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LANKA
GUAR
Vol. 17 No. 8 August 15, 1994 Price RS.
SINHALA WR
THE ’83 ROTI
O KATHMANDUSTATEME
 

2>P_
IDIAN
Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/33/NEWS/94
ITING: Karmatika Pieris
S : Javantha Somasundaram
NT O MEDAPOLICIES

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5
s

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NEWS BACKGROUND
The mood for cha - the challenges
Mervyn de Silva
In Its pre-election reportage, the LG has fried fospotlight three factors: the делегаriола (Sr Lалкапs vote at та), fһе роIftїсаІ сIIппаfе алd the птооd fог change (the UNP has been in office for 17 years) алd the ethліс-есополпіс Interaction. MII/tary spending is the пехшs of these палог дгобелпs — а politica problem, a drar or resources and a foreign policy issue. If concerns Iпdia, the regioп апdthe doлогs.
They call it the 17-year itch, Millions of Voters have rather vague memories of the rule by the opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), which lost power in 1977. The only government all the first-time Voters - those who turned 18 this year - have known is the one by the ruling United National Party (UNP). As they cast their ballots on August 16 to choose a new parliament, Sri Lankans Will decide if the time is ripe to change their rulers.
In the run-up to the polls, opinion appears to be divided over which way the Voters will swing. Political analysts, who delve into the history of the country's electoral record, and others adept at judging the prevaling mass tood believe the UNP has overstayed its welcome. Yet Others point to the SLFP's "proven gift for snatching defeat from the jaws of victory." But most agree that there is generational pressure for change.
More important, the choice between Change and status quo Will be overwhelimingly influenced by two crucial issues: the state of the economy and the decadeold civil War in the north and the east of the country dominated by Tamils.
As it happens, faster economic growth and the escalating ethinc conflict have coincided with the UNP's time in power. In addition to loss of life and property, the war against Tamil insurgents is costing the Exchequer US$1 million a day, or about one-fifth of the total national budget. Although the economy has grown at a healthy rate about 5% in recent years,
nation remains in double digits.
And how are the 1400 candidates from 39 political parties Contesting 196 partiaentary Seats addressing these Crucial issues? They have all been strong on tetoricand Weakonspecifics. One conolic issues, the manifestos of both the
opposition People' SLFP ġard the rul siilar - full of populist measurės Scal discipline.
In an election which prided itself has rESOtöd to SL ut In his May Days before calling the Sir B. Wijetunge anno paign goodies: low middle class, fertil rmers, free lunches T1Ce SchërThés forf erTiployed and lowe president failed to m impact of these me
The people's Alli SLFP and some led to oppose subsidie has become more Wooing the middle
The tub-thumpin hlas ConCentrated c: speeches. Prime M masinghe does nol public that the last S sed industries and to a halt. People's ndrika Kumaralung "You need not fear the era Of TEStrictio
drika’S ECOTOTİC Sed a two-track str of freemarket polic adjustment with a prime minister Coun see this human fact
The Prie miristE Chandrika's brother WHO defected frO a UNP Cabiret i WETTIS that if his SiStE "there Would be cha:
For its part, the o sted the UNF, char and rampant corrup She will put an end UNP's "crony capita and nepotism hawE måTE it the "Uncle-M EVer, Wags On the ľE-Christeled te S Family Party."
 

nge ahead
s Alliance led by the ing UNP are almost vague promises and Lihat could damage fil
fear, even the UNP, On economic reforms. Sidies ad handouts. peech, seven Weeks lap polls, President D. Liced a host of Cater in COf The tax for The iser i Subsidie:S to fat0 all StLuderts, in SUraarriers and the selfir electricity rates. The ention the inflationary HELITES,
ince, a grouping of the tist parties, is unlikely s, although the SLFP
pro-business and is class.
grhetoric, however, in negative campaign Minister Rani Wickretire of reminding the (LFP regime nationaliground the economy Alliance leader Chaa tels bLusine SSITer:
that We'll go back to 1S and Control." Chaadvisers have propoategy: a COntinuation ies but a "structural ILITlar face." And the ters: "We hawe yet to
.
2r has an unusual ally, Anura Bandara naike, the SLFP to becog hister in April. Anura ar's group were to win, Los in the country"
pposition has lambaging abuse of power tion. Chandrika says to what she calls the lism." UNP corruption ! led some critics to Nephew Party." How
opposite Side hawe LFP the "Sri Lanka
Familial connections and the fight between the two major parties are part of the country's history since independence. In 1951, When S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, the deputy leader of the UNP, realised that the then-PrinTe Minister D. S. Seanaike Was quietly grooming his som Dudley for the top spot, he founded his own SLFP.
No Tatter which party forms the next government, it will have to cope with the Tamil insurgency. Earlier the president had dismissed it as "only a terrorist problem," and offended the minority Tamils as Well as MuslinTIS. Alliance leader Chaindrika has promissed "Unconditional talks with all Tamil parties." Which of the two parties the majority. Sinhalese voters Support on the vital Tamil question could SWing the election.
GUARDIAN
Wol. 17 No. 8 August 15, 1994
Price Rs. 10.00
Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place ColorTbo – 2.
Editor, Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447584
Printed by Ananda Press 825, Sir Ratnajothi Sarawalamuttu Ma Watha, Colombo 13.
Telephorie: 435975
CONTENTS
Foreign Reports on the Election "AsiaWgak 모 "Maxis Rewig 卓 International Herald Tribune 5 Mark Tully Éi Twenty Fifth Hour-IW Media 11 South Asia Regional
CJ-paraliuri English Translations from
Sinhala Literature — (2) 7 Arcja Wegrasinghe 2O
ప F3E ؟؟ff& పళ్ల IsTo L.G.: yiescianoainori. iona piese ష్ర
&
স্বল্প
పుష
ॐॐॐॐॐ
Fಣ್ಣಿಜ್ರ ISSUES్య
: প্ত

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ASA WEEK REPORT
Heading for ch
Voters WIN Devera Verdict on their Rulers -
S S LLLLSL SLaLGLa SC SLLLLCLLLLL S S LL SING Now in its eleventh year, the war between government troops and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) who are fighting for a separate state in the north is slowly bleeding the country. Keeping the guerrillas at bay costs S 1 million a day and siphons off most of the reWards of the Country’s burgeoning economy. Strain on the army has taken a harsh toll. Suicide and desertion are Common. Says one soldier grateful for the current respite from fighting: "A year ago. We were Walking skeletons, eternally in the jungle, going froT one operation to another. Finally, we have a chance to Tesl".
But for how much longer? in Colombo, all parties agree that the War must be stopped. The question is how. As parliamentary elections loom, both the ruling United National Party (UNP) and the rival Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) avow their commitment to negotiating a settlement. But in the meantime, government forces are gathering strength and materiel for what President Dingiri Bamda Wijetunge hopes will be a decisive battle for Jaffna, the rebelstronghold. Defense Secretary Hamilton Wanasinghe has made clear the government's position: "Civil administration must return to areas not yet under our control. People in Jaffna must be able to exercise their franchise". Wijetunge hasanotherinducement: acCording to the Constitution, presidential polls due in November won't be valid unless they are conducted in all districts of the Country. The government controls just 20% of the Jaffna area.
Wijetunge won't be able to mount a military campaign, however, unless the UNP wins its campaign for a majority in parliament. The president dissolved the assembly on June 24 and declared a general election for Aug. 16, six months before it was due. Though he hoped the
2
timing. Would improW ni Ces im November, til be a ster test for the held power since del verrirrlent of the SLF Ster SiriraW0. Banda UNP brought a com rket economies and transfortled the isla 5% a year and depe SEGtOs ja:lingd Sttä
Butte UNFP er al: explosión of ethnic te majority Sinhalese C mainly Buddhists, an T105t Of Wh0 METE H UNP was identified approach to Tamilse LInge says hisgowers With the Tigers, he ha "There is no ethnic pl he told reporters befe ment, "only a terroris
Leading the oppo SLFP'S Charcirika B ranatunge, daughter sters, SiriTlayo arid | lomon (see box). Th day the core of th nationalists opposec ncessions to separat is seen as a doWe Holding similar view his life at the hands ( She promises"LIrìC0| Tamil parties". With built a coalition calle nce comprised of lefti parties.
Given the Tigers' is поguaranteethat deliver peace, But offering clear alterni general election a V the war. Wijetunge, military to prepare f

