thwart the various stratagems the U.S. Would surely come up with would require greater sophistication and Skill tham ựựa5 ịT1 EựịdEF1CE. Whạm the SC-Ca|led secret meeting at London was organised or the U.S. allowed to get away with the impression that, with Some minor Wariations, India Would Swallow the idiotic proposal for a nine-nation conference to discuss the problems of nonproliferation and regional security in South Asia only.

Page 14
77WEFAFOAMWEA7 YUGOSLA MWA
Western ambivalence, in
Horace Perera
The Territory
The former Yugoslavia, as it emerged from World War I and subsequently from World War II, consisted in 1945 of six Constituent republics all but one of which (Bosnia-hertzegovina) were established on a dominant nationalist basis. Reading the map from West to East, the six are the republics of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hertzegovina itself, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia. Wojwodina and the Albanian dominated Kosovo-Metohija district' Were automorr10US provinces Within the republic of Serbia. The entire country is bounded on the West by the Adriatic sea Italy, on the North by Austria and Hungary, on the North-East by Romania, on the East by Bulgaria, on the South by Greece and on the South-West by Albania. All its neighbours have in varying degrees, an interest in developments in Yugoslavia.
The People
The Serbs are comparatively the largest nationalist group in the territory taken as a whole. They are the dominnant group in Serbia proper, in its northerT province of Vojvodina and in Montenegro. They command a significant minority (32%) in Bosnia-Hertzegowina Where the MUSlirts Count 43% and Croatians 17%. They constitute a fair majority (about 25%) in Croatia, and small minorities in Slovenia, Macedonia and in the southern provirice of Kosovo Which has a Albanian пajority of 90%.
Languagewise the Serbian language is used in Serbia properand in Montenegro, with the exception of the Southern Serbain province of Kosovo where the Albanian language dominates. In the Independent Republics of Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia their respective national languagees prevail. Ofcourse, there are linguistic minorities in all the republics. There are two alphabets: the Cyrillic and the Latim. The former is in use in Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia while the latter is current in the other republics and ir KOSOWO.
There are three major religions: the
1. Hereafter referred to only as Kosovo.
Orthodox, the Rom: Slim faiths. The Ser| Macedonians belong dox Church, Slover largely Catholic whi two-fifths of Bosnialarge majority of Ko: of Islam. There are including small group ttered in different re Said that "Nowherei Complex Web of intel
The Writing on the
The relations aro linguistic and religiou the years, been far fr within each republic Consequently rivalrie hostile feelings haw hawe been a Carbatec last three decades by the more significant the following:-
1. The continuation extremely centralized the communist part e Wen Whēri Wa WeS 0 for democracy and fo Were Sweeping thr EasterTn Europe, parti half of the 80's.
2. The resurgence
lism stemming from that the Federal Cor Tito in 1974 to Serve
death, was detries rests in that it exte Slower eS and Croats dominated population rther that it practically to the Serbian provinc KOSOWO.
3. The deterioratio especialysince 1987 Ccupation of the lead republics with nation: increasing realisation Intralizatio Was the SI
4. The death of Tito demise the disappe; person With sufficient
"ће иwїега иаMќrтоит 57Lалќал7 eoйлсаfor, идs
12

eptitude and cowardice
än Catholic and MLbs, Montengrins and largely to the OrthoTes and Croats arg le a little more than Hertzegovina and a Sowals are followers religious minorities, is of Protestants scapublics. It has been п. Europe can a поге actions be found".
Wall
ng these nationalist, IS grOLOS hawe, OWEer om harmonio LIS both and among ther. IS, tersions ande Werl e persisted. These in the Course of the a number of factors, of which have been
l, since 1954, of aп bureaucracy and of y that controlled it, f freedom and calls Irmarkgt eCOTOmies ough Central and cularly in the second
of Serbiä natioma
their interpretation Istitution, crafted by Yugoslavia after his tal to Serbian inteinded protection to and to the Albanian of Kosowo and fugawe republic status tes of Vojvodina and
of the economy and the consepreoilers of the different all concerns and an 1 thät: Torg, dBCeolution.
in 1980 ard With his Arance of the One Stature tOrThOderate
or even restrain separatist tendencies.
5. The election as President in 1987 of Slobodan Milosevic, a hardline "communist nationalist" totally opposed to democracy and obsessed with the promotion of Serbian nationalism and the creation, not of a politically and economically stable Yugoslavia, but of a "Greater Serbia". His dissolution, in the interests of the Serbian minority, of the Kosoyo Government and its National Assembly in retaliation of a proposal by the 90%. Albanian do Tiinated segment of the province for a greater measure of autonomy, his threat to declare the internal frontiers of the republics "an open political question" if efforts to replace the federal structure of the country by a confederation continued, and his outright rejection of a joint Slovenian-Croation proposal for the replacement of Yugoslavia's quasi-federal structure by an alliance of sovereign states show clearly the direction in which the political winds were blowing. On the one hand there were, in republics other than Serbia and Montenearo, movements seeking greater autonormy or, as in Slovenia and Croatia, complete independence. On the other hand there was Milosewic determined not only to maintain the existing structure but ever, if he considered it necessary, exteriding Serbian control over the other coInstituent republics. It is not Surprising therefore that in the elections held before the end of 1990 the voting in all the republics was on ethnic lines thus strengthening the independence movements in Slovenia and Croatia and stirring up Slobodan Milosevic's ambition for a "Greater Serbia". With the action taken early in January 1991 by Slovenia and Crotia to invalidate federal laws in their republics it was evident that Yugoslavia was ominously and inexorably moving in the direction of civil War.
Western Myopia and Muddling 1. The wars in Slovenia and Croatia
As early as January 1991 it was clear that Slovenia and Croatia on the One hand, and Slobodan Milosevic's Serbia on the other hand were on a head-on collision Course. The centrifugal forces in the two
SGHT CTOeTLCCC LLLLSLLLTOOCLKSCLLLLLLL LLLLL LL0