hange 12?
and the War
e his own poll chahe wote promises to UNP. The party has eating the leftist goPled by Prime Mini
Ek || 19 FF. Il bination of free-staauthoritaria misrT that d. Growth averaged rides ICE (OIT the State ily.
SOCoincided With the SİOS EJÉtWËf the ommunity, who are d theminority Tamils, indus. For years the With a conciliatory paratists. While Wijement is open to talks Stakemahlardarlie. "Cole in Sri Laka". ore dissolwing pariliait problem".
sition charge is the andaranaike Kutia' of two prime miniher late husband Soough in her parents' e party Were fierce to making any coists, Kumaranatunge On the Tamil issue. is cost her husband f Sirhalase radicals. ditional talks with all her mother ShehaS d the People's Alliastand ethnic minority
determination, there any government can the candidates are tives that make the irtual referendu Om Who had ordered the or a major offensive
in Jaffna before Calling the Election, now interds to Wäit for the WotČers' Würdict. If the UNP wins a majority, the army is likely to Wage a vigorous Jaffna campaign before the Nowe Iber presidential poll. Says Rohan Gunaralne, author of War arid Peace in Sri Lanka: "The polling will determine the future of Sri Lanka's policy on the national question-whether the government should negotiate with the LTTE or
Criti Le te War".
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Page 5
Besides the Tamil question, the two parties' platforms are virtually identical. So much so, in fact, that People's Alliance general secretary G.L.Peiris accused the UNP of stealing the PA's manifesto and publishing it as its own. Both parties pledge to provide adole for the unemployed. Kumaranatunge is Wooing the middle class for whom War-driven inflation has made life difficult, with promises of a "a safety net", Both parties hawe vowed to curtail the enormous powers of the president Under the current Constitution - the PA by eliminating the office.
The rivals are devoting much of their energy to negative campaigning. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe kindles memories of the last SLFP regime natiomalizing industries and even tearing up golf courses. He has some useful support. "If the PAWOthere'd be chaos in the country", warns Anura Bandaranaike, Who bolted to the UNP after a fracas with his sister Chandrika. "The PA is comprised of leftists, Centrists, and Marxists.How can they agree on a framework for policies?" The PA focuses on the corruption and abuse of poweritportrays as endemic in the UNP administration. Kumaramatunge promises to end "crony capitalism" and apply market reforms "with a human touch".
The UNP is believed to Command a loyal 40% of the vote, much of it in the countryside thanks to the popular poverty relief program initiated by the late UNP president Ranasinghe Premadasa. The SLFP CaП DE BSSLIred of abОut 30% of thЕ ballots from its faithful. That leaves about 30s up for grabs for a bewildering field: 1440 candidates from 39 parties contesting 196 seats. Among them are remnants of the radical Sinhalese group the JWP, now pursuing electoral politics after 2 bloody confrontation with the gove
Timent in the late 1980s.
Most analysts believe the UNP's long incumbency favors the SLFP. "It looks like the PA may lead the country into the 21st century", says one. Agrees Colombo busessman Ajantha de Alwis: "It's time to Dean the stables." The People's Alliance
expects to win a " Tajority" at the polls That would mean Wotestation Wide an of the National ASSE
DYNASTES
All in the
The World's fir: ster hopes to get next month, Sirir 78, Won't contes ntary polls, but it plans to take an HB Islade Cerers reason, clairti the her horoscopes: after holding offic
In the political nteen years, the B Asian dynasty to V dered a birthright politics when Solic founder of the Party (SLFP), sw radical nationalis Three years latt gunned down. In pped widow Sirin housewife inexpe
Although she in Of Sri Larkans, Wol of her dictatorial W Out in 1965 after the press, then years later. That rocked by a Mar Wyhanded, steeltroops to quash thÖLISarlds.
Sirimav Wāš National Party in elections. In 1988 but lost to the late dasa. Despite ill h4 wants to personal Alliance into powe daughter and de ndararhaike KLITla ka, 49, is her m Early this month ngapore for foot
wing she wiped a
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

omfortable working according to Peiris. etting over half the winning at least 115 mbly's 225 seats. A
former UNP secretary-general concedes that "It Will be difficult for the UNP to obtain a majority". Clearly, a watershed election is shaping up for Sinhalese and Tamils alikē.
Family
t female prime miniafinal taste of power navo Bandaranaike, the snap parliameher party wins she appointed seal and nial president. The sland-nation's Wags: ys she will die only 2 again.
Wildermess for Seweandaranalike Sarear whom powerisconsiThe family entered bnon Bandaranaike, Sri Lanka Freedom "ept into office on a platform in 1956. Ir he Was brutally to the i Wa CuuTh Stehavo, a Tother and rienced in politics.
itially won the hearts ers sooпgгеWWеагу 'ays. They threw her she tried to muzzle oted her back five
tire her Lule Wa:S ist Tewolt. The heaoiced widow sent lhe rebellion, killing
usted by the United
the 1977 general she ran for president Ranasinghe Premaalth, the SLFP chief y lead the People's r. At her side is her uty, Chandrika Baanatunge. Chandrither's chosenheir Sirimavo feW to Siurgery. Before leaway a teаг апd she
ordered SLFP leaders to help Chandrika carry on the campaign. Chandrika is the party's choice for prime minister, the top power post under the party's constitutional plans,
The junior Bandaranaike's entry into politics was as brutal as her mother's. She picked up the torch after her husband, Wijay Kumaramatunge, a popular actor turned politician, was gunned down in 1988. Chandrika has proved her Worth at the ballot box. In May last year she won the most votes in Council elections in the Western Province to becote the ration's first female chief
Tinister.
Sirimavo's quest for power forced her son, Anura, 46, to quit the SLFP. The party's all-island organizer for manyyears, he fell out with motherand sister last year. Some party stalwarts hawe openly suggested Sirimawo should hand over leadership to him. The family feud threatened to split the party. Its public standing fell to an all-time low. Anura finally crossed over to the government benches, where he was made a minister. "I'm absolutely confident the UNP canwin", says Anura. "My mother's coalition cannot beat
LS”.
However, the UNP is in crisis following the May 1993 assassination of Premadasa. The SLFP, on the other hand, is on a winning streak. It followed up Chandrika's election victory with another in the Southern Province last month. Thatsparked hopes of a corneback for the SLFP. Just a year ago, its chances of a national victory would have been remote. Now the party and the Bandaranaike dynasty - or the feale emberSofit – see tobe rising again,

Page 6
MARXIST REVIEW REPORT
Bring down the UNP
he United National Party (UNP)
GOWETLITIEftir Sri Lanka Suffred a hUmiliating defeat in the Southern Privincial Council (SPC) elections held on March 24, 1994
ThiSiS Le WOTSt Electoral dest for the UNIP SiC it took office 1977.
This regime has rigged elections, deployed goon Squads, purveyed Sinhalese racism, declared War or the Tamil people in the north and east, unleashed repression against Workers and peasants, and is hated by all the oppressed.
It has committed the 17 million people to pay off a huge burden of debt to the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and imperialist financiers, and has opened the COuntry Lup to Super-exploitation through its "Open Economy' policy and "Free Trade Zoľnes".
One
The UNP managed to win only one seat in the three districts in Souther Province and it only scraped through in this seat. As usual the UNP used goon squads and the entire media and State achine to back its caпрaign.
Racialist, the hallmark of UNP politics, was deployed and President DB Wijetunge utilised Sinhalase chauwinism. Wher he spoke during the election carpaign,
He told election meetings the Govertlant's War against the Tamil people in the north and east of Sri Lanka had nothing to do with a counter-revolutionary war against the Tamil's right to national self-determination, but was a problem of "terrorism'.
Immediately prior to the SPC election, the UNP regime sidelined Thorida Ilan, a UNP Supporter with a base arTiongst the Tamil plantation workers, but after having used wirilent anti-Tamil racism during the election campaign, Wijetunge turned to Thondaman once again after the Vote,
THE defeat of the Government in the SPC elections took place as the Working class and oppressed masses have begun to demoInstrate their strength and opposition to the UNP regime.
This was seen clearly when more than 150,000 Workers took part in the May Day march and rally organised by the Podujana Aksath Paramuna(PA), the so-called "United Front' of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the Lanka Santa Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party.
This movement of the masses has prowokad a crisis within the regir Tie, which is COnfronting defeat in the next general election and in the Presidential elections.
4.
FactiOS
Competing faction: leadership of the UNI ble to Control his C Éx-Presidet J. R. Ja sing, while the Suppo ted Presi dört FTETE SLuffered desets.
Gamini Dissanaya ПBlaЕВ ПЕП, WHO W mpting to impeach tř 1991, regained a seat Siriserla Cooray, a clo dasa has been remoW ry of the UNP
Wijetunge is bring reshuffle to List for TE daSa.
Dissanayake, who insidence of the imper Capitalist class, is be UNP PTESİ CBritia | Öğr been discredited with tion loss in the Sout
The winners in the PA, the So-Called "Ur LSSP and CP.
TE SLFP St. S Lankan bourgeoisie, gogic talk of 'nation. 'state support for the
In WeStorS
A few weeks ago, C mhä, a läädẹf []f thịg S in Colombo Taj Hot stors. She assured capitalists she would Economy' policy and which hawe been imp the UNP regime,
She said the "Oper a face Will Cortill
The Salist CP a from Trotskyisi, hawa terSelWeS irido the are on the road to a C
At present the Sup de's "Uited Secret: Sama Samaja Party, PA, but are heading i
A SLFP-LSSP.C. Länk froT 1964 to against the TarTnil pe livingstandards of the i LFE İLETESS of thi Lankan capitalists,
It is clear that the IT direct confrontation W
This ruless aid gained a reputatior

regime
shave emerged in the P, With Wijetunge Lunaabinet. Supporters of ya Wardeme are mobilirters of the assassiadasa appear to hawe
ke, a winulent anti-Preasa key figure in atte13 former Presidentin in Parliament recently. SeaSSOCiateos Prermaedas General Secreta
ing forward a Cabinet 2r supporters of PrerTa
claiTIS to hawe the Coialists and the national ing tipped as the next didate, Wijetunge has in the UNP by the elleHerr Prywide
SPCelections Were the ite Fort Of the SLFP
econd party of the Sri but engages in dermaal independence' and
èCOMIOmy.
Hardrika KUTHärarlatuLFPhelda discUSSion el With capitalist inveforeign and domestic continue with the "Open he'FreeTrade Zones', Josed on Sri Lanka by
n Economy' with a 'hu
.
d the LSSP renegades a completely liquidated PA 'Urie Fror' El Dalition With the SLFP.
porters of Ernest Marit of the FI', the NEW hawe not yet joined the
that direction.
P. Coalition mulgid Sri 1977. It discrirThiriatcd ople and attacked the tworkers and peasants e imperialists and Sri
asses are lowing into rith the UNIP, registie,
illistratio, Which hlas h for Corruption, hlas
caused huge price rises, mass unemployment and launched an onslaughton derTOCratic rights.
The UNP regime is waging a dirty War against the Tamil people in the north and east Of the Island. The Tamils Want thais, CaWs. independent state, the only answer to the ender Thic Sinhalese chauvinist of the Sri Lankar state.
This war has not only revealed the counter-revolutionary role of the UNP in relation to the Tamil struggle for independence, but it has recruited thousands of unemployed Snhaleseyouth into the army to actas Cannon fodder in its dirty war.
It has also been used as pretext for mass repression directed against the Sinhalese Tasses and Working-class political movemērīts, domē in the rāme offighting "teroriS".
There have been spontaneous strikes in the "FreeTrade Zones' against super-exploitation and there is unrest amongst farmers.
Recently 15 farmers in Polonnaruwa took part in a mass suicide pact because they could not pay off their debts.
The regime has abolished the fertiliser Subsidy and increased the prices of pesticides and fertiliser. Farmers production costs have risen while the price of rice has fallen. The farmers are forming groups to protest against the UNP Government.
Campuses
Unrest on the university campuses is also escalating. The regime failed to address the Crisis in hostel accommodation for students at Peradeniya University and closed the university down.
Students hawe la Lunched a mass protest campaign to get the University re-opened.
This growing tide of unrest amongstworkers, peasants and students has led to a rapid political radicalisation,
The decisiWe task before the Sri Lankan masses today is the building of a revolutionary Trotskyist party, the Sri Lankar section of the International Committee of the Fourth International, to throw off the treacherous leaders of the SLFP, LSSP, CP and NSSP.
THë Sri Lankan section of the ICF, the Workers Marxist League, is building a revolutionbary party to lead the Working class and peasant maSSes to power.
Bring down the UNP regime!
a Full support to the struggle for Tamil
Egal
a No backing to the bourgeois SLFP
a For Workers' and peasants' governments
s Für Ward Jäfédératiorl of Socialist States
ir Sri Lanka!

Page 7
INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE
In Sri Lanka, the majorit enough of civil War
James Manor
or Thore than a decade, Sri
Lankan politics has alternated between horror and misery. There has been war between the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority, terrorism by the state and both ethnic groups, pogroms, death Squads, massacres, assassinations and many other abuses.
Sri Lanka's democratic traditionS ha We bleem flouted. Elections since 1982 hawe been marked by fraud, thuggery, flagrant persecution of opposition parties and intimidation of Voters.
To make matters worse, every important political force has long been locked into a position that discouraged any hope of change. The government and the Tamil Tiger guerrillas have stubbornly bled each Other t0 a Stadstill ir ar Ur Wirable WT. Leaders of the governing United National Party hawe taken an extreme anti-Tamil line, believing their Sinhalese constituents obesuch cornmittedchauviniststhatthey Would always prefer Warto 3CCOTimodaהחםLi
For a longtime, there Were few signs to the contrary from the majority commuity. Politicians of the ruling party have diverted government resources into their own pockets and developed gangs of toughs who commandeer property and bully opponents. Opposition parties have been fragmented and ineffectual. There
LL CM LLS MLLH L Ha LLLHHH LL LLLLLLLCHLLLLS
SL0Luuu 0LCeeLLLLL LLL HHaLLCLLC L SHHHHlaaS keLHYS
LLLLLL L LLLLL HuL LHHHHaH L a aMMYLLMLLLLLLLLY
TÈCLE,
seemed noway out of recently.
In March, the gover alliance of opposition Council electio in the The opposition was Kumaranatunga, whic her ailing mother, for Siri Tlawo BaldaTalai tunga ran as the repr generation of politiciar the corrupt, brutish
party.
She appealed to th SinhalESE WOterSardi
iSES With the Tari|| ||
to art Ted Conflict Were орposed by aп аging | to the tie-honored shing.
Tote astrisle sition won handily.
its SUCCESS reeds t
Citi W. THE Sout Special grievances rTIT art. It WaS ter3 r security forces and ( Tost flagrantly indiscr ghter of young peopl Wrongly, of faworing til İSLUTTECO, NOTEt matLumga's wictory Sug{ extremism, which th long used to mainta hawe lostits appeal.
President D.B. Wij WieldirTinTeise poW

y may have had
his situation- until
ning party faced an parties in a regional SOLithern Province.
led by Chandrika was representing Tler PrirThe Minister
ke, Mrs. Kumarana
3.Sentative of a The W.
ls, eagerto Overturn ways of the ruling
Ee War-WEarimeSS Of argued that comproTinority and an end essential. She was bresident who clung tactic of Tail-ba
it of many, the oppo
o be kept in perspe
Pro WinCE-9 Harbor:S against the govethe late 1980s that leath squads were iminate in their slaule suspected, often he anti-government -le-SS. Mrs. KUTlaragests that Sinhalese Ce gower Timent haS tin popularity, TTlay
etunga, who could "er in Sri Larika's
French-style political system, has responded by calling a parliamentary election for Aug. 16, six months ahead of schedule. Many observers believe that if this election is fair, the oppositionaliance, which Mrs. Kumaranatunga continues to lead while her mother recovers from surgery, could gain a пајогііу.
Resentment at the government's sorry record is compounded by depressed prices for tea and food crops. This has created widespread апger аппопg small farmers, a sizable group of voters.
The desperation of the governing party and its willingness to engage in chicanery should not be underestimated. But there are good reasons to think that the election may be largely fair.
President Wijetunga appears to lack the organizational skill to coordinate an effective operation to intimidate opposition parties and Voters, or to rig the result. His predecessor, Ransinghe Premadasa, aSSassinated in May 1993, was a master at this game, but he chose Mr. Wijetunga as his No. 2 because he was too ineffe
ctual to become a threat.
The security forces, and most crucially the police, seem unwilling to permit the ruling party to use strong-arm tactics this time. Opposition parties have assured them that they will not be victimized after the electio for the misdeeds of the old regimÉ. Such pror TriSeS in the recent Solthern Province poll secured the neutrality of the police.
Finally, the election commissioner who
5

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Page 9
approach. The views of the Govt and the ministers are very important. A journalist should understand this. Only criticism makes bad news. If you realise this, the questions of interference can be better understood. Also there is a tendency to exager rate among many of them which is not healthy journalism. In the Ayodhya case many stories were Written in an exaggerated manner which in all cases may not be intentional but certainly showed a lack of perception.
Why did you quit BBC?
It's not a hasty decision. It all happened a year back when I was delivering a speech in Radio Academy in London. said that I do not agree with many of the revolutionary changes John Birt, the director general was making in the BBC. As someone who has Worked in the Corporation for nearly thirty years don't think John Birt Lunder5starhd5 What the : BBC Wa5, Or ideed What it Should bedOne. Tade these points wery clear because thought that had knowledge and experience to speak about the BBC and that I was not motivated by any personal animosity.
What are the changes in the BBC that you disapproved of?
What is taking place in the BBC is a revolution. It started with a sweeping attack on the BBC's journalism. But I wouldn't have spoken so openly if it wasn't for the fact that millions of people in South Asia hawe considence in BBC journalism and admire it.
was made by the BBC, the BBC was not made by me. By the BBC I meant not just the institution and its traditions but also all the staff who hawe been in Wolved in the coverage of South Asia. It also meant those of South Asian Language Services whose achievement in carrying the BBC to the remotest villages is far too rarely sung. There is one group of journalists who are usually forgotten altogether-the
Indians, Banglade Lankans who live and report from th they who have bc Govt’s Wrath. You Tully, but who now Of Nizamuddin Wł Pakistan Army be for the BBC during of independence? Samud of Dhaka W military dictator GE the last days of the rchy in Nepal the p BBC's Kedar Man ; to burn down his Gäur Who W35 Stał tists after interview nent in the Golde for the BBC. Whe South Asian journa for the BBC lamang sed attacks om our j
Are there anye пmany years in Delt rly cherish?
One of the great years I have spent Office is the friends so many members director general sinc most chair Then too Delhi in my time. S hawe presented their difficulty in convinc customs at Delhi Air ty and colourfully dre really was the chair clally when he amr brought a suitcase The Collector had seum of Customs When I tooklan TrE Gandhi he asked h forfeit the confidence in the electio after Gandhi replied "som the BBC." FOTOCE left speechless.