Page 15
constituent republics were quite loud and vociferous and in February went to the extent of invalidating federal laws in their territories. In Serbia, in spite of a anticommunist demonstration against him by an extreme right Wing group, Milosevic's power was on the rise. It was in this situation that the then US Secretary of State, James Baker, declared that the US Would back the status quo and Warned Slovenia and Croatia lot to Withdraw from the Federation. Johnathan Eyal of the Royal United Services Institute in London rightly commented that this declaration and warning from the solitary Super-PoWer Sent the Wrong messages to both sides. Milosewicardhisationalists were Convinced that the West Would not intervere in what to the Ti Wa Sa pourElly do Testic Tatter. For their part the Slowerles and Croats decided to establish their indepeindence before Western pressure was built up to restrain them. Hence on 25 June Slovenia declared its independence to be followed a few days later by the declarition of independence by Croatia. As should have beеп expected the Yugoslav Peоples Army (JNA) invaded Slovenia and later Croatia, Slowenia was better equipped and moreover had a "negligible" Sert Tinority of only about 5%. Its territorial defence forces put up stiff resistance and the JNA was compelled to withdraw after ten days of fighting. Croatia was much less equipped to deal with a very largely Serbianized a Ty and was at a further disadvantage by the fact that it had a sizable Serbian minority. In fact, in 1990 there had been an armed insurgency for cultural autonomy by the Serb minority in the city of Knin. The fifgting was fierce but the superior JNA had no difficulty in taking control of Krajina as the majority of its population were ethnic Serbs. Only in January 1992 was peace plan brokered by the UN Envoy Cyrus Wance. The plan included the deployment of UN peacekeeping troops, the functioning of local authoTities ir three UN Protected Areas Under UN supervision and the withdrawal of Serbian forces. None ofthew three parties (the Croats, the Serbs proper and the Serbian minority in Krajina) are satisfied. The Croats may in time try to recover the lost territory; Serbia is not likely to give up what it has gained and the Serbs in Krajina are totally opposed to returning Croatian rule. Consequently there hawe been a number of cease-fire violations which show no signs of abating. The Serbs did withdraw their heavy Weapons but they are reported to hawe mowed them in the direction of Bosnia-Hertzegovina.
2. El Diplomatic Rec
At the beginning th nity and the USW question of diplomat breakaway republics slavia. Responding lobby in its territor Considerable pressu mbers and on 17 European Cort run recognition to thoser Suredup to Certain Sp ny 15, 1992, Was t mplying with these more important of t tment (a) to the ob rights, particularly of principal that border effected only by pea (c) a requirentment to ngton's Hague PCECE however, Jumped th recognition of Slow: Christrilas 1991. With cking whether these With the Criteriatha upon. To maintain the the other members extended diplomatic mia and Gripätiä SloJW the Criteria that hadb Croatia, the fact is t record, under Presid left much to be desire rnment did not, to al like Olle that WOLuld force to solve border was subsequently ju:
3. Bosпіа-Herzeg
Independence
The next republic declare its independe rzegovina. Its desire Could have stimulate Which Slowenia achi its status as a Sower decision of the EC : Conferieslte in 1991 to any repulic that a it let the Criteria lai abowe) and by the fa red recognition ewe measure up to allthe rlying all these wasth dominated governme the idea of being Sut Serbia" With Slobo head. In WieW, hOWE the Muslims Constit Tajority (43%) of the Were Substantial Sert

ognition e European COTI mLu'ere divided on the icc recognition of the of the former Yugoto a strong Croatian // Germany exerted re. On its fellowingDecember 1991 the ity agreed to grant epublics which meaecific criteria. Januahe deadline for corequirements. The Iese Were a CommiSerWarCE Of hiLulär minorities, (b) to the changes should be Ceful reasures and Support Lord Carri2 Process. Germany, Ie gun and declared піа апd Croatia by out adequately che! republics Complied t had been agreed 2 appearance of unity of the Community recognition to Sloveenia wery largely met een specified. AS for hat its human rights ent Franjo Tudjman, 2d and that his goveappearances, look IOt HESitale ld LISG dispo Lules: a wiew that Stiffiġdid.
= aחriוב
to break away and InCe Was BOSnia-Hea for independence 2d by the ease with Wedandestablished sign republic, by the it the Hague Peace to offer recognition sked for it, provided d down (vide para 2 ct that Croatia SecuIn though it did not requirements, UndeEl fact that the Muslim rt did rotat al relish jected to a "Greater ar 1 MOSEWIC at its Wer of the fact thal Ited only a relative population and there bian (32%) and signi
ficant Croatian (17%) minorities, and the ferocity of the Serbian interwention in Croatia, the Muslims might have acted With caution. They placed too much reliance on the majority they commanded in the National Assembly and on the support they could count on the Croatian segment of the population who were smarting on the Serbia interventi01 in Croatia. Suggestions for partition to ensure self-deterimination for themselves were rejected and they opted for independence by a majority vote in March 1992, in National Assembly.
4. E. C. Recognition
The E. C. was faced with a new situation. Unlike as in Slovenia and Croatias where, for all practical purposes, there were two ethnic groups, Bosnia-Herzegowina had sizable numbers of Muslims, Serbs and Croats. Under the circumstarices the E. C. decided to accept its Arbitration Commission's recommendation that the issue of recognition be decided by a popular referendu T1. The Sertos Froclaimed their total opposition to such a device and refused to participate in it. Taking no notice of this reaction by about one-third of the population, the Muslims and the Croats Went ahead with refereindum and obtained an overwhelmingmajority for independence. At this stage one Would have expected the E. C., particularly in view of the Serbian reaction to Croatia's declaration of independence in 1991, to delay recognition and try to bring about a settlement between the Muslims and Croats on One side and the aggressiWe Serbs on the other. But "keep to the reCOrri Tiendation OfitSArbitration Corinisission" the E. C. and the USA extended recognition to the new republic. If the E. C. and the US had shown an ambivalance in regard to the recognition of the independer Ce, particularly of Croatia, they displayed an amazing stupidity in granting recognition to Bosnia-Herzegovina. They Surely did not expect the Bosnian Serbs Cor Belgrāde to relain ide. AS amatter of fact, even before recognition, Bosnian Serbs had begun to blockade the airport in Sarjewo, the capital of Bosnia-HerzegOWIrla.
5. Western ineptitude
The West should hawe been aware Cof the Centuries long, deep seated hatred of Serbs for Muslims. After its defeatin 1380, in the battle of Kosovo, Serbia had for a period of three hundred and fifty years, been a Turkish Pashalik enduring all the
13

Page 16
miseries which that lawless regime imposed. Not only had the Serbian aristocracy been wiped out-save those in Bosnia Who Converted to Islam and in time, from the Serbian point of view, became a natiorial in feeling about their peasantry had also been bled by their children being forcibly recruited, by the "blood tax", into the Turkish army thus making them the instruments of their own subjugation. These memories rankled and were roused further by the unfortunate appearance in 1990 of an essay, written about two decades earlier by Bosnia President Izetbegowic, in which - inter alia - the view was expressed that "there can be neither" peace nor co-existence between the Islamic religion and Non-Islamic social and political institutions". The Muslim attitude to the Serbs has been referred to earlier and needs no repitition. As for the Serbattitute to Croats; there was not much love lost between them. Many still vividly remembered that during World War I Croatia had from 1941-1945 been a Nazi Puppet State and, under the dictatorial Tule of Ante Pavel. the head of the terrorist Organization Ustashe, had supperssed With extreme brutality all, including Serbian, opposition to Nazi domination. The Croats, on the other hand were bitter that, due to Serbian intervention parts of their territory, such as Slavonia and Krajina, Were UN Protected Areas. In fact on 28 February 1992. Franjo Tudjman had infomed the UN thathe Could not acceptany plan that did not provide for the immediate restoration of the full authourity of the republic of Croatia. He was really retraсting on an agreement reached earlier to set up UN Protected Areas (UNPAS) in Croatia as part of the Serbian population in two of these UNPAs were also protesting, but on the use of the words "in Croatia" in referencesto the UNPAs. They claimed that this tended to prejudge the issue. A factor which was not adequately roticed was that Eboth Serbs and tha Croats, in spite of their differences, seemed to hawe had one objective in Cornrnor and that was to carve out, from Bosnia-Herzegovima, Serbiar and Croatian dominated areas and annex thern to to their respective republics leaving an emasculated Bosniam Republic. Some media reported that before the escalation of the war, Slobodan Milosevic and his Presidential counterpart in Croatia had Tlet SECrelly in Graz in Austria todiscLIss the details. Among the factors that are said to have prompted this meeting, if it was held, Was a deep concern among Serb and Croat leaders about the possibility of
14
a strong fundamen On their frontiers fr flows of immigrants into the Balkans. F the scene Was Set SOTEtimÉS COfUSE rtzegovina spurred nism, religious ha aggrandizement.
5. The WET EBO
TE War in EGS it came was, front by the Tarciless r (including Women, widespread rape, in camp aгтапgement inter alia, of hunge ancient monumer places of worship, cleansing, the flow into neighbouring Would have expect Powers led by the t0 take effective ITIE territorial integrity E gnty of republics to What nJW SeeIT1S Lu nded recognition. A so. They appeared strange inertia and : Ce. Anymilitary inter at the beginning thot 836 of 4 June 1993 of 18 June of the S airpower was autho Safe areas....... tos in the performance International action, to Considerable F appeals for avoidin Which WentualSWE Of a rapid SUCCESSİO| lutions by the Sec1 mnation in strongter against Muslim Wor mandatory arms em in the conflict, a su ssful peace promot fires signed only to b Tlation of "Säfe i a TE: t0 fird the Til attaCkE bombings" by NAT these areas only to measures by the a Only international ef Ccessful were galla missions conducte ICRC and Relief NG occasionally hindere beleaguered by Sert lost all SerSe of hur

Italist Muslim republic lowed by increasing S from the Midle-East however that may be,
for a prolonged and 3d WaS irn Bosnia-He
on by ethnic chauvitrEdS ad territorial
snia-Hertzegovina
a-Hertzegovina when he beginning marred massacre of civilians children and infants) human concentration s with inmates dying, r, the destruction of ts, dese Cration of brutal forms of ethnic of Waves of refugees COLIrtries gtg. Ole 2d the major Western solitary Super-Power asures to protect the irid rational Sowereiwhich they had, with nSeemly haste, extelas this Was not to be to be gripped with a Shameless CoWardwention Was ruled out Jgh laterin Resolution and Resolution 844 ame year the use of Irized "in and around upport. UNPROFOR + Of itS [Tlaridate.....". Came to be restricted etoric, impassioned g recourse to force ared, the churning out n of unenforced resority Council, CondeTins of rape "specially men", monitoring of a bargo on "all parties" Cession of unsucceing missions, cease e Violated, the proclaas" for Muslims only d by Serbs. "pinprick O planes to protect provoke retaliatory ggrESSOTS, etc. The forts Which Were Sunt hurTanitarian aid i by UNHCR, the Os. Even these were ld from reaching the }S Who Seem to hawe han feeling. All in all,
it can be said that international efforts did not, for Various reasons, measure up to the requirements of the time.
7. "Not a Dog in the Fight"
One important element that was lacking in the international response was effective leadership by the US; by the Bush and later by the Clinton administration. It was election time in the States and the focus of Clinton's election campaign was on domestic issues. Bush, the "Victor of the Gulf War" had to trim his sails accordingly and consequently frittered away the chance he had to exert US might to check Serbia when it attacked slovenia and Croatia in July 1991. Clinton inherited the War in Bosnia-Hertzegovina but was not in a position to give effective leadership to US's Western allies as his for native international experience was eluding the draft and protest US involvernent in WietmarTn. Hence it would hawe been embarassing for him to send young Americans to fight in a War in a "far away country. James Baker is said to hawe justified Bush's non-involvent by declaring that the US "did not have a dog in that fight". Actually the US and its Western allies Were, as a body, acting like a bewildered dog barking loudly from the safety of the Security Council, scurrying from one crisis point to the next, nibbling at Serbs attacking the safe areas, snarling at violations of cease fires, growling at the scant attention paid by the serts to NATO ultimata, and now that a "peace process" has been started Snapping at all concerned to ensure just and fair treatment for the rights of "victims" whom they had an obligation to protect with more effective measures.
Abborg Writis
EC The European Community NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation UN RAPO FOR Jited Nations Projection ForC SOUrCE:5
UN PTSS RESE5 Resolutions of the Security Council The UN Chronicle 1991 to March 1994 The Weekly Guardian The International Herald Tribune The Independant LC: MOTide B.B,C and CNN Broadcasts "Central and Eastern Europe: The Challenge of Transitio"
Edited by Regina Cowen Karp (SIPRI) O.U.P
"Nationalism and Ethic Corficit: ThirCats lo Euro
pean Socurity"
Stephen Iwan Griffiths (SIPRI) O.U.P.