shis, Nepalis, and Sri in their own Countries Iere for the BBC. It is Irrle the brunt of their hawe al| heard of Mark restlembers the late 10 was killed by the cause of his reporting the Bangladesh War There was this Ataus to Was arrested by the Ineral Ershad. During IrČOStitutional ToraIrime minister phoned Singh and threatened house, or that Sanjiv obed by Sikh separang One of their oppo1. Ter Tiple irn Amritsar
I TETTıber thgSe lists' pride in working Jered by any generalOLIrrlalism.
!xperiences in your nithat you particula
rivileges of the many
in the BBC's Delhi lips | hawe made with
of the staff. Every e Charles Curran and have been through 2The Of the WIP wists problems. I had great ing the Collector of or that the informalSed George Howard an of the BBC, espeunced that he had of dresses with him. Dit heard of thg Muat Castle. Howard. howan to see Indira W she had come to of the people of India e ErTiergency. Indira 2 of them spread by lan Trethowan was
When John Birt came to Delhi had a problem had never faced before. He was the first senior executive of the BBC had ever entertained who was reported to faWOUr Perrier water ower whisky. It had been the tradition to throw fairly Іагge partiesin the past. Atome such party there Was a guest, who had to be removed three times, before he was convinced that he had enough, feared that the reportedly austere director general designate might not be amused by such an incident. debated giving a small dinner party with guests specially selected for their Sobriety. But that is a hazard in Delhi becauSeguests are rather casual about atteInding dinner parties, even after they have accepted the invitation. If no one had turned up to dine With John Birthe Would hawe thought that I didn't know апуone in a city in which I had lived for more than twenty years. In the end, coming as I was near the close of my career, I decided to risk the displeasure of John Birt and give aparty which at least would enjoy. I have to report that John Birt appeared to enjoy it too, and even admitted to the slightest of a hangover the next day. Both and my guests found him to be warm, relaxed and friendly, quite the opposite of the impression at least had been given.
Of course it's not just chairmen's and the DG's company that I have enjoyed. I have spent long evenings with countless producers, reporters, presenters, editors, managers, Cartnera crew, engineers, seCretaries and at least one driver from London. Most of them have been about their own business, which inpinged very little of Time.
Could we expecta Mark Tully programme on radio or television Channel shortly?
Well, il Shall be the non-executive broadcaster of Radio Network, a Calcutta based radio channel that we are planning.

Page 10
Ace Radio Cab
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Page 11
TWENTY FIFTH HOUR-IV
Our Longest Day
Jayantha Somasundaram
he Manchester Guardar said that
"The President has decided that his immediate task is to placate the majority Sinhalese mobs which are still rioting, burning, looting and murdering at the expense of the Tamil minority. He has effectively outlawed the only serious Tamil party. Instead of throwing a protective Gandhian armaround the minority popUlation, the President has thus at a stroke disfranchised the great mass of them and turned them into a race of untermenscher or institutionalised second class citizens. The danger is that the President's decision may be seen both by the Sinhalese mobs and the Tamil Tasses as a Wirtual endorsement of the bloodbath."
"When presented with evidence that the Army or the Police hawe committed atrocities against defenceless Tamils, the Government has reacted with a shrug of the Shoulders“ Wrote Francis Wheen in the London Times (30.7.83). "Policemisconduct has actually been rewarded. In two separate cases the Supreme Court found that police officers had acted illegally; in both cases the officers concerned were promoted."
"On the first day of violence in Colombo," Wrote T. R. Lansner in The Observer (14.8.83) "when thousands of Tamil businesses and residences were gutted, police had orders not to intervene, it is claimed. Certainly hundreds of armed Police deployed through the city could be seen standing idly by as mobs broke vehicles and looted hortles and businesses. Even when Tamils were set upon and beaten and burned to death, police armed with automatic weapons did nothing."
India Responds
Having watched silently for almost a week as anti Tamil violence engulfed Sri Lanka, Indira Gandhi finally called J.R. Jayawardene on the 28th of July and expressed concern about the fate of Sri Lanka's Tamil population. She also said she was sending her External Affairs Minister Narasimha Rao on the following day to Sri Lanka.
Once internationa about the situation in wardene Regime fc change its position a the perpetrators of w spokes Tnen thereafi Government plot, a cy and foreign invols. unchecked anti Tam wious week. They als the NSSP, and the to the President, Arm Tamil people do n parties had any ha ther. They regard Win the Sympathy Western powers. Th people was execute that attacked the si attacked Prof. Sara nstrated outside the
"Initially Mr. Jayaw cly at an Indian So rumours spread that stern powers for hel il the Franci/ TT7 had no "direct evide Wer's irwolvemEntb army officers loyal to disturbanCeS. ReCET Colombo he told the caused by the JWP in his own party wł separatist."
"Cyril Matthew, a Buddhist Jaggery Cg UNP's trade union is Colombo of having Over the riots."
John Elliot continu local observers rega Jayawardene and hi an attempt to cover leading members of may have played a was partly aimed at: at Tamil activists a from their positions.
In an interview with Mrs. Bandaranaiked

(Concluded)
concern Was shown
| Sri Lanka the Jayaund it necessary to 1ddistan CelitSelf fror olence. Government er spoke of an anti communist Conspira'ement to explain the il wiolence of the preOproscribed the CP, JWP. But in a letter irthalingam said:The ot believe that Left nd in the attack on his as an attempt to and Support of the Battack On the Tarii d by the same forces rikers in July 1980, chandra and demohouses of Judges."
vardene hinted publiviet Conspiracy and he had asked Wep," Wrote John Elliot 25, "Then he said he ıce' of a foreign pout hea WaS SLure that the JWP planned civil tly in an interview in that the trouble Was ogether with people 10 are violently anti
member of the rigidly Ste and b0SS of the Widely suspected in a guiding influence
2d: Many foreign and rd the claims of Mr. is fellow Ministers as po the fact that a few is own Government ole in the plot which triking a death blow atremowing Tamils
Asia week (12.8.83) smissed the 'conspi
racy theory. "It is definitely racial," she said, "Anyone who says the violence was anything else but racial is living in a fools paradise. This Government since it came to power in 1977 has been trying to encourage lawlessness. The UNP and its members have been on the wrong side of the law all the time. Now they are telling lies - that this is a plot to overthrow the government. They are only interested in looking for scapegoats."
Conspiracy Theories
"There is a wealth of theory and a remarkable shortage of fact," comments the ICJ "(Ananda Tissa) de Alwis saw in the master plan 'the minds of certain foreign elements'. He had previously said Tuch the Sartle about the 1981 outbreak. In a press interview in December 1983, he identified those foreign elements as the KGB. In parallel press interviews his coleague Cyril Matthew saw "the dirty hand of India'. For simpler-minded Tamils the answer is only too obvious: the entire blame falls on the Government but interestingly and encouragingly they do not blame the Sinhalese people as such, nor hawe they attempted any reprisalsagainst them. What find most extraordinary is that to this day there has been no attempt to find out the truth through an official, public and impartial enquiry when the situation in the country cries out for nothing less."
"Wirtually every Tamil || met was of the opinion that the Violence against them was organised by the Government," reported Prof. Gananath Obeysekera in Political Violence and the future of democracy.
"Both the Tamils hurt by these events and even Sinhalese people, as well as the foreign press, openly stated that the government either Condoned the attack or it was done by factions within the goverintent. As a response the government came out with its own theory of an international and local Communist conspiracy." continues Gananath Obeysekera. "According to this anti Government plot scenario the Muslims and Christians were to be massacred next. All three of the proscri

Page 12
bed parties were sympathetic with Tamil language aspirations. Similarly it is difficult to believe that a government so promptly informed of a Naxalite plot by the CID a day after the presidential elections were ignorant of a Tore serious plot by Marxist groups to create race riots. In other Words, the government was forewarned of a plot thät did 10 0CCLIf LLJt 10. Wäffed of Orle that did if the race riots were caused by Marxists why did the government imply that it was a popular uprising by the Sinha|ese and why in heavens паппе dіdпо опе offer sympathy for the dispossessed?"
The Jayawardene Regime now carried the pogrom to its logical conclusion. Firstly they made it clear that the remaining Tamil population were hostage against any external interwention to protectthem. J.R. Jayawardenetold India Today"The Worst that India can do is to invade us. If they invade us that is the end of the Tails in this country." In the Break-Up of Sri Lanka A.J. Wilson quotes What Garnini Dissanayake told a meeting at Sri Kotha on 5th September, "They are bringingan army frOnT ridi, lt Will take 14 ) Lur:S to Orle from Irdia.lrm 14 minutes tie blood Of every Tamil in the country can be sacrificed to the soil by us."
The Regime proceded with the Sixth Arendent to the Constitution Which removed the TULF from parliar tent. Tarinil MPs supporting the UNP took the required Oath and retailed their Seats. But morë of them S. Thondaman, Bill Dewanayagam and C. Rajadurai, were reelected to Parliament at the next election. Thorida
Tä Tetured Con the National list.
Finally the situation was used to econdmically marginalise the Tamils. Amanda Tissa de Alwis explained that the ownership of Tamil business Would be restructured to deny them a majority shareholding. And trade itself would be reorganised. "The Trade Minister has already reorganised rice wholesaling to break the Tamil grip. It is no longer in my interests to allow one community to dominate, insist Lalith Ath LulathiTudali," in the Iris Tr77ĖS (248.83)." The Tamils have dominated the commanding heights of everything good in Sri Lanka, 'explained Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel, "the only solution is to restore the rights of the Sinhala majority.'"
The final toll may never be known but during that Week when homes, shops,
O
farms, cinertlas, fac belonging to Tami 140,000 of the fle Government estimat CloriES Brid 2,497 Sh throwing 23,466 outc WETE STASE ET bUTed OLE VehicleS to sea for disposal. damage to factories
Tilliol.
PostScript
After the events ( the Tan Tils Who Filad in dealing with the C. began to hold out for Only to act as mediat ntee the implementat arrived at. This is th: the period leading up ACCOT.
The ACCOrd Wa:Stif last hope for a legot
We Wille it WSO spects for permaner questioned. Prof. A. Break-up of Sri Lank
Mi

:OriËS ård Whicle5 ls were destroyed i to refugee camps. es Were that 100 faops were destroyed Jf Work. 1440 HOTe5 the Collection of had to be carried out They assessed the
alone at Rs. 2,000
f July-August 1983, completely lost faith lombo Government, an external party not or, but also to guaraion of any agreen Tient a role India played in t līd-Sr Lākā
he best hope and the lated Settle Tert. BL ut eing signed the proit peace Were being Wilson Wroteine
.
"While the book was going to press, an agreement was concluded on 29th July 1987 between President Jayawardeme and Rajiv Gandhi. Its terts provide among other things for recognition of the Northerland Easter Provinces as areas traditionally inhabited by the Tamil-speaking people; for the devolution of powers LO - Pro Wirici: || COLIIT:ils 3d for TiTi| ad English to be recognised as additional official languages.
However the Sinhalese mind is not prepared to accept even this limited framework. It is my belief that the agreement will serve only as a temporary respite."
With the collapse of the Accord the last remaiпіпg hopes forpeace disappeагеd. We had entered the Twenty Fifth Hour in til Te.
"We stand at the cross-roads of history. We can either become the Switzerland of the East by following the middle path of negotiation, conciliation and goodwill or the Lebanom of South Asia Where intra Sigence, violence and hate have made it a playground for destruction."
- Corriffee for aficial Develop Terif
ddle Class Apocollapse
Clowns Cantos - 6
Cபாழிப்பdt, being Cerebrl At least for appearance In Lollyes SOThe Illarice Tilat Carl't be crude Carld Charleleori
Like befrig loyal
Foot to each sickle decades Icon.
History does rlo. LrrcLel
As Sir play is laid CLITer Cly Determines loyalty. SCJ SOLLr Liding SL (sicier Llyfr LlelleCLLLLL We CoIPOLITICO si5ior Froil the take-Tpoint of MLyll, Cave paint the et l'unic hieroglyph BLť sluyly Sfecle? SLUIT Which seems to haule begun Each portos Self determination FloCodirig L LÈ Nullorul QLIEPSILOrl Will rease Jr L, LILLI rTTI LIL ILLI r I Ir L.
Orl Lefrīgs of Class Each Uriori la Le torT t (part.
LJ. Harunatilake

Page 13
MEDIA
Broadcasting Fu
he agenda for the discussion
was prompted by the recentrevolution in broadcasting technology principally, the advent of Satellite television transmissions. This new technological era has created an unprecedented opportunity for large numbers of broadcasting organisations, both domestically-based and international, to use the television medium. Millions of people in the Indian Sub-Contirent are now Watching television for the first time in their own homes. But the Very impact of the satellite revolution has also given rise to a range of new, and sometiIles urgent, issues. In the countries of the sub-continent, lively debates are in progress about how to respond. These revowe around Warious que StiOS, SUCha Sthe need to develop a strategy for dealing with the cultural effects of foreign programmes on a mass indigenous audience; how to license and regulate new regional Stations, as well as trying to guarantee standards of quality in their programming.
The serinar was formally opened by Dr Dharmapriya Wesumperuma, DireCitor, Sri Lanka FoLundation iristitute,
Hom. A.J. Ramasinghe, State Minister for Information, emphasised that the need to modernise broadcasting has to be balanced by an awareness of the Tiany Social, economic and cultural implications of this
process.
The first keynote address was by Victor Gurlewarderla, Director, Political Studies and Editorial Services, Marga Institute: A Regional Perspective On Current Develoдоллепls.
In outlining some of the prominent demographic details of the sub-continent, he stressed that widespread powerly remained a fact of everyday life. So the resulting questions include how this impoverished and generally disadvantaged class can be catered for by the media,
Looking at the re Gunewardena gawe political environmer tions and a Wide W: broad features. Rai inction mainly as st tions. But there is national policy on Tedia. Without such media are subject from government, partisan use of the regime.
Although there a SCIThë COUT1lflE8 []f l! any equivalent fra T television, which W for inquiry into liste mplaints arising frd Lanka specifically, E iSSi Bill W3S 3 rä: Pärliamet, Were warious grOUF appeared to reject; by a public body C Would result in Cor the right of free exp Wardena disputed : ESSEC8 JffrEädorf The abouSee of Tedi, prevalent in both t Sectors of the Ted
tion is absent Orlac law must prevail. M hawe freedor T t.) i TE equally important should be responsi public concerns.
In the following g Gurewärderiä insi policy must be cons пal guarantees on expression and info also be a sensitiwity needs of differE language-groups.
The second keyr

tureS 2
gion as a whole, Mr as assessment of the lt; derTlocratic instituariety of opinions are di ard tele:WiSiO1 fUate-Controlled instituno clearly-articulated ifOTT Tätiör äld the a policy, the state-run lo direct interference
This can allow for a media by the current
rg PrBSS COLJr Ciis irn he region, there aren't EWorks for fadid afld ould provide a forum mer's and userS" COTi bor0dCEists. Ir Sri a proposed Media Coborted before it could Among its opропепts ls of journalists, Who any kind of regulation In the grounds that it trol and the stifling of ression. But Mr Gueany argument that the is the absence of law. a freedon, he said, is he public and private ia. Where self-regulaking, the discipline of While journalists must port and inquire, it is that the Tlass edia ble and responsiwe to
|eneral discussion, Mr sted that any media sistent With Constitutiofreedom of speech, Tlation. There should in broadcastingto the ernt Co)rmhrThLjrhitie2S Or"
lote addresSWasgiwen
by Mr Edward Ying, Managing Director of MTW, Sri Lanka's first privately owned COITTercial television station. He said that MTW is a beneficiary of broadcasting deregulation by the government of Sri Lanka. It operates within a general Code of coduct observed by multi-national Commurticatiữr15 TT1B{jia, and ls TT1ỉndful of the particular political and cultural conditions of the country for Which it provides programming. Among the advantages of satellite television are greater variety of programmes, But the disadvantages include the fact that there is no geographical pin-pointing of particular countries because the Wide range of transmission Crosses natio
all borders.
Because of the growth of international trade linkSthrough Out Asia, the pTOSpects for satellite and cable television are good. Terrestrial stations will continue to be indispensable, frequently Working in talden With Satellite televisio for TOre effective and cost-efficient re-transTission of programmes such as the Way that MTW rebroadcasts BBC programmes in Sri Lanka. The potential market for advertisers appears healthy.
In the following general discussion, Mr Ying said that television advertising has the power to inform, educate and infort T. young children. Whether it is good or bad for these impressionable viewers, depends on the message of the specific Commercial. The task of advertising goods and services is likely to be more geared to the specific markets within a country than broadly international, so that it has greater relevance to consumers who are Watching.
Mr Ying added that it will be very difficult for a pan-Asian media planer or advertiser to adopt a Lurniversal policy or international standard of advertising. One obvious example is the ban in Sri Lanka and many Muslim countries on advertising liquor or beer.
11

Page 14
  

Page 15
  

Page 16
Wi.
environment needs to be created So that SAARC can play a pivotal role in establishing a new South Asian Order.
SAARC summits should be held regularly every year in accordance With the SAARC Charter. There should be more frequent meetings at the level of Foreign Ministers) Foreign Secretaries / Planning Bodies and these should be made purposeful and productive,
iV. Appropriate Techanisms for Confi
den Ce building and conflictresolution may be established on the basis of mutual respect and in a spirit of give and take, bearing in mind the needs and aspirations of the peoples of South Asia.
For strengthening people-to-people contact, the meetings, visits and exchanges ata||levels, i.e. academicians, business leaders, media personnel, political leaders, teachers, youths, women and their Organisations should be promoted.
The Secretary-General of SAARC should strengthen his contacts with governmental and non-governmental organisations in South Asian Countries engaged in identification of Ways and Tears to accelerate regional cooperation in South Asia. He stay bring feasible ideas to the notice of member states of the SAARC.
2. The Role of Media
14
The regional media should play its Crucial role in sustaining public aWareness of the advantages of regional Cooperation and the costs of non-COOperation. The measures proposed in the Colloquium om "Media Without WallS: A SOLuth Asian Initiative", held in Delhi in December 1993, may be implemented by both media and the goveTiments. In particular, a South Asian Media Commission with well defined terms of reference be established to study the conditions of the media and propose appropriate steps for their advancement in the region. Voluntary multi-media organisations, such as the South Asian Media Association, be strengthened through individual and institutional membership with a view to increasing networking and COOperation. Intra-regional syndiCated media Services for disse Tination of news analysis and features be developed using the mate
wi.
rials from the COLutrieS. Initi by media pract
Stelli TW Asia.
Media groups ntries may int. One anotheran mobilise opini action Or Titt rest. Meetings tWeen leaders as Federation lists Ed Tedi. er Couraged. TI mmissioning r: ргogгаппmes ov under the aeg Audio-Visual explored. For til may be Tade from philanthr prietors etc.
The frequency
TITES SOLuli OTICE 3 T Orith. tc. these should be days of them time. The Cont mrles should enriched by fo SEersitiwe iSSLue: Er WirOrrent, Ch youth. The S should highlight CDmbating prG| the region. The Corrittee Tia professiorlas ir producers, bes регsоппе).
iW. The SAARCISE
SAARC instituti disse Tination O their activities through the pr media in Suita ssionally execu to a multiplicity c ппеntarians, he; rties etc.
The governmer tries which a should impleme dations made nicil of Ministers
ting necessary
the Tedia ir thig for facilitating its ting regional COc
The Subject of ni nication may be lence at the E