Page 17
FEGNOW
South Asian Persp
THE REGIONAL CONTEXT
For situatingtheideal of the Foopos Par? for 7 werny First Centu Wy(PP21) in the regional context of South Asia, it is necessary in the first place to define the region, to articulate its regionality, as well as to combine the Currentethos of regionalisation with the spirit of people's plan for the twenty first century,
South Asia forms a single, uninterrupted mass of land connecting the deserts of West Asia and the rich fertile soil of the Near East, and the lowerpart of the mountains of Central Asia with the Pacific region of the continent - the South East and the Far East. It is a huge land mass with large river basins, undulated plains being cultivated, intricate water networks, of almost same topography and climate and home of some one-fifth of World's population, Richness in natural reSources and abject poverty existside by side.
In human development index, the countries of South Asia occupy almost the same position. Widespreadilliteracy, low position of Women, child malnutrition, low wages, poor health services, heavy incidence of external debt, unfinished agrarian reforms, fall out of structural adjustment programme at the behest of the Fund-Bank, high military spending, discrimination of the indigenous peoples and the minorities, communal teinsion, migration - all these are but some of the problems facing South Asia region as a whole.
There arewery noticeable differences also. Differences in size of territory, population and natural resources endowment are high. Ethnically, Countries are diverse from each other. Development of civic politics and of popular movement for democracy and justice also wary from country to country. These differences rule out any standard prescripion of development for all the countries of South Asia. Particularly, differences in economic strength remains a forbidding factor towards regional integration. Narrow delimison of South Asia is another such dete
ET TIL
Yet, similarities, Owerride the dissimilarites and differences. They demand that a regional perspective be adopted for people's plan for the next century. Only that Way, that is by defining South Asia regionally, geographically, geo-economically and geo-ecologically, the countries and the peoples of this region can negotiate the arrival of the twenty first century and can have meaningful dialogue with other parts of Asia and the World.
The similarity in the countries of the region Fases the significance of commonalities with
regard to some of the GOvernments are be coercive reflecting Cris lack of governability. ( hence, everywhere g people's agenda. The adjustment measures agreements are causi tions resulting in the de Tot SCOTTILJitiS, TIC tional capital, shrink opportunities, fall in th the Working masses. Support to the Vulnes: controls on monopolie we policy to coerce the changes.
Corruption is ramp gion. Centralization marginalisation of a people can be found Police and military ri everywhere. The state ting social life. Theres of responsibilities ar. of oppression. Again, Ve fijā tirālistide by the regimes to stre and, thereby, addle tions. Thus governm region, more of the against other nations |IST is thE SITÖkB SC reflective nationalism
Again, because ofE of CormirTiL ural Wiolen1CE ge conflicts andevicti ries and b2COTle reg tiom, Water sharirig - E mbating fundamental rights, and Such oth tackled both Eilateral other words regional we of sharing knowler abilities, awen if at : context of a dominant andman-Tade di Sa: energy crisis and adv
le NOrth.
In this age, when important Componem of knowledge and important. Therefore gion trade, or for Sup ties, solidarity with d upholding Commorla rimatic and kr 10'Wlei all levels. Sharing i: forming an agenda and for South Asia,
Yet, can we rely

Dective
most pressing issues. coming increasingly es in governance and civil rights issues are, raining importance in IMF dictated Structural midt (GATT dictatEd ng economic dislocastruction of the grassreinroads of traris-naage in employment Ië Standard of Living Of withdrawal of state ble Sections, lifting of sanda Thore repressipeople to accept these
ant throughout the reof power resulting in LulomomoLIS WOpiCES Cf in all the Countries. ethods are being used isincreasingly regulaUltis|BSS State inters TIS d Orea state ir1 terriTS throughout the region ologies are being used Engthen their existence gitimacy to their posients talk less of the air respective rations CSA,5ia. Bilateareen of such a vicious
shared past, problems 2, ethnic unrest, larguaon cross State boundaional problems. Migraanergy harnessing, coism, protecting Tinority Er issues i hawe to be ly and multilaterally, in y. There is the imperatiige, skill, resources and a gradual pace, in the :agrarian milieLl, natural iters, drought and flood, 'erse terms of trade with
Knowledge itself is an tofpower, Suchsharing at a primary level, is 2, whether for intra-report to economicactivifemocratic activism and |ties, the sharing of infodge becomes Crucial at she first step towards of people's planning in
om the States of South
Asia to steer this process of sharing? These states have only brought misery, fed on riwalries, murtured chauvinism and jingoism, supported mutual conservatism, have uniformly looted natural resources, arrogated to itself all power while selling their own dignity to the lasters abroad. The existing power structure stands indirect opposition to all the popular movements, forces and formations and the various empowering attempts of the people. The elites and the ruling oligarchy in South Asia do mot hawe faith in the destiny of their own region. They look to the Northern powers for sucCour, in as much as these powers today consider South Asia a hopeless region, marginalised and damned possibly for ēVēr.
People's planning thus implies opposing reactionary forces everywhere in South Asia, criticizing the existing power structure, plans and programmes and Suggestingan alternative paradigm. This process has started in the countries of South Asia sporadically Within the limit of national boundaries. The people are on the move in all the countries struggling for empowerment, livelihood and dignity. The task is to bring out the regional imperatives in this process, regional dimerisions of all future-building activities. PP21 in South Asia signifies this spirit and responds to this imparative. It is not a Tonolithic structure or an attempt. It is a Toral urge upon the peoples of South Asia to realize the identity of South Asia, as well astoreflect South Asian plurality.
It is necessary thus to briefly recount the process of PP21 and capture its spirit.
THE PP21 PROCES
PP21, since its inception in 1989, has been conceived as a dynamic and creative process of interaction within and among coTmunities and people's Coalitions, networks and Towerments in relation to the issues and realities affecting them. Japan being a major actor in the global scene was an appropriate venue for the people who came from different parts of the World to witness the struggle of the people, the victims of development within Japan and emerging people's movements. The participants could identify themselves as one people fighting against a common enemy, the oppressive global structure,
It was a forum to assess the role each one was playing. It provided the opportunity to participate and express views, it was a canvass to draw and depict the vision for a future. It was an occasion to commit to future tasks. It opened the possibility of a new relationship and cooperation transcending all narrow Walls and boundaries.
15