dia in South Asian iwe may be taken ioners to establish channel for South
n respective Couract regularly with i, when necessагу, in for ConCerted rs of mutual inteand contacts beips of bodies such f Working Journaprofessionals be le possibility of codio and television er andabove those is of the SAARC xchange may be his purpose, efforts to mobilise funds pists, media pro
of SAWE prograE increased from !) WiciB a TOrnith ar dd broadcast on fixed onth and at prime 2nts of the prograbe enhanced and cusing on socially S. Such as poverty, hildren, women and AWE programmes Success stories for Die TSCOTTO to e SAWE Technical y comprise media ncluding free-lance ides other relevant
Cretariat and other OnS Tlust IncréaSE If infoTTiation about on a regular basis int and electronic ble formats, profeted and distributed fjournalists, parliaads of political pa
its Of SAMRC Couve not yet done SO пt early recoппеythe SAARC Couin regard to promointeraction аппong SAARC region and due role in promopperation.
media and Commu: given due promiighth SAARC Su
Timitscheduled to be held in April, 1995. The possibility of waiving the requirement for visas for South Asian media professionals in order to facilitate their travel in the region should be explored on the lines of the facility enjoyed by the journalists in the ASEAN Temberstates. A request may be addressed to the Heads of State / Government of SAARC countries for earmarking some time at the Eighth Summit When a presentation could be made to the on a media charter for South Asia which Would incorporate the recommendations of the Kathmandu Conference and also other principal recommendations made at the Delhi Colloquium.
3. The Role of Parliamentarians and
Political Parties
İV.
Idiwidual members in each National Parliament may form a groLip which would consider regional Cooperation matters on a regular basis. Each Parliament should hold periodical discussions on regional Cooperation matters, Committees of the parliament dealing with foreign affairs may do the same.
A Regional Forum consisting of Such parliamentary groups from all seven SAARC countries may be formed in due course and, for this purpose, a group from any oпе country may take the initiative to convene a meeting of all national groups in order to work out the mOdalities Cof the forLum.The fOrUrT1 пау теet опce each year, or more often, and Take recommendations on issues of regional concern which may be considered by the Annual SAARC Summits. Specialised Consultative Committees may be set up the forum to address issues such as trade, environment, political systems, human rights, social reforms etc. The evolution of such a Regional Forum may in time lead to a non-legislative South Asian Parliament.
The proposed Regional Forum may establish a close working or, at least, a Consultatiwe relationship with the Association of speakers and Members of Parliaments.
The SAARC Secretariat Should prepare and disseminate an inforimation bulletin for the use of the parliamentarians.
Recognised national political parties in each country may also take

Page 17
Wi.
parallel initiatives. Periodical regional meetings of political parties may be arranged to address issues of COTTO COCET.
The front organisations of political parties and parliamentarians, such as of students, youth, labour and WOTlen, may also inwolwe themselves actively in the regional cooperation process.
4. Capacity Building through Institu
tional Mechanisms
As a means of strengthening institutional mechanisms for consolidating the process of regional cooperation, the Secretary General of SAARC should be empowered to play the role of the central authority to recontriend, monitor and review the activities of SAARC. His rank should be that of a Cabinet Minister. He should be the nomimee of The Tiber States in alphabetical rotation and should be an eminent person from the public or private Sector whose background and experience Would enhance the objectives of SAARC. HistenUre should be more than the present two-year term. The role of the Secretary-General and the staffing of the SAARC Secretariat must be Viewed as an essential element of capacity building through institutio
al mechānis T1S.
The Secretary-General should call for reports on the current activities and future programmes of already established SAARC institutions. These institutions should be strengthened and monitored and revieWedon a regular basis.
The Whole Structure Of SAARC
institutions, including Technical CorTrTittees, be streamlined with a View to making them more effective in furthering regional cooperation. Such a review should result in recomTendations in regard to rationalsation, reinforcement and restructuring, where necessary, as well as the creation of any new institutions that may be required to meet felt regional needs such as a Centre for South Asia Policy Studie S.
5. involvement of Labour and Non
Governmental Organisations
Labour and Non-Governmental Organisations should be enabled to play their due role in generating awareness and empowering the
wi,
Linderprivilege menting dewel region. SAAF the process Cooperationw Ves taken by f'TertS -
must give du efforts and aul organisations
the literatior Independent T bour support Organisations, ments and cult cessary instit and environ rther developi strengthening
direct irħWObliwerT the region sho
Appropriate ir a di Stitutioni provided so t may result fro of NGOs and ir 13 SAARC
A Separate. Ce ir the SAARC moting coope governmental sations.
SAARC may mEEting bringi Vērtī, labi and the repres yers for discu: laboLIf standa states keeping ral and econo sting in theses
SAARC Tlayta in ameliorating by the Workers they work in C. ΓεgίαΠ.
Ajoint program lopment shoul lopmental prio States and sho Weir prowere of the skills ami WorkgrS Of SOL
6. Developing Oppo Economic Coope
Socio-economi ceive adequate lle Wels. National cial developme WE SAARC: fact and COOrd

d groups and impleopment Works in the C should enhance if building regional ththe help of initiatiNGOs. The GoveSAARC institutions ! recognition to the hority of trade union and groups such as al Confederation of rade Unions and lagroups, Women's people's moveural groups etc. Netional mechanisms nt ConducjWE to fung, expanding and cooperation through ent of the people in uld be created.
Istitutional facilitieS alsupport should be at optimal benefits T the strengthening abour organisations regioп.
'll should be set up Secretariat for proration among nonand labour organ
2onvene a tripartile ng together the goour representatives entatives of emploSSiomS O COTTOT
dS in the Tember
irl WideW Socio-Cultumic diversities exiitateS.
ke a COMMITTOI Stand the difficulties faced
of this region while untries Outside the
The OnhuTlam deveconstitute a deverity in all member uld aim at progressint and upgradation d capabilities of the th. Asia.
rtunities of Socioration
C issues should reattention at official economic and sont ministries should ells Which Ca inteinate their regional
wi.
Wii.
Wiii.
approaches for economic and social development.
Gender and environment concerns need to be internalised, integrated and incorporated in all regional, economic and social development activities. WOThen's concerns should include those of the girlChild. Evironmental Concerns should include sanitary and habitat aspects particularly affecting the роог.
Regional programmes for increasing awareness and sensitisation with respect to unemployment, poverty, Women's and environmental issues need to be evolved and implemented.
For evolving and monitoring programmes for Women's developoment at the official lewel, SAARC Technical Committee on WOThen should function as an advocacy / pressure group. However, such official activities need to be supplemented and reinforced by networking between national commissions on Women, family planning associations, other concerned bodies and associations.
A SAARC Cowention to Control cross-border trafficking of women and children should be agreed upon.
A group of development/planning experts should develop and harmonise developmental strategies which are aimed at employment generation, poverty alleviation and are eco-friendly and friendly to WOmen's causes.
Existing SAARC mechanisms like SAPTA, SAARCFund for Regional Projects and proposed South Asian Development Fund etc. should be utilised to promote intraregional trade exports to third COUntries, and joint investments primarily to increase more income and employment generating opportunities particularly for the poor, the traditional artisanS, WOnThen etc.
A SAARC FUmd for Social DeWel0pment may be established. South Asian countries should jointly evowe common policies and approaches for the forthcoming international Conferences and Socio-economic issues, particularly in respect of World Summit on Social Develoрппепt.
1岛

Page 18
ix. Regional education, training and
retraining resourCēS should be pooled to benefit from regional economies of scale in these areas. Exchange of students, teachers trainers, researchers etc. should be facilitated. For this, the concerned apex national institutions should be encouraged to network and coordinate such regional activities.
7. Fostering Economic and Financial
Cooperation
16
SAARC may play a more active role in fostering economic and financial cooperation among and between its Member States, The priWate. Sector should be enabled to play the due role in strengthening economic cooperation in the South Asian region. For this purpose, the instrumentality of the recently set Lupo SAARC CharTıber of CorT|Terce may be strengthened and used efficaciously.
A group of eminent South Asiam Economists should examine the possibility of evolving and adopting a cotton stand wis-a-Wis the Structural Adjustment Programmes of the IMF/World Bank. In particular, they should examine the impact of such programmes on the Socioeconomic conditions of the Societies in the region and suggest ways and means to cope with these proBETIS,
Possibilities of harmonisation of exchange rate policies in the region may be studied in order to eliminate the adverse effects of arbitrary exchange rate adjustinents.
. A South Asian Export Credit Fina
incing Agency (SAEFCA) may be set up. The possibility of establishing a SAARC Export-limport Bank may be examined. SAARC institutions in the area of developrent finance and insurance Y reinsurance may beset up to facilitate investment by the private sectors of the région. Branches of Cortirnercial banks and insurance companies of one country be opened in another member country and financial cooperation may be extended through joint ventures in banking and in Sura rice.
The subject of trade barriers should be examined in a more comprehensive manner than envisaged in SAPTA, The stronger and larger
iBSוחםחםBC
take the in reducing the least devel. region with
their exp should also
gional/bilat lerate the pr Saltior airle gional trade,
wi. Export Proc may be est: aras Of The
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Special effo attractives oped countr
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xi. Arn Associati
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xii. The Tourist under the au: Chamber of stry be streng
xiii. An Associatio r10IThists big fO School of E. established W a Centre of e on Regional tion matters ir
Roles and Respon:
The Conference following roles and the implementation ACtio:
Parliamentarians
rties: The Confere pivotal role of parlian Cal parties in genera: for regional coopera them to give adequat of furthering the caus