Page 18
(a)
(b)
(C)
(d)
16
The Spirit of Minamata
The PP21 in Japan in August 1989 which culminated in the for Tulation of the MWлал77afa Dec/алаѓov7 waS а пеw style and type of movement. It helped strengthening the awareness that the people should, and can, act not merely to resist the imposition of anti-people ideas and systems, but to create an alternative future for themselves. It Stimulated the creation of new formations and networks for trans-border collaboTatiÒn and aCtiOn.
The Rajchadamnoen Pledge
In the absence of an appropriate Thechanism for follow-up, the process itself sortictimes has lost its direction. But the ideas, the drar T and the wision that Miwanata acavately contains were the driving force for action. The PP21 Towerment was further accelerated and strengthened by the events of November-December 1992 in different partsofThailand, The process of interaction among the peasants, workers, urban poor, women and the indigenous peoples further consolidated the process. The Rajadarinoan Pedge of DecembB 1992 reitCrated the COTTitment to build trans-border alliance of the peoples in struggle, solidarity and hope.
South Asia initiative
The news of the derinolition of the Band Miaso came as a shock to the South Asian participants in Bangkok. PP21
assembly. They immediately decided to respond to the situation and act to build understanding, confidence and trust among the billion population.
In the South Asian setting, PP21 is not only relevant, but is a necessity. It oppoSes the present model of development that divides and marginalises the people in this region. It proposes a new paradigm for development in harmony With laure. The PP21 is 10W e Wisaged as the emerging trend in people's ovements and Coalitions in the fragmented South Asian scenario.
The Ongoing Process
A group of representatives of concemed people's groups met at Kathmaindu in 16-17 February 1993 to identify trans-border issues of Common Concern. As a follow-up of the Kathmandu meeting, the "South Asia Convention on Communal Harmony" was held at Dhaka in 23-24 July 1993. The participants in a joint declaration Wowed to COITbat COmrTLJIlaliST and fundar Thentalist forces in the region through a series of campaigns, networking and Solidarity actions on a transborder baSIS.
A day long work and Environmer Calcutta. On 24
pants decided to issues with apt the basis of Cat need and noto boundaries. The Aya's Cow7777 iss accepted by the stepina seriesol in the field of e ple's Commissič in Dhaka in Now ted an integrater the Gaga basin
More than a hur the South Asia r ferent NGOs, pg forurTS, SOCial II SSiroots groups ji Madras during 2 search of a South PP21 anj t0 CDI actions for futuro Were hald Os a Kathmandu meg" Trendations we areas of Concern. ting at Kathman. further synthesiz ridations and pre Asia Initiatives si mitions irn specific
FUTURE CHALLE
In Ordér lo BECOme PP21 faces certain spe South Asian perspec which these challeng responded will, to a la character of the Allian
(a) Enhanced Intert
Within the Wast for Titi 15 in the types of interacti in. NGOS intéräc voluntary agenci tworks; worren's their COITITUnicat tical fonTinations a also interact amo other types of so ctions across th: been largely lini ČLil With other fr social TowerTent nal traditional st Cultural groups, dents' mowermen non-existent.
AS a Alliar CE3 « stimulate this pro ction across such SEil LISS fisk. alliance of the
vocal formations.

hop on "River Water Issues" was held at August 1993. Particiddress the river Water sple's perspective on ments and people's the basis of political dea of forminga Pero7 was floated and articipants as an initial Interventions required Wironment. The Peo7 held its first meeting Tbgr 1993 and initiaaction programme on
dred participants from gion representing dilitical parties, cultural novaments and grasined in a meeting at 6-28 August 1993 in Asian perspective for Certize strategies and Separate workshops easidentified at the ing and specific recoreso Tulated for och A Working group meeLu in NoWember 1993 Eed thCSG reCOTTEared a drafton South Dr СОПСЕГtЕ ПЕГVCETES,
NGES
an Alliance of Hope, cific challenges in the tive. The Tanner in es are handled and rge extent, shape the
|ction
array of progressive Civil Society, certain on palterns hawe set among themselves; is have their ownegroups hawe Created onchannelst00; polild Social Towerments ng themselves or with TTations. But interase formations have ed, Besides, interaTnations like popular local and sub-regiouctures, media and academia ard StLShave been mostly
F. Hope, PP21 must :eSS of Wider interaformations. Otherwifremaining a narrow host organized and South Asian perspe
(b)
(c)
сtive necessitates Such a broad-based interaction,
People-To-People
The ordinary citizens, without the banner of an association or an institution, were visible source of energy and support at the birth of PP21 in 1989. That strength of PP21 requires even greater challenge in South Asian perspective. Tha Alliance of Hope must not be merely an alliance of institutions, networks, or other organized formations. Alliance of Hope must truly become people-topeople alliance. This is specially critical in South Asia where trans-border interaction of ordinary citizens is severely restricted due to inter-State hostility and consequent erection of non-porous "Walls' on the borders. These "Walls пеесito be overcome поге сопсertedly. People-to-people process and widespread citizens' involvementare, in fact, necessary ingredients of overcoming these "walls', because Thost existing institutional for Tations hawe also bĒCOme partisan in inter-governmental divisions and hostility.
The Alliance of Hope has the Tost striking and lasting potential if it reaches ordinary citizens in various South Asian countries and stimulates and supports the process of trans-border civic relations. This is a tremendous challenge in South Asian perspective since stimulating apeople-to-people alliance is far more complex, painstaking and long-term process than Tere networking of existing institutions in various frate
Titis,
Solidarity in Diversity
The South Asian perspective demands an appreciation of and respect for cultural and social diversity. This diversity has been a source of great strength in building resilience and vigour in South Asian societies. However, recent years have witnessed a growing intolerance towards diversity. Sensitivity towards and co-habitation With dissimilar others is rapidly declining in the region. The socio-ecological nature of diversity and cultural strength of plurality need to be reemphasized in the South Asian perspective. PP21 can truly become an Alliance of Hope if it is able to promote tolerance of and respect for such diversity. It is necessary that PP21 not merely accepts this diversity but also actively promotes and facilitates it.
A related challenge is building solidarity in face of such diversity. Most gestures, networks and mechanisms of solidarity merely extend to similar and familiar others. The South Asian perspective necessitates strengthening processes, gestures and spirit of solidarity within

Page 19
(d)
the Alliance of Hope across diverse and dissimilar nature of formations in the civil society. Solidarity in diversity is a truly momentous hope in PP21.
Shared Alliance-Building
The Very essence of PP2 is a DľOCCSS of building and rebuilding the alliance. It is a dynamic process which has already acquired a certain character and shape. In the South Asian initiatives, some of these have been reflected. The challenge of building an Alliance of Hope requires shared responsibility among multiple actors. Such an alliance can not, perhaps should not, be built from a Centralized location or seCretariat. The interaction and communication stimulated and encouraged by PP21 becomes the fundamental basis of building the alliance. This demands sharing of responsibility across sectors, political boundaries and formations.
The sharing of responsibility must also contend with the need to overcome politics of knowledge and participation. While growing movements and exраnding participationiscritical foraliancebuilding, the value and contribution of knowledge and analysis needs to be emphasized.
The challenge is to ensure coherence, while following the 'shared' approach. This is possible only when 'sharing' is demonstrated by acts of responsibility, Sharing in responsibility for bOLJilding and nurturing the alliance also demands accountability with respect to these actors. The alliance-building proCĒSS TLUS:t ČSLJre this.
Positive Agenda
Finally, the Alliance of Hope needs to present a positive agenda based on the aspirations of ordinary citizens about their desired way of life. The current situation presents an Opportunity to proactively define the agenda for the future of our peoples, communities and countries, instead of merely reacting to the agenda setup by the Governments, national and international agencies and institutions of the market.
Popular movements and new Տlruggles Continue to emerge throughout South Asia. While struggle, protest and resistance are integral elements of strategies for survivial by most people iп South Asia, it is significant that PP21 attempts to present a positive agenda which reflects the aspirations of ordinary, struggling people. That will become the basis for elaborating People's Plan for the twenty first century.
THRUSTAREAS
In ordertomake po
to foster solidarity, un sion among the peop are necessary to put ParadigrT. In the cor the region, series of in several broad areas
(a) Environment an
(b)
(c)
(ct)
The natural res. indiscriminately e Seekers undersflik particularmentior the forests, wat Whisch häWEBESn: yed by State-spo State has failed to the habitat. Stu in the name of "g "modernization".
cted the natural flo Ced the people, d. rights ower natur stroyed their liweli
Ethnic/Comun: Right of the Won Wissand Other Op
Wiolence of the , Unleashed to wea of language, relig and Sex. The situ Countries of ther, Thehegernory oft of the society with the state is marif brand of ideology
state is provoking: Winism in many reas of Secularist and
Set aside by hege classes. The millior to livelihood and ci
Human Rights an
Human rights recc poorin any accepta are at loggerheads flow of the peopl Rights are being cu tarism is rationalize Se of "lational se increasing investrine rdware and softwa SOU CBS are alloca health care and an tion. The people wal rivalry, hatred, mistri cies of the States ac
Globalization, S stment and People
The power of capita İSnOW more than ewi they are in crises,
OwerCome it by ch, becoming more and latest prescription

sitive interventions and derstanding and Cohēple, concertad actions forward an alternative text of the realities of activities are required
as follows:
Id People's lives
Urces base is being 2xploited by the profit ning their sustenance. Tlay be made about tersheds and rivers Systematically destronsored projects. The protectthia riwers and -tures are being built reen revolution" and ThĒSe have obstruW of the rivers, displaanied their customary all resources and deh00'd pattems.
al Harmony and nen, Minorities, Dagpressed Groups dominant groups is kêr groLups in terms tion, ethnicity, casts ation of women in all egion is precarious. he powerful sections their strong grip om gsted throught their and statehood. The and promoting chauJēcts. The priniciples ethnic harmony are amonic groups and ls are denied of right Iltural autonomy,
d. Demilitarizatiоп
ird in the region is ble standard. States which obstruct free 2 ard informātir. rtailed and the mili. d On the false premi-Curity". There are enlls on militāry haГe and пеagre retold for education, nploy Tient generait an end topolitical Jstand divisive poliIrOSS the region.
tructural Adju!'s Economy
|ISIT ärld hé TNCs Sr before. Although they aге Ігуіпg to anging faces and T10fer Luthless. Thig 0 revitalize global
capitalism has come in the form of "structural adjustment facilities". These resulted in large-scale unemployment, destruction of livelihood pattems and plight of the Tillions at the graSSOots, The states in South Asia have become Partners of the hegemonic multilateral agencies and the TNCs to marginalise the disadvantaged communities in the name of growth, efficiency and modo
mizäition.
(e) People's Perspective on
Development Alternatives
Development models prescribed by the North hawe failed to deliwer benefit to the People. In spite of all pessimistic developments, many communities at the grassroots hawe been able Orotect and promote indigenous values and Survival Strategies. Such a value system and strategies are important and relevant in the context of a sustainable Society which has became a dream for the new generation of people and developmentactivists. It is important to derive lessons from sustainable options Wich already exist and strive for alte. rnatives which would bring a conducive environment to live peace and inha
Tony with naturg.
COMMON SLOGANS
In all these five broad areas, already series of interventions have been made. In order to devise an effective process for alliance across the region, it is necessary to establish horizontal linkages with all types of people's formations. In this backdrop, it is necessary to build Alliance of Hope around slogans of common Concern irrespective of political
0rdares:
Right to free flow of the people and information;
Moratoriurn on all state-sponsored projects which undermine the environment and displace the people;
Stopping arms race and to fostercollectiWe Security for the people;
South Asian Common market based on the needs and aspirations of the people and grassroots communities,
Adoption of a Uniform charter of human rights based on the principle of secula. rism, gender equity and cultural plurality.
An effective trans-border alliance would develop and would be strengthened if meaningful interactions and actions are facilitated around these slogans at the level of ideas, activists and social movements. This would form the basis for a sustainable people's alternative at the South Asia level Which Would lead us to the twenty first Century.
Y77"S Neff Cilacrifi&a, has besar రిజిడ్డెగ్లోsässos SFP7 Soufiásässississig Ay இது