if the region should iative by unilaterally tariffs in favour of the Ded Countries in the a view to increasing rts, Arrangements emade at the Sub-reral level so as to acce}cess of trade liberalat enhancing intra-re
essing Zones (EPZ) blished in the border inter Countries.
is should be made to Tent to the east devees in the region.
SShIOLuld bestreamliincrease intra-regional
action should be sport and communicath a WieW to facilitate al development, sifortalities, rationalidardise movement of (d and rail,
Tent forbUSine SS tratourists and students axed.
in of Regional Freight and Shippers be
1 Promotion Council Spices of the SAARC Commerce and Induthened.
in of South Asian Ecoirmed. A South Asian colorists should be which could serve as xcellence for studies Eсопomic Coорега
South Asia.
Sibilities
recorintended the
| responsibilities for of the Programme of
and political pa2nce highlighted the nentarians and polititing the political will tion. It appealed to eattention to the task ie of regional coope
ration. It solicited their active support and assistance for the implementation of the above programme of action.
Government institutions: The Conference urged the government institutions to take into account the above mentioned recommendation and create conditions to facilitate their implementation.
Private sector: The Conference Was of the view that the private sector has a public responsibility for furthering regional cooperation. It called upon the private sector to play a leading role particularly in the economic and financial fields.
Women, labour and non-governmental organisations: The Conference emphasized the vital importance and significant role of Women, labour and non-governmental organisations infurthering regional Cooperation,lturged thatthenecessary conditions be created to enable them to play their due part in the implementation of the programme of action.
Media: The Conference underlined the Crucial role of the media in generating awareness among the people about the issues and content of regional cooperation. It called on the media practitioners to make-theirdLe Contribution in facilitating the implementation of the programme of action.
Academia: The Conference recognized the valuable Work of various academic groups, such as CGSSAP, Independent Group on South Asian Cooperation (IGSAC), South Asia Dialogue, Committee for Studieson Cooperation and Development (CSCD) and others, in the field of regional cooperation. It suggested that inter-disciplinary, multi-institutional and collaborative study and research work in region on matters connected with regional Cooperation be organised on a systematic and planned basis. It called upon academia to provide the necessary intellectual support to the process of regional cooperation.
The Conference, in conclusion, decided that the Statement be widely disseminated throughout the region. It agreed that the contents of the Statement be brought to the attention of the policy and decision makers of the region. It recommended that appropriate measures be taken for the implementation of the programme of action.
The ConfereCe thanked the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung for the valuable support it is extending through its South Asia progгапппе,

Page 19
PART 2
Some Observations On Er
Sinhala Literature
KaThalika Pieris
G: goes on to state, elegantly, that in 19th century Ceylon "English poetry seemed a field full of Wordsworthian dafodils and the fading SLUmmer roses of Moore, regulated by Thomas' seasons. Brought up on a diet of Shakespeare and the English romantics poetry seemed so muchain fact, a demesne of England, so far removed from the Sri Lankan experience, that no local poet could think of Wenturing unprotected into its glades.' She points out that the first breakthrough in evolving a suitable local idiom for English poetry which couldadequately expressits content Came Via traislations from Oriental poetry into English. She looked at the Oriental translations of g 1815-1878 - ärd found therm · tO bE2 - 2 contributory source for the development of an Anglo-Ceylonese literature in English. She distinguished between the expatriate translator of oriental literature who attempted to fit oriental imagery and descriptive excesses into the Western mode and the Ceylonese translator who was forced to "attempt to shape the English sentence in new forms". She singles out for special mention, in this respect, George Keyt's translation of Sinhala folk poetry (1938) and the free translation of Gita Govinda later on. "o
SOITTB of th5 T10 der tras SlatiOS COLld also be treated as an extension of Creative Writing in English, in that they avoid straight translations and aim at an acceptable English product. Therefore they approximate creative writing. In this respect two translators are outstanding. Ramjini Obeyesekere and YasmTin Gooneratne. Of the two, Obeyesekere is the more Committed, prolific translator and hertrarislations never fail to impress and delight this writer. Her translation Ravenge is completely satisfying in itself, and one
could dispense witht another translation W red baLbles roLII7d r. Imporary language a the simplicity, direct rhyme, (refer to Ceylon Wriling) Rel The made to Obeyes Slation After e di ththegama Short Sto
Yasmin Goolerat nslator is much less, sophistication and poet, she has no hE a poеп quite radica the original structur such a Way that it TaxiTILIT iTpact b) tone of the original.
And he, busy Reckoning his harve Weighed me two poL bу пеasure into a common sack ShIII tke it?
Leave it? So the thought cami to me, Was it by measure, I gave flowed to the
(W
English translatios rure hawe been po'|| abroad. The transl. are more significant, fically intended to int ture to mom-Sri Lank diu T of internati Orhä dissemination of A audience for Sinhal. enlarged - or so or

nglish Translations from
he original poem. Yet Wh beads and ColoLryneckLISeS Contend particularly liked less and the use of the Wersion in New Ference should also
ekere"S SessitiWe traed from a NaWaga
Ту.
ne's output aS a trabut she shows more originality. A gifted asitation in recasting illy, doing away with e altogether, but in not only achieves Lit alSo Conveys the
Sttea.SLITE unds of unhusked rice
Tyson, the milk that ?
Word, bird, Toffp. 17)
15 froT Sinhala literaublished locally and tiOS ISSLJEed abor Oad in that they are speciroduce Sinhala literaans, through the meprogrammes for the Asia literature. The a literature is thereby he hopes.
The first of these was prepared for the literature translations collection of Unesco at the suggestion of the National Commission of Ceylon for Unesco. It was titled АлапІhology of Siлhalese Iїerafшгешp fo 1815. It's purpose was to "give an overall picture of a representative sample of claSSiCal Sihale55 literatLrEė å literatLJľE which is of substantial value bulk and antiquity, but of which Wirtually no translations of an adequacy are available at present." It was designed to introduce the Sinhalese literature of Ceylon to the ordinary reader in the West. The introduction pointed out that much of the beauty of Sinhala classical poetry lay in the metrical patterns, the resonances and the intricate rhyming systems. Since it was not easy to make satisfactory translations of these, particularly to translate it in terms of any form of English verse, Some of it was given in prose ora poetic layout. The anthology also carried an appendix, unsigned, on the metres. This anthology was edited by a European (Reynolds) with a foreward by a Ceylonese of European descent (LudoWyke). The introduction said nothing of Sinhala literature's obvious links with SaInskrit and Pali, nor of it's place in the broad Corpus of Asian literature, but instead gawe us fleeting references to Hardy, Tolstoy and Brecht."
Unlesco followed this up with An arilhiology of Sinhalese literature of the Twertieth Century, a part of the Unesco Collection of representative Works, Sinhalese series."* This anthology atternpted the strange task of trying to convey the flavour of trilogies and a long opera by translating bits of Martin Wickremasinghe and Sarachchandra. It also contained two of the most slapdash and cursory introductions to Toderm Simhala literature | hawe ewer read. The introduction contains a fairly
17

Page 20
Comprehensive listing of the English translations which hawe appeared in the West. Two items are missing from this list: D.M. de Silva's translation of Perrao Jayat Soko published in the Salzburg Studies in English Literature (1976) and the special issue on Sinhala and Tamil writing of the 1970's, edited by Ranjini Obeyesekere and published in the Journal of South Asian Literatura (1987),
A third anthology to appear on this subject was An anthology of Thodern wгіing from Sri Lanka edited by Ranjini Obeyesekere and Chitra Fernando.' This is the best of the anthologies dealing with modern Sinhala literature and Would recommend it for the quality of the introduction and the quality of it's translations,
in it's introduction we find a clear statement of intent and some attempt to place Sinhala literature within the constellation of major and minor world literatures. Some of the observations made in this introduction are Worth mention here. The introduction stated that the stallness of Sri Lanka and the fact that Sinhala is not spoken anywhere else in the World made it seem almost presumptuous to offer an anthology of its material.
However despite its smallness it possessed some distinction in belonging to a literary tradition and language which spanmed 2000 years. Literature of Sri Lanka was rarely represented in anthologies of Asian Writings because it was often considered an extension of the Indian Culture area. It was not represented in anthologies of Indian material because it was distinct and separate from Indiam literature. Thus a need for a collection of representative writings from Sri Lanka had long been felt and this collection was a response to that need."
It is difficult to decide exactly what the purpose of locally publised translations could be or quite where their impact is. The local laterial includes the occasional effort published in humanitiesjournals and English literary magazine. The Crest gem of poetry it appears was translated by a person who could not read Sinhalese
18
to start With and it translator to tactfully that the "Haiku" sty better for the translat seems to consist pri of the work of Mar There is r10. Staterne of the translator in
Lay bare the roots,
though there is a original Work in thef ed. Storm of theS hawe found their way but the main reader Laikā. Since mSt hawe read these in
One Wonders wheth have hit their target.
Anthologies of tra ited in an interesting sometimes accompa of Sinhala literature | tes of English literat Cānos Current in Wes: This is not always SI of the ObserwationSa rceptive. Two instanc ting asessments are
Ranjini Obeyeseke do hawe dealt exten in their anthology ( literary critic Writing pay attention to this a comments that the ps. contemporary youn "unconscious synthe: World and the World imagination. Their we compartmentalised a poets of the fifties an gгоwing language of rural middle class belong and for which for the first time, ther to the Westernisatio "Poets Who Write fort middle class no longe Considered decader they reveal wester work, being old fashic if they have recour tradition. Their poetry Consicous defensive