Page 20
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Page 21
COAFAFEGAPOWDEFWICEF
CHILDHOOD: maiden poem by
it came as a surprise: Wakeesan (17) wins an award for his maiden poem: CHLDHOOD. He is a grade 12 student of Lester B. Pearson Collegiate Institute, Scarborough. He was born and educated up to grade 10 through Tamil medium in Jaffna, Sri Lanka. Within 2 years of his arrival in Canada, Wakeesan wins this award in English Poetry Contest in his School.
His friend Shan was the only son of the late Sri Lankan Tamil Writer Nellai K. Peral. The Pears Were killed When an artillery shell hit their house on July 15, 1991.
"The topic for the contest was: CHLDHOOD. I guessed my classmates Would Write something pleasant. I thought of Writing something different" says WakeeSari.
"HOW differt?"
"My friend Shani. alive, my memories: Se me. Since heism rie:S hurtme. I miSS
In my home cour At the beginning The teacher begi know she isn'tg
The days with hir The days We cha mango trges, The days We ci hobby, The days we we fishing Instead of going The days we hid
WETE
Liberal democracy Sri Lanka-si
In his reply (June 1) to my comment in the ALGof May 1, Dr Chanaka Amaratunge has chosen to be grossly insulting. Unwise of him, which he may not realize even after reading this because he is evidently in a Confused state of mind.
The confusion shown in his arguments is reflected in his style as well. He concludes his reply by stipulating his requisites for "civilized discourse", one of which is accuracy of terminology. But in the very next sentence he commits a howler by accusing me of "firing badly aimed brodsides With the ZëSt Of a l'OOSe Carron." A Cannon, an inanimate object, is not capatle of zest which might be expected only of the person who fires it. Not the only howler in his reply, which shows that accuracy of terminology is not his forte. In his prose, as in his politics, CA fails to practise what he preaches.
The Confusion shown in his arguments is very striking. He seems incapable of recognizing plain facts, and of making STple logical connections, will illustrate.
He is outraged by my having stated in
an article last year and the Liberal Par liberal democracy. clear demonstration recognize a fact th: the face. For it is air that the DUNF did fllêd lÖ ibéral dBm ders Were insi ICere more it did so with sp impeachment motio blic on the issue System. A torrent ol was followed by me Clures, at Which the was pulverized an againstit. That was bution to the promc cracy, and not the o
CA's point of CO thmudali's democra! rot hawe beel taker did not, just as car democratic pretensi What is at issue is pretensions of politi ir performance is

Vakeesan wins award
s not alive. If he were about him would pleaotaliwe, those memohim in this poem."
try,
of a new tent, mis to Call the rar TheS. Joing to call Shan.
m are unforgettable. sed SquirTels from the
lected bullets as a
nt rabbit hunting and
O School, ir the bunkerS which
tyle
that both the DUNF ty were championing There we hawe awery of an incapacity to at was staring him in in Controvertible fact harpion What arTouicracy, even if its leaabout it, ard what is ectacular results.The n galwanized the pu
of the Presid til articles in the press eetings, seminars, lePresidential system d the public turned a major DUNFContrition of liberal demonly one.
Iurse, is that Athulaicpretensions should seriously. I certainly not take CA's liberal ions seriously either. performance, not the cians. The difference
that Athulathmudali
Dark and muddy and full of snakes and Scorpions In the night.
The day I heard the explosion of an artillery shell, And Iran to seemy friend but Couldn't see his face.
That is one of my childhood memories,
Poetic brevity and aesthetic content adorn the poem. The way he expresses his childhood impressions touches the heart of the reader. He presents amowing picture of the innocent lives falling victims to the Civil War in Sri Lanka. He BISurBS that his readers in Canada join him in missing his friend who died in Sri Lanka 3 yearSago.
S. Welupillal Canada.
advanced liberal democracy, while CA has been betraying it.
will now demonstrate his incapacity to make simple logical connections. He says that I had thought of the LP as God's gift to Sri Lanka in 1991, a status shared in my estimation by the DUNF in 1993, but by 1994 the LP is beyond the pale. He then asks, "What has happened during these years to evoke these confused responses?"
Surely it should hawe been obvious that in my view the LP of 1994 is not the same as the LP of 1991, a view which far from being eccentric is shared by others including some of the ablest LP members who abandoned that party, namely Tisse Jayatileke, Sarawanamuttu, and Rohan Edrisinha. Surprisingly CAhimself writes just tWO paras later. "The UNP has no One unalterable identity which makes it impossible to work with it at all times." He is Ee Widently unable to Take a Connection between that remark and the identity of the LP tSf.
The Central SSLIE Behind this debateis
19

Page 22
whether a liberal party can ally itself with anything like the UNP andretain its credibility. Before discussing it. I must first make a clarification about the title given to my earlier, "Chanaka: Another Fascist?", which was the consequence of editorial privilege, and not mine. The question at issue is not Whether CA is himself a fascist like Zhirinovsky. However I will lot Cavil over that exercise of editorial privilege, because the question may be Worth considering after all.
What Wrote was that the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia is headed by a Hitleriteracist and fascist, while "in Sri Lanka the Liberal Party is in alliance with the racist and fascist UNP', and therefore both are accomodative to racist and fascist. What has to be determined is whether the UNIP can be properly characterized as racist and fascist.
CA declares that it is a gross exaggeration to use the term "racist" of a party which accords a significant place to the Tinorities Within it has devolved a measure of power and enfranchised the previously disenfrachised. Those are broad generalities which cannot suffice to dispose of the question. I did not go into details about racism towards the Tamils, but referred to a detailed and lengthyletter to the Island in which I had established that the UNP has been contemptuously racist towards the Muslims. CA is at liberty not to read that letter. He is notat liberty to challenge my characterization of the UNP as racist without meeting the arguments in that letter.
AS for fascism, made it clear that was using that term in the popular sense of addiction to totally unprincipled brute poWer. CA does not meet my point about the UNP's record of unrelenting State terrorism for seventeen years. Instead he irrelevantly argues that aparty which tolerates a considerable degree of political dissentandmaintains"a liberaldemocratic structure" cannot be called fascist. That argument is irrelevant because I did not say that the UNP is fascist in all aspects of its governance, I used the term fascist in a limited, precise and from a liberal standpoint, a damning sense.
"A liberal democratic structure", says CA. Democratic? He must acknowledge that the first essential of democracy is that the people be allowed to choose their
2O
gover Tient at free a he must acknowledg Vernment with anyth record of rigged electi as properly democra Wledge Violent ele "especially in the yeal We opposed it". Are is unaware of the blat Or at the TeCert EaS fore taste of What We Presidenti| ad GE
cannot see that th the UNP, aparty that and "undemocratic", used in wery precises CAdoes not advance Way by Saying that Others of his İlk" mu: Wes of the notion th: ideals are betrayed into alliances with p; share many of those he adds that Westerr with Conservatives, and so Or.
It is hardly an adu to SupplOSe, that Hus Una Ware of those Wi and others of his ilk, Seem Stangely unaW Il-kr0W fCt. It is ti often destroyed them: of liberal tolerance, e which hawe prowed to quote from a source article by Michael B Writes of liberal partie is tolerance of divers is tolerance of anythir Own destruction." (Di 1994).
The really important the Western liberals having anything like UNIP. The Udugampo scu affair, the Kuliy: continuing refusal to the disappearance of at Emblipitiya, the ren Commissioner, the de her Deputy, the blal Eastern PC elections, SSal of the Westgrr Pri acting constitutionally grand achievements c Tinnent in just ower ont Does CA really expec

ld fair elections, and e further that no goling like the UNP's ons can beregarded tic. He does acknoctoral malpractises Sprior to 1990 when We to believe that he antrigging that went te T1 PC elections, a might expect at the eral elections?
la LP's aliance With is "racist", "fascist", all of whichaeter TS esses, is excusable. this argumentin any
"Mr Hussail and zt disabuse themSEat liberal derilocratic when liberals enter artiĖS Which do mot ideals, after which 1 liberals hawe alligd
Social Democrats
It lewel of argument Sain and his ilk ara all-knoW facts. CA or the other hand, are of another weal liberals hawe too Selwes by an excess intering into alliance be self-destructive. 2 ready to hand, an arole in which he 2s. "if their strength ity, their weakness g-including their ialogue — No 103,
question is whether will ally with a party
the record of thig la affair, the Franciapitiya pardon, the Droperly investigate 31: School Children nowal of the Bribery mial of promotion for tant rigging at the alOWtile di SmiOwice Governor for are all among the if the present Govea brief year in office. t the public to belie
We that the Western liberals will ally themselves with a party having that kind of anti-liberal and anti-democratic record?
It appears that in accordance with the characteristic defect of liberals CA has been displaying an excess of tolerance. Or is it something else? An outraged LG reader has sent me a copy of the December 1988 issue of the Liberal Review, of which CA was a co-editor. It has to be read to be believed in the perspective of Subsequent LP somersaults,
Mrs Bandaranaike's candidacy provided the "only hope for peaceful and democratic political change" she was the "only truly national candidate", her programme Was "unmistakably tolerant, democratic, and Centrist", she held out "the promise of a liberal democratic constitutional order", and so on. Shortly afterwards the LP withdrew its support for that paragon. Was it that she failed to include CA in her rationalist?
The indictment of President Premadasa in the same editorial, a savage diatribe, has also to be read to be believed, again in the perspective of another somersault. We find this, "There can be no doubt that he has was at the forefront of the UNP's Lundermining of political and indiwidual freedoms through such acts as the depriwation of Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranaike's civic rights, the Referendum and the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution. Liberals hawe noted with particular concern the repeated attacks made by Mr Premadasa on the multi-party system of government".
In the old days there was only one SysterT) of logic, at present there are seweral Such as symbolic, mathematical, and modallogic, and now We hawe the entirely novel System of Charakian logic according to which Athulathmudali was forewer beyond the democratic pale for what he did under the 1977 Government, but not so President Premadasa.
What precisely is CA's understanding of what liberal democracy should mean in practise? That it sanctions a liberal tolerance towards practically anything, a total irrationality, an abandonment of all principle? Or is it that there is just one grand overriding principle which makes everything else unimportant and irrelewant, the one principle of getting Dr Chanaka Amaratunge into Parliament?
l#Ethi HLJGSHIn

Page 23
Why there's so in this rustict
There is laughter and light barter amongst these ru Tal darrsels who are bILL5y scJirtirig, Lut toba CCO) leaf in a barn. It is cure of the hundreds of such barris spread out in the mid and upcountry interTediate zone where the arable lard remains falla vir during the Čiff &&3454),
Here, with careful Turturing tobacco grows as a lucrative Cash Crop and the gTecrı le:vi:5 tLIrtı to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk.
 

ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
und oflaughter obacco barn.
Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest number of people. And these people are the tobacco barn owners, the tobacco growers and those who work for them, on the land aardiri hi: baris,
For then, the tobacco leaf means meaningful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A good enough reason for laughter.
a CeylonTobacco Co. Ltd.
Sharing and caring for our land and her people.

Page 24
PEOPLE
Celebrating
(
Dynami
In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in the
of only 46... and a few hundred customer:
Today, just 33 years later
People Resource exceeds 10,00
Customer Listings at a Stagge
Branch NetWork in exceSS of 3
in Sri Lanka
In just three decades People's Bank has
in the Sri Lankan Banking scene. Their spe
resources at their command dedicated
dedication that has earned them the title
PEOPLE'S BANK
ܝܼܒܼ̈ܐܝܼܵ
Banker to the Millions

'S BANK
Three Decades of
C Growth
e challenging World of Banking With a staff
)0
ring 5.5 Million
28, THE LARGEST
grown to become a highly respected leader,
ctacular growth is a reflection of the massive
to the Service of the Common man - a
"Banker to the Millions'