Was left to another }oint Out, in a review Would have been on. The local product marily of translations n Wickremasinghe. t of intent on the part ither Mado/ Doo Wa, Yr Way of the Loftus, rief analysis of the st two titles thentiotranslations would into foreign libraries, ship would be in Sri Sri Lankans Would he original anyway, rthese translations
1slations hawe resubyproduct. They are nied by evaluations provided by graduaure using the critical tern literary thinking, Luccessful, but Some ire pertiment and pees of such illuminagiven below,
reland Chitra Fernasively with language if translations. The ni Sihlala does Cot spect. Obeyesekere letic language of the Writers Was an is of their everyday pf their reading and rlds were no longer S they were for the the result is a living, he broad urban and ) which the poets hey write". Possibly is some reference of these groups. is large urban rural run the risk of being Or anti-national if influence in their led and Out of touch e to the classical has neither the Sub2ss of the Writers of
the fifties nor the somewhat strident note of the writers of the first decade of the
century".
In the same anthology Chitra Fernando has put forward certain interesting parraliels between the problems faced by the Sri Lankan Writerin English and the Sinhala counterpart. Fernando suggests that the English writers followed the traditional western models very closely for much the same reasons as the Sinhala Writers did. Also both faced the same problem of forging an idiom which is effective and reflected the social situation described. Fernando felt that the similarity of the modern Sinhala novel to the nineteenth century English novel was largely due to the fact that this seemed to be the style best suited to the themes that appear in Sinhala Writing. It was a style that was 'slow, discursive, evoking character and place by the same pace as the leisurely tempo of the life it describes'."
An earlier Version of this article was published in partin the Larka Gäda of 16.5.1991. Thereafter, a tremendous explosion of English translations from the Simhala literature Carme to beseen. HoweWerthere was little inclination to evaluate these from either a literary or sociological perspective. This article has attempted to draw attention to the research possibilites inherent translations and to outline Some of the dimensions along which translations could be examined.
References
9. Goor Bratne, Yasmin DIV'ers Finhorisance Adelaide: Centre for research in the new literatures in English, 1980 p. 162.
10. Gooiberalme, Yasmin op citip165 Gooriteralme, Yasmin English liferature in Ceylon 1815-1878 Calambo: Tisara, 1968 p. 115-118.
11. An arriology of Sirhalesalvarafura up to 1875
cd C. Reynolds London: Allen & Unwin, 1970 p 10, 17.
12. An anthology of Singalese literature of the Twcntieth Centuryed CReynolds London: Paul Norbury Pub, 1987 (Unesco Collection of representative works-Sinhalese series).
13. Obcycsgkere, R& Fernando, C op Cit.
14, Ibid. p. 13.
15. Ibid p130-131.
16. McAlpine W.R. Ariyapala, M.B. Crest gam of pētīvka vislira Clombo, Royal Asialic Society, 1990.

Page 21
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Page 22
Akka from Lanka
Anoja Weerasinghe has won international acc the endearing status of an elder sister, she
retrospective of her films
kka" Anoja is the answer to Ai, a woman's prayers in Sгі Lanka today. For Akka (elder sister) knows it all. The agonising trauma of adjustment that a rural migrant Woman faces when she is thrown from the lap of nature into the concrete jungle. The burden of dignity, respectability and morality that lies on the middle class Widow trying to fend for a family in insurgent times. The outraged modesty of a maid who must serve her feudal lord at all costs. The dilemma of a Woman in love who is content to linger in the shadows as a national leader's mistress. Or the stark agony of powerty that impels a woman to lend her Wob Om hire.
Yes, Anoja Weerasinghe is not just an ace actrèss in Sri Lanka. International applause, national acclaim have all been hers ower the Course of a chquered film career that spans 14 years. But Thore than that, it is the status of a benginelder sister, bestowed on her by countless fans, Which makes her spirits Soar, even as it overwhelms her with a sense of responsibility. "Totlay, larT1 TTløre tham a pair of beautiful eyes and strands of beautiful hair to ny people. I am the characters play in films. Characters that are realistic and depict the sufferings of people," she declares with a Sense of Odest awe at her own a CCOTipolisments.
And no nean accomplisments, these. For in an industry where the fairer sex is almost always the second sex, Andja has consistently desisted the temptation of being reduced to a mere dimple that colours the fantasies of COL uitless TillioriS. "Oh yes, we have them too," she laughs, "the dolls of commercial cinema who sing, dance and decorate the scree like Wall flowers." These being the prototypal roles that are the due of an actress - be it Hollywood, Bollywood or cine Colombo. Defining the role of an actressinaco IITierical film as essentially that of "a Woman who is scared of her family, her father, her
2O
OTOther ad har hLJS| sses that she too has only in the initial stag
TE BEST ACtfeSS IFF, 1987 for "hers the dLJI rol of the E daughter" in Malder everything. This, aloi national awards, ena Careerina different C it will only be realistic to herself. And so it spate of sensitive ps Siri Medl ura, FKelirTla! Selar la ar 7 SL|rëÉ: herself to merely t' decision which fits theory of acting whic consuming and calls tet. "I beli We tha COTle aCrOSS the SCr And to play such a . a role that is totally C The. | ITIUStlearTWhel Cter CaTB frOT är di she enunciates.
Aiding her in het peculiar economics where, as Aпоја ро are more popular th ma. According to h literacy (83 percent) strange phenomeno it is the exact artithE industry where realis: a "Canned" reality, Sr a different, Tore hea "No, none of my film: TOSS in the cars," st nal Film Corporatior 'art' films are release toriums, once they h the CerSOrS. THåt Sil
Sri Laka Cire: by other problems, A crippling lack of fl. nsitiwa Censor boarC

laim for her depiction of suffering women. And tells Nikhaf Kazmi of India on the eve of a
band." Anoja Confeplayed them all. But |es of her career.
AWard at the 11th ensitive portrayal of xploited mother and ye Sir for changed ng with the umpteen bled her to steer her lirection. Henceforth, cinertia, she pledged Was. Today, after a ortrayals in films like Tidlala, Guru Gedārā, liderla, she restricts wo films a year. A n with her particular his demanding, time foTuristinted CÓFIT
title character Tust een, not the actre SS. haracter, must live lifferent froT the real "Ee this differentCharaits entire Way of life."
preferences is the of Sri Larkar Ciller la ints out artistic filt is an TiainistrealTi (cineer, the high rate of is responsible for this n. Strange, because sis of the Indian film tiC CirT IS TOT Of iLänkā hOWèWEs läS rtening story instead. shave ever gathered ne laughs. The NatioelSures that all the ad in the private audiave been cleared by mple!
a however is plagued explains the actress. inds and a hyper-Se1. "Here you are able
to shoot one song in five days, there. We ust shoot the entire song in a day. Even the number of retakes is linited," she States. Snäll Worder ther, Wher it COTES to popular mainstream, the natives prefer the "originals' - the technically superior aLLLLLL LLLL LLLLL LLL LLLLLLa LLLLLL L0LLLS pistentertainers.
Newertheless, the actress does longingly eye the comparative freedom which indian film-makers enjoy when it comes topolitical cinema and ironically, the depiction of sex and violence too. No politics, no sex seems to be the guiding Code of a censor board Which is largely COmp0Sed of "government, officials, retired school techers" and no representatives of the film industry. "And you know how righteous retired schoolmasters can bel" she Smiles. "Theybanned Womb For Hirebecause they thCoLught I was trying to dėpict thê essential Sri Lankan Woman as a prostitute. Don't they realise is I play a prostitute, itd)3Sn't Team thatā|| Sri Larkärl WOTE are prostitutes. And then, why can't we show the good politicians with the bad?" she queries.
Understandably then, political cinema in Sri Lanka is forced to find allegorical means of Self expression, Unlike the literatur ard the drar la WhiC iSEqCed With the experiences of the ongoing ethnic strife. However, Anoja is not too bothered by such curbs and limitations for every artist makes a political statement through her works, according to her. "We don't only make films about happy families, wealthy families. We also talk about people suffering. And why do people suffer? Due topolitical systems, isn't it?"
A logic that cannot be denied. An actress Who cannot be ignored or brushed aside as just another star. A tour de force, instead that blazes across the screen With a disturbing intensity: questioning, indicting and lamenting.

Page 23
Why theres sou in this rusticto
That is laughter and light Earter attongst these rural darisels who are busy sorting out tobacco leaf in a bTI. It is turig of the hur "df"Exils of 5 Llich
bar:T15 spread Out in the Tid Tid upČCILITETy intermediate zone where the arable land retains fallyw dLring th: Ff 53a,5r.
Here, with careful nutturing, tobacco grotys as -
lucrative cash crop and the green leaves turn to gold... to the value of over Rs. 250 million or more annually, for perhaps 143,000 rural folk,
 

ENRCHINGRURAL LIFESTYLE
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Tobacco is the industry that brings employment to the second highest Lamber of people. And these people a Te the tobacco barn CyWThers, the tobacco growers and those who work for them, on the land and in the barris.
For thern, the tobacco leaf means meaningful work, a comfortable life and a secure future. A good erough reason for laughter.
a CeylonTbbacco Co. Ltd.
Shuring und curing for our land and her people.

